by the king, a proclamation, for the recalling all his majesties subjects from the service of foreign princes in east india england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) 1686 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46578 wing j357 estc r2637 13071005 ocm 13071005 97137 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46578) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97137) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 742:57) by the king, a proclamation, for the recalling all his majesties subjects from the service of foreign princes in east india england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([1] p.) ; 32 x 39 cm. printed by charles bill, henry hills, and thomas newcomb ..., london : 1686. broadside. caption title. royal arms (steele 106) at head. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng east india company. india -commerce -great britain. great britain -commerce -india. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit by the king. a proclamation for the recalling all his majesties subjects from the service of foreign princes in east india . james r. whereas we have been informed by our east india company , that several of our subjects , in order to the carrying on of the interloping trade , contrary to our express prohibitions , have put themselves into the service of foreign princes and states within the east indies , and some of them after they had been retained by the said company , and transported thither at great expences , have deserted their service , and put themselves into the service of the said foreign princes , to the great endangering of so beneficial a trade to vs and this our kingdom , unless timely remedy be by vs applyed for preventing the growing mischiefs which may thereby ensue : and our said company having humbly besought vs by our royal proclamation to recall all and every of our said subjects in the service of any foreign prince or state within the east indies , we by the advice of our privy council , do hereby publish and declare our pleasure to be , and do hereby strictly charge and command all and every of our subjects in the service of the mogul or great king of indostan , the king of syam , the queen of atcheen , or of sumbajee rajay , or of any other foreign prince or state , or of the dutch east india company in the east indies within six months after publication of this our royal proclamation in the east indies , to leave the service of all and every foreign prince and state in india , and to repair and render themselves to our general and council at bombay , where such as are merchants shall have liberty to reside and traffick as free merchants , and such as are seamen and soldiers shall be employed in the service of the company at the usual rate of wages paid by them to seamen and soldiers . and in case any of our said subjects shall refuse to trade and traffick as aforesaid , or to enter into the service of our said company as aforesaid , then we do hereby strictly charge and command our said subjects to repair into england , and to appear before our privy council in england , within one year after publication of this our royal proclamation in india , upon pain and peril that such of our said subjects who have deserted the said companies service , and shall be apprehended there after the times limited as aforesaid , shall and may be proceeded against at a court martial there for such their desertion ; and upon pain and penalty that such others of our said subjects who never were in the said companies service , and shall not render themselves within the times aforesaid , whensoever they shall be found or apprehended in india aforesaid , or else within this our realm , shall and may be proceéded against either in india or in this our realm as contemners of our royal commands , and shall incur such fines and forfeitures as by the utmost rigour of law may be inflicted on them . and we do hereby require our general and council of india residing upon our island of bombay , and our president and council of our city of madrasse residing in our fort of st. george upon the coast of cormandel , to cause this our royal proclamation to be published in all usual places in india , and to be duly executed according to the tenour hereof . and we do further will and require all our captains and other officers by sea or land in the east indies , to be aiding and assisting in the due execution hereof . given at our court at windsor the seventeenth day of july 1686. in the second year of our reign . god save the king . london , printed by charles bill , henry hills , and thomas newcomb , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1686. a motion to the east india company by thomas smethwike (an adventurer with them) vpon the reasons following smethwike, thomas. 1629 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a12330 stc 22645.5 estc s3258 33143236 ocm 33143236 28317 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a12330) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28317) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1885:100) a motion to the east india company by thomas smethwike (an adventurer with them) vpon the reasons following smethwike, thomas. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n.], [london : febr. 19, 1628 [i.e. 1629] place of publication from stc (2nd ed.). proposal to reduce the time ships delay in india waiting for return cargo. reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng east india company. trading companies -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -commerce -india. india -commerce -great britain. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a motion to the east india company by thomas smethwike ( an adventurer with them ) vpon the reasons following . vve haue now in india vpon the old stocks accompt and charge by the committees owne shewing , 13 good ships of 5500 tonns , besides 860 tons of trading ships and certaine frigots , &c. whereof 5 of 2200 tons arrived there 28 months agoe , 5 of 2200 tons 15 months agoe , and 3 of 1100 tons may be arrived there about 4 months since . what should cause our ships to stay so long , if there were stock to buy their lading ? or how should they be reladen thence in due time , if stock be wanting there ? all our factors in their letters ( both formerly and of late received ) cry out amaine for want of stock to trade withall , which hath maymed the trade , and say , they cannot dispatch the ships in due time , without meanes aforehand , and that 200 m. l more then they haue , is little enough to dispatch the ships already there . 5500 tons in ordinary good wares , ( by the comittees owne shewing ) will cost there 236 m. l. by their shewing we haue in all india but 90 m. l. whereof 60 m. l. not yet knowne to be arrived . so ( admitting all arrived ) there wants to lade the ships already in india 146 m. l. this great vvant hath not hapned by any late disaster , but is rather lessned by 1200 tons of shipping lately fired and laid vp there without any goods lost in them , and by opening the trade of bantam where pepper is cheape , neither hath this want of stock beene vnknowne here , for a yeere , or two , or more . it seemes the 2 ships now going for the old stocks accompt ( of 1600 tonns ) are not to carry much more then will relade them with good wares ( though not diminished by charges of ships and factors already there ) and if we trade in course and bulky wares onely , it is granted already we had better sit still . nay vnlesse we send this yeere meanes aforehand to provide good lading for ships to goe hence the next yeere with fresh capitalls , we shall still trade to losse . the sending of 50 or 100 m. l. this yeere aforehand ( in all probability ) will be as good as twise so much sent the next yeere , and so from yeere to yeere , and then halfe the treasure yeerely to be transported will serue the turne ; but sparingly sent , and many ships there vpon charge , it will be consumed before its arrivall . our ships ( now adaies ) doe vsually stay 18 or 20 months too long in india to their ruine , and spending as much ( brought a yeere or two after in other ships ) as being sent aforehand might well buy and pay for their lading in due time , and so returne strong . yet our factors continually owe there mnch money at a high ratc of interest . by sending meanes aforehand merchantlike , we may profit much by trading there from port to port , and buy our wares at the best hand . we may avoid the great and needlesse charge of many great ships staying long in india ; of paying a high rate of interest there , the losse of our mariners , the decay of our shipping , and so their comming home in much danger . and then doubtlesse this trade may againe yeeld the adventurers 3 for one every 3 yeeres ( as vsually it did ) by the blessing of god. yea if examination be had , it will appeare the returnes from india this yeere ( vpon a reasonable fraight allovved ) produce neere 3 for one vvithout help of stock aforehand ; and therefore very strange the old stock ( so great and so long employed ) should produce so dismall a reckoning as it doth . the motionis . that the next weeke may be appointed for the company to parlee , & consult together for the good of the trade in generall , and of the old decayed stocke in particular . such as are adventurers in the old stocke , and not in the new , to meete by themselues , and the new adventurers by themselues . and then doubtlesse ( mett together ) they will agree vpon some good course to be taken that the trade may be amplie mainteined , and the adventurers stocke not still runne ( as long it hath ) to perdition for want of meanes in india aforehand : and perhaps put an end to all the controversies that now are ( and like to be ) amongst the company . febr. 19. 1628. a discourse concerning trade, and that in particular of the east-indies wherein several weighty propositions are fully discussed, and the state of the east-india company is faithfully stated. child, josiah, sir, 1630-1699. 1689 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69858 wing d1590 estc r8170 11981447 ocm 11981447 51856 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69858) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51856) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 59:3 or 275:15) a discourse concerning trade, and that in particular of the east-indies wherein several weighty propositions are fully discussed, and the state of the east-india company is faithfully stated. child, josiah, sir, 1630-1699. 11 p. printed and sold by andrew sowle ..., london : 1689. caption title. attributed to josiah child. cf. bm. imprint from colophon. an abstract of: a treatise wherein is demonstrated, i. that the east-india trade is the most national of all foreign trades / j. child. london, 1681; and, a supplement, 1689, to a former treatise, concerning the east-india trade / by an anonymous abstracter, who describes himself (p. 11) as "no east-india merchant, nor in any way concerned with the company." london, 1689. this item appears at reel 59:3 as wing c3854 (number cancelled in wing cd-rom, 1996), and at reel 275:15 as wing (2nd ed.) d1590. reproduction of original in columbia university library and yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng east india company -history. great britain -commerce -india. india -commerce -great britain. great britain -commercial policy. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse concerning trade and that in particular of the east-indies . wherein several weighty propositions are fully discussed , and the state of the east-india company is faithfully stated . the author craves leave in the first place , to present the reader with some g●●neral opinions concerning ●rade , which experience hath recommended to th● approbation of the most iudicious . 1. that trading merchants , while they are in the busie and eager prosecu●tion of their particular trades , although they be very wise and good men , are not al●ways the best iudges of trade , as it relates to the profit or power of a kingdom . th● reason may be , because their eyes are so continually fixt , and their minds intent upo● what makes for their peculiar gain or loss , that they have not leisure to expatiate , or tu●● their thoughts to what is most advantagious to the kingdom in general . the like ma● be said of all shop-keepers , and other trades-men , until they leave off their trades and by the purchase of lands , become of the same common interest with most of thei● country-men . 2. upon the same reason , a mixt assembly of noble men , gentle-men and merchants , are the best constitution for the making rules , orders and by-laws , for the carrying on any trade for the publick utility of the kingdom . 3. that all trade , domestick or forreign , that doth not in the result , increase the value o● land , ought to be totally rejected . 4. that all monopolies are destructive to trade , and obstruct the increase of the value of our lands , and that therefore , if there be any thing in any charter of incorporate● ●●●chants , that hinders any of their majesties subjects from coming into that trade , 〈◊〉 as good terms as others did , or yet may , it is fit that such bars should be removed . 5. that if all strangers had free liberty to enter into any of our incorporated forreign ●rades , as is practised by the dutch , it would greatly increase our trade , and improve 〈◊〉 value of land. 6. that those narrow clauses in the turkey companies , and other charters , which limit 〈◊〉 traders to be free-men of london , and not to be shop-keepers , &c. and the practice of 〈◊〉 no man to be free of the turk●y company under 25 l. if he he under 25 years of 〈◊〉 ; or 50 l. if above , are to the prejudice of the nation in general . 7. the dutch , nationally speaking , are the wisest people now extant , for the 〈◊〉 and carrying on their trades for the publick advantage of their country . 8. that the dominion of the sea can never be retained , preserved and maintained , but 〈◊〉 the excess and predominency of forreign trade . 9. that dom●stick and forreign trade ( as also land ) do wax and wain together . 10. that silver and gold , coined , or uncoined , tho● they are used for a measure of all ●●her things , are no less a commodity then wine , oyl , tobacco , cloth or stuffs , and may 〈◊〉 many cases be exported as much to national advantage as any other commodity . 11. that no nation can be considerable in trade that prohibits the exportation of ●ullion . 12. that it is more for the publick advantage to export gold or silver , coined than 〈◊〉 ; for by the former we gain the manufa●ture . 13. that whatever nation hath the lowest interest , will certainly have their lands in ●ighest esteem and price : and no nation shall ever over-match the dutch in trade , till they mate them in the rate of interest money . 14. that the dutch gain more by exportation of bullion and forreign commodities ●●an by all their own native productions and manufactures . 15. that when ever wise and great nations , having different interests , and various forms of government , do yet conspire in the same means to accomplish the same ends , of profit , power and honour , they are to be concluded nearer the right way to those ends , ●hen the wisest and best private men living , who hold contrary opinions , swayed by personal profit o● loss , pique or prejudice . 16. that there is just as much need of companies of merchants in england as in holland , and no more . the dutch have no companies of merchants , but those of the east and west-indies , and those in joynt stocks , protected and defended by the laws of the provinces , which are of the same force as acts of parliament with us . 17. that there is a necessity of a joynt stock in all forreign trade , where the trade must be maintained by force and fo●●s on the land , and where the king cannot conveniently maintain an amity and correspondence by ambassadors , and not elsewhere . to proceed , the propositions intended to be handled , follow first , that the east-india trade is the most national of all forreign trades . which is thus proved , ( viz. ) 1. what the dutch , french , danes , portugals , and which not long since the swedes , and now the duke of brandenburgh , have with so great charge an● expence attempted , and hedged about with laws and encouragements , must certainly b● matter of the greatest national consequence . 2. this trade imploys more great war-like english ships from 50 to 70 guns , the● all the trades of the world from england besides . 3. this trade alone furnishes us with salt-petre , a most necessary commodity . 4. above four fifth parts of the commodities imported by this trade , are again ex●ported , to the vast encrease of navigation ; by the returns of which , more than treble the bullion is imported that was first exported to india . 5. if the 〈…〉 the east-indies were not in english hands , the east-india commodities would come in from holland , and that with this di●ference , that we should pay as much for pepper now sold for 8 d. the pound , as for nutmegs , cl●ves , m●●e , cinnamon ▪ which is from 6 s. to 15 s. per pound , which tho' cheaper at the places of their growth , the dutch enhaunse by having the sole trade for them ; this saves the kingdom in that respect only 50●000 l. per annum . 6. this trade doth more work upon the manufactures of our neighbours , than any other forreign trade ; and whatever weakens them , enriches and strengthens england ▪ it is reasonably computed , that italy , france , holland , flanders , &c. ( the staple countries for silks and fine linnens ) by the importation of east-india silks and callicoes , not only into england , but from thence into those countries , are abated in those fine manufacture● above a million of pounds sterling per annum . 7. it is thought that above 40000 families in england are employed in silk-broa●● weaving , tho' that trade began here but about the beginning of king charles the first in a few years more this nation may be treble the number in such manufactures , since 〈◊〉 east-india company bring r●w silk cheaper then it can be afforded in turkey , fran●● ▪ spain , or any other place where it is made , and do serve holland , flanders , and som● other markets from england . 8. this trade pays the king 60000 l. per annum custom , and carries out yearly 60 o● 70000 l. in lead , ti●n , cloth ▪ stuffs , &c. of our own production and manufacture , which would not be sent at all , if england were deprived of this trade , because neither dutch nor french would enure the indians to our manufactures . the second proposition , that the clamours , aspersions , and objections made against the present east-india company , are sinister , selfish , or groundless . object . 1. some of the turkey merchants say , the bringing in of so much silk , and so cheap , is a publick ●usance ▪ and destroys their trade , which depends wholly upon the exportation of woollen manufacture , whereas the east-india company send out little manufacture , and much bullion , &c. answ. 1. 't is strange doctrine to men skilled in trade , that the making a material 〈◊〉 , that is to be manufactured at home , or exported again into foreign countries , 〈◊〉 be to the publick damage . 2. the turkey merchants have shipt out more cloth yearly , since the great encrease of 〈◊〉 east-india trade than before . 3. the question is not , which company sends out most woollen manufactures , but which is 〈◊〉 most profitable trade to the nation , and that is before shewn . 4. if the exportation of bullion hinders not the exportation of our manufactures , as in 〈◊〉 appears : and if for every 10 s. value sent out , 30 s. be brought in bullion at the long 〈◊〉 , which is evident in the course of the east-india trade , then the exportation of bullion 〈◊〉 a great and real advantage . 5. the turkey merchants do send out a great deal of bullion themselves , which is no 〈◊〉 , but their complaining of others for the same thing is . 6· the truth of the case , at the bottom , is but this ; the importation of better and ●●eaper raw silk from india ▪ may touch some turkey merchants profit at present , tho' it ●enefits the kingdom , and ●in●ers not the exportation of cloth : what then ? must one ●rade be interrupted because it works upon another ? at that rate there would be no●●ing but confusion in a nation ad infinitum , our plantation sugars have brought down ●●e lisbon sugars within memory of m●n , from 8 l. per centum , to 2 l. 10 s. per centum , ●nd yet the exportation of our woollen manufactures to portugal , is now greater then ●ver it was : just as 't is and will prove in the turkey trade . 7. if those turkey merchants think the east-india trade so good , why do they not ●ome into it themselves ? the door is open always to them , and all the king's subjects . object . 2. they say there are not above 80 legitimate merchants in the east-india company . answ. 1 by legitimate merchants they mean such as have served apprenticeships ; in the ●umber thereof , they reckon short above half . 2. it matters not two straws to the kingdom , whether they be legitimate or illegitimate ; ●hey are in the whole 556 , which is mo●e by a great many than the turkey merchants , 〈◊〉 more by above half than they would be , if the trade were not managed in a joynt ●●ock . object . 3. they say the company have half the known world in their charter , and that 's 〈◊〉 much for any company , &c. answ. 1. they have no more in their charter than all the east-india companies in christendom have in their charters . 2. the company is a company of all , or of so many of the king's subjects as desired to ●e concerned in that trade , or yet do , they buying stock . object . but 't is dear buying at 280 l. per cent. answ. 1. 't is less then the intrinsi●k value , if the stock were now to be broke up . 2. if it be too dear , any man may be as justly compell●d to sell his house at the buyers ●rice , or else be disseized of ●t , as his stock in the company . object . 4. they say the charter hath exorbitant and illegal clauses in it . answ. 1. no charter in europe hath less of that kind . 2. 't is absolutely nece●sary , that whoever governs a trade so remote , and by such a multitude of hands as are employed , should have some extraordinary power committed ●o them . 3. wh●tever is in the charter , the company never did any arbitrary acts , nor ever seized shi●s or goods by vertue of their charter , tho they have o●ten had cause . object . 5. they say the company have imp●●●d and exacted great fines , mulcts and forfeitures to an immense value . answ. what they take in any case , is by submission of the party , by agreement with the master and owners in charter-party , or by arbitrations , and always in pursuance of legal obligations , sealed and delivered . it is highly reasonable , the company being at above 100000 l. yearly charge in india and england , that whoever participates of the trade , should proportionably contribute to the expences that neces●arily attend the preservation of it . object . 6. they say , besi●e● raw silks , the company imports wrought silk , to the prejudice of the silk manufacture in england . answ. 1. this lies as much and more against all other wrought silks imported into england from italy , holland , &c. 2. the silks which they commonly bring in , are the main part of them taffaties , and other plain or striped silks , such as are not usually made in england , but imported from france , italy , holland . so this importation work ▪ upon our neighbours . 3. a great part of the wrought silk● imported by the company , are again shipt out to france , holland , &c. to the great advantage of the king and kingdom . object . 7. some clothiers complain that the east-india company hind●rs the vent of cloth. answ. 1. this deserves a thorow inspection : 1. who they are that complained ? 2. when and how they began to complain ? 3. why , they complain ? 1st . for the time , when , it was in the year 1674 , or 1675 , then they had the confidence to tell the parliament , the company would spoil the trade of cloth , and bring the price of wool to nothing . but in fact , the company hath now stood five or six years since that time , and much augmented their trade for india , but wool is advanced in price above 50 per centum , and there hath been such a trade for wooll●n manufactures , as england never saw in any former age . 2. who they were that complained ? not the poor kentish clothiers , that have lost their trade ; nor the suffolk men , that have lost their manufacture of bl●w cloth , but the worcester , glocester , and somerset-shire men , that do now make and vend above twenty times the cloth they did before this company was erected . 3dly . how they began to complain ? their first petition was drawn only against the turkey company , for making but one cloth shiping in a year : but a certain counsel ( since famous for other matters ) told them , they should draw their petition against the e●st-india company likewise , which they did ; whether the dutch or some of england gave the best fees is uncertain . 4. why they complained : that few understood : their trade was wonderfully encreased , and the east-india company had sent out in some one year above ten times as much cloth as was ever sent out in the time of open trade . object . 8. they complain th●t the pr●sent stock is engrossed into a few hands , some single adventurers having 16 or 17000 l. principal stock in their own names . answ. 1. if true , the complaint of it wou●d ●ound better out of the mouth of an old leveller , than a merchants . none ever pretended to 〈◊〉 , much less to level personal estates , which if they could be made even at noon , world be unequal before night . 2. the dutch think whoever 〈◊〉 m●st in their joint stocks , doth most oblige the common-wealth , tho' he 〈…〉 , insomuch as one swasso a iew had at one time in their east-india stock above the value of 300000 l. sterling . 3. the more any adventurer hath in the stock , the more he is engaged to study and promote the good of it . 4. notwithstanding the largeness of any of the adventurers stocks , there are yet 556 adventurers , which is a greater number than are to be found in any trade that hath not a joynt stock . object . 9. there are many other ports , and places within the limits of the companies , barter , where english commodities would vend , which the company do not trade unto . answ. 1. there can never be any society , that will more industriously expatiate and 〈◊〉 trade in those parts of the world , then this hath done , by all peacable means . 100000 l. ●ill not excuse them for the losses sustained in such attempts . 2. in india , a factory at surrat will share in all the trades of the red sea , as well as 〈◊〉 , and other parts within the correspondency of that presidency ; the same may be said of ●antam and many other places as well as surrat . 3. in very many places of india , where the company do not settle factories , they carry 〈◊〉 a trade by natives . object . 10. it is said , if the company were not in a ioynt stock , many more ships might be ●mployed in india , from one port to another , in trading voyages . answ. 1. the company want neither stock , nor skill , or will , to employ as many ships 〈◊〉 they can gain by , and have almost doubled the quantity of their stock and tunnage wit●●n ten years . 2. the company have now twenty five ships and vessels trading in the east-indies from port to port , besides the eleven great ships sent out last year , which are abundantly enough to answer all the companies occasions of that kind . obiect . 11. that since the east-india company was incorporated , co●nage hath abated in england . answ. this a meer groundles chimaera , and will appear so , if the old mint-master , as well 〈◊〉 the new ones , be examined . the 3d proposition , that since the discovery of the east-indies , the dominion of the sea depends much upon the wain or increase of that trade , and consequently the security of the liberty , property and protestant religion of this kingdom . the first part of this proposition is meerly historical , and the proof of it will require little pains , to all that look beyond the present age ; while the spanyards had portugal , and with it the trade of india , they were able to invade england , with a navy , by them called invincible , and so it was , as to mans understanding . the dutch since the protugals sunk in the indies , have grown ●o potent , in and by ●hat trade , that they have contended with us for the dominion of the seas , and if through the folly or madness of a few unthinking or self interested men , we should deprive our selves of the east-india trade , we should certainly save them the experiment of fighting with us again for it ; they would carry the dominion of the sea ●lear , and hold it for ever ; or until their common-wealth should be destroyed by land force , or intestine broils . if we should throw off the east-india trade , the dutch would soon treble their strength and power in ●ndia , and would b●●ome sole masters of all those rich and necessary commodities of the east ; and make the european world pay five times more for them , than now they do , which would so vastly encrease their riches , as to render them irresistible . if they have trade and money they will never want men , seamen are inhabitants of the vniverse , and where ever they are bred , will resort to the best pay and most constant e●●ployment . and further all other forreign trade in europe doth greatly depend upon east-india com●modities , and if we loose the importation of them , we shall soo● abate in all our othe● forreign trade and navigation ; and the dutch will more then proportionably encrease theirs : and the augmentation of their r●ches would further enable them to overballanc● us , and all others in trade , as well as in naval strength . as to the second part of the proposition ▪ can any man that looks abroad into the world doubt of the truth of that obser●ation ( viz. ) that trade never thrives in any country that is not protestant . since queen eliza●●th's time our customs are increased from 14000 l. per annum , to above 70000 l. per annum . i● it not evident that the dutch since their being protestant , are increased m●r● in trade and wealth in one hundred years , then the ancient and fortunate romans did in four hundred years , after the foundation of their flourishing common-wealth ? h●ve not the french since they were part protestants and part papists increased more in trade and shiping in one hundred years , th●● they did in five hundred years before ? a naval power never affrights us , seamen never did nor never will destroy the liberty o● their own country ▪ they naturally hate slavery , because they see so much of the misery of it in other countries : all tyrannies in the world are supported by land armies : no absolute princes have great navies or great trades , very few of them can match that little town of hamburgh in shiping . who do we fear may destroy our liberty , property and religion , but the papists and the french , and so we should have found it ▪ i● god almighty had not disappointed them . now , under god's providence , what can best secure us from them , but our naval strength , and what doth especially increase , and support that , but our east-india trade . if this be here proved to the conviction of unbyassed english men , the consequence in this proposition is most natural and irrefragable . the fourth proposition , that the trade of the east-indies cannot be carried on to national a●vantage , by a regulated company , or in any other way then by a joynt stock , which are proved by the following arguments . argu. 1. the practise and experience of all other nations shews this . if it be objected , this argument will not ●old universally , for the portugals have a trade for east-india , and 〈◊〉 have no joynt stock . 't is answered , there is a joynt stock for this trade in portugal , but that is the king's exch●quer , who reserves to himself all considerable india commodities , and leaves only to his subjects those that are tri●i●l : that trade dwindled to nothing , when it came to be confronted and out-done by the more national and better constituted joynt stocks of england and holland . argu. 2. our east-india company have now their money at 3 per cent interest : others that trade in an open or regulated trade , 〈◊〉 value their money at 6 per cent . now i● the company , with their united stock and counsels , and money at ● per cent ▪ have much ado to hold up against the subtil dutch , what shall poor private m●●ch●●ts of divided , various and contrary interests do , with their little seperate stocks , at 6 per cent per annum ? arg. 3. in regard that all other europian nations do now drive the east-india trade i● ●oynt stocks , it seems madness to enter raw and private persons , against such compacted and united constitutions of experienced counsellors , suppo●ted with an inexhaustible treasure . arg. 4. should the company be destroyed , and the trade left open , their priviledges in india would be lost , which have cost vast sums to maintain and retrive , some whereof are these ( viz. ) the liberty of coinage , and their money p●ssi●g current in all the king of gulconda● s country . freedom of customs in almost all places , and in some where the dutch and other nations pay custom . at fort st g●orge , and bombay , the company ha●● a right , and d●th impose a custom upon the natives , and all other nations . in the empire of persia they are custom free , and have yearly from the emp●ror aovbe 3000 l. in lieu of the half custom of his own subje●ts , and all others trading thither . at bant●m they are at a set rate of 4000 dollars per annum , for all customs , tho' trade be never so much increased . they are in most places of india , in effect their own law-makers , and can arrest and impris●n any natives that deal with them , or owe th●● money . all their black servants , and others employed by them , or tradi●g with them , are free and exempted from the iurisdiction of the native , and other governours . they are in all places free in their persons and goods , from all ●nland customs and duties , which are very great upon the natives . arg. 5. this nation sustained great losses , damages and depredations in the three years of open trade , so that at length the very private traders themselves , were the forwardest petitioners for a return to a joynt stock . arg. 6. there are above 100 kings and absolute princes in india , and as many ports and places of trade , which would need forty ambassadors , and 〈◊〉 must have instructions , and carry large presents . arg. 7. letters pass freely to and from turkey in a short time , and in case of injuries done , the king's men of war may soon go and revenge them ; but india is at a far greater distance , and no certain return of a letter to be h●d once in twelve moneths and it is more difficult to maintain a correspondence in india , from port to port , then between england and turkey . arg. 8. where-ever the english settle a factory , they must presently build them large houses , ware-hous●s , &c. and take many servants , &c. if it be said , this may be done by a regulated company . it is answered , first , how shall they raise a stock to buy those the company already have , which , with what else they have there , have cost them above 300000 l. next , how shall they maintain and defend them ? by levia●ions upon goods . what ? before there are any goods to tax : no , they shall raise a joynt stock , to make the first pur●hase ▪ and after take only a tax upon goods to maintain them . these are absurd , incongru●us and 〈◊〉 practicable notions . for in a time of war & danger , men will forbear trading ; so that there will ●e no goods to tax when there is most need of money . whereas the gove●nours or committees ▪ 〈◊〉 alwa●s in their hands a real fond of above a million of money , an● can borrow so much more in india , in a few days , if they want it , their credit there ▪ being as current 〈◊〉 ready gol● . arg. 9. the east-india 〈◊〉 ( a● have that of holland ) have power by their charter to make war upon any nation in india at d●●●retion : this power they must have for carrying on of their trad● . now to whom shall this power be delegated in a reg●l●ted company ? to all english men , or to a single ambassador , or to many ambassadors and consuls ? the fifth proposition , that the east-india trade more profitable and necessary to the kingdom of england than to any other kingdom or nation in europe . 1. this is so , as we are an island , and have our security , as well as the increase of o● riches from our trade and strength at sea. 2. the trade of india is to england not only a great but an unmixt advantage : wher● as to our neighbours , they cannot have it without some mixture of loss in other respect● some of them having the production of silk among themselves , as italy and france . an● they have the sole manufacture of plain silks , such as tassati●s ▪ sarc●ne●s . &c. which ar● brought from india cheaper than they can make at home . holland , flanders and franc● in some measure , have the principal manufactures , in fine linnens , cambrick●s , 〈◊〉 and hollands , which only callico works upon , to the putting them very much out o● request , even in their own countries : whereas callico doth not much prejudice ou● strong course sorts of linnen made in england . neither is our linnen manufacture a mat●ter worth the taking notice of ( whatever some men think ) but in holland , flanders ▪ france and some parts of germany , 't is their main concern , being the subsistance of the maj●rit● of their people , as the woollen manufacture is in england . 3. the dutch have a standing contract with the king of persia for all his silk , now in re●gard bengal silk can be brought cheaper then that , the dutch by bringing silk from bengal must prejudice that contract in the price of silk : whereas we having no such contract in persia , do not work upon our selves , as they of necessity must , and yet they are wiser th●● to slight the trade of bengal for that cause . for a conclusion , to shew present and future ages in what a condition the english east-india trade stood , when the company was assaulted by the private designs of particular men , the following account of the present posture of their affairs in 1681 , is added ( viz. ) the last year they sent out ( which are not yet returned ) for the coast of cormandel , and the bay of bengall , four three deck ships , the least whereof was burden 530 tuns . for surrat and the coast of india , 3 three deck ships , the least thereof burden 450 tuns . for bantam 2 ships , each 600 tuns . for the south seas , and china 2 ships , one 430 tuns , the other 350. and in all of them the stock of 479946 l. 15 s. 6 d. this year ( 1681 ) they are sending out for the coast of cormandel and the bay of bengall , 5 three deck ships , the least thereof 460. tuns . for surrat and the coast of india , 3 ships , the least thereof 460 tuns . for bantam 3 ships , two of them 360 tuns a peece , the third 600 tuns . and for the south seas and china one other great ship. and in all of them the stock of above 600000 l. note , that the company employ none but english built ships , and besides what they sent out last year , and are sending this , they have alwayes a considerable stock left in the country , to make and provide goods before-hand . it is believed that the dutch to have this company destroyed , would give a million of ●ou●ds sterling , and that i● they should give two millions , they would have too good a bar●ain of it . all that is hitherto wrote , is onely an abstract of a most elaborate and judicious treatise pub●●shed in the year 1681 , it is brought into this narrow compass for the better information of english men , many of whom have not disposition or leisure to peruse long tracts , especially where they ●steem themselves not concerned . the time when that treatise was printed and published doth demonstrate , that it was not calculated for the present conjuncture . the reader hath here under written , an abreviation of a supplement to that treatise printed and published this present year 1689 , which will inform him of the present posture and circumstances of the east-india companies affaires . about the year 1681 , the company had raised the english navigation and power in india much beyond what it was in any former age : but soon after that destructive trade of the interlopers beginning , the dutch took the advantag● of that confusion to surprize bantam : which troubles falling together upon the company , and soon after a general failure of credit in all publick funds , caused many adventurers to sell their stocks . whether under all the afore-said pressures the company behaved themselves like true english men and lovers of their country ▪ will appear by a narrative of what they have done since the publishing the treatise in 1681 , and what now is the present state of the english interest in india . the company have built within th●se seven years past 16 new great ships besides many more sma●●er one● now in th●ir 〈◊〉 , these 16 ships , except one which carries but 30 guns , may carry 〈…〉 . all of them ex●ept one , are three d●ck ships , and are of burden , from 900 to 1300 tuns each . within the said seven years ( the company having lost banta● ) they have built , fortif●e● , and garrisoned three forts in several parts of india for security of the pepper trade , wh●ch h●ve and will cost them 400000 l. st●rli●g . the company have now at sea , in india , and coming from thence ianuary the last 1688 , 89. the following ships ( viz. ) fifteen ships consigned to bombay and the coast of india , their cargoes amounting to about 360000 l. sterling . thirteen ships consigned to fort st george , &c. on the coast of choromandel , and to the bay of bengall , their cargoes amounting to near 570000 l. sterling . and seven ships 〈…〉 , their cargoes amounting to near 100000 l. besides about thirty other armed small ships and vessels , constantly remaining in the country . the company have now upon their hands in england unsold , above the value of 700000 l. in east-india goods , whereas they do not know of 50000 l. value unsold in any other european companies hands , except the dutch spice . they have within seven years so enlarged and 〈◊〉 the fort of st george , and their city of madrass , that it is now one of the finest and largest cities in those parts of the world , containing at least one hundred thousand families of all nations , all subject to such laws for life and goods , as the company by vertue of their charter think ●it to impose upon them . the customs and new imp●st paid the king for two years , from august 1685 , to august 1687 , amounted to 255326 l. 1● s. 1 d. since the wars in india it has been less , but now the wars are over , the customs are like to be more yearly then they were in either of those two years . the company have built new forts in their island of bombay , and ordered a dry dock to be built there , and all other conveniencies for repairing and fitting the bigest english ships which was the principal want the nation under went for some ages . and , which is the most considerable national advantage that ever was attempted there the company have reduced the principal part of their trade of surrat to their own island o● bombay , the inhabitants whereof from four thousand families , when the company first po●●sessed that island , are encreased to fifty thousand families , all subject to the companie● laws ; and that island lying upon the north coast of india near surrat , the emporium o● the india trade to arabia , persia , busserab ▪ and the red sea , is of inestimable value to this kingdom . this island hath cost the company in fortifying , garrisoning , &c. at times above 500000 l. and never produced any return , nor would have been of use to england , if the trade had not been brought thither . this transition from surrat to bombay could never have been done without a war , to make this war upon so great a prince as the mogul , was vulgarly thought a vain or rather distracted attempt in the company ; yet by god's blessing upon their arms , that war ( the charge whereof cannot be computed at less then 1000000 l. ) has ended to the eternal honour of our nation and a peace concluded upon such honourable articles , that if a blanck had been delivered to the company in england to write down their own terms , they would not have desired more than is granted by the articles , the ratifications whereof from the mogul himself in the persian language , are now brought home . the abstracter of the foregoing treatise , is no east-india merchant , nor any way concerned with the company ; neither is he engaged in this work by any of them , but , being a great lover of his native country , he should be much grieved to see england l●sser in naval power and trade , then any of our neighbours ; whether they be our best friends , or our most dangerous enemies : and therefore , being wonderfully convinced , upon the reading the aforesaid treatise , he thought it pitty that every good english man should not be enlightned in this foreign affair , as well as himself , who had formerly entertained as great prejudices against the east-india company , as most other men ; and possibly through ignorance , he may in his discourses , have done them some disservice , which he is sorry for : and therefore , hath contracted the aforesaid treatise into this narrow compass , that the knowledge of the matters here discussed may spread the fu●ther , to the conviction of , such who are not byassed by private interest , but have been imposed upon by loud clamour and a bold misrepresentation of things . for the new question ; whether the company should exercise martial law , in the government of their colonies in indi● ? no man in his wits will make a doubt thereof 〈◊〉 hath read that faithful , pleasant and profitable history of purchas his pilgrims , the first p●rt , printed in the year 1625. wherein by the course of the history he will find that martial law is more necessary in india , than bread is to the support of mans life ; and that 〈◊〉 east-india company had constantly commissions from the crown for that purpose in the blesse● time of quen elizabeth , and during all the peaceable reign of king iames the first . june the 25 th 1686. london , printed and sold by andrew sowle at the crocked-billet in holloway-lane in shoreditch ; and at the three keys in nags-head-court , in grace-church-street , over against the conduit , , 1689. thomas coriate traueller for the english vvits: greeting from the court of the great mogul, resident at the towne of asmere, in easterne india. coryate, thomas, ca. 1577-1617. 1616 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19384 stc 5811 estc s108719 99844375 99844375 9182 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19384) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9182) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1169:10) thomas coriate traueller for the english vvits: greeting from the court of the great mogul, resident at the towne of asmere, in easterne india. coryate, thomas, ca. 1577-1617. [6], 56 p. : ill. printed by w. iaggard, and henry fetherston, [london] : 1616. an eighteenth-century type facsimile has "featherston" in the imprint. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng india -description and travel -1498-1761. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion thomas coriate traueller for the english vvits : greeting . from the court of the great mogvl , resident at the towne of asmere , in easterne india . printed by w. iaggard , and henry fetherston . to the reader . three years ( poore countrimē that haue not trauaild ) and some odde daies ; in odde-combs grace & yours , i haue enricht my feete ( though something grauaild ) vvith measuring millicents of townes and towres . and yet i sweare , my head is nothing full , but rather empty of such things as fit one that makes nothing of the great mogul , but farre beyond , or wide , as farre as it is from my od-combe . meane to trauaile still , till i haue equald in some seauen yeares more the wise vlysses ; for of him , my will vvants nought in wit , but seauen yeares and some score of foolish dayes ; of which , i hope to spend ten millions more : for all my life shall be endeard to that most lou'd ; most fortunate end , and to bring honor , to my land and ye . but do not long for me too soone ; or doubt , as doth my mother ; who doth wish , i heare , to haue me there , though in a shitten clout ; though i not tred out my vlyssian yeares . for who can purchase wisedome ? ten yeares ? no. before i get it , i will go , and go . his parallel with erasmus . erasmus did in praise of folly write ; and coryate doth , in his selfe-praise endite . loe heere the wooden image of our wits ; borne , in first trauaile , on the backs of nits ; but now on elephants , &c : o , what will he ride , when his yeares expire ? the world must ride him ; or he all will tire . to the right honourable , sir edward phillips , knight , and maister of the rolles , at his house in chancery-lane , or vvanstead . from the court of the most mighty monarch , the great mogul , resident in the towne of asmere , in the easterne india , anno 1615. right honourable , i am perswaded , that if euer any accident worthy of admiration euer happened vnto your honor in al your life time , it will be the receiuing of this present letter , from me out of the easterne india : yet perhaps it will seeme vnto you so wondrous , that i beleeue you will doubt whether this bee the true hand-writing of your once odcombiam neighbor , thomas coryate . but your honour may soone very infallibly and apparantly perceiue it to be true ; partly by the forme of the style , which is iust answerable to that manner of speech that you haue heard and obserued in me , sometimes in my linsie-woolsie orations ; and somtimes in my extrauagant discourses : and partly by the testimony of the bearer heereof , m. peter rogers , minister at the time of his being in india , to the english merchants resident at the court of the most puissant monarch the great mogul , at a town called asmere ; whose comfortable and sweet company i enioyed at the same court , about the space of foure moneths . now , though there hath itched a very burning desire in mee , within these few yeares , to suruay and contemplate some of the chiefest parts of this goodly fabricke of the vvorld , besides mine owne natiue country : yet neuer did i thinke it would haue broken out to such an ambitious vent , as to trauell all on foote from ierusalem , so farre as the place where i wrote this letter . howbeit since fortune , or rather ( to speake more properly , in vsing a christian word ) the prouidence of the almighty , ( for fatuus est , s. augustine saith , qui faro credit ) hath so ordained , that i should securely passe so far into the orientall world , with al humilitie vpō the bended knees of my hart , i thank my creator & merciful redeemer , iesus christ ; ( whose sacrosanct sepulcher i haue visited & kissed , terque quaterque in ierusalem ) & do very much congratulate mine owne happines , that he hath hitherto endued mee with health , ( for in all my trauels since i came out of england , i haue enioyed as sound a constitutiō of body , & firme health , as euer i did since i first drew this vitall ayre ) libertie , strength of limbs , agilitie of foot-manship , &c. neither do i doubt , but that your honour it selfe will likewise congratulate the felicitie of our sommersetshire , that in breeding me , hath produced such a traueller , as dooth for the diuersitie of the countries he hath seene , and the multiplicitie of his obseruations , farre ( i beleeue ) out-strippe anie other whatsoeuer , that hath beene bred therein since the blessed incarnation of our sauior . yea , i hope my generall countrie of england , shall one day say , that odde-combe , for one part of the word , may truelie be so called : ( for odde-combe consisteth of two words , odde , & combe , which latter word in the olde saxon tongue signifieth besides the vertical point of a cocks head , the side of a hill , because the east side of the hill wheron od-combe standeth , is very conspicuous , and seene afar off in the country eastward ) for breeding an odde man , one that hath not his peere in the whole kingdome to match him . three yeares and some few odde dayes i haue spent already , in this second peregrination , and i hope with as much profite ( vnpartially will i speake it of my selfe , without any ouer-weening opiniō , to which most men are subiect ) both for learning foure languages more , then i had when i left my country : viz. italian , arabian , turkish , and persian ; and exact viewing of diuers of the most remarkeable matters of the vniuerse ; together with the accurate description thereof , as most of my countri-men that are now abroad . yet such is my insatiable greedinesse of seeing strange countries : which exercise is indeede the very queene of all the pleasures in the world , that i haue determined ( if god shall say amen ) to spend full seauen yeares more , to the ende to make my voyage answerable for the time to the trauels of vlysses ; & then with vnspeakable ioy to reuisite my country ; which i will euer entitle ( notwith-standing all the goodly regions that i haue seene in my two perambulations ) with the stile of the true canaan of the world , that flowes with milke and hony. onely wish me good successe , i beseech your honour , as i will from my heart , to you and all your familie ; hoping to salute you after the finall catastrophe of my exoticke wanderings ; when you shall bee in the great climacterical year of your age ; you being about fifty three , if my coniecture doth not faile mee , when i tooke my leaue of you : a thing verie likely by the mercifull goodnesse of god. for your father , that was my god-father , who imposed vpon me the name of thomas , liued more then eightie yeares . honourable sir , take it not , i beseech you , for a discourtesie , in that i write nothing in this letter of my past trauels . i am certaine , that a letter which i haue written to m. vvhitaker , your learned and elegant secretary , wherein i haue compendiouslie discoursed of some of my obseruations in asia , will quicklie come to your hands , at least if hee remaineth still in your seruice : therfore it would be superfluous to haue repeated the same things . dutie ioyned with the recordation of the manifold benefits , and singular fauours i haue receiued from you , hath inioyned mee to send this letter to your honour , from this glorious court of the mogul ; wherein seeing i relate not the singularities i haue seene in those orientall regions , i will desist to be farther tedious ; humbly recommending your honour , and vertuous lady , your well-beloued sonne & heire-apparant , sir robert , ( to whom i haue written a few times also ) & his sweet lady ; m. martin also , m. christopher brooke , whom i thanke still for his no lesse elegant then serious verses : m. equinoctiall pasticrust of the middle temple , m. vvilliam hackwell , and the rest of the worthy gentlemen frequenting your honourable table , that fauour vertue , and the sacred muses , to the most heauenly clientele of the eternall iehouah . your honors most obsequious beadsman , thomas coryate . from the court of the great mogul , resident in the towne of asmere in the easterne india , on michaelmas day , anno 1615. i beseech your honour , to speake courteously to this kind minister m. rogers for my sake : for he euer shewed himselfe very louing vnto me . most deare and beloued friend , maister l. w. animae dimidium meae . from the court of the most mighty monarch , called the great mogul , resident in the towne of asmere , in the orientall india . anno 1615. cordiall salutations in the author of saluation , iesus christ : where i writ vnto you last , i remember wel ; euen from zobah , as the prophet samuel calleth it ( 2 booke 8. chap. ver . 3 ) that is , aleppo , the principall emporium of all syria , or rather of the orient world ; but when , in trueth i haue forgotten , for i keepe not coppies of my letters , as i see most of my countrey-men doe , in whatsoeuer place of the worlde i finde them : howbeit , if my coniecture doe not much faile me , i may affirme that it was about xv . moneths since , about a month after i returned vnto aleppo from ierusalem , after which time , i remained there three months longer , and then departed there-hence in a carauan into persia , passing the noble riuer euphrates ( the cheefest of all that irrigated paradise , wherehence , as frō their original , the three other riuers were deriued ) about foure dayes iourney beyond aleppo : on the farther side of which , i entered mesapotamia , alias chaldea , for the euphrates in that place disterminateth syria & mesopotamia . therehence i had two dayes iourney to vr of the chaldeans , where abraham was born , a very delicate and pleasant cittie . there i remained foure dayes , but i i could see no part of the ruines of the house , wher that faithful seruant of god was borne , though i much desired it . from thence , i had foure dayes iourney to the riuer tigris , which i passed also ; but in the same place where i crossed it , i found it so shallow , that it reached no higher then the calfe of my legge : for i waded ouer it afoot . now i wel perceiue by mine occular experience , that chaldea is named mesopotamia , for that it is inclosed with the foresaid riuers . traiecto tigride , i entred armenia the greater : after that , media the lower , & resided six dayes in the metropolis therof , heretofore called ecbarana , the sommer seate of cyrus his court , a city eftsoone mentioned in the scripture , now called tauris , more wofull ruines of a city ( sauing that of troy & cyzicū in natolia ) neuer did mine eies beholde : whē i seriously contemplated those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the doleful testimonies of the turkish deuastations , i called to minde ouids verse . ludis in humanis diuina potentia rebus . now i am at the moguls court , i think you would be glad to receiue some narration thereof from mee , though succinctly handled : for i meane to be very compendious , lest i shold otherwise preoccupate that pleasure which you may here after this reape by my personall relation thereof . this present prince is a verie worthy person , by name selim , of which name i neuer read or heard of any more then one mahometan king , which was suliam selim of constantinople , that liued about 80. years since ; the same that conquered ierusalem , damascus , aleppo , caico , &c : adding the same to the turkish empire . he is 53. yeares of age , his natiuitie daie hauing beene celebrated with wonderfull pompe since my arriuall here : for that daie he weighed himselffe in a paire of golden scales , which by great chance i saw the same day ( a custome that he obserueth most inuioablie euery year ) laying so much golde in the other scale as coūteruaileth the weight of his body , and the same he afterward distributed to the poore . hee is of complection neither white nor blacke , but of a middle betwixt thē : i know not how to expresse it with a more expressiue & significant epitheton then oliue : an oliue colour his face presenteth : hee is of a seemelie composition of bodie , of a stature little vnequall ( as i guesse not without grounds of probabilitie ) to mine , but much more corpulent then my selfe . the extent of his dominion is verie spacious , beeing in circuite , little lesse then 4000. english miles , which verie neere answereth the compas of the turks territories : or if any thing be wanting in geometricall dimension of ground , it is with a great pleonasme supplied by the fertility of his soyle : and in these two thinges hee exceedeth the turks , in the fatnesse ( as i haue said ) of his land , no part of the world yeelding a more fruitfull veine of ground , then all that which lieth in his empire , sauing that part of babylonia , where the terrestriall paradise once stoode : whereas a great part of the turkes land is extreme barren and sterill , as i haue obserued in my peregrination thereof , especially in syria , mesopotamia and armenia ; many large portions thereof beeing so wonderfull fruitelesse , that it beareth no good thing at all , or if any thing , there infelix lolium et steriles dominantur auenae . secondly , in the coniunction and vnion of all his territories , together in one & the same goodly continent of india , no prince hauing a foote of land within him . but many parcels of the turkes countries are by a large distance of seas & otherwise diuided asunder . again , in his reuenue he exceedeth the turk & the persian his neighbour by iust halfe : for his reuenues are 40. millions of crownes of sixe shillings value , by the yeare : but the turkes are no more then fifteene millions , as i was certainly informed in constantinople ; and the persians fiue millions plus minus , as i heard in spahan . it is saide that he is vncircumcised , wherein he differeth from all the mahometan princes that euer were in the world . your assured louing friend till death , tho : coryate . from the court of the great mogul , resident at the towne of asmere in the eastern india , on michaelmas day . anno 1615. i do enioy at this time as pancraticall and athleticall a health as euer i did in my life : & so haue done euer since i came out of england , sauing for three dayes in constantinople , where i had an ague , which with a little letting blood was clean banished , the lord be humbly thanked for his gracious blessing of health that hee hath giuen vnto mee . i was robbed of my money both golde and siluer ( but not all , by reason of certaine clandestine corners where it was placed ) in a cittie called diarbeck in mesopotamia , the turks countrey , by a spaheê as they call him , that is , one of the horsemen of the great turke ; but the occasion and circumstance of that misfortune , would be too tedious to relate . notwithstanding that losse , i am not destitute of money i thanke god. since my arriuall heere , there was sent vnto this king one of the richest presents that i haue heard to be sent to any prince in al my life time : it consisted of diuers parcels ; one beeing elephants , whereof there were 31. and of those , two so gloriously adorned , as i neuer sawe the like , nor shal see the like again while i liue . for they wore foure chaines about their bodies all of beaten gold : two chains about their legges of the same ; furniture for their buttocks of pure gold : twoe lyons vpon their heads of the like gold : the ornaments of each , amounting to the value of almost eight thousand pound sterling : and the whole present was worth ten of their leakes , as they call them ; a leak being ten thousand pound sterling : the whole , a hundred thousand pounds sterling . pray commend me to m. protoplast , and all the sireniacall gentlemen , to whom i wrote one letter from aleppo , after my being at ierusalem ; and another i intend to write before my going out of asia . their most elegant and incomparable safe-conduct that they haue graciously bestowed vpon me , i haue left at aleppo , not hauing made any vse of it as yet , neither shall i in all my peregrination of asia : but when i shall one day arriue in christendome , it will be very auaileable to me . i haue heere sent vnto you the coppy of certaine facetious verses , that were lately sent to me to this court , from one of my countrimen , one m. iohn browne , a londoner borne , now resident with diuers other english merchants , at a citie in india , fiue hundred miles from the place where i abide , called amadauers , about sixe dayes iourney from the sea : who vnderstanding of my arriuall at this court , and of my tedious pedestriall peregrination all the way from ierusalem hither ; vnderstanding it i say , by latine and italian epistles , that vpon a certaine occasion i wrote to some of that company , made these pretty verses , and sent them me . you may reade them to your friends if you thinke fit , and especially to the sireniacall gentlemen ; for they are alegant and delectable . the superscription of his letter was this : to the painefull gentleman , m. thomas coryate : the title within prefixed before the verses , this ; to the odeombian wonder , our laborious countriman , the generous coryate . the verses . what though thy cruder trauels were attended with bastinadoes , lice , and vile disgraces ? haue not thy glorious acts thereby ascended great brittaines stage , euen to princes places , led on in triumph by the noblest spirits that euer deignd to write of anies merits ? if then for that they did aduance thy fame , how will they striue to adde vnto thy glory , when thou to them so wondrously shalt name thy weary foot-steps and thy asian story ? no doubt more ripe ( as neerer to the sunne ) then was that first that in the cold begun . then rest a while , and to thy taske againe , till thou hast throughly trod this asian round , which yet so many kingdomes doth containe as dackon , where the diamond is found ; and bisnagar , narsinga : and if you be not weary yet , in zeilan seeke the rubie . then could i wish you saw the china nation , whose policie and art doth farre exceed our northern climes : and here your obseruation vvould nouelists and curious artists feede with admiration . oh , had i now my wishes , sure you shold learn to make their china dishes but by the way forget not * gugurat , the lady of this mighty kings dominion : visite baroch , cambaia , and surat , and amdauar ; all which in my opinion yeeld much content : & then more to glad yee , wee le haue a health to al our friends in * tadee then crosse to arab , * happiest in diuision ; but haue a care ( at mecca is some danger ) leste you incurre the paine of circumcision , or peter-like , to christ do seeme a stranger . from thence to egypt , where the famous nile and memphis will detaine your eyes a while . this done , at alexandria seeke your passage for englands happy shores , wher how & mundy will striue to make your trauels out-last age , so long as stand their annals of our country . for mandeuill wil come of thee farre short , either of trauell , or a large report . yet one post-script more by way of a corollary , and so with the same , beeing the fourth and the last , i will adde the final vmbilicke to this tedious english-indian epistle . i haue written out two seuerall coppies of these verses , and included them within the letters , which i haue intreated you to distribute for me , but so that the letters are not sealed vpon them ; onely they lie loose within the letters , therefore they are subiect to losing , except you haue an extraordinary care of them . wherefore i intreate you to deliuer that to mine vnkle with your owne hands , if he be in london , or to conueigh it to him by such a one as will not lose that loose paper of verses . the like care i desire you to haue of that to my mother , and to send it vnto her by some other man then a carrier , if you can iet with such an opportunity : for in truth i am afraide the carrier wil lose the inclosed paper . pray take aduice of some of the m. of the rolles his people that are to ride to euill . pray remember my commendations with all respect to m. williams the goldsmith and his wife ; and to beniamin iohnson , and to reade this letter to them both : likewise to mistris elizabeth balch , if shee continueth with your lady . one appendix more and so an end . there happened betwixt the day of the writing of this letter , and the day of the sealing of it vp , a memorable occurrent not to bee omitted . vvee receiued newes at this court the ninth day after the writing of this letter ( for nine daies it was vnsealed ) being the eight of october , of the arriuall of foure goodly english ships , at the hauen of su●at in india , and in the same , of a very generous and worthy english knight , a deare friend of mine , sir thomas rowe , to come to the court with some mature expedition , as an ambassadour from the right worshipfull company of london merchants that trade for india : he cometh with letters from our king , and certaine selected presents of good worth from the company , amongst the rest , a gallant caroch , of 150. pounds price . also there came with him 15. seruants , al englishmen . forty daies hence at the farthest we expect ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) his arriual at this court. this newes doth refocillate ( i will vse my olde phrase so well knowne to you ) my spirits : for i hope he will vse me graciously , for old acquaintance sake . to the high seneschall of the right worshipfull fraternitie of sireniacal gentlemen , that meet the first fridaie of euery moneth , at the signe of the mere-maide in bread streete in london , giue these : from the court of the great mogul resident at the towne of asmere , in the easterne india . right generous , iouiall , and mercuriall sirenaicks ; i haue often read this greeke prouerb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , one hand washeth another , & in latine , mulus mulum scabi● , one mule scratcheth another ; by which the ancients signified , that courtesies done vnto friends , ought to bee requited with reciprocall offices of friendship . the serious consideration heereof , dooth make me to call to mind that incomparable elegant safe-conduct , which a little before my departure from england , your fraternity with a general suffrage gaue me for the security of my future peregrination , concinnated by the pleasant wit of that inimitable artizan of sweet elegancy , the moytie of my heart , and the quondam seneschall of the noblest society , m. l.vv. therefore since it is requsite that i should repay some-what for the same , according to the lawes of humanity : such a poore retribution as i sent vnto you from aleppo , the metropolitan city of syria , by one m. henry allare of kent , my fellow-pilgrime therehence to ierusalem ; i meane a plaine epistle , which i hope , long since came vnto your hands . i haue sent vnto you by a man no lesse deare vnto mee then the former , one m. peter rogers , a kentish man also , from the most famigerated region of all the east , the ample and large india : assuring my selfe , that because i am not able to requite your loue with any essentiall gratulations , other then verball and scriptall , you wil as louingly entertaine my poore letters , beeing the certaine manifestation of an ingenious minde , as if j should send vnto you the minerall riches or drugges of the noble country . thinke it no wonder i pray you , that i haue made no vse in all this space since i left my natiue country , of the superexcellent commeate ; for i haue spent all my time hitherto in the mahometan countries , and am like to spend three yeares more in these musselman ( as they call them ) regions of asia , after of europe , before j shal ariue in christendome . for this cause i left it in aleppo , with my countrimen , there to receiue it from them againe , after that i shall haue ended my indian and persian perambulation : and therehence to carrie it once more to constantinople , and that by the way at iconium , nicaea , nicomedia , & in the countrie of natolia , a iournie of forty daies . from that finally through the heart of greece , by the cities of athens , thebes , corinth , lacedemon , thessalonica , and to the citie of ragouze , heretofore epidaurus , so sacred for the image of aesculapius in the countrie of sclauonia , once called illyricum ; from thence j haue three daies iourney to the inestimable diamond set in the ring of the adriatique gulfe , ( as once i said in the first harangue that euer i made to prince henry of blessed memory , translated since my departure from london , from the terrestiall tabarnacles , to the coelestial habitations ) venereous venice , the soueraign queen of the mare superum : if the great iehouah shall be so propitious vnto mee , as to grant mee a prosperous arriuall in that noble cittie , i will there beginne to shew your safe conduct , and to decantate , yea and blazon your praises for the same : and after in euery other place of note , vntill i shall arriue in glorious london , communicate it to the most polite , with that the cities will yeeld , thorough which my laborious feete shall carry mee , it would be superuacaneous to commemorate vnto you the almost incredible extent of land i trauersed from ierusalem to the court of the great mogul in india , where i now reside ; with the variable regions and prouinces interiacent betwixt them , and the manifold occurrences and obseruations of speciall worke in this vaste tract : for it wold be such a fastidious discourse , that it could not be wel comprehended in a large sheete of paper : but m. vv. i hope will not faile to import vnto you in a few compendious relations , which i haue acquainted him with , in a particular letter to himselfe : of which , if i should haue written againe to you , it would haue proued crambe his cocta . the gentleman that bringeth this letter vnto you , was preacher to the english merchants conuersant at the court of the aforesaide mighty monarch in the towne of asmere in this easterne india : and in diuers louing offices hath bene so kind vnto me , that i intreat your generosities to entertaine him friendly for my sake , to exhilarate him with the purest quintessence of the spanish , french and rhenish grape , which the mermaid yeeldeth ; & either one in the name of you all , or else the totall vniuersalitie of the one after another , to thanke him heartily , according to the quality of his merits . farewell noble sirenaicks . your generosities most obliged countreyman , euer to be commanded by you , the hierosolymitan-syrian-mesopotamian-armenian-median-parthian-persian-indian legge-stretcher of odcomb in somerset , thomas coryate . pray remember the recommendations of my dutifull respect to al those whose names i haue here expressed , being the louers of vertue , and literature ; and so consequently the well-willers ( i hope ) of a prosperous issue of my designements , in my laborious pedestriall perambulations of asia , africa , and europe . vvritten with mine owne hand , at the court of the great mogul shaugh selim , resident in the towne of asmere , in the vmbilicke of the orientall india , the eight day of nouember , being wednesdaie . anno dom. 1615. imprimis , to the two ladies varney , the mother & the daughter , at boswell house without temple barre . 2. item , to that famous antiquarie , sir robert cotten , at his house in the blacke friers . pray tell him that i haue a very curious white marble head of an ancient heros or gyant-like champion , found out very casually by my diligent peruestigatiō amongst the ruines of the once renowned city of cyzicum , mentioned by cicero in his second oration ( if my memory doth not faile me ) against verres , situate in a peninsula of bythinia , in the goodly country of natolia , neere the sea propontis : to this head wil his best antiquities whatsoeuer veyle bonnet . 3. item , to that courteous , sweet , and elegant-natured and nurtured gentleman . m. william forde , preacher to our nation at constantinople , if you happen to meete him in any part of england ; one that deserueth better of me then any man in all this catalogue : for of him i haue learned whatsoeuer superficiall skill i haue gotten in the italian tongue : pray reduplicate my commendations vnto him . 4. item to m. george speake my generous & ingenuous countriman , the sonne and heyre apparant of sir george speake in sommersetshire : him you are like to finde in any terme , eyther at the middle temple , or in some barbers house neere to the temple . 5. item , to m. iohn donne , the author of two most elegant latine bookes , pseudo martyr , and ignatij conclaue : of his abode either in the strād , or elsewhere in london : i thinke you shall bee easily informed by the meanes of my friend , m. l. w. 6. item , to m. richard martin , counsellor , at his chamber in the middle temple , but in the terme time , scarce else . 7. item , to m. christopher brooke of the city of yorke , councellor , at his chamber in lincolnes inne , or neere it . 8. item , to m. iohn hoskins , alias acquinoctial pastitrust , of the citie of hereford , councellor , at his chamber in the middle temple . 9. item , to m. george garrat ; of whose beeing you shal vnderstand by master donne aforesaide . 10 item , to m. vvilliam hackwell , at his chamber in lincolnes inne . 11 item , to master beniamin iohnson the poet , at his chamber at the blacke friars . 12. item to maist. iohn bond my countreyman , chiefe secretarie vnto my lorde chancellour . 13 item , to m. doctor mocket , resident perhappes in my lord of canterburies house at lambeth , where i left him . 14 item , to m. samuel purkas , the great collector of the lucubrations of sundry classical authors , for the description of asia , africa , and america . pray commend mee vnto him and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 maister cooke , by the same token , that he gaue me a description of constantinople , and the thracius bosphorus , written in latine by a frenchman called petrus gillius : which booke , when i carried once in an afternoone vnder mine arme , in walking betwixt our english ambassadors house in pera , on the opposite side to constantinople , and the flemish ambassadors house , i lost it very vnfortunately to my great griefe , & neuer found it againe . 15 item , to m. inigo iones , there where maister martin shall direct you . 16 item , to m. iohn williams the kings goldat his house in cheapside . 17 item to m. hugh holland , at his lodging , where m. martin shall direct you . 18 item , to m. robert bing at yongs ordinarie , neere the exchange . 19 item , to m. william stansby , the printer of my crudities and crambe , at his house in thames street : also to his childlesse wife . 20 item , to all the stationers in paules church-yard ; but especially those by name , mast. norton , mast. waterson , m. mathew lownes , m. edward blount , and m. barrat , &c. god bless thēall , & me too , that i may one day after the finall consummation of my fastidious peregrinations in the world , see and salute them all in health and welfare . per me thomam coryatum odcombiensem . pray remember my verie humble dutie to my lord byshop of bathe and welles , generous m. doctor montacute ; and tell his lordship , that before i returne towards the persian court out of this orientall india , i resolue ( by gods permission ) to write such a letter vnto him ( after i haue throughly surueighed so much of this country as i meane to do ) as shall not bee vnworthy to bee read to the kings most excellent maiesty . you are like to heare newes of his lordships abode in kings street , neere vvestminster . a distich to the traueller . all our choice wits , all , see , thou hast engrost : the doubt yet rests , if they or thou haue most . finis . to his louing mother . by this present letter , i am like to minister vnto you the occasion of two contrary matters ; the one of comfort , the other of discomfort : of comfort , because i haue by the propitious assistance of the omnipotent iehouah , performed such a notable voyage of asia the greater , with purchase of great riches of experience , as i doubt whether any english man this hundred yeares haue done the like ; hauing seene and very particularly obserued all the cheefest things in the holy-land , called in times past palaestina ; as ierusalem , samaria , nazareth , bethlehem , iericho , emaus , bethania , the dead sea , called by the ancients lacus asphaltities , where sodome and gomorrha once stood ; since that , many famous and renowned cities and countries ; mesopotamia , in the which i entred by the passage of the riuer euphrates , that watered paradise ; in which the citty of vr where abraham was borne ; both the mediaes , the higher and the lower . parthia , armenia , persia , through al which i haue trauailed into the eastern india , being now at the court of the great mogull , at a towne called asmere , the which from ierusalem is the distance of two thousand and seauen hundred miles ; and haue traced all this tedious way afoote , with no small toile of bodye and discomfort , because that beeing so exceeding farre from my sweet and most delicious natiue soyle of england , you will doubt perhaps , how it is possible for me to returne home againe : but i hope i shall quickly remoue from you that opinion of discomfort , ( if at the least you shall conceiue any such ) because i would haue you know , that i alwayes go safely in the company of carauans from place to place . a carauan is a word much vsed in all asia : by which is vnderstood a great multitude of people trauelling together vpon the way with camels , horses , mules , asses , &c. on which they carry merchandizes from one country to another , and tents and pauillions ; vnder which instead of houses they shelter themselues in open fields , being furnished also with all necessary prouision , and conuenient implements to dresse the same : in which carauans i haue euer most securely passed betwixt ierusalem and this towne , a iourney of fifteene months and odde dayes : whereof foure wanting a vveeke , spent in aleppo , and two and fiue & od dayes spent in spahan the metropolitan citty of persia , where the persian king most commonly keepeth his court : & the occasion of my spending of sixe moneths of the foresaide fifteene , in those two citties , was to waite for an opportunity of carauans to trauaile withall ; which a traueller is not sure to finde presently , when he is ready to take his iourney , but must with patience expect a conuenient time ; and the carauan in which i trauelled betwixt spahan and india , contained 2000. camels , 1500. horses , 1000. and odde mules , 800. asses , and sixe thousand people . let this therefore ( deer mother ) minister vnto you a strong hope of my happy returne into england . notwithstand all these lines for prouision for your funerall , i hope for to see you aliue and sound in body & minde , about foure yeares hence ; & to kneele before you with effusion of teares , for ioy . sweet mother , pray let not this wound your heart , that i say four yeares hence , & not before ; i humbly beseech you euen vpon the knees of my heart , with all submissiue , supplications to pardon me for my long absence ; for verily , i haue resolued by the fauour of the supernal powers , to spend 4. entire yeares more before my returne , and so to make it a pilgrimage of 7. yeares , to the end i may very effectually and profitably contemplate a great part of this worldly fabricke , determining by gods special help , to go from india into the countrey of scythia , now called tartaria , to the cittie samarcanda , to see the sepulcher of the greatest conqueror that euer was in the worlde . tamberlaine the great : thither it is a iourney of two months from the place i now remaine : from that i meane to return into persia ; and therehence by the way of babylon & niniuy , and the mountaine ararat , where noahs arke rested , to aleppo , to my countrymen . from that , by the way of damascus , and once againe to gaza in the land of the philistims vnto cairo in egypt : from that downe the nilus to alexandria : and therehence finally , i hope to be imbarked for some part of christendome , as either venice , or &c. after mine arriuall in christendome , i shall desire to trauell two yeares in italy , and both high & low germany , and then with all expedition into england , and to see you ( i hope ) with as great ioy as euer did any trauailer his father or mother , going in that manner as i do like a poore pilgrim . i am like to passe with vndoubted securitie , and very small charge : for in my tenne months trauailes betwixt aleppo and this moguls court , i spent but three pounds sterling , and yet had sustenance enough to maintaine nature , liuing reasonably well , oftentimes a whole day , for so much of their money , as doeth counteruaile two pence sterling . but least i be ouer tedious vnto you , i will heere make an end . &c. i will now commend you to the most blessed protection of our sauiour iesus christ ; before whose holy sepulcher at ierusalem , i haue poured foorth mine ardent orisons for you , to the most sacrosanct trinity , beseeching it with all humilitie of heart , to blesse and preserue you in a solid health , &c. your louing sonne , tho : coryate . to his louing friend , thomas coryate . tom coryates shooes hang by the bels at odcomb , where that bel-dam dwels who first produc't that monster : monster of men i may him call , in that he is admir'd of all , else mought he me misconster . his head doth run the wilde-goose chace , swifter then horse of hunting race , or hare that hound runs after : he pickes vp wit , as pigeons pease , and vtters it when god doth please : o who can hold from laughter ? to see him in a morning sunne , in his rough lambeskin and bare gowne the scuttle hole ascending : would make a horse his halter breake , to heare him vomit forth his greeke , with all the ship contending . on christmas day he drunke in iest , coniur'd a storme out of the east , in clambring vp the cradle : before , the winde was wondrous faire , now forc't to ride in gebraltar , withouten horse or saddle . but asses there a hideous band , thom-as discouered from the land , his booke is not without them : at toms returne there will be sport , in countrey , city , towne , and court , those asses round about them . who liues his leaues for to vnfold , at his returne , i dare be bold , will wonders finde farre stranger , then was his conflict with the iewes , or entertainment at the stewes ; or lying in the manger amongst the horse at bergamo , or begging of the poore , i tro ; these were but toyes and bables : of drums , guns , trumpets , he will tell , of haling ships , of pyrats fell ; of tacklings , masts , and cables . vvith starboord , larboorde , helme alee , full , come no neere : 't is done quoth he , who at the helme doth stand . war-no-more , cries an angry mate ; oh odcombe , these be termes of state , not vsuall on the land. oh learne this tongue i thee beseech , for it is not beyond the reach of * leaden pated fooles : a marine language made , i say , among ourselues , which till this day was neuer taught in schooles . confront your academies all , of brazen-nose and penbrooke hall , of learned not the least : challenge the chiefe in our behoofe , and make the proudest spring his loofe , or send him south south-east . there let vs leaue them for a time : now to the subiect of my rime , tom tel-troth simply witty : neither tom dingell , nor tom drum , tom foole , tom piper , nor tom thum , the scorne of towne and citie . but tom of toms , admired most ; more then a goblin , or a ghost , a phairy , or an elfe ; vvhilst he amongst his friends abides , your gizards at your whitsontides , no merrier then the himselfe . fryer tucke , maide marian , and the rest , you bag-pipes loud that loodle best , making the valleyes ring : you and all countrey clownes giue place , to odcomb of esteemed grace , euen vice-toy to a king. who for his mirth and merry glee , is rais'd to higher dignity , then ere was english wight ; so honor'd since his comming out , he must no more be earm'd a lout , but styl'd a troian knight . where he hath writ of toombs , of stones of marble pillars , dead mens bones , with pallaces of pleasure : of gates , of turrets , churches , towres , of princes , pesants , knaues , and vvhores ; alas for time and leasure . for to repeate what he hath writ , vvhilst i am in this riming fit , plaine , simple , vnrefinde : of this no longer must i stay , be merry mates , and le ts away , whilst weather serues , and winde . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19384-e1050 gen. 2 , 10. gen. 11.28 . notes for div a19384-e1650 * a goodly prouince in india , three hundred miles from hence * a kinde of wine vsed in that part of india . * he meaneth arabia foelix . notes for div a19384-e4560 * because my brother c●●riate called the sailers leaden pated fellowes . i say , it is not beyond their reach to learne this language : not that i call him leaden pated , for the world knowes he is capeable of farre worth or languages : beeing now adding italian , to his excellent greeke and latine . gizard is in scotch a merry mummer . termed a lout , hauing a reference vnto the princes verses , who held all men guts & louts that were not trauellers . mr thomas coriat to his friends in england sendeth greeting from agra the capitall city of the dominion of the great mogoll in the easterne india, the last of october, 1616. thy trauels and thy glory to ennamell, with fame we mount thee on the lofty cammell; ... . coryate, thomas, ca. 1577-1617. 1618 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19381 stc 5809 estc s118544 99853751 99853751 19146 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19381) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19146) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 577:06) mr thomas coriat to his friends in england sendeth greeting from agra the capitall city of the dominion of the great mogoll in the easterne india, the last of october, 1616. thy trauels and thy glory to ennamell, with fame we mount thee on the lofty cammell; ... . coryate, thomas, ca. 1577-1617. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [52] p. printed by i. b[eale], at london : 1618. with woodcut title vignette. edited, with miscellaneous verses on coryate by i.t., i.e. john taylor. signatures: [par].⁴ a⁴ a⁴ b-e⁴ (-[par].1 and e4, blank?). leaf a3v is blank and a4 has a woodcut (as on a3v, c4v) on the recto and superscription on the verso; a variant has superscription on a3v and a4 blank. imperfect: leaves a2,3 and c4 lacking, supplied by photostat from penrose copy. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts 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at the text creation partnership web site . eng india -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-02 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr thomas coriat to his friends in england sendeth greeting : from agra the capitall city of the dominion of the great mogoll in the easterne india , the last of october , 1616. thy trauels and thy glory to ennamell , with fame we mount thee on the lofty cammell ; but cammels , elephants , nor horse nor asse can beare thy worth , that worthlesse dost surpasse . the world 's the beast that must thy palfrey be , thou rid'st the world , and all the world rides thee . at london printed by i. b. 1618 certaine verses in commendations of this mirrour of footmanship , this catholique or vniuersall traueller , this european , asian , african pilgrime , this well letterd , well litterd discouerer and cosmographicall describer master thomas coriat of odcombe . o thou whose sharp toes cuts the globe in quarters , mongst iewes & greeks & tyrannizing tartars : whose glory through the vastie welkin rumbles , and whose great acts more then nine muses mumbles , whose ratling fame apollo's daughters thunders , midst africke monsters , and 'mongst asian wonders . accept these footed verses i implore thee , that heere ( great footman ) goe on foote before thee : to sing thy praise i would my muse inforce , but that ( alas ) she is both harsh and hoarse : and therefore pardon this my loues epistle , for though she cannot sing , i le make her whistle . in praise of the author maister thomas coriat . thou that the world with pleasures full hast pleasur'd , and out of measure many kingdomes measur'd . whil'st men ( like swine ) doe in their vices wallow , and not one dares for 's eares thy steps to follow : not one within the compasse of the cope , like thee that dar'st suruay the horoscope : for who is he that dares call it a lye , that thou hast trotted into italie ; by th' edge of france , and skirts of spaine th' hast rambled , through belgia and through germany th' ast ambled . and , denmarke , sweden , norway , austria , pruce , poland , hungarie , muscouia , with thracia , and the land of merry greekes , all these and more applaud thee , that who seekes vpon the top of mount olimpus front , perhaps may see thy name insculp'd vpon 't , and he that durst detract thy worthin europe , i wish he may be hang'd vp in a new rope . it were a world of businesse to repeat thy walkes through both the asiaes , lesse and great , whereas ( no doubt ) but thou hast tane suruay of china and the kingdome of catay . th' east indies , persia , parthia , media , armenia , and the great ass-iria , caldea , iurie , ( if we not mistake vs ) thou hast or'e look'd the sea call'd mortuus lacus . and i durst venter somewhat for a wager thou hast seene ionia , lidia , misia maior , old iliums ruins , and the wracks of priam , but of inuention i ( alas ) so dry am , i beate my braines , and with outragious thumping , my lines fall from my pen with extreame pumping . auaunt dull morpheus , with thy leaden spirit , can matter want of him that wants no merit ? as he through syria and arabia's coasting , my lines from asia into africke poasting , i 'le follow him alongst the riuer nilus , in egypt , where false crocodiles beguile vs. through mauritania to the towne of dido , that slew her selfe by power of god cupido . the kingdomes vnsuruai'd hee 'le not leaue one from zona● oride , to the frozen zone . with prester iohn in aethiopia and th' ayrie empire of eutopia . a little remembrance of his variety of tongues , and politicke forme of travell . a very babell of confused tongues vnto thy little microcosme belongs , that to what place soeuer thou doost walk , thou wilt lose nothing through the want of talke . for thou canst kisse thy hand , and make a legge , and wisely canst in any language begge , and sure to begge 't is pollicie ( i note ) it sometimes saues the cutting of thy throat : for the worst thiefe that euer liu'd by stealth , will neuer kill a beggar for his wealth . but who is 't but thy wisedome doth admire , that doth vnto such high conceits aspire . thou tak'st the bounty of each bounteous giuer , and drink'st the liquor of the running riuer : each kitchin where thou com'st , thou hast a cooke , thou neuer run'st on score vnto the brooke ; for if thou didst , the brooke and thou would'st gree , thou runst from it , and it doth run from thee . in thy returne from agra and assmere by thy relation following doth appeare , that thou dost purpose learnedly to fling a rare oration to the persian king. then let the idle world prate this , and that , the persian king will giue thee ( god knowes what ▪ ) and furthermore to me it wondrous strange is , how thou dost meane to see the riuer ganges , with tigris , euphrates , and nimrods babell , and the vnhappy place where caine slew abell . that if thou were in hebrew circumsised , the rabbyes all were wondrous ill aduised : nay more , they were all coxecombes , all starke mad to thinke thou wert of any tribe but gad. sure , in thy youth thou eat'st much running fare , as trotters , neates-feete , and the swift-foot hare , and so by inspiration fed , it bred two going feet to beare one running head . thou fil'st the printers presse with griefe and mourning , still gaping , and expecting thy returning : all pauls-church yard is fil'd with melancholy , not for the want of bookes , or wit ; but folly . it is for them , to grieue too much for thee , for thou wilt come when thou thy time shalt see . but yet at one thing much my muse doth muse , thou aust so many commendations vse vnto thy mother and to diuers friends , thou hast ●●membred many kinde commends , and till the last thou didst forget thy father , i know not why , but this conceit i gather , that as men sitting at a feast to eat , begin with beefe , porke , mutton , and such meate ; and when their stomacks are a little cloyd , this first course then the voyder doth auoid : the anger of their hunger being past , the pheasant and the partridge comes at last . this ( i imagine ) in thy mindedid fail , to note thy father last to close vp all . first to thy mother here thou dost commend , and lastly to thy father thou dost send : she may command in thee a filiall awe , but he is but thy father by the law. to heare of thee , mirth euery heart doth cheere , but we should laugh out-right to haue thee heere . for who is it that knowes thee , but would choose , farther to haue thy presence then thy newes . thou shewest how well thou setst thy wits to worke , in tickling of a misbeleeuing turke : he cal'd thee giaur , but thou so well didst answer ( being hot and fiery , like to crabbed caneer ) that if he had a turke of ten pence bin , thou told'st him plaine the errors he was in ; his alkaron , his moskyes are whim-whams , false bug-beare bables , fables all that dams , sleights of the deuill , that brings perpetuall woe , thou wast not mealy mouth'd to tell him so . and when thy talke with him thou didst giue ore , as wise he parted as he was before : his ignorance had not the power to see which way or how to edifie by thee : but with the turke ( thus much i build vpon ) if words could haue done good , it had beene done . the superscription , sent from azmere , the court of the great and mightiest monarch of the east , called the great mogvll in the easterne jndia : to be conuaid to my deare and louing mother mris : garthered coriat , at her house in the towne of euill in somersetshire . i pray you deliuer this letter at gerards hall to christopher guppie a carrier , ( if he be yet liuing ) or else to some other honest trusty messenger , to be conuaid with all conuenient speed to the place aforesaid . ❧ master thomas coriats commendations to his friends in fromagra the capitall city of the dominion of the great mogoll in the easterne india , the last of october , 1616. most deare and welbeloued mother , though i haue superscribed my letter from azmere , the court of the greatest monarch of the east called the great magoll in the eastern india , which i did to this end , that those that haue the charge of conueiance thereof , perceiuing such a title , may be the more carefull and diligent to conuey it safely to your hands : yet in truth the place from which i wrote this letter is agra , a city in the said eastern india , which is the metropolitan of the whole dominion of the foresaid king mogol , & 10 daies iourny frō his court at the said azmere . frō the same azmere i departed the 12 day of september , an. 1616 , after my abode there 12 moneths & 60 daies ; which though i confesse it were a too long time to remaine in one and the selfesame place , yet for two principall causes it was very requisite for me to remaine there some reasonable time : first to learne the languages of those countries , through which i am to passe betwixt the bounds of the teritories of this prince and christendome , namely these three , the persian , turkish , and arab : which i haue in some competent measure attained vnto by my labour and industry at the said kings court , matters as auaileable vnto me as mony in my purse , as being the cheifest or rather onely meane to get me mony if i should happen to be destitute , a matter very incidentall to a poore footman pilgrim , as my selfe in these heathen and mahometan countries through which i trauell : secondly , that by the helpe of one of those languages , i meane the persian , i might both procure vnto my selfe accesse vnto the king , & be able to expresse my mind vnto him about the matter for the which i should haue occasiō to discours with him . these were the reasōs that moued me so long to tarry at the mogols court , during which time i abode in the house of the english merchants my deare countrimen , not spending one little peece of mony either for diet , washing , lodging ▪ or any other thing . and as for the persian tongue , which i studied very earnestly , i attained to that reasonable skill , and that in a fewe moneths , that i made an oration vnto the king before many of his nobles in that language , and after i had ended the same , discoursed with his maiesty also in that tongue very readily & familiarly ; the coppy of which speech , though the tong it selfe wil seem to an englishman very strange & vncuth , as hauing no kind of affinity with any of our christian languages , i haue for nouelty sake written out in this letter , together with the translation thereof in english , that you may shew it to some of my lerned friends of the clergy , and also of the temporalty in euil , and elswere , who belike , wil take some pleasure in reading so rare and vnusuall a tongue as this is . the persian is this that followeth . ¶ the copie of an oration that i made in the persian tongue , to the great mogoll , before diuers of his nobles . hazaret aallum pennah salamet , fooker daruces ve tehaungeshta hastamkemta emadam az wellagets door , ganne az mulk inglizan : ke kessanaion pet heē mushacas cardand ke wellagets , mazcoor der akers magrub bood , ke mader hamma rezzaerts dunmast . sabebbe amadane mari mia boosti char cheez ast auval be dedane mobarreckdeedars . hazaret ke seete caramat ba hamma trankestan reeseedast ooba tamam mulk musulmanan der sheenedan awsaffe . hazaret daueeda amadam be deedane astawne akdas musharaf geshtam duum bray deedane feelhay hazaret , kin chunm ianooar der heech mulk ne dedam seu in bray deedane namwer daryaee shumma gauga , ke serdare hamma daryaha dumiest . chaharum een ast , keyec fermawne alishaion amayet fermoyand , ke betwanam der wellay●tts vzbeck raftan ba shahre samarcand , bray zeerat cardan cabbre mobarrec saheb crawncah awsaffe tang oo mosachere oo der tamam aallum meshoor ast belkder wellagette vzbec eencader meshoor neest chunan che der malc inglisan a st digr , bishare eshteeac daram be deedanc mobarrec mesare saheb crawnca bray een sabeb , che awne sama n che focheer de shabr stambol boodam , ycaiaeb cohua amarat deedam dermean yecush bawg nasdec shaht mascoor coia che padshaw eezawiawn che namesh manuel bood che saheb crawnca cush mehmannec aseem carda bood , baad as gristane sulten baiasetra as iange aseem che shuda bood nas dec shahre bursa , coimache saheb crawn sultan baiasetra de zenicera tellaio bestand , oo der cafes nahadondeen char chees meera as mulche man ium baneed tamia , as mulc . room oo arrac peeada geshta , as door der een mulc reseedam , che char hasar pharsang raw darad , beshare derd oo mohuet casheedam che heech ches der een dunnia een cader mohuet ne casheedast bray deeaune mobarrec dedare haseretet awn roos che be tacte shaugh ne shaughee m●sharaf fermoodand . the english of it is this . lord a protector of the world all haile to you ▪ i am a poore traueller and world seer , which am come hither from a farre country , namely england , which auncient historians thought to haue been scituated in the farthest bounds of the west , and which is the queene of all the ilands in the world . the cause of my comming hither is for foure respects . first to see the blessed face of your maiesty , whose wonderfull fame hath resounded ouer all europe & the mahometan countries . whē i heard of the fame of your maiesty , i hastened hither with speed and trauelled very cherefully to see your glorious court. secondly , to see your maiesties elephants , which kind of beasts i haue not seen in any other country . thirdly , to see your famous riuer ganges , which is the captaine of all the rieuer of the world . the fourth is this , to intreat your maiesty that you would vouchsafe to grant mee your gracious passe that i may trauell into the country of tartaria to the citty of samarcand , to visit the blessed sepulcher of the lord of the corners ( this is a title that is giuen to tamberlaine in this country in that persian language , and wheras they call him the lord of the corners , by that they meane that he was lord of the corners of the world , that is , the highest and supreme monarch of the vniuerse ) : whose fame by reason of his warres and victories , is published ouer the whole world : perhaps he is not altogether so famous in his own country of tartaria , as in england . moreouer , i haue a great desire to see the blessed toombe of the lord of the corners for this cause ; for that when i was at constantinople , i saw a notable old building in a pleasant garden neer the said city , where the christian emperor that was called emanuell made a sumptuous great banquet to the lord of the corners , after he had taken sultan batazet in a great battell that was fought neere the city of bursia , where the lord of the corners bound sultan batazet in fetters of gold , and put him in a cage of iron . these 4 causes moued me to come out of my natiue country thus farre , hauing trauelled a foote through turky and persia , so farre haue i traced the world into this country , that my pilgrimage hath accomplished three thousand miles , wherin i haue sustained much labour and toile , the like wherof no mortall man in this world did euer performe to see the blessed face of your maiesty since the first day that you were inaugurated in your glorious monarchall throne . after i had ended my speech , i had some short discourse with him in the persian tongue who amongst other things told me , that concerning my trauell to the city of samarcand , he was not able to doe me any good , because there was no great amity betwixt the tartarian princes and himselfe , so that his commendatory letters would doe me no good . also he added , that the tartars did so deadly hate all christians , that they would certainely kill them when they came into their country . so that he earnestly diswaded me frō the iourny , if i loued my life and welfare ; at last he concluded his discourse with me by a sum of mony that he threw downe from a windowe through which he looked out , into a sheete tied vp by the foure corners , and hanging very neer the ground a hundred peeces of siluer , each worth two shillings sterling , which coūteruailed ten pounds of our english mony : this busines i carried so secretly by the help of my persian , that neither our english ambassador , nor any other of my countrimen ( sauing one speciall , priuate , & intrinsical friend ) had the least inkling of it , till i had throughly accomplished my designe : for i well knew that our ambassador ▪ would haue stopped and barracadocd all my proceeding therein , if he might haue had any notice thereof , as indeed he signified vnto me after i had effected my proiect , aleaging this forsooth for his reason why he would haue hindered me , because it would redound some what to the dishonour of our nation , that one of our countrey should present himselfe in that beggarly and poore fashion to the king out of an insinuating humor to craue mony of him , but i answered our ambassador in that stout & resolute manner after i had ended my busines , that he was contented to cease nibling at me , neuer had i more need of mony in all my life then at that time : for in truth i had but twenty shillings sterling left in my purse by reason of a mischance i had in one of the turkes cities called emert in the country of mesopotamia , where a miscreant turke stripped me of almost all my monies , according as i wrote vnto you in a very large letter the last yeer , which i sent from the court of this mighty monarch by one of my countrimen that went home by sea in an english shippe laden with the commodities of this india , which letter i hope came to your hands long since . after i had been with the king , i went to a certaine noble & generous christian of the armeniā race , 2 daies iourny frō the mogols court , to the end to obserue certain remarkable matters in the same place , to whom by means of my persian tongue i was so welcome that hee entertained me with very ciuill and courteous complement , and at my departure gaue mee very bountifully twenty peeces of such kind of mony as the king had done before , coūteruailing 40 shillings sterling . about ten daies after that , i departed frō azmere the court of the mogol prince , to the end to begin my pilgrimage after my long rest of fourteen moneths back againe into persia , at what time our ambassador gaue mee a peece of gold of this kings coine worth foure and twenty shillings , which i will saue ( if it be possible ) till my ariuall in england : so that i haue receiued for beneuolences since i came into this country twenty markes sterling sauing two shillings eight pence , & by the way vppon the confines of persia alitle before i came into this country three and thirty shillings foure pence in persian mony of my lady sherly : at this present i haue in the city of agra where hence i wrote this letter , about twelue pounds sterling , which according to my maner of liuing vppon the way at two-pence sterling a day ( for with that proportion i can liue pretty well , such is the cheapnes of all eatable things in asia , drinkable things costing nothing , for seldome doe i drinke in my pilgrimage any other liquor then pure water ) will mainetaine mee very competently three yeeres in my trauell with meate drinke and clothes . of these gratuities which haue been giuen me willingly , would i send you some part as a demonstration of the filiall loue and affection which euery child bred in ciuility and humility ought to performe to his louing and good mother : but the distance of space betwixt this place and england , the hazard of mens liues in so long a ioureny , and also the infidelity of many men , who though they liue to come home , are vnwilling to render an account of the things they haue receiued , doe not a little discourage me to send any precious token vnto you ; but if i liue to come one day to constantinople againe ( for thither doe i resolue to goe once more by the grace of christ , and therehence to take my passage by land into christendom ouer renouned greece ) i wil make choice of some substantial & faithfull countriman , by whom i will send some prety token as an expression of my dutifull and obedient respect vnto you . i haue not had the oppertunity to see the king of persia as yet since i came into this country , but i haue resolued to goe to him when i come next into his territories , and to search him out wheresoeuer i can find him in his kingdome ; for seeing i can discourse with him in his persian tongue , i doubt not but that going vnto him in the forme of a pilgrime , he will not onely entertaine me with good words , but also bestow some worthy reward vpon me beseeming his dignity and person ; for which cause i am prouided before hand with an excellent thing written in the persian tongue that i meane to present vnto him : and thus i hope to get beneuolences of worthy persons to maintaine me in a competent maner in my whole pilgrimage till i come into england , which i hold to be as laudable & a more secure course then if i did continually carry store of mony about mee . in the letter which i wrote vnto you by an english ship the last yeere , i made relation vnto you both of my iourny from the once holy hierusalem hither and of the state of this kings court , and the customes of this country , therfore i hold it superfluous to repeat the same things againe , but what the countryes are , that i meane to see betwixt this and christendome , and how long time i will spend in each country , i am vnwilling to aduertise you of at this present , desiring rather to signify that vnto you after i haue performed my designe then before ; howbeit in few words , i will tell you of certaine cities of great renown in former times , but now partly ruined , that i resolue ( by gods help ) to see in asia , where i now am , namely ancient babilon & nymrods tower , some few miles from niniue , & in the same the sepulcher of the prophet ionas , spacious & goodly ; caire in egypt , heretofore memphis , vpō the famous riuer nilus , where moises , aron , & the children of israel liued with king pharaoh , whose ruined palace is shewed there til this day , & a world of other mouable things as memorable as any city of the whole world yeeldeth , sauing only ierusalem : but in none of these or any other cities of note do i determin to linger as i haue done in other places , as in constantinople , and azmere , in this easterne india , onely some few daies will i tarry in a principall city of fame , to obserue euery principal matter there and so be gone . in this city of agra where i am now , i am to remaine about six weekes longer , to the end to expect an excellent oportunity , which then will offer it selfe vnto me to goe to the famous riuer ganges , about fiue daies iourny from this , to see a memorable meeting of the gentle people of this country called baieans , whereof about foure hundred thousand people go thither of purpose to bathe and shaue themselues in the riuer , and to sacrifice a world of gold to the same riuer , partly in stamped mony , & partly in massy great lumpes and wedges , throwing it into the riuer as a sacrifice , and doing other strange ceremonies most worthy the obseruation , such a notable spectacle it is , that no part of all asia , neither this which is called the great asia , nor the lesser , which is now called natolia , the like is to be seen ; this shew doe they make once euery yeere , comming thither from places almost a thousand miles off , and honour their riuer as their god , creator , and sauiour ; superstition and impiety most abominable in the highest degree of these brutish ethnicks , that are aliens from christ & the common-wealth of israel . after i haue seen this shew , i wil with all expedition repaire to the city of lahore , twenty daies iourny from this and so into persia by the helpe of my blessed christ . thus haue i imported vnto you some good accidents that happened vnto me since i wrote a letter vnto you the last yeere from the kings court , & some litle part of my resolution for the disposing of a part of my time of abode in asia : therefore now i will draw to a conclusion ; the time i cannot limit when i shall come home , but as my mercifull god and sauiour shall dispose of it . a long rabble of commēdations like to that which i wrote in my last letter to you i hold not so requisite to make at this present : therefore with remembrance of some fewe friends names , i will shut vp my present epistle . i pray you recommend me first in odcombe to master gollop , and euery good body of his family , if he liueth yet , to master berib , his wife and all his family , to all the knights , william chunt , iohn selly , hugh donne , and their wiues , to master atkins & his wife at norton , i pray commend me in euill to these , to old mr seward if he liueth , his wife and children ; the poore widow darby , old master dyer , and his sonne iohn , master ewins old and young with their wiues , master phelpes and his wife , master starre and his wife , with the rest of my good friends there , ( i had almost forgotten your husband ) to him also , to ned barber and his wife , to william ienings : commend me also i pray you , & that with respectfull and dutifull termes to the godly and reuerent fraternitie of preachers that euery second friday meet at a religious exercise at euill , at the least if that exercise doth continue , pray read this letter to them , for i thinke they wil be well pleased with it by reason of the nouelties of things . and so finally i commit you and all them to the blessed protection of almighty god. from agra the capitall of the dominion of the great mogoll in the easterne india the last of october 1616. your dutifull louing and obedient sonne , now a desolate pilgrim in the world. thomas coriat . ❧ the copy of a speech that j made to a mahometan in the italian tongue . the coppy of a speech that i made extempore in the italian tongue to a mahometan at a citie called moltan in the easterne india , two daies iourny beyond the famous riuer indus , which i haue passed , against mahomet and his accursed religion , vpon the occasiō of a discurtesie offered vnto mee by the said mahometan in calling me gtaur , that is infidell , by reason that i was a christian : the reason why i spake to him in italian , was because he vnderstood it , hauing been taken slaue for many yeeres since by certaine florentines in a gally wherein hee passed from constantinople towards alexandra , but being by them interrupted by the way , he was carried to a citie called ligorne in the duke of florences dominions , where after two yeeres he had learned good italian , but he was an indian borne and brought vp in the mahometan religion . i pronounced the speech before an hundred people , whereof none vnderstood it but himselfe , but hee afterward told the meaning of some part of it as far as he could remember it to some of the others also . if i had spoken thus much in turky , or persia against mahomet they would haue rosted me vpon a spitt ; but in the mogols dominions a christian may speake much more freely then hee can in any other mahometan country in the world . the speech was this as i afterward translated it into english . but i pray thee tell me thou mahometan , dost thou in sadnes call me giaur ? that i doe quoth he , then ( quoth i ) in very sobersadnes i retort that shamefull word in thy throate , and tell thee plainly that i am a musulman and thou art a giaur : for by that arab word musulman thou dost vnderstand that which cannot be properly applied to a mahometan but onely to a christian , so that i doe consequently inferre that there are two kindes of muselmen , the one an orthomusulmā , that is a true musulman which is a christian & the other a pseudo-musulman that is a false musulman which is a mahometan . what , thy mahomet was from whom thou dost deriue thy religion , assure thy selfe i know better then any one of the mahometans amongst many millions : yea all the particular circumstances of his life and death , his nation , his parentage , his driuing camels through egipt , iria , and palestina , the marriage of his mistris , by whose death he raised himselfe from a very base and contemtible estate to great honor and riches , his manner of cozening the sottish people of arabia , partly by a tame pigeon that did fly to his eare for meat , and partly by a tame bull that hee fed by hand euery pay , with the rest of his actions both in peace and warre : i know aswell as if i had liued in his time , or had beene one of his neighbours in mecca , the truth whereof if thou didst know aswell , i am perswaded thou wouldest spit in the face of thy alcaron , and trample it vnder thy feete , and bury it vnder a iaxe , a booke of that strange and weake matter , that i my selfe ( as meanely as thou dost see me attired now ) haue already written two better bookes ( god be thanked ) and will hereafter this , ( by gods gratious permission ) write another better and truer , yea i wold haue thee know ( thou mahometan ) that in that renouned kingdome of england where i was borne , learning doth so flourish , that there are many thousand boies of sixteene yeeres of age ▪ that are able to make a more learned booke then thy alcaron , neither was it ( as thou and the rest of you mahometans doe generally beleue ) composed wholy by mahomet , for hee was of so dull a wit , as he was not able to make it without the helpe of another , namely a certaine renegado monke of constantinople , called sergis . so that his alcoran was like an arrow drawne out of the quiuer of another man. i perceiue thou dost wonder to see me so much inflamed with anger , but i would haue thee consider it is not without great cause i am so moued , for what greter indignity can there be offered to a christian which is an arthomusulman , thē to be called giaur by a giaur : for christ ( whose religion i professe ) is of that incomparable dignity , that as thy mahomet is not worthy to bee named that yeere wherein my blessed christ is , so neither is his alcoron worthy to be named that yeere wherein the * iuieel of my christ is . i haue obserued among the mahometans such a foolish forme of praier euer since my departure from spahan , ( which i confesse was no nouelty vnto me , for that i had obserued the like before both in constantinople and diuers other turkish cities ) that what with your vain repetions & diuers other prophane fooleries contained therein ▪ i am certaine your praiers doe euen stinke before god , and are of no more force then the cry of thy camell when thou doest lade or vnlade him : but the praiers of christians haue so preuailed with god , that in time of drought they haue obtained conuenient aboundance of raine , and in time of pestilence a suddaine cessation from the plague , such an effect of holy and feruent praier as neuer did the * scofferalahs , or the allamissel alow of any mahometan produce : yet must wee , whose praiers like a sweete smelling sacrifice are acceptable to god , be esteemed giaurs by those whose praiers are odious vnto his diuine maiestie : o times ! o maners ! now as i haue told thee the difference betwixt the effect of our christian & your mahometan praiers , so i pray thee obserue another difference betwixt you & vs , that i will presently intimate vnto thee : thou by the obseruation of the law of thy rediculous alcaron dost hope for paradice , wherein thy master mahomet hath promised riuers of rice , and to virgins the imbracing of angels vnder the shaddowe of spacious trees , though in truth that paradice be nothing else then a filthy quagmire so full of stincking dung-hils that a man cannot walke two spaces there but he shall stumble at a dung-hill and defile himselfe , but where this paradice is , not one amongst a thousand of you knoweth , therefore i will tell thee , it standeth in a country scituate betwixt heauen and earth called vtopia , whereof there is mention in the third book of thy alcaron and in the seuen and thirty asaria , but expressed with those misticall and obscure termes that is very difficult to vnderstand it , for this vtopian paradice i say as the reward of al your superstitious mumbling in your praiers , and the often ducking downe of your heads when you kisse the ground , with such a deuoute humilitie forsooth , doe you mahometans hope in another world : but wee christians hope to liue with god and his blessed angels for euer and euer in heauen , as being a proper and pecullar inheritance purchased vnto vs by the precious blood of our christ , yet must wee be reputed giaurs by those that are giaurs ? one thing more will tell thee ( o thou mahometan ) and so i will conclude this tedious speech , whereunto thy discurtious calling of me giaur hath inforced mee , and i prethee obserue this my conclusion . learning ( which is the most precious iewell that man hath in this life , by which he attaineth to the knowledge of diuine and humane things ) commeth to man either by reuelatiō which we otherwise cal inspiration , or by industry : learning by reuelation i cal that which god doth infuse from aboue by his special grace , vnto those whō he will vse as the instruments of his glory , who without labour or trauell doe aspire to a most eminent degree of knowledge . learning by industry i call it that which a man doth purchase to himselfe by continuall writing and reading , by practise and meditation : now by neither of these meanes haue the mahometans acquired any meane , much lesse any singular learning , for as mahomet himselfe was a man of a very superficiall and meane learning , so neuer was there any one of his disciples in any part of the world that was indued with any profound knowledge ▪ but wee christians by the one and the other meane , haue attained to the most exquisite science that can be incident to man : * some of our men that neuer were brought vp in studies hauing been so expert in a generall learning ( onely by gods speciall illumination ) as those haue spent forty yeeres in the practise thereof , and others by continuall practise of writing and reading , haue beene so excellent , that they became the very lampes and stars of the countries wherein they liued . these things being so , it cannot possible come to passe that the omnipotent god should deale so partially with mankind as to reueale his will to a people altogether misled in ignorance and blindnes as you mahometans are , and conceale it from vs christians that bestowe all our life time in the practise of diuine and humane disciplines , and in the ardent inuocation of gods holy name with all sincerity and purity of heart ? goe to then thou pseu-domusulman , that is , thou false-beleeuer , since by thy iniurious imputation laid vpon mee , in that thou calledst mee giaur , thou hast prouoked mee to speake thus . i pray thee let this mine answere be a warning for thee not to scandalize mee in the like manner any more , for the christian religion which i professe , is so deare and tender vnto mee that neither thou nor any other mahometan shal scotfree call me giaur , but that i will quit you with an answer muchto the wonder of those mahometans ▪ i pray you mother expect no more letters from me after this till my arriuall in christendom , because i haue resolued to write no more while i am in the mahometans countries , thinking that it will be a farre greater comfort both to you and to all my friends whatsoeuer , to heare newes that i haue accomplished my trauelles in mahometisme , then that i am comming vp and down , to and fro in the same , without any certainty of an issue therof ; therfore i pray haue patiēce for a time : about two yeers and a halfe hence i hope to finish these mahometan trauelles , and then either from the citie of raguzi in sclauonia which is a christian citie and the first we enter into christendome , from those parts of turky by land nere vnto the same or , from famous venice , i will very dutifully remember you againe with lines full of filiall piety and officious respect . i haue written two letters to my vncle williams since i came forth of england and no more , whereof one from the mogols court the last yeere , iust at the same time that i wrote vnto you ; and another now , which i sent ●ointly by the same messenger that carried yours out of india by sea. once more i recommend you and all our hearty wel-willers & friends to the gratious tuition of the lord of hosts ; i pray you remember my duty to master hancoke that reuerend and apostolicall good old man , and his wife , if they are yet liuing ; to their sonnes thomas and iohn , and their wiues . finis . master thomas coriat . some may perhaps suppose this prose is mine , but all that know thee will be sworne 't is thine : for ( as 't was said b'a learned cambridge scholler ) ( who knowes the style , may smell it by the coller ) : the prose ( i sweare ) is coriats , he did make it , and who dares claime it from him , let him take it . the avthor of the verse , takes leaue of the author of the prose , desiring rather to see him , then to heare from him . those rimes before thy meaning doth vnclose , which men perhaps haue blundred ore in prose : and 't is a doubt to me , whose paines is more , thou that didst write , or they that read them o're : my scullers muse without or art or skill , in humble seruice ( with a gooses quill ) hath tane this needles , fruitles paines for thee , not knowing when thou l't doe as much for me . but this is not the first , nor shall not be the last ( i hope ) that i shall write for thee . for when newes thou wast drown'd did hither come , i wrote a mournefull epicedium . and after when i heard it was a lye , i wrote of thy suruiuing presently . laugh and be fat , the scullers booke , and this shewes how my minde to thee addicted is ; my loue to thee hath euer more been such , that in thy praise i nere can write too much : and much i long to see thee heere againe , that i may welcome thee in such a straine that shall euen cracke my pulsiue pi●mater , in warbling thy renowne by land and water : then shall the fame which thou hast won on foot ( mongst hethens , iews , turks , negroes ( black as soot ) ride on my best inuention like an asse , to the amazement of each owliglasse . in praise of the author , till when fare well ( if thou canst get good fare ) content's a feast , although the feast be bare . let eolus and neptune be combinde , with sea auspicious , and officious winde ; in thy returne with speed to blow thee backe , that we may laugh , lie downe , and mourne in sacke . j. t. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19381-e2370 a this is the ordinary title that is giuen him by all strangers notes for div a19381-e3700 * this doe all mahometans call our gospell or the history of our saniour , written by the foure evangelists . * words that the mahometans doe often repeat in their praiers . * i mean the blessed apostles of our sauiour . an east-india colation; or a discourse of travels set forth in sundry obseruations, briefe and delightfull; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the east-indies, of almost foure yeares continuance. written by c.f. farewell, christopher. 1633 approx. 96 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a00549 stc 10687 estc s114627 99849852 99849852 15024 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a00549) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 15024) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 790:08) an east-india colation; or a discourse of travels set forth in sundry obseruations, briefe and delightfull; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the east-indies, of almost foure yeares continuance. written by c.f. farewell, christopher. [8], 69, [1], 24 p. printed by b. a[lsop] and t. f[awcet], london : 1633. page 69 signed: chr. farewell. in two parts; part 2 adds anecdotes of spain and ireland. printer's full names from stc. imperfect; stained and print show-through. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng india -description and travel -1498-1761. spain -description and travel. ireland -description and travel -to 1700. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an east-india colation ; or , a discourse of travels ; set forth in sundry observations , briefe and delightfull ; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the east indies , of almost foure yeares continuance . written by c. f. eccles. 34. 11. when i travayled i saw many things , and i vnderstand more then i can expresse . london printed by b. a. and t. f. 1633. the booke to the reader . my author for his love , his cost , and vertuous 〈◊〉 , desires but love for love of you his cour●…eous reader ; whose nature bountifull , i need not , ( nor is 't my intent ) here t' unfold ; being knowne to all to be magnificent ; the smaller that i seeme in worth , the greater is the praise of love in him , whose bounteous deeds transcend desert alwayes . greatnesse will shew greatnesse ever , and what so great as love ? or what so much as guifts ( of grace ) doth this grand vertue prove ? if reading in me , any good ( perhaps ) you chance to find make use thereof , reteyne it well , and love him for 't in mind . to the reader . courteous reader . it is not so old as true , that truth seekes ( nay brooks ) no corners , though charity doth ; for ( in a word ) to prove them both legitimate , it is as bold ( with discretion ) as the other is modestly bashfull ; it may ( for a time ) be blamed , but never shamed ; suspected , but not quite deiected ; trodden on , but not destroyed ; eclipsed , but not extinguisht ; no , 't will rise , and shine foorth againe ; comparable it is , and alike effectuall to the glorious sunne , commanding his entrance ( vpon least advantage ) through the thickest clouds into the darkest dungeon ; where a good sight receives his light at a little hole , and reioyceth in it . this short treatise following ( in part ) expounds my meaning , being of a voyage i made vnto the eastindi●…s almost twenty yeares since , imployed by the honorable company ; prosperously begun , and as well continued ( notwithstanding some prime opposition ) with all good proceeding in grace and favor with the best ; which at length ( as hath hapned vnto many of best report ) vpon 〈◊〉 of government there , proved to my greater preiudice , but how ? is no par cell of this discourse ; yet notwithstanding , seeing that by one finger the whole hand may be proportioned , and by the foot the entyre body drawne out ; i held it requisite ( for good respects ) this way to declare my selfe , and at this time especially ; as high time ( among many other observations more generall & delightfull ) in such briefe passages as seemd to me most considerable , and ( without all offence or prolixity vnto any ) to my purpose materiall ; that the honourable company themselues , or any else of iudgment ( with content and pleasure in the sweete variety , and milde composure of matter ) might from thence ( accidently , or by the way onely ) make a neere coniecture at the true cause of my neglect there , & vntimely departure thence , to their preiudize as my own , which here ( in modesty ) i silence . hauing finished my travayles , i made bold ( in a plaine epistle ) to dedicate them vnto the honourable companie , as most convenient me thought ; but it pleased them not to accept thereof , for reasons to themselues best knowne ; which i suppose ( for i hope the best ) they might intend , ( or it may so fall out ) to my aduantage ; for looke how many courteous readers , both of themselues and others ( to whom in generall i make my dedi●…ation ) so many generous patrons ; not with sword and speare , but with faire speech to countenance , or excuse these my honest ( though not much profitable ) labours ; for gentle deeds and words ( more then staues or swords ) preuaile with men . it was so full of loue , my lost dedication i mean ( breifly preferd to all other graces , as holding the precedent roome in euery grace and vertue , morall and diuine ; compared likewise to fire , fine gold and siluer of the finest ; and made illustrious by pearles , diamonds , and pretious stones , ( yet all vndervallued as trifles vnto him or her , in whom this divine grace of graces dwelleth , as being richer then all riches , supplying all wants , healing all infirmities , and sweeter also ( in its blest effects ) then hony and the hony combe ) with a reason ( in a word or two ) for conclusion , of this my elevation , or improper digression ) that it grieues me ( gentle reader ) so rich an ingemination should be lost , rich ( at least ) in my owne conceite , and fondlings would faine have theyr fancies , though reason say nay ) lost , ( i say ) from publike vse , though with my selfe it shall remaine a perpetuall memoriall of my constant loue , and due respect towards them for euer , in whose honourable imployments i improued my slender partes to my low degree of a meane sufficiency . my history it selfe ( courteous reader ) , here at hand attends thy leasure , and craues thy patience , at most but an hower or two , to suruey her partes ; if perhaps ( at first report ) they answer not thy expectation , as thinges too common , and alreadie past the presse ; let not this diuert thee from that honest recreation which ( in one respect or other ) may please or prosit thee ; full furnisht tables ( like great volumes ) at their onely sight ( wee see ) ●…loy good stomackes , whereas a lesse quantity incites the appetite . lo vedado es desseado , things retired are the more desired ; and the same meates diuersly drest haue different effects , attract new desires ; what one likes not , another longs for ; and that which surfeits thee , may ( perhaps ) giue life to me ; lo que vno no come , otro se pierde por ello . let nothing therefore , ( gentle reader ) be despised in this my short varietie , whereunto i most lovingly invite thee ; taste and spare not , what likes thee best , and to others commend , or leaue the rest . vale. calling to minde my former travels , and the fit occasion offered me thereby , a little to communicate my selfe vnto the world , by a briefe relation of such short passages and observations therein taken , as may minister matter of some recreation to the vniuersall reader , from his more serious studies and affaires of importance , be they whatsoever ; variety or change ( though in the meanest of thinges not vnlawfull ) with some novelties especially , being that ( saith experience ) which in all , or in most men begets delight , aliuiates the mindes of the wisest , and prepares them ( vpon a returne ) with aduantage , to a better sufficiency in theyr weightiest negotiations ; not vnlike a bow that stands alwayes bent , becomes weake in it selfe , and vnserviceable to others : so fares it alike with the most ingenious minds to bee still engaged , without some intermissions , some steppings aside , though but after a slye , or a feather in the ayre , to breath , to reviue our oversad , our too intensiue spirits ; as once the riding of a hobby-horse with his little princely sonne , not ill beseem'd a king ; any sport for a spurt , ( if honest or harmelesse , though childish ) contradi●…ts not the reputation of a man ; it being a point of wisdome sometimes ( among the vnwise ) to seeme to play the foole , as to doe it vnderstandingly , requires ( they say ) the best wits ; of purpose to forget , improues the very art of memorie ; the way ( in some cases ) to aduance forward , is by a learned skill to retire backe ; and by a discreet retreat , no small advantage is gotten ; the day , the field is ofttimes wonne ; so the reading of a pamphlet , a shallow , a dispised worke of puft conceits , proues not onely not hurtfull , but beneficiall to the wise ( who suckes advantage from every thing ) a helpe in his progresse to his most serious intendments , bee it but for change , for recreation , for variety sake onely , as i have sayd . and what is there so meane ( if of any moment , in the iudgements of the best ) but in one respect or other , a man of a gracious wit will make some gracious or morall vse thereof to his owne behoofe and others , extracting iuyce out of a dry iuncke ; sweet out of sowre ; honey out of gall ; preservatiue out of poyson ; and documents of wisedome from examples of folly ; but this is a prerogatiue of vertue , and peculiar to the wise onely ; a taske too hard for all , and positions abhorred by men of honestie , such as are not to be expected in the little garden plot of my ensuing discourse , which shall beare no noysome weedes , but ( at least ) harmlesse , ( if not wholesome ) hearbes and flowers , though ( in comparison ) of all other the meanes●… ▪ for any that will , to make a nose-gay to smell to on a holiday ; a vacant houre , a festivall , a time of leasure . i have therefore made choise ( before the rest ) to write of my travels onely to the east indies , as well for brevity as for raritie ( for to speake of all i haue seene abroad would ( i know ) seeme no lesse tedious then common and ridiculous , things farre fot , and deare bought haue bin counted best and in most request ) wherein i shall not bee over-curious , or too remisse to satisfie the indifferent reader , nor yet to leaue the most iudicious ( i hope ) voyd of all content ; none that will not , would i willingly should ( as not to surfet ; so neither ) to goe fasting away , if short syppets in a forreyne feast , o●…an indian collation homely drest , and by an vnskilfull hand hastily set forth , may ( for a moment or so ) eyther entertaine their curious sight , or relish their iudicious taste . thus by a choyce pittance , a modicum , a spanish bocado , a bit and away , carefully purveying to recreate the best , and to prevent disorder in the rest ; however , be it gustfull or not , this benefit ( to the wise ) will surely follow , as to provoke the sooner to relinquish or leaue off , quicken an appetite vnto better things , and leaue the minde content to haue made a gainefull exchange by a refresht returne . vpon a time discoursing with my selfe about the fickle condition of worldly estates , presented daily , and almost every where to my observation ; some to rise and others to fall , the same men againe to fall , and in like sort to rise ( mans industry the subordinate , and gods over-ruling providence the prime cause , and superintendent agent in all ; wee vainely purposing , hee alone wisely ' disposing even of all things , making them worke together ( contrary to theyr owne natures , and the intentions both of men and devils ) for the best to them that loue him ( o thrice happy and blest estate of a resolute soule loving and beloved of god ) none so firmely standing but subiect to a declension , accidental or finall ; by a decay of wealth , or at longest an expiration of our breath . and having before bin well disciplin'd and confirm'd in these and other like points of faith. that who so lives vnto the lord shall dye in the lord ; and all such ( whether ( so ) living or dying ) are sure to bee the lords , securely sleeping and waking vnder his omnipotent , his mercifull , and ever-watchfull protection ; as also , that the way to heaven lay paralell by sea as by land , as neere from the east as from the west , from the north as from the south ; from whence i had read should be gathered all the elect of god in christ , which ( in effect ) i remember was my answer to sir thomas smith then governour , obiecting vnto mee the danger of the enterprise , with his cheerefull approbation following . hereupon it came into my thoughts , and thence ( by degrees ) grew into a resolution to attempt a voyage into those orientall or easterne parts of the world , aswell ( to speake after the manner of men ) in hope to raise my fortunes , as to better my experience , which doubtlesse i had obtayned to the full of my desires , had not god seene contrary things more expedient for mee ; for a fayre way ( as ever vnto any of a meane ranke that went that way ) was layd open to me , which some of good note observing , pronounced mee openly ( by their prognostication ) to be certainly some great rich man before i dyed ; which ( for theyr rash oathes sake , and the better expression of my bountifull mind , the onely portion ( to any purpose ) i ever yet possest , a large heart and an open hand to my friend , or foe in misery ) i could wish may yet come to passe , and why not ? ( without offence ) as well as others ? so it may stand with gods glory , and not to the wrong of any ; else welcome still ( bee it whatsoever ) the good pleasure of the almightie . for friends of neither kiffe nor kinne were raised vp vnto mee , ready to engage themselves by speaking and doing for me whatsoever might , and did procure me credit with the governour and committees , even vnto bonds ; whose loue and merit i shall bee ever prest ( to my power ) vpon all occasions , ( change they or change they not ) to requite and honour ; by whose meanes my parentage was honoured ; my parts commended ; and ( vpon tryall ) both in private conference , and in full courts openly approued ; my sallary was assigned me ; my place appoynted ; and in them both made equall ( at least ) with many of my betters . in fine , there was nothing wanting on the honourable companies part or my friends behalfe , that might aboad vnto me all wisht prosperity , but that ( in some others ) which ( for loue●… sake ) i am willing in silence to passe over , as also to shunne all impertinent , and supersluous matter , though the onely stumbling-blocke in the way of my so faire proceedings to my future preferments then ; and ( in effect , as originally ) ever since ; for loue , ( i am taught ) covers a multitude of infirmities , but vncovers none . briefly then , to shut vp my introduction , and to the matter it selfe ; all things being in readines●…e , and prepared for our intended voyage , the companies orders with our commission sealed vp and sent aboord ; yards a crosse , and a fayre winde , that now t is time to prosecute my purpose , and to lanch forth into the deepes . ovr fleet ( therefore ) consisted of foure good ships , viz. the newyeares guift , and the hector ; the marchants hope , and the salomon ; which together set sayle from the ●…ownes , about the ninth of march , 1613. of burthen from three hundred to 8. hundred tonnes , compleatly furnisht ( besides priuate prouisions ) with varieties for health and preseruation of life ; warlike appoynted though peaceably intended , in a faire and generous way of trading , howeuer report may wrong our reputation . our generall , or cheife commander , an vnderstanding gentleman , captaine nicolas downton , whose religious orders , ( besides the honorable companies ) both for diuine duties ▪ and ciuill societie , publisht and hung vp in euery shippe , with his owne good example ( no doubt ) preuented many grosse offences , which vsually happen in promiscuous multitudes . our marchants or factors were many , well nigh thirty , and most of them men of experience as euer the company imployed any ; linguists , and residents in forraigne countryes ; as turki●… , barbarie , spaine , and italy , with other places of best cōmerce , whereof foure were principals , and had each his seuerall charge and respect next vn●…o the generall , saue in marine affaires , wherein the masters onely commanded ; theyr names , master william edwards , master nicolas ensworth , master thomas elkington , and master edward dodsworth ; he alone more bred a gentleman then a marchant , and our gover●…ours kinsman . our ordinarie meanes to stirre vp mens affections to goodnesse , as prayer and diuine seruice twice a day , on the sabbaths especially , and choyce of good bookes ( in common ) of the companies prouiding to that end ( to the comfort of all ) were not wanting ; besides a preacher in his monthly visites , for instruction , and ministration of the sacrament . our places of refreshing were three , the first cape boon speranc●… , which affoorded vs plenty of booes and baas , or beeues and sheepe for small pieces of copper , whereof the saluages make themselues rings and bracelets ; they goe all naked , saue onely before , a little flappe ; and feed ( as they looke and smell ) most nastily ; subtill they are , theevish , and very treacherous ; their houses are like bee-hives , and many together make a towne , wherewith ( vpon occasion of changing theyr heards to fresh pastures , or the sight of two or three muskets , wherat they tremble ) away they skuddle ( euery one his castle on his back ) posting to a new plantation . from hence , hauing repayred our flee●…e , refresht our selues , and strecht our limbes ( he that listed ) to the verie tops of the highest mountaines and craggie rocks , which ( for our paines ) discouered vnto vs a goodly country , extending farre in length and breadth , in lower hils and greene vallies running on together , pleasant to behold ; yet alwayes in company more or fewer , and with our armes , ( least the baboones out of some thicket or bush should sodenly surprise vs ) at the end of three weekes or thereabouts wee set sayle agayne , and not long after came to an anker at saint lawrence iland , in the bay of saint augustine . here wee landed and traded three dayes with the people , and had large and fat oxen for fiue shillings an oxe , most curious darts and of diuers fashions as art could make , and bright as siluer , for halfe a ryall or three-pence , but without siluer wee could haue nothing , which they knew from counterfeit as well as any ; wee saw no towne nor house they had , though ( doubtlesse ) better then the soldanians prouided , by good coniectures , for theyr carriage had a glosse of humanity , a tincture of vnderstanding ; theyr persons full of proportion and comely feiture ; tall , straight , strong , and sturdy ; fierce of countenan●… ; admirable ma●…kesmen at the dart , and actiue ; verie faire and blacke as iett ( for the blackest they count the fairest ) and all naked as the former , ( perhaps but seruants to theyr lords and masters ; ) many were desirous to haue made some discouery into the country , but we durst not contradict our orders , nor hazard the danger of a thicke wood , whereof wee knew no end ; which of necessitie must haue bin past . our last touch was at socato●… , where wee found a king ; not a natiue , but of the royall blood of the antient kings of barbarie ; who got this small iland by conquest , and held the natiues in great seruitude , whome our generall presented , and would haue entertained aboord the shippes , but he refused it ; yet for three or foure dayes space , came downe daily to the water side from his castle , with his guard of soldiers borne in a palanquine , and after the moorish fashion ( crosse-legged ) sitting in state vnder a rich cannopie vppon turky carpets spread on the ground , and as richly clad in cloth of gold , conuerst in the arabeck and portugall tongues , with the generall , marchants , and masters both of marchandizing and nauigating affaires ( himselfe being a marchant , as likewise all the kings of those easterne parts , who trade by theyr agents and factors ) of whom wee bought a good quantity of aloes socatrina , euen his whole store ; and in the art of nauigation , astronomie , with other branches of the mathematickes ( by report of those that vnderstood ) verie iudicious ; hauing celestiall and terrestriall globes , his instruments and astralabe about him to shew vs , which he had gotten ( bought or presented ) of former fleets , and euery yeare increasing his stocke by english , dutch , portugals , and spanish that came that way ; a man of a liuely countenance and well fauored ; about fourtie yeeres of age ; as full of courtesie and affability as might stand with his maiestie , and as full of maiestie ( respecting his commodity ) as might be , for he was a kingly marchant , and a marchant-like king ; at parting he gaue amongst v●… ( to some in particuler ) abundance of dates in heapes & lumpes , which made our guisados , our brothes and dumplins so much the sweeter , whom agayne we gratified from the ships with our seamusicke , great gunnes and trumpets . and thus weying and setting sayle agayne ( with starbord and larboord ; port and helme al●…e ) we steered on our course , till with the helpe of god , and our constant monsoone , or westerly trade winde , we verie happily ( but hardly ) recouered the rendeuous to s●…rat , and came to an anker in the roade of swall●…e , about the tenth , of nouember , and of our great company ( thankes bee to god ) lost onely one man , who came sicke of an ague out of england , but here quickly they began to dye faster of fluxes and feauers . vpon aduise of our arriuall , by a dispatch to surat , some eight miles vp into the countrey , mr. thomas aldworth the companies chiefe agent there , an vnderstanding gentleman and once sheriffe of the citie of bristoll , came downe to vs a ioyfull man , and for many enterchangeable causes was as ioyfully receiued , and with him coach and horse for conuoy of the marchants to the city , for now the terme ( or vintage rather ) after our long vacation , approaching , wee must leaue the ships a a while , and apply our selues to land-seruice . in our short iourney vpon the way , euery thing almost seemed new vnto me , the people with theyr customes especially , not the moores ( for i had seene of them before in spaine and barbarie ) but the antient natiues of the country , called banians , who ( notwithstanding theyr different religions ) liue ciuillie , neighbour-like one among another , in cities , townes , and villages ( but not in houses ) together , whom ( in concourse ) wee first saw at swallie , the first myle from the water side , where the mocodam or constable receiued vs , profered vs his owne , with the townes seruice , and performed it in such necessaries and complements of prouision as wee required , or would accept off ; bread , wine , plantines , taddie , and such like regalos y ● scanty place affoorded ; wherewith more delighted thē refresht ( as with nouelty and variety ) we set onward through an euen and a solitary way till we came in sight of surat , and of a nauigable riuer which ran close under the towne walls , vpon which within , stood a castle ( a good ornament to the place ) and fortified with men and munition . this riuer wee past , and landed right before the alfondica , or custome house , and so along through many streets ( humming like bees in swarmes ) with multitudes of people in white coates , men and women ; ( close bodied , and full of gathering to the mid-leg ) with breeches and stockings in one , ruffling like bootes and all of one single callico ; this being their generall and most neate , or angelicall habite , which sparkles ( of their kinde of starching ) like siluer spangles ; vntill ( almost smothered with clouds of heat and dust ) wee c●…me to the english house a day or two after master aldworthes returne from the shippe●… with the prime marchants , where wee found our selues as at home , in all respects well accommodated saue lodging , which with breuity was very commodiously supplyed , by taking another house with an orchard and pleasant walkes vpon the roofe ( after the spanish and the moorish building ) to our rich content , hauing chambers , dyet , seruants , coach and horse with attendance of indians called peones , for the way , and all at our honourable masters charge except our apparell , wherein alone , and by our sallaries we differd from common prentises , onely ( yet ingeniously ) acknowledging a precedencie in our little common weale , for a kinde of representation to prevent confusion . but now , before i proceed ( being called upon by order ) i am willing ( for more variety ) to entertaine a while my courteous reader with a short discourse of my selfe and another , being not a whit impertinent , but r●…ther a good compliment , if not a comely ornament to the history it selfe , how that in few dayes i here suddenly fell sicke of a burning fever , and ( thankes be to god ) as sodainly recovered ; for fearing the extremi●…y of that raving and uncomfortable sick●…esse , ( against his will ) i prevayl●…d wi●…h our ch●…rurgion , to let me bleed till i fainted againe , as fore-seeing it to be my remedy ; appl●…ed all comfortable things to my h●…ad ; tooke my bed ; and ( full of perplexity to dve sencelesse ) i comme●…ded my selfe to god ; after some idle talke to my friends about me , i fell into a slumber , but quickely wakened by a desire to ease my stomacke , and had ( at least ) a dozen vomits , naturally , which gave mee a most comfortable night ; turned my great sorrowes into the greater reioycings , at the lively apprehension of gods infinite mercies ; made me forthwith an instrument of comfort to another that shortly after of a bloudy fluxe sickened and dyed ; by such words and warrants from the word of t●…uth and my own experience of inward coelestiall ioyes beyond expression , to honest hearts and heavenly mindes , that wonne me his earnest attention ( to his and my owne advantage , for i applyed him the closer ) which took so deepe an impression in him , that it left him not to his last breath . to mention all circumstances and passages of his sixe dayes sicknesse , would seeme a needlesse curiositie , which ( in comparison of some then languishing and repining under the same crosse ) he suffered with singular patience , and spent it most in abstinence , silence , and meditation ; the night before his death , in private conference , watching with him , he told me ( after his accustomed mildnesse ) he had thought of my former talke , and should finde my words true ; the next morning ( vpon my perswasion ) he r●…ceived the sacrament , after he had made his will in the presence of another marchant and my selfe ; one master edward hamden ; wherein ( in effect , having his memory perfect to the last ) he would ( more then once or twice ) have given me his whole e●…tate , being of some value i remember , but excusing my selfe ( with thankes for his love ) i refused it , as not expedient for my selfe ( me thought ) in regard of the worke in hand , though lawfull ( i knew ) for another , least religion should suffer , and my labor of love bee thought merc●…narie , whereof ( god knowes ) i was exceeding iealous , to prevent occasion , or the least preiudice in any , the sicke man especially . after all this , having tasted some comfortable broth i caused to bee made for him by our english cook , he presently fell into aswound , thinking all he had beene dead , but after a while reviving , raysed himselfe up , and looked earnestly round about the chamber , being full of good company , marchants and others , whereof our preacher was one , at least a dozen , with some strangers , as our indian doctor , &c. and fixing his eyes vpon me , beckened me to him with his hand ; i went and sate close by him on his bed ; hee presently caught me in his armes and hugg'd me ( not like a dying man ) with such strength and vnutterable expressions of ioy ( between ●…peech and speechlesse ) that moved passion in all , but my selfe especially to drowne him in teares ; as , ah my friend , my friend ; my true , my happy , my faithfull friend : and ah the ioyes ! the ioyes , the ioyes ; aah , aah , aah , and the like : flung away his things about him , wherein ( he sayd ) he had taken too much delight , in token how slightly hee now valued them or the whole world ; reached forth his hand to all the company , lifting his eyes on high with an overjoyed countenance , where his minde in silence had beene long before . and thus ( in a blessed peace ) about 9. of the clocke on a wednesday morning , being the 23. of november , 1614. he tooke his last farewell of this wretched life , and changed it ( no doubt ) for a better : his name master timothy wood , a yong man , and once a mercer ( i thinke ) in cheap-side , but then a factor for the honourable east india company : what i haue written i feare not to be censured , because god knowes this my relation ( in substance ) to bee true , and not for mine , but for his owne glory , ( the only blessed author of all goodnesse ) have i now at length penned it , and for the good of any that can make vse thereof . my sad storie ( of a ioy tryumphant ) being ended , and the funerals performed , i am called vpon to a further relation of our iourney up within the country , to make provision of goods for best and speediest returnes home unto our honorable masters , to which end , it was ordayned in consultation , that by a distributiō of our company into foure squadrons , the prime cities or marts for commoditie , trade , and commerce of that rich kingdome should be invested by us , as baroch and brodera ; amadavaz and cambaya , each in distance at least a dayes iourney one from another ; our commodities were divers , as sundry sorts of stones ; aggate cupps of curious art●… ; ▪ quilts , conserves , drugges , cotton wools , and ( for bulke or grosse lading ) indicoes and callicoes . our first iourney or place of rest from surat , was baroch , being three dayes on the way , much toyled with heate and dust , in regard of our slow proceedings with our heauy carriages , and the toylesome passage of two riuers with ladings and reladings of our goods ; ( interruptions and stayes being worse then a continuall progresse ) but here wee were well refresht at the english house , for master john oxwicke a spanish marchant being appointed chiefe for that place , and of a weekes antiquity before , had made good prouision for our comming , as well for our persons as the dispatch and clearing our charge of the custome-house . from hence within a day or two we●… set forth , and by slow iournies ( as before ) came to brodera , a dry●…r place ( by a great riuer ) but the greater citie , and all a plaine and pleasant country ( baro●…h esp●…cially ) for orchards , tankes or ponds , verie spacious , and artificially made , ( in forme , for worke and workemanshippe not vnlike our bathes ) for generall vse and vses ; tombes , and piramides many in open fields ( and priuate gardens ) about which are to be seene certaine penitentiaries , or votari●…s ( they say ) but lunatickes and men ( i thinke ) really possest with deuils , as in the gospell is mentioned ; theyr bodies naked , cut , and lanced with kniues or stones , staring and stalking , to and fro , no lesse wofull then dreadfull to behold ; as was also the sight of a pagot , or a cell of deuotion descending into a vault vnder ground , where ( being desirous of discoueries ) wee saw an vgly idoll against a wall , representing ( it seemes ) theyr god , or theyr feare , but a plaine deuill as wee call it , in like forme paynted or graven , whom a certaine sect of banians doe worship , whereof there are many sects , but of this no more , purchase pilgrimage from relation of exact travellers hath them lively set forth . in this city , as all others throughout both asia's and afrique wee were lodged in the ceragl●… , a spatious place made of purpose for all travellers , natives as else ( for they have not the vse of innes as in christendome ) with commodious ware-houses round about , of one story , foure square , in the manner of galleries ; and under them dry walkes and places to feed their coach-oxen , camels , elephants , and horses , but in the middle all open , like our exchange ; it being supposed that euery marchant , gentleman , or nobleman hath his tent or coach to sleepe in , if neyther , they make the best shi●…t they can , and for their provision they bring it with them , or buy it in the towne . here it was determined by a consultation , for causes or supposals moving them ( being before appointed for cambaya ) that my selfe should goe backe to bar●…ch to assist master oxwicke there , in that mayne investment of c●…licoes , having a commission given mee beyond my expectation or desire , that ( in case of the least cause by unequall carriage in our masters businesse , or in particular toward my selfe , being perswaded , ( as they told mee ) that if he would take the matter well , or live peaceably with any , i was the man ) a word from my hand should displace him ; such an opinion they all seemed to have of my integritie , and he no lesse on the other side , assured of me ; for ( concealing whatsoever might move passion , or incite him to iealousie , i applyed my selfe to him by complements of love and friendly 〈◊〉 , till he became so well possest of me both for iudgment and honesty , upon some experiences of them both , that ( in effect ) he made me his secretary , and would not write a letter of consequence in his owne affaires ( as occasions there were betweene him and some others of principall note ) without my advice and allowance for a passe ; wherein ( i thanke god ) i never fayl'd but pleasured him , by his owne often ingenious acknowledgements , with good reasons for his satisfaction . but yet all this while i am still in brodera , in the house of a rich banian well lodged and entertayned for three dayes , till he had procured me from the gouernour mosaph cha●… , or lord mosaph , a guard of souldiers vnder a captaine of tenne , both horse and foote , with shot and lance for my safe convoy to baroch , our english friends being all gone forward , and my selfe alone with a kinsman of his owne for my linguist and coachmate , and not without cause , for my coach on the way was sodenly stayed by a company of sl●…ues that thwarted vs , but speedily rescued by my guard , with knockes on both sides , yet no hurt on ours , and all with such celerity that i had scarce time to draw my sword and shew my selfe a party before they were quite vanisht ; then on againe we went merrily , ( my banian especially ) laughing and talking , giving and eating of our iunkets till we came neare to the citie ; there i dismist my valliant soldiers , gratified their desert with a small reward , yet to their rich content , and at parting had a generall salam of them , or congee to the ground , with a short vollie , and adieu . and now being come to baroch , to the english house , my friend bids me lovingly welcome , to whom i gave my letters from our cape marchants , and ( after colation ) shewed him my generall commission , who presently declared himselfe , that seeing the matter must be so , he was right glad of my company , as of one whom of all others , he would have made choyce of for his friend and associate ; and thus , well possest of each other , on we went together in our masters businesse , buying callicoes as fast as we could procure our brokers to bring vs in good bargaines , or direct us to them , spending our interims of vacation for about two moneths space as best liked vs ; sometimes in visites to the governour ; sometimes taking our coach to breath the country ayr●… ; sometimes walking vpon the citie walles , which from that stately scituation gave us a goodly prospect pregnant for delight and meditation ; and lastly , our owne house , having high and pleasant tarasses or walkes on the roofe , for domesticke recreation ; that in this pleasant place ( in number foure english ) we lived like lords , to the honour and profit of our honourable masters , and to our owne hearts content , save a little iarre that fell out at last , about a parcell of calicoes , but lovingly and honestly reconciled againe . by this time , our generall investments drawing to a period , and most of our goods from all parts sent aboord , marchantlike made up and marked as in the margent ; and understanding our dispersed companies and friends to be againe vnited , and on the way towards us ( save such as were appointed for the great mogores court ; namely , master edwards , our preacher , and some others ) we could no lesse ( having now leysure enough ) but set forth to meet them ; it beeing a pleasant observation ( at a distance ) to note the order of their coaches and carriages , drawne by two faire fat oxen a peece , with bells about theyr neckes , iinge , iinge , and softly iogging on ; extending all in length like a teeme , ( for the way admits no familiarity ) inveloped with a cloud of dust ( for a quita sol ) to shield them from the sunne ; and guarded on eyther side , with swords , halfe pikes and targets ; small shot , bowes and arrowes , &c. as if ( presented to a novelist ) it had bin the spoyles of a tryumph leading captive , or a preparation to some sad execution . being all met together , we generally salute one another , and each his friend in particular , with mutuall congratulations , for our good successe and safe returnes thus farre ; having lost but one ( as i remember ) a yong gentleman , master henry smith , nephew to sir thomas smith our governour , who dyed of a bloudy fluxe at amadavas , being a prime youth and much lamented ; and here unawares ( as many light on ill bargaines ) i over-hastily changed my horse for a coach , and tooke his place that left it , to conferre with my friend and familiar acquaintance , master ralph preston , a religious gentleman ; and quite forgetfull of his mishap out ward bound , i fell into the very same , by letting one legge hang out of the coach , and ( in talke ) moving it to and fro , the wheele caught it , which my friend perceiuing , he presently cryed out to stay the coach , racke racke , as master henry smith had done before for him , which saved both our legs from breaking , but did rend my heele , which for a weeke so tormented mee , that i could scarce take rest , yet ( thankes to god for a good flesh ) soone well againe , but could not travayle in a fortnight after , nor scarce then , save in a palanquine to surat . and thence aboord the ships againe , scarce cold yet of the portugals bloud , by meanes of a late cruell fight in our absence , occasioned by the portugals , who ( with sixe gallions , or great ships of warre , two gallyes , and sixty frigats ) sodainly surprised the marchants-hope , which was deepe and richly laden for england , not doubting to have taken her as shee lay at anker with the rest , in that unexpected manner cutting their cables by the halser , and with a strong current of the tide forcing in upon her ; but were soundly beaten for theyr haste ; for in laying her aboord on all parts with throngs of men and fresh supplyes , the master and company being vigilant and valiant , stoutly resisted ; gave them so hote entertainment that theyr legs and armes were sent flying into the ayre , and the ship pestered with their dead and dying bodyes , scorched and wounded with weapons and fire-workes , and theyr bloud issuing out the scupper holes into the sea , as not willing to abide theyr fury ; by this time the rest of our fleet had likewise cut their cables , and were under sayle , increasing the fight a long time ( by report with los●…e but of two or three of our men ) till they had made such a slaughter amongst them ( the frigates especially ) that theyr dismembred bodyes after they had breathed their last , with shrikes and cryes in the conflict , lay floting on the sea , and coveting the shore , were taken up dayly for many dayes , by the port●…gal inhabitants , and the indians for theyr spoyle ; and the r●…st unable to hold out , away they went with no l●…sse shame and losse of former reputation , then perpetuall honour to our english nation , through out the indies . the next tydings that i heard , ( being now againe in the fleet with the rest , expecting our further passage to the southward , according to the companies commission ) was a messenger from our generall , or chiefe commander , tha●… i must come to sp●…ake with him : aboord the admirall i went , a little limping of my late hurt , and being come , he receyved me with courtesie , tooke me apart into the gallery , and ( to be briefe ) told me that for such and such reasons , the councell had determined of me for surat , and therefore wisht mee to provide for the shore , namely ( with leave of modesty i speake it ) for the good opinion they had iustly conceyued of me , to be a friend of trust unto master aldworth , and an ayde unto our masters affaires , occasioned by some refractorie fugitives that not long before our arrivall ( to make a purchase ) had attempted his death , being forced into his chamber ( a weakly man ) to stand upon his guard to preserue his life . all which did not a little cheere me up , and quicken in me a noble resolution unto my charge , though incredibly thenceforth ( as from god to keepe me exercised i thinke ) from time to time opposed by some fire brand●… , some seditious malecontents or other , repi●…ing my respect , to my great discour●…gement , and no small sufferings , notwithstanding my best indeavours and dese●…t , which doubtles●…e stirred them the more , and increased my owne sorrowes ; for wrath is cruel , and anger is outragious , but w●…o is able to stand before envie ●… pro. 27. 4. few day●…s after this , ( at last parcing ) i went aboord againe to take my leaue of the generall , and ( not without open demonstrations of his loue , teares and embracements ) having commended him and his whole proceedings to the blessing of the the divine prouidence , i left him ; and with my good wishes to all the rest , in company with our factorie went ashore to surat ; having had but few nights before , a dreame , that in my passage for bantan , two sturdy knaves grapled with mee to have heaved me over-boord , but in the conflict ( to save my s●…lfe ) i awaked , and finding it but a dreame was glad . here for a moneth or two , wanting no leasure , we spent our time at surat , euery man as ( with approbation ) best liked him ; sometimes within doores , sometimes abroad ; now with our provision visiting this garden , now that orchard ; to day fresh riuers ; to morrow open feilds and faire monuments , whereof there are store , but alwaies ( after the countries custome ) in coach or on horse to preuent disgrace ; our recreation for the most part , bow and arrowes , and free from all molestation of the inhabitants ; a mixt people , quiet , pe●…ceable , very subtill ; civill , and vniuersallie gou●…rned vnder one king , but diuersly law'd and customed ; their grayne is wheat , for the better ; rice , and diuers kindes else for the common sort ; their prouision of other victuall is beeues and buffeloes ; sheepe & goates ; young kidde and hennes in aboundance , and of littl●… value for the great pl●…nty , and fewenesse of eaters ; for the banians of whatsoeuer sect ( being halfe the inhabitants , and the antient natiues of the kingdome ) by theyr lawes eate no kinde of flesh , nor any thing that hathlife in it ; nor dae they kill any thing ( for theyr liues ) though neuer so venemous or hurtfull , no not a mouse nor a louse , but will rather feed them ; their greatest cruelty is to lay it downe , and let it shift for it selfe ; ( o happy creatures that breede amongst the banians ) a kinde of rechabits also , for they neuer drinke wine , nor any strong drinke , but water only , yet so fat and sleeke that they shine agayne ; confectuaries of all sorts , as sugar-cakes , and march-panes ; suckets and marmelades ; rice , pulse , and other grayne stewed with butter and spices after theyr most savorie fashion , is there onely feeding ; but the moores and mahometanes , more at liberty , for they abstaine from nothing but swines flesh , which is a cause that many parts of the country , even whole fields doe swarme with them ; these drinke wine liberally , and strong waters , yet never drunke but in the night , and then theyr women , theyr wives and concubines ( whereof they are stored according to theyr states ) sing most melodiously , with such elevated and shrill voyces , strayned vnto the highest , yet sweet and tuneable , rising and falling according to their art and skill , ( for euery country hath his owne , and more or lesse excelling ) that i have been ravisht in those silent seasons with the sweet eccho , or reflection thereof from a faire distance , and kept waking houres together , listning to them ; anticipating ( in my desires ) the new moones , which they constantly thus celebrate ; for the heavenly representation thereof ( me thought ) where commonly my meditations had their end . for at like times especially ( though superstitiously ) they observe , ( or rather prophane ) these and the like ceremonies , sing aloud vnto god our strength , make a ioyfull noyse vnto the god of iacob , take a psalme and bring hither the timbrell , the pleasant harpe with the psalterie ; blow vp the trumpet in the new moone , in the time appointed on our solemn feast-day ; againe , praise the lord with harpe , sing vnto him with the psalterie , and an instrument of ten strings , sing vnto him a new song , play skilfully with a loud voice ; againe , o clap your hands all yee people , ( both men and women in their himnes & dances ) shout vnto god with the voice of triumph ; then they annoint their heads with oyle , and their cups runne over ; making their faces also to shine with costly oyntments and odoriferous , at first sight or newes of the new moone , which they congratulate with great ioy , the slaue to his lord , the seruant to his master , and one friend to another , a l●… espan̄ol●… erying albricias , albricias , a reward for our watchfulnesse or good tydings . their chiefe recreation is riding of horses swift and actiue , for discipline & seruice , with lance , bow , and target , whereof they abound , and haue very good , not inferiour to the spanish lennet ; but their princely sport is hunting the wilde bore and antelope , peculiar to the king , his nobles , and gentry ; a people throughout of mighty estate or wealth , yet all subiect ( in a moment ) to the spoile , or to be restored , at the pleasure of their prince ; full of maiestie in their port , and no lesse of expectation for respect ; sumpteous in their buildings ; curious in their orchards , and gardens , beautified with artificiall ponds , fountaines , and water-workes ; populous in their attendance ; rich in attire ; imperious lords over their servants ; and cruell in their corrections : having also both for state and war , aboundance of elephants , which likewise they use for theyr iourneyes as sumpter horses , and to carry their women and children , twenty ( perhaps ) in a frame of timber ( castle-like ) vpon his backe , with windowes and small pieces of ordnance planted forward and backward ( the country being full of theeves , and dangerous ) and vpon his brawny necke ( monkie-like , of same bignesse with his head , or bigger ) sits a man astride in full bredth with a hooke in his hand like a sickle , for a bridle , and a spurre to guide and stay him , which is done with the least touch of the sharpe poynt upon his noale , whereof hee is very tender ; hath a body like a house , but a tayle like a ratte , erecting it like a cedar ; little eyes but great sight ; very melancholly but wise ( they say ) and full of vnderstanding , ( or subtilty rather for a beast ) sometimes they become madd , ( of what i know not ) and breaking loose endanger multitudes ; is fed somewhat costly , as with good bread , muskmillious , sugar canes , sweete stalkes , and sower grasse , or sedge of the worst ; steeres like a hulke , stifnecked , almost all of one peice ; feeds himselfe with his trunck or snoute , ( that deadly instrument of his rage ) being of a iust length ●…o the ground ; taking his meat with the end thereof , and winding it vp , ( or vnder rather ) to his mouth , so eates it ; but drinkes therewith at length ; his stable is commonly the open ayre ; a massie yron chaine his halter ; a great tree his manger : and the shadie boughes his shelter ; and thus stands this monster by one of his legges ( of like proportion with a post or a beame ) all the day bound to the good bebauior , til occasion release him ; in whose descriptiō i haue bin somewhat the larger , because god himselfe calls him the cheife of his wayes , behemoth by name . job . 40. theyr drinke in generall ( for ordinary ) is water , made relishable by arte or nature ; by thirst or some preparatiue ; and wholsome by a naturall concoction , or a causuall preservatiue ; according to each constitution , and the countries prouision ; with a mans owne discretion in the vse of the creature ; euery one to himselfe herein , being ( as wee say ) either a foole or a physition , hauing sweete meates enough for the former ; remedies and receits ( or concei●…es ) for the latter . el borach●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mas el aguado ci . saith the spanish proverbe . a friend to sweet meates , sobriety may bee , yet so , a drinker of wine you shall never see , for wine and sweet meates sound palats doe loath , but sweet meates and water are gratefull both . all contraes in nature by skill reconcil'd , produce best effects both to man and child . as , drinke no longer water , but a little wine , to the temperate man is counsell divine ; so , drinke no longer wine , but a little water , to th' intemperate man , for it keepes him sober . the country affoords no wine but artificiall distillations of ●…ples , like our hot waters : very tastfull they are , and wholsome , but not so strong , so ful of spirit as ours , which makes the moores to prize them farre above theyr owne , and to esteeme them for the best present , or marchandize can be brought them ; onely the portugal inhabitants in their townes and cities ( being many and great ) doe make a kinde of wine of dryed grapes , or raysins of the sunne , for relish and operation the best ( i thinke ) in the world , not inferiour to the spanish nectar , el vino de san martin : being pleasant , strong , and cordiall , called raysin wine , almost of the colour of alicant , or steelebacke , which ( thankes to our honourable masters ) wee were seldome without , or some other , to concoct the crudity of our not so wholsome waters , at meales especially , and never did vs any hurt but good , though bought ( but not immediately ) of an enimy : for wee were wise , and warie enough in that . their habite ( as i have sayd ) is white , light , and thinne , fit for the countryes heate ; but thicker , and richer clad in the winter , with pintadoes , silke stuffes , sattins , and damasks dyed into all sorts of lively & good colers , cloth of gold , silver , & tyssue , of their own , whereof they haue plenty , being quilted with a cotton wooll between the outside , & the inner lining : for their seasons doe alter there with a sensible differ●…nce as here . their coynes in silver , ( as for gold i never sawe any that i remember ) are mamudes and ruppees ; the mamude in value about 10. pence halfe-penny english ; the ruppee , more or lesse as they differ in their names and valuations , of which there are foure or five sorts at least , and the least of them about two mamudes and a halfe , the ruppee ; stamped on both sides with moorish characters , and in forme very thicke and round ; their copper mony whereof they have such plenty , as ( if tollerable for exportation ) might prove a good returne ; being made into great churlish peeces ) they call pises , whereof 30. ( commonly ) make a mam●…dee , and of the rest proportionably ; but still after the inconstant current of the exchange , almost continually rising and falling , which is in the power of the sheraffs , bankers , or mony-changers to alter at their pleasure . their country for the most par●… ( being plaine from hils and mountaines ) is indifferently stored with mes●…ites or churches very fayre and sumptuous ; with 〈◊〉 also or villages ; townes and cities , pleasant , great , and populous : river ▪ d walled , castled , and munitioned ; and constantly watered at a certaine yearely season , to wit our summer : from towards the end of may , to the end of august , or thereabout , with frequont sober raines , scarce two faire dayes together , without some showers or other , and all the yeare after so cleere a firmament , as not a cloud to be seene , that i have beene weary of fayre weather : and this rayne-water by the better sort is received into vaults , made for the nonce , to serve them for theyr drinke all the yeare after , being wholsommer ( they fay ) then theyr other waters : as also , this raynie season is observed of all for the best times to travayle in . i could yet say more in 〈◊〉 particulars , but having sayd enough ( i thinke ) in proofe of my travels , and prayse of the countries goodnesse : it were superfluous , and beyond my intent to become cosmographicall , and therefore i will here confine my selfe , being now summoned to a consultation , determining a iourney to be made unto the foresayd city of a●…adavas , by master thomas aldworth the cōpanies chiefe agent ; my selfe his second ; for cashier and accountant ; with foure other english , whereof two were homebred marchants , and 〈◊〉 more : to provide goods in readinesse for our next fleet , that the ships ( to theyr great damage ) might not bee deteyned as before . and for more safety both of goods and lives , our charge wee had with us being of great importance , & the country ( as i have sayd ) very dangerous , by reason of theeves , which continually ( vpon intelligence ) ly●… arm'd in troupes on the way for booties ; wee held it best ( though otherwise inconvenient ) mocrob chan the gouernour of surat then trauelling toward court at the kings command ) to take the benefit of his lascar or campe ( as also diuers others , it being the countries custome in like sort to set forth , or with a cara●… , a caffala , a multitude of all sorts of people with theyr goods to that end gathered together , ) for our more safe convoy , which yet we enioyed not past one night aside of baroch , till wee met againe at cambaya , being both our worse and farther way ; for this great lord with his many hands and much helpe posting faster then wee could follow with our heauy and slow carriages , lef●…vs alone in the midst of danger , ( god onely protecting vs ) being three nights on the way , before wee could reach to cambaya , and spent two of them ( with their sunschorching dayes ) by the water side , having only our tent for shelter , expecting there a boate to passe vs ouer out of that purgatorie , and another of mischieuous minded men , and murmuring malecontents ; taddiepor marchants and heartlesse souldiers ; repining not onely my charge , but my precedency also ( or next respect vnto master aldworth , and that by his precise order , against my owne desire , enioynd me ) to their antient matrimony ; making me both his coach-mate and his right hand at table ; and the more i sought by gentlenesse ( for the present ) to appease theyr spight , or ( in continuance ) by some change of behauiour to confront their folly . pro. 26. 4. 5. the more ( like themselues ) they ( still conspiring ) in both respects mistooke , and traduced me ; declaring hereby the implacable disposition of envy ; but god alone did plead my cause , and ( by degrees ) put them to silence in theyr graues . here at sarode ( for so the place is called ) during , our aboad , worthy of obseruation , i tooke notice of some part of gods omnipotent workes of wonder , in the flux and reflux of that famous riuer of cambaya , for fury , not vnfitly called the boare , for the tyde from the maine sea twice a day , once beginning to flow ( contrary to common course of nature ) comes tumbling in amayne , with such a roaring noyse a farre off , of mighty foaming waues ( like white ruffes a bout their proud neckes ) that it strikes admiration and terrour to the beholder , in such sort that those high bankes , with theyr dry sands and oaes are sodenly couered and filled vp to the very toppes , for the space of many leagues in length together , yet neuer ouerflowen ; and vpon returne , with expedition leaves it ( for the most part ) emptie and dry againe ; being ( in absence of the tyde ) a firme passage for all that dare aduenture it ; which thousands having done ( and daylie doe , though some speed better ) not taking theyr times aright , or the vncertaine tydes deceiuing them , vpon credible report ( like pharoes host in thered sea ) haue been overwhelmed man and beast , horse and camels , elephants and all , with infinite treasures swept away into that rich ocean , before ( upon too short a warning ) they could recover ( backward or forward ) the shore againe , for the river is of a very spacious bredth in many places over . being here ( after much toyle in moving and removing our charge from place to place , for our best advantage against an assault , which we hourely expected , that wee durst not sleepe but by short snatches and turnes ; as also for our most commodious imbar quing ( the best being bad enough in that wild place , ) comes a barque , receives our selves and goods aboord , and in a late evening at a full water we set sayle , and ( thankes be to god , who is mighter then the mighty waves of the sea ) not without great danger , about midnight we came to an anker right before cambaya ; and the sabbath morning landed in that rich , fayre , and neat city , so famous throughout the world. being now on shore ( notwithstanding in good safety of life ) we found our selves little better then fallen out of the frying●… pan ( as they say ) into the fire , for all our goods were presently sequestred , and carried to the kings ●…lfondica●… till his customes of seaven per cent. were payd , viz. foure in , and three out : which ( according to the value ) would have come to a good summe of mony , whereat we were much dismayed , master aldworth especially , for his oversight , or too much confidence in mocrob chans favor , whom we often solicited there almost ●… fortnight , as an instrument to procure the release of our sayd goods ( the power ( in effect ) being in his owne hands ) but all in vaine , till at last , a few dayes before our departure thence , master aldworth and my felfe ( as at other times ) went againe to him , and sitting right before him very neere , he eyed me all over , talking meane while to his then small company , at length bids our broker aske me concerning the clothes i wore , what stuffe it was ? where made ? and other questions ; to which i answered him ; in conclusion we took our leave , and went home without a word of comfort ; a while after comes our broker , and tells master ald●…orth good tydings from mocrob c●…an , that if he could procure him my suite , wee should forthwith have our goods delivered us ; no sooner had master aldworth moved it unto me , as a favour which i may not deny him , i told him , what ere it were i would grant it ; the word being spoken , i presently brusht up my amiable suite , and sent it my lord mocro●… by the hand of our broker , who brought us the same evening a warrant under his signet for our goods , which the next morning ( to our much content ) i went and cleared , ( our charge being more precious then life , and our reputation above all . ) but what this humorous lord did with my suite , i cannot tell , save ( by our brokers coniecture ) to shew unto his women ; who for a novelty ( though a toy ) was observed to preferre his fancy to halfe a kingdome , for he had seene many as good before , and farre better , when ( in his greatest pompe ) our chiefe agent , with all his traine , in our best bravery presented his lordship from our honourable masters , the governour and company , at our first comming . during our abode here , we bought sundry commodities as best liked us , for our returnes , and ( to expell melancholy ) that it should not domineere ( being too much occasioned ) tooke our recreation off the city , orchards , and fields ; but above all , to observe the apes in that peaceable habitation of banians , did not a little stirre my blo●…d with their apish trickes on the houses , leaping from house to house in troupes , with their little ones in clusters clutching about them , making dayly worke for the tyler and mason , by pulling out here a tyle , and there a stone , till they had uncovered whole houses in quarters and halfe quarter●… ; and then through the roofe ( as ieering the inhabitants for their silly patience ) made such moppes and mowes at them ; such friscoes and carieres to and againe ; now and then letting fall a stone or a tyle upon their bombasted heads and thin shoulders , and watching in the fall what became of it , ( with twenty other trickes ) that it would make a thiefe ( as they say ) slip his halter and leape over the gallowes ( if he might ) to see the sport ; and if a stone ( unlook'd for ) chanced to come amongst them , that they tooke in so high a derision to bee disturb'd in their worke , that they would flye at a man with open mouth , as if they meant to swallow him ; this goodly sight being also to bee seene a great part of the country thereabout , whole fields alive , and the trees covered with over-growne apes and monkies ; parrats and paraquites chattering and leaping from bough to bough , till come to the top , and then shew their teeth and theyr tayles to passengers for a salutation . thus , and thus , to and fro , changing our wearied thoughts from sadder obiects , wee entertained the way in company of mocrob chan and his las●…ar , till the third day from cambaya , early in a morning wee entred amada●…az , that great and populous citie , the metropolis of all those parts of guizerat ; famous for nobility and gentry , as also for rich trade in variety , indicoes especially , by meanes of a generall confluence of most nations in the world e●…glish , dutch , portugals , iewes , armenians , arabians , medes and persians , turkes and tartarians : cum multis alijs : in whose streets ( through the multiplicity of people ) all enforce theyr passage by theyr p●…ones , or footmen , with their speares and other weapons running before the coach or horse , ( like absal●… & his fifty men . 2. sam. 15. 1. ) crying poyce , poyce , give way there , who serve as well for like necessities as for state , being in number more or fewer according to the qualitie and abilitie , or the pleasure of the person , which none of credit are ( or dare be ) without . here we tooke a house , and setled a factory , applyed our selves to our businesse as seasons and occasions were offered ; meane while for our better proceeding we visite the governour abdala ●…han , and present him ; signifie the cause of our comming ; desiring his leave and noble favour in whatsoever case of iustice we might have cause to use him ; for which we should be ready at all times ( most noble festus ) to shew our selves gratefull unto his lordship : our suit was accepted , together with our present ; our selves bid welcome , and a place appointed us where to sit ; being in a spacious and princely court , in the middest of a great multitude of chans and beagues , or lords and gentlemen , that twice a day morning and evening duely came to visite him ; this being th●…t ( i take it ) which is spoken of in scripture , as of iob in the east , and of other great men sitting in the gate , or in publike , to heare causes and do iustice , every one taking his place according to his degree , or at this great viceroyes appoyntment , having first given him a salam or low congee ; and all crosse-legged on turky carpets spread on the ground , curiously paved or playstered with playster of pallas ( as likewise theyr walles ) shining like alablaster , whereon they tread with their bare feet ( as also in their churches ) leaving their slip-shooes at the doore , or aloofe off at the edge of the entrance , like a shoomakers well furnisht shop or warehouse ; all rich , or brightly attyred ( as i have sayd ) according to the season ; himselfe with a few of the principals sitting somewhat apart , on a little higher ascent at his pallace doore , big enough for his corpulent body , and no more ; with no lesse maiesty ( me thought ) in all but that , and the capateria , or shoe-makers ware , then might well beseeme the greatest prince in the world ; drums beating ; souldiers guarding , noble & gentlemens servants aloofe off in troupes attending ; and coaches at the court gate in thicke heapes wayting the dissolution of this great assembly ; sitting sometimes heere , sometimes removing , but ever in a place presenting both state and delight , for magnificent buildings ; beautifull ponds and water-workes ; pleasant orchards and the like ; and in this honorable presēce euery new moone the common women of the city ( in their long sloppes and short coates ) present themselues , by turnes , with timbrels and dances , wanton songs , and antique gestures , for their sport and recreation , so continuing till the viceroy please to dismisse them ; & all this in generall , besides their particular solemnities , as i have sayd before , in the night seasons ; wherewith my story end●… , and welcome gentlemen to a short colation , with thanks for your gentle patience in taking penance at so homely a pittance , and my well-wishings of good refreshings to you all . finis . gentle reader . as i haue invited thee : so let me now aduise , or rather intreat thee that having read mee , thou wilt not rashly censure me ; my intent throughout was to giue content , not to some but all , which in one respect or other ( i hope ) answers my d●…sire ; onely herei●… lyes all my doubt , least offence might be taken heere and there at my seeming osten tation ; but leave that to god , whilest my heart ( i am sure ) condemnes me not ; perhaps there may be cause , and then to boast , is wisdome both in the opinion and practise of the wis●…st ; what i haue done , hath beene with as much respect to thy good as my owne , in removing my candle frō vnder a bushell , to set it fairly on a candlestick , to the end that with the light there of i may see , and be seene of all , for of all things i abhorre ●…o sit in darkenesse . great is the benefit of light ; by it confusion is banished , co●…trarieties are knowne and distinguisht , dangers declined , and good things embraced ; it is the eye-sight of knowledge from whence proceeds the due estimation we yeeld vnto men ( as all things else ) but chiefly for their proper , and most essentiall or intellectuall parts ) euen wisdome ( thereafter ) to use or refuse them . and now ( gentle reader ) for the writing of bookes so in generall , aword or two ( vnder correction ) in some defence thereof i hope will not f●…ll amisse ; prouided that neither church nor state be dishonoured , or any particular person thereby iustly offended . true it is , ( and none but the vnwise can den●…it ) that s●…ollers for their rare guists of 〈◊〉 are most sit to write for publike vse ( hauing a thousand times wisht my selfe a scholler for the singular benefits that haue their confluence to a man by academicall & well managed arts ; ) yet that all others should be excluded , or not any ( that will ) of vnderstanding and honest life ( vpon good occasion , the premisses considered ) should be allowed of , i know not yet one reason of many ( me thinkes ) to the contrary , to ratisie that opinion ; for if wee consider the many benefits for one inconvenience , thereupon ensuing that stand up to plead for a generall tolleration , not one of a hundred ( i suppose ) even of schollers themselues but will ioyne with them in theyr ready approbation . for first of all is not that noble science of printing made the more to flourish ? doe not the masters and artificers thereof become able , not onely for their private families , but also common-wealths men ? when their presses ( through a generall supply of coppies ) never want worke ? are not shops the better furnisht with bookes , and kept open by a frequent concourse of all sorts of buyers , through the variety and choyce of matter there to bee had for a small piece of mony , to profit themselves by other mens labours of an incomparable value ? doth not the reading of a few harmelesse lines entertayne divers from worse exercises , whom else ( perhaps ) better things would scarce content ? 〈◊〉 had it not beene profitable for many to have exercised themselves in writing of some manuscript , whilest idlenesse and ill-company have beene their utter bane and ruine ? and how many have improved theyr parts and vacant times unto a good sufficiency of doing service both in church and common-weale , wherein ( to the honor and profit of both ) they have lived , by applying themselves to vertuous studie●… , and writing their observations , that never ( perhap●… ) eate bread in a vniversitie ? or why doth our state at present ( in a sort ) allow of , or connive at this tolleration ( under the foresayd provisoes ) but for these or the like godly and civill policies no doubt ? besides other reasons which i leave to others ; but if none of these will passe for current , yet could i wish ( gentle reader ) that travellers ( in due honor to their travailes ) may have a place ( though the lowest ) in this honourable priviledge with schollers and poets , even for their experience ●…ake . a man that hath travelled ( sayth wise strach ) knoweth many things , and hee that hath much experience will declare wisedome ; he that hath no experience knoweth little , but he that hath travayled is ( or should be ) full of prudence ; to wit , a man of counsell and action ; of discourse and resolution ; eccles 34. 9. 10. for they commonly see and conceive more abroad the●… others sitting at home , as being deeper engaged upon strange occurrents ; having their senses exercised , their bodyes and minds hardened by sundry difficulties , and surviving many dangers ; diving into the different dispositions of m●…n , and observing ( from a selfe-knowing knowledge ) the good and the evill among all sorts of people ; wisedome also insinuating it selfe there , after a more familiar fashion then elsewhere , and thenceforth disposing them ( oft times ) ( with small helps , and due incouragements ) unto the weightiest aff●…res ; in whose short lines may b●…e read large observations of the divine power and providence , to the glory of god , and the publike good , by the right use which ingenuous minds make of all things , and to which ends onely they ought to be written ; when i travailed i saw many things , and i understand mo●…e then i can expresse ; i was oft times in danger of death , yet was i delivered because of these things . eccles. 34. 11. 12. to communicate experience ( therefore ) is as commendable as profitable , being that which in all ages hath ever been allowed of , required , and practised by the wisest . wis. 7. 13. eccles. 39. 8. psal. 40. 10. for experienc●… that is hid , and treasure that i●… hoarded up , what profit ( or not prejudice rather ) is in eyther ? and better is he that hideth his folly , then a man that hideth his wisedome or experience , be it never so little , upon least occasion of doing good therewith ; eccles. 20. 30. 31. as appeares by that slothfull servant , who hiding his talent ( instead of modesty ) incurr'd a censure of folly . mat. 25. 24. 25. 26. thus ( gentle reader ) hauing satisfied thee ( i hope ; ) in my best wishes i commend thee ( as my selfe ) to the protection of the almighty , and bid thee heartily fare-well in christ . chr. farewell . eccles. 6. 14. 15. a faithfull friend is a strong defen●…e , and he that hath found such a one , hath found a treasure . nothing doth countervaile a faythfull friend , for his ex●…ellency is v●…valuable . i. pet. 1. adde to your faith vertue , or industrie : and now , to shut up 〈◊〉 indian discourse with a word or two of spaine , being ( n●…xt unto 〈◊〉 in portugal ) on christian shore , my first and onely place of forraigne residence ; where ( if i may not seeme to praise my selfe , having little else to boast of in the short catalogue of my good workes there , save onely the releasing of an english marchant out of prison ) i would willingly entertaine anew my courteous reader with a short storie of an accident , wherein god made mee the instrument of much good unto another ; but the wise ( i hope ) will eyther discerne a cause of my boasting , or ●…t the worst will ascribe it to the common humour of travailers , who love to tell of things they have seene and done abroad in the world , and so at least to excuse me , ( for amidst all my extravagant delights , else ( i may truly speake it , and ( i hope ) without offence to charity ) my heart ( even then ) was ever prone to honesty ; to doe good freely ; on occasion ready to shew mercy ; more delighted to give then to receive ; and faithfull in my whole engagements ; with an inward ze●…le in the performance of all ; in a word , no mans foe ( as they say , even in those dayes ) but mine owne ; how much more then ( to silence all detraction ) shall ryper times ( on occasion ) affoord the same things at least , if not better : ill will it selfe ( if it please ) be iudge . deteyned upon some ●…mployment at the tower of velis malaga , about sales and returne of goods for england , there chanced into the roade ( among other ships , english and french ) ●…ertaine hollanders , that brought a great quantity of pic●…elingos , or counterfeyt copper mony of spaine , called 〈◊〉 , and quartillos , which by stealth at 〈◊〉 of opportunity they landed and disperced here and there , as they had dohe 〈◊〉 other ports : this in short space came to be suspected by the plentifull current of the money , ( the parties themselves being gone , left others in danger ) hereupon the shippes remaining in the roade were searched ; above all the rest , suspicion was had of certaine ●…hips belonging to the businesse whereon i lay for my master and others , whereof mr. john pit had the chiefe charge , being himselfe at grand malaga about other businesse , dispatching for england ; but they apprehended onely his servant or factor one mr. i ●…omas s●…edmer , whom they found aboord , ready to goe for malaga , and thence also for england ; him they carryed away prisoner to motril , about three leagues eastward , where hee was certaine weekes , rackt and hardly used ; how hee or the ships were released , i am not so punctuall in my remembrance as to relate , nor is it much materiall ( this being above twenty yeares since ) yet at length released they were , for the truth then came to light ; and whether by torture or else , i am not certaine , mr. pit himselfe as principall , was layd out for : officers of the inquisition , from motril were appointed and on the way toward grand malaga , to apprehend him : this by a happy chance ( being at the water side to heare newes ) i vnderstood ; i went presently to my almazen , or ware-house ; wrote him a word or two of advise , that as hee tendred his life ( upon receit thereof ) to retyre himselfe for such a cause , which i sent by the hand of a spaniard , a lustie sturdy companiero , of whose trustinesse i had observed something before , having imployed him about styving our fruit , and other reca●…dos of moment , with a charge to out runne the constable , corre juan , vete bolando por su vida , que yo 〈◊〉 lo pagare , bien pagado ; runne for thy life , and i le reward thee lib●…rally : ●…nd so he did , for over the rocke●… and high mountaines , ( like a goat ) h●… made such a nimble expedition that he overtooke , and out went the mule-men , and was there some three minutes before them , which gave my advised friend , the advantage of his absence , just as the alguazill and officers came at his heeles , that made his life of full value , which else upon any merchants ensurance there , ( by that time they had hāper'd him ) had not beene worth one marvedi . this newes ( till then pensive at heart in expectation of the event ) cheered me up no lesse then a cup of neat sparkeling wine , especially for the punctuality of the successe , and the applause of my diligent penne ; which procured me the love of those which had never seen me , with munchas mercedes , y beso las manos , for my good advise ; and afterward upon my returne to malaga , declared it by a generall bienvenido , or welcome . and how god did require this small myte of my ( not merit but ) good will ( for hee likes not ) to speake after the manner of men ) to be long in any mans debt ( but with more advantage to him ) though alwayes seeming so by the continuall lengthning out of his mercies ( if we observe them ) beyond our owne time , even to posterity , from generation to generatiō ; as if by this kind of acknowledgement of his ( for his owne word sake ) he were still indebted to us and ours , & could never su●…ficiently recompence our good endeavours , by the utmost of his infinite goodnesse freely promised thereunto in his best beloved , his soules delight ; to teach us that we should never be weary of doing him like acceptable seruice , even for the good and safety temporall and eternall , of our selves and ours ; but chiefly for his owne honour and glory . ) i could heere well declare in a cloud of particulers ever since , touching his wonderfull providence in my preserv●…tion , protection , and deliverance in , & out of most imminent dangers , straytes , and extremities , temptations and conflicts ; but for brevity sake ( leaving all the rest ) i will touch onely three , wherein gods power , and mercifull providence did plainely declare themselves unto my conscience , to whose praise alone i speake it , and to stirre up all to a consideration of his wonders . not long after this iubile of successe ( the brunt of businesse being ouerpast ) i went to grand malaga , whether indeed my desires lead me ( contrarie toreason ) from uelis malaga , where i was left ( vpon order of my master ) by mr. pitt . in the house of a regidor or alderman , senior pablos nunnies , for more conueniency to learne the language , rregalado , or respected as in their owne sonne ; and growing daily in acquaintance , i began to declare my selfe in the choyce of those pleasures wherevnto my nature most inclined ; amongst others , musicke and dancing were not the least , which thus occasioned the first of my proposed dangers . lying in the house of capt●…ine simon boureman , of best resort in the cittie by eng●…ish marchants , my first rendeuous in spaine ; and being well accommodated for all things , i fell into a consort-ship with other young men to entertaine an italian to teach vs to dance , who came once a day to our chambers ; and in taking our turnes of exercise , our tutor vnaduisedly commended my promptnesse , and the dexterity of my bodie ; whereat one of the company tooke pepper in the nose , and told me ( in the contrary tearmes ) i danced like a clowne ; knowing his malla●…ie , i brake it off with a iest , and a nippe withall , that made him halfe angry ; til frō iest to iest , it grew into plain earnest ( being both tender enough of our small reputations ) and sitting with our vsuall company at supper , he challenged me ( as not daring ) to fight with him ; i told him t' was then no time for such a businesse , but that ( perhaps ) he might shortly heare of me , as halfe determined to trie what mettle was in either ; the next morning ( i thinke vnexpected ) i went early to his chamber doore , wa●…like appointed with my rapier and dagger ( yet a daily ornament in those parts , as any part of our apparell , wherein ( be it knowne to all men ) for my owne particuler , i tooke no small glory ) and finding it open , in i went as at other times ( though illaduised in that poynt ) where i found him writing ; after salutation i told him what i came for , and that if he meant to acquite his honor ( i speake after y ● spanish phrase ) now was the onely time fresh and fasting to walke into the field , to preuent concourse or tumult ; my gallant foorthwith changed countenance , yet making wise to accept the offer went aside , and seemed to make choyce of his weapons ( hauing change of rapiers by him ) and taking a dagger in his hand ( mistrusting no treacherie ) sodenly offerd to haue stabbed me with it , but happily intercepting the thrust , with his hand that held it , i closed with him , and in strugling ( though his inferiour both in age and stature ) i gaue him the cleane fall backward , on his bed , and fell upon him , setting my knee on his brest , holding downe still his dagger , punching it vpward with all his might at my face , and at length i wrest it from him ; yet ( the onely poynt of manhood i obserued in him ) hee made no clamarous out-cry for the matter , as knowing ( belike ) with whom he had to deale ) wherewith ( as i told him , to requite his treachery ) i could haue slit his nose , or minced his face like a carbonado ; but mercie & manhood forbade me , as scor●…ing indeed the basenesse , though enough prouoakt ; nor would i for ten thousand pounds haue layne in like sort at his mercie ; at last taking my best oportunitie , i suddenly sprang off from him , and left him alone in his chamber , free from the least hurt done him , abiding without in an open court vnder a gallery walke , resting my selfe betweene a marble pillar and a packe of cloth , leaning on the pomell of my rapier , expecting euery moment ●…is comming forth for the field , but his intent was to haue finisht the combate there , with all safetie to himselfe , and sodaine ruine to me . for spying me through his doore standing at that disaduantage ( yet thankes be to god not walking , for then he had taken me napping ) he rusht out suddenly vpon me with a naked rapier making a main thrust at my face , which againe ( as happily as the ●…ormer ) i put by with my hand , yet not so , but that ( glancing my throate ) it toucht my beardlesse chinne , and made the bloud run downe ; but feeling my selfe alive , i instantly drew ( god forgive me all ) with a full resolution to have runne him through , as doubtlesse i had , up to the very 〈◊〉 , had not the spirit of wisdome or feare made him caper backward with a leape ( i still blesse god for it ) that i never saw the like . timor addit alas . feare gives wings . but considering the danger of that play ( for i had wit in my anger , though some that beheld us , sayd , i fought sa●…s feare or wit ) and changing my purpose , i followed him close with a double stroake two or three immediately succeeding , swift as lightning ; for though not slightly stirred , yet being too farre provoked , ( to the terrour of all proud , and commonly false-hearted provokers , i may iustly speake it ) my dreadlesse spirit would then haue borne me through the middest of an army . in which short conflict , i did so macerate his arme from the hand to the elbow , that it grieves me yet to thinke of it , ( so little doe i glory in the relation , save only in our mutuall preservation , mine owne especially from so imminent destruction ) and being gone to our chambers to be drest , to tell why certaine spaniards of my acquaintance , and strangers that came then to see me , did so wonder at my rapier , feeling the edge with theyr fingers , ( not considering the principall , that what is done couragiously and with expedition , is throughly done . bis dat gui cit●… dat , to fight couragiously is to fight victoriously ) crying ( after theyr fashion of admiration ) jhesus , al diablo , que espada es esta ? was , because ( besides his arme ) i had pared off the pappie flesh under his hand ; out in sunder a thicke gold ring from off his finger ; and withall ( i suppose ) his rapier , for at the last stroake , that also fell in a peece with the rest to the ground . at the sight whereof , mercy and manhood againe held my hand , without the least offer to prosecute him any further ; whereat ( with his owne ) there was a suddaine albarote , or out-cry of houshold servants newly up , murther , murther , and of our english cooke , that had done his best before to have parted vs ; that senior christoval , had slaine senior fulano : but ( a thousand thankes to god ) it was not so ; whereupon ( by advise of the best in the house ( in secret ) not a little approving the exployt , nor much lamenting ( but in shew ) the other , i know not why : ) to prevent further mischiefe , i absented my selfe at velis malaga , making of necessity a vertue ; for there in company of onely one english merchant , capt. lee by name , i improved my study , wrote them backe spanish epistles , and profited mightily ; having ever since beene a man of peace , conquering by suffering , and prevailing by yeelding , yet not basely neyther , but understandingly too : being minded henceforth ( for ought i know ) never more to draw sword , but against the enemies of god , my king , my country , and my friend : wherein god strengthen my resolution . amen . the second was , being in ireland ( a few yeares after my returne frō the indies , to weare out , or to weaken many discontents diversly occasioned me in england , by means of an imployment i had imposed on my selfe , begun long before , but there ( for causes ) intending to finish it , with some other respects joyntly procuring my absence , ) among others , of lesse profession , yet better condition , i chanced to be acquainted with a very rooke ( as some terme them ) yet so well clad in a religious habit of smooth discourse , that i durst have trusted him almost with my life ; so dangerous is a fayre shew without substance : the word of trust without truth , the name of a friend , without the fruits of friendship , or the inspection of wisedome to discerne the subtilties of hypocrisie , that the very best ( of which soever side ) are , and have bin subiect to be deceived , that none should be too credulous of faire shews or reports , as they tēder their owne good , in cherishing ( all they can against envie ) the due estimation of vertue in themselves or any . this man ( upon a proiect of some profit , probable enough had his intent been honest , or my serious studies in higher affaires permitted me to have frequēted or suspected him ; ( but oportunity not so much makes as takes a theefe , for an honest mind even scornes the temptation , no lesse then a lewd or a faigned suspicion ) by degrees had wound himselfe at least ten pounds deepe into my purse , being halfe way to the bottome , till fresh supplyes out of england ; and at last ( to make the shortest of a sharkes account ) was glad to accept of one halfe of my ●…cipall , with losse of the other halfe , yet not without great profit neyther , for a sharpe lesson proves a good instruction ; and our best wits are ( cōmonly ) the deerest bought ; but this is not the matter , rather ●…n introduction thereunto . for to get this mony i was forced to dispense with my study ( to wit k. davids psalmes , and st. 〈◊〉 epistles ; a word or two whereof in a short treatise touching theyr praise , since composed by me , i once purposed should have bin the period , or posterne unto these my travels ) and to make many a iourney to , and against him ; among others , taking the pleasure of a dainty frosty sunshine morning ( whilest my irish colt tooke his recreation at home ) i made a walke of sixe or 7. miles to speake with him at his house ( having chāged his dwelling from the town into the country ) and on the way from tullough , between ballye roberts , and castle-lyons , went aside out of a faire greene lancher , betwixt two great opē fields under a hedge , to cover my feet , not ●…eeing nor mistrusting any danger , yet ( in stooping downe ) had this thought in my minde ; good lord preserve me , this may be my last breathing : after a while looking up , right before me within twice my length stood a great grisly wolfe , bigger then a mastiffe , with a long bobbe taile , p●…ick-eard , and a lanke body , stocke still looking on me . though somewhat apàlled at this strange sight , yet to run ▪ conceived was danger ( for i had wit in my feare , as before in my anger ) and therefore quietly hasting to be ready for him , still fixing my eye on his ( wherein lyes a mystery ) till i had fastened my poynt ; and drawing my knife , with a sm●…l wand in my hand , i went on guardant , soft and faire , observing how the curre dogg'd me , ( for 't is a creature ( simply considered ) as full of craft and subtilty , as of greedinesse and cruelty , which meeting in men ( as commonly they lurke together , one being cause of the other ) doe make them more brutish and dangerous ( god defend me from them ) then wilde beasts ; such as st. paul had to fight withall at ephesus , ( unreasonable and absurd people ) as doubtlesse many good mē have elsewhere dayly , ) and then turning towards him , and standing still awhile , he would doe the like ( for i could haue bin content , on a fayre defence ) to haue tryed the combate with him , in assured hope to haue cut his throat , to enlarge my scutchion with a wolfe , or a wolfes head in a canton , for an addition of honor , as well to my ancestry , as happily to my heyres and posterity , for god onely makes and gives all . in this sort perusing one another , on we went in company about halfe a quarter of a mile together , till ( being market day at tullough ) people came riding by , away he went , but with admiration of all ( in such sort ) to have escaped his clutches ; affirming it to be the he●… or 〈◊〉 wolfe , that a long time had ranged thereabout ; done much mischiefe to man & beast ; and could never be taken . though now ridde of my rude companiō , i durst not be too secure , least on the sodaine we might meet againe ; but euer with an eye in my pole , on i went still guardant , till i came to kiel jannicke , aside off castle lyons , and there found my friend to little or no purpose ; but at my returne 〈◊〉 got a rusty sword for my better defence , in●… case of necessitie , which now & then i thought good to excercise against a bush or a thistle , with a thrust at the one , and a slash at the other , supposing the woolfe to haue bin either ; perhaps ( i am not sure ) like that valiant countrie travayler ( according to the common tale ) who going home late in an euening from worke , in like sort laying about him ( as he went ) with his trun●… , at the sodaine out-cry of a fewe duckes , quake , quake , being at his wits end , disclaimed all his former behauiour , with a fearefull protest as ( who should iudge him ) to be but a poore travayler , that neuer strook man in his life ▪ nor meant to doe ; and so more afraid then hurt ( hauing scaped a scowring ) he went soberly home to sleep : as i also being deliuered frō my so great a danger at retu●…ne to my lodging , on my knees gaue god thankes for my preseruation , and still doe ; for doubtles the same invisible hand of heauen that shut th●…●…mouthes of daniels lions , did likewise shut the mouth of this r●…uening wolfe , else rea●… to haue deuoured me my god ( sayth he ) hath sent his angel , and hath shut the lyons mouthes , that the●… haue not hu●… ▪ me , forasmuch as before him , innocency was found in me , and also before thee ( o king ) haue i done no hurt . dan. 6. 22. with the mercifull , ( saith ▪ 〈◊〉 ) thou wi●…t shew thy selfe ▪ mercifull , & with an vpright man , thou wilt shew thy selfe vpright . psal. 18. 25. the next and last never to be forgotten , was now of late the 29. of august 1632. passing from the exchange toward my lodging ; in lothbury from foure story high , there sodainly fell downe into the street ( by what meanes god knowes , but very strangely ) a whole window of glasse in a thicke frame of timber , all fast in a lumpe together , and in the fall strooke onely the brim of my hat , missing my head but two or three inches at most , by meanes i thinke ) of then mending my pace , ( not knowing why ) at the instant ( i remember ) when i sprang over into that side of the street , which else ( doubtlesse ) had strooke mee stone dead , so violent was f●…ll ; for which let my soule for ever 〈◊〉 thee ( o lord ) and all than is within meblesse his holy name , ●…s two or three of those that saw the manner thereof ( i thanke them ) put me in mind so to doe . the angell of the lord ( sayth david ) encampeth round about them that feare him , and delivereth them . tast therefore and consider that the lord is good , blessed is the man that trusteth in him ; for though his wisedome ( to exalt the glorious maiesty of his power ) leads them into temptations and dangers , yet his vigilant providence ( for his promise sake ) never leaves them ; i will never fayle thee nor forfake thee : joshua . 1. 5. affliction ( like pauls viper ) at first begets censure , but ( upon delivery ) it is the cause of honour . acts. 28. 3. 6. i will be with him in trouble ( sayth god ) i will 〈◊〉 him , and honour him . psal. 91. 15. and what honor comparable to that of gods deliverance ? or what promise so to be●… relyed on as his word ? what buckler or ca●…le of defence so safe as his protection ? what service so commodious and honorable as his faithfull seruice ? or whom ever better served , allyed counselled , or befriended ( may examples of truth and experience take place , malice with envi●… being banisht or put to silence ) then by such allyance , servants , counsellers or friends ? whose dwelling is in the secret place of the most high , and whose abode is under the shadow of the almighty , king of kings , & lord of creatures both in heaven & in earth , in the seas & all deepe places . i leave to the iudgment & consideratiō of all , with my hearty prayers as for my owne soule , that every one for their proper good ( touching the premisses in each particuler ) may rightly discern betweene things that differ , and impartially prefer those that excell . what have i now done ? is there not a cause ? 1. sam. 17. 29. finis . a true and almost incredible report of an englishman, that (being cast away in the good ship called the assention in cambaya the farthest part of the east indies) trauelled by land through many vnknowne kingdomes, and great cities vvith a particular description of all those kingdomes, cities, and people. as also a relation of their commodities and manner of traffique, and at what seasons of the yeere they are most in vse. faithfully related. with a discouery of a great emperour called the great mogoll, a prince not till now knowne to our english nation. by captaine robert couerte. coverte, robert. 1612 approx. 131 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19470 stc 5895 estc s105141 99840871 99840871 5413 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19470) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5413) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1199:9) a true and almost incredible report of an englishman, that (being cast away in the good ship called the assention in cambaya the farthest part of the east indies) trauelled by land through many vnknowne kingdomes, and great cities vvith a particular description of all those kingdomes, cities, and people. as also a relation of their commodities and manner of traffique, and at what seasons of the yeere they are most in vse. faithfully related. with a discouery of a great emperour called the great mogoll, a prince not till now knowne to our english nation. by captaine robert couerte. coverte, robert. [6], 68, [2] p. printed by william hall, for thomas archer and richard redmer, london : 1612. with a final colophon leaf. running title reads: the voiage and trauels of robert couerte. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic 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ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng india -description and travel -1498-1761 -early works to 1800. middle east -description and travel -early works to 1800. mogul empire -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve and almost incredible report of an englishman , that ( being cast away in the good ship call the assention in cambaya the farthest part of the east indies ) trauelled by land through many vnkowne kingdomes , and great cities . vvith a particular description of all those kingdomes , cities , and people . as also a relation of their commodities and manner of traffique , and at what season of the yeere they are most in vse , faithfully related . with a discovery of a great emperour called the great mogull , a prince not till now knowne to our english nation . by captaine robert couerte . london printed by william hall , for thomas archer and richard redmer . 1612. to the right honovrable robert , earle of salisbvry , knight of the most honourable order of the garter , vicount cranborne , lord cecil of essindon , lord high treasvrer of england , chancellour of the vniuersity of cambridge , and one of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell . as the most noble maecenas of all good arts , & the most worthy patron of all such as can any way merit of their countrey : i haue elected you ( right honourable lord ) to whom i haue presumed ( encouraged by your known grace and clemency ) to dedicate these my tedious and dangerous trauels . in which , your honour shall finde vndoubtedly all truth , and some nouelty . if after your more weighty and serious considerations , you will daine the perusall of this my rude and vnpolisht discourse . for being shipwrackt in cambaya , the farthest part of the east indies , and not dispairing in the power of the almighty , of my safe returne to my countrey . leauing the rest , to the number of 75. that would not hazard so desperate and vnexpected an vndertaking . i aduentured to passe thorow many vnknown kingdomes and cities ouer land : of all which , i haue ( to my plain vnderstanding ) made a particular and ●aithfull discouery : protesting to your honor that in all my trauels and ( almost incredible dangers ) i haue heere exprest no more then i haue directly seen , and to my great sufferance and difficultie prooued . pardon , i intreat your lordship , this my presumption , in selecting you the noble and worthy patron , to so rude a discourse , whose simplenesse is onely excused in the truth . that granted , i shall thinke my selfe most comforted after al my precedent hazards , that your honor will but daine to accept of this report . your lordships humbly deuoted . robert couerte . to the reader . receiue , courteous reader , a true report of my dangerous trauels , which will ( i make no question ) be as pleasing to thee in reading , as they were painefull to me in suffering . heere thou maiest safely and without danger see that , which hath cost me many a tedious and weary step ; many a cold and comfortlesse lodging ; and many a thin and hungry meale . i publish not these my aduentures in any pride or arrogancie : but i thinke , i should prooue ingratefull to my preseruer , not to let the world know his miraculous power , in safegarding me beyond mine owne hope or mans imagination . the report of these my perils are freely thine , mine hath onely been the dangers and sufferance . bee thou as well pleased with my faithfull discouery : as i am contented with my hard and paineful pilgrimage . thine robert cover●● a trve and almost incredible report of an englishman , that ( being cast away in the ship called the assention in cambaya the farthest part of the east indies ) trauelled by land through many vnknown kingdomes and great cities . the 14. day of march , 1607. wée came into the downes , and there ancored against deale , about 3. miles from sandwich , where we staied vntill the 25. day of the same moneth , being by computation the first day of the yéere , 1608. vpon which day , about foure of the clock in the morning , we waighed ancor and past by douer , betwéene thrée and foure of the clocke in the afternoone , without any staying , but giuing them notice with 3. peeces of ordinance of our passing by , and so passed forwards some thrée leagues , and then by a contrary winde we were driuen backe againe into douer roade where we ancored and staied till fiue of the clocke in the morning , being the twenty sixe day of march. and then weighing ancor , we sailed some thrée leagues , when the winde contrarying constrained vs againe to cast ancor vntill the 27. day in the morning about seuen or eight of the clocke , and then hauing a faire gale of winde , we sailed to plimouth , where we arriued the 29. day between tenne and eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone , where we staied till the thirtie one day of march. and then hauing a faire gale of winde , wee waighed ancor and sailed vntill wee came in sight of an iland called the saluages , on sunday being the tenth day of aprill , being about fiue hundred leagues from plimouth , and still sailed forwards vntill the next morning , that we came within sight of the grand canaries , which belong to the spaniard . and vpon the twelfth day of aprill , about eight or nine of the clocke in the night we ancored , and discharged a peece of ordinance , for a boat to come aboard , but to no effect : for before our ariuall in the road , there was a rumor of twelue saile of flemmings that were cōming that way , to no good intent ( as the spaniards afterward told vs ) to be some of those flemmings that had ouerrunne the rest , where upon they sent vp into the countrey for one hundred and fifty horse and foot or more , for their defence and safegard ( if néede should be ) nor would they be peswaded to the contrarie , vntill two of our factors went on shore , and fully satisfied them in any thing they demanded or doubted , and that our intent was only to make prouision for such things as we wanted , and the next morning , ( as the manner there is ) we discharged another péece of ordinance . and then the gouernour of the towne sent a boat to know what we craued , whereupon we certified them of our wants , and they told vs they would giue the gouernour intelligence , and returne vs an answere , which was , that vnlesse wee came into the road , it was beyond his commission to releeue vs , yet hauing first sworne and examined our factors , and so knowing the truth of our intended voiage , they gaue them a warrant to take a boat , to come aboard at their pleasures with licence to supply our wants , if they had any thing that might content vs. yet one thing aboue the rest made vs much to maruell , which was , two english ships ( which wee perceiued and knew by their flagges ) being in the road , who had not so much kindnesse in them as to giue vs notice , of the custome or manners of these subtill and currish people . and of this doubt , wee were also resolued , that no man whatsoeuer , being once within their dominions , may come aboard any ship , that shall arriue there , and lie out of the roade , although they be of their owne nation , without their gouernors and councels permittance or licence . at our being there some of them came aboard of vs euery day for the space of fiue daies that wee staied there , and eat and dranke with vs , after an vnsatiable manner , and very gréedily . also we sent the gouernor a present of two chéeses , a gammon of bakon , and fiue or sixe harrels of pickle oisters , which he accepted very thankefully and returned vs in requital therof , two or thrée goats and a shéepe or two , and good store of unions . and there we tooke in fresh water , canarie wine , marmalad of quinces at twelue pence the pound , little barrels of suckets at three shillings the barrell , oranges , limmons , ponicitrions and excellent faire white bread made with anniséeds , and is by them called nunnes bread . the eightéenth day of aprill about seuen of the clocke in the morning , we waighed ancor and set saile hauing a faire gale of wind for some thrée houres and being then becalmed , we houered too & fro till the 21. day , and hauing then againe a faire gale of winde , we sailed vntill the 27. day about two or three of the clock in the afternoone , that we ariued & ancored at mayo , being about thrée hundred leagues from the canaries , and comming from thence , wee were determined to take in fresh water at a place called bonauista , but hauing ancored we found the water to bee two or three miles , vp in the land , neither was it cleare water , so that we tooke the smaller quantity . but thero were other good commodities . for at our first comming we were told by two negroes , that there wee might haue as many goats as we would , gratis , and i well remember , we had to the number of two hundred , or there abouts in both our ships . also-they told vs that there were but twelu men in the iland , and that there was verie great store of salt growing out of the ground so that ( if we pleased ) we might lade both our ships therewith , it is excellent good white salt , and as cleare as euer i saw any in england . ouer against the i le of mayo , some eight leagues distance , is an iland called s. deago ; wee staied at mayo from the twenty seuenth of aprill in the afternoone vntill the fourth day of may at sixe of the clocke in the morning , when we set saile and sailed vntill the twentieth day of may , that we were past the equinoctiall line , about 4. or 6. of the clocke in the morning , being distant frō the i le of mayo about thrée hundred fourty eight leag●es or there abouts , as our master philip de grone noted it downe in his owne booke of the description of the whole uoiage . and thence we still sailed forwards vntill the fourth of iuly , that wee ca●●e to a part of souldania with al our men in health , gods name be praised , but two which were touched a little with the scuruy , which ●●one after recouered themselues on shore to their former health . also the same day we espied land which is called , cape bona speranse being some fifteene or sixteene leagues of souldania and standeth in some thirty fiue degrées or thereabouts . at souldania wee refreshed our selues excellently well so long as we were there , and had , and tooke in for our prouision about foure hundred head of cattel , as oxen , stéeres , sheepe and lambes , and foules , and fish of sundry sorts very plentifull , and fresh water , great store . also in that place is an iland called pengwin , some fiue or sixe leagues from the maine land , where are great store of fowles called also pengwins , infinite number of sealles : and to fetch some of those seales , we went twice thither and filled our boat each time , and made tranie oile thereof for lampes . also in this iland we found 20. fat shéepe , being left there by the hollanders , for a pinnis which we met some two hundred leagues from cape bona speranse , which shéepe we tooke with vs and left sixe beasts or bullocks in their steads . at our ●irst comming to souldania , wee began to build or set vp our pinnis , and launched her the fifth day of september next following , and in seuen or eight daies after , she was rigged and ready in all points to haue gone away , if any such necessity had béene . souldania is within the kingdome of ethiopia , now the ethiopians are by nature very brutish or beastly people , especially in their feeding . for i haue séene them eate the guts & garbedge , yea euen the very panch where the dung & ●ilth lieth . also when we haue cast off those seale fishes into the riuer neere adioining where they haue lyen the space of fourtéen daies , and that they haue béene putri●ied and stuncke so veh●mently , that it could almost haue stifled one of vs to come by them , these people haue taken them vp and ●aten them when they haue ●warmed with cranling maggots . also in this countrey are sundry sorts of wilde beasts , which my selfe and others of our company ( going on shore of purpose ) haue seene , and perceiued some of them to ●e very fierce and cruell : so that afterwards when we found their dens , we durst not enter them , nor come very neere them , lest they should be in them . the ethiopians brought downe to the shore side to sell estridgs egges and some empty shels , with a small hole in one end , with estridges feathers and porpentines quils , and for all their traffique and commodities , they chiefly desire iron , estéeming it more then either gold or siluer . for with our old iron , we bought all our cattell and any thing else that we had of them . in this countrey wee remained from the fouretéenth day of iuly vntil the twentieth day of september then next following . the 20. day of september earely in the morning we waighed ancor , and that night we lost the good ship called the vnion , and our pinnis called by the name of the good hope , the night being very darke and windy , now , the euening before we lost them , the vnion ( about fiue of the clocke ) put out her ensigne , but to what intent we knew not , nor could imagine , but all that night we lay at hull . the next day being the 21. day hauing a faire and strong gale of winde , and afterwards sundry contrary windes and many calmes , yet at length wee attained to the height of s. laurence on the 27. day of october standing in the height of 26. degrees , from whence we sailed with many crosse and contrary winds , and calmes . yet at length on the 22. day of nouember in the morning wee descried two or thrée small ilands , and in the afternoone we espied an iland called gomora a very high land : and on the 24. day we sent our boat to the shore side , and there came to the shore side fiue or sixe men of that countrey , and sold vs plantains , and nothing else at that time . the next day we sent our boat againe , but a little before they came to the shore they espied a cannooe and two men in it a fishing , we went betweene them and the shore but would not violently take them , then we shewed them a knife o● two , and they came both into our boat , and we brought them aboard our ship and vsed them very kindly , and gaue one of them a turbant to put on his head and to the other a little glasse of a quarter of a pinte full of aquauitae , and sent them ashore . from the 22. day that wee espied the iland gomora , and came amongst the ilands wee could haue no stéedy gale of wind to carry vs forward , vntill the 25. day that with the wind and aid of our pinnis , which towed our ship betweene the two ilands adioining to the shore , we came to an ancor that night betwéene foure and fiue of the clocke in some 17. or 20. fathome water . the ●6 . day wee sent our boat to the shore with a present to the king , by master iordan who went himselfe alone with the present , leauing onely a pledge or two in the boate till his returne : the present was a paire of kniues , a shash or turbant , and a looking glasse with a combe in it , to the value of some 15. shillings in all , which the king receiued somewhat scornefully , not scarse looking on it , or at the least thinking it to be but of small value , and gaue it to one of his noble men , and told master iordan our factor , that if our generall would come on shore , hee should haue any thing that they had , and with this answer he departed , and at his comming from the king , the king bowed himselfe towards him in very courteous manner and after his departure ( as it may seeme ) hee better perused the present . for in the afternoone he sent our generall in requitall , a very fat yongue bul●locke , which wee receiued , and gratified the messengers with a couple of peny kniues , wherewith they thought themselues verie royally contented . the 27. day our generall went on shore and some 12. with him , and carried with him a small banquet : as , a box of marmaled , a barrell of suckets , and wine , which they did eat before the king , but he would neither eat nor drinke , but his nobles did both eat and drinke . and after the banket hauing some conference with the king by his interpreter concerning our wants , by whom wee vnderstood that they had , some dealings with the portugals , of which language he could speake a little , which was sufficient to satisfie vs with what they had . the 28. day the king had determined to come aboard our ship , but his interpretor told vs , that his councel and the common people would not suffer him so to doe . also that day towards night i went a shore where our people were cutting downe woode , and came aboard againe with the boat . the 29. day i went ashore againe , with our master , master tindall , master iordan , and our whole noise of trumpeters , and at the shore side were very kindly entertained by the interpretor , who brought vs to the king , being then by his pallace side , who at our approch bowed himselfe vnto vs very courteouslie . he hath for his gard when he walketh abroad sixe or eight men with kniues of a foot long , and as broad as hatchets and very sharpe , which goe next to his person , and more goe before him , and many behinde him , to keepe and defend him , from what iniurie or wrong soeuer may come or happen . these people seeme to bee ciuill , kinde , and true hearted to strangers , for in going too and fro , a shore and aboard , one of our men carelesly left his sword behinde him at night when he came aboard , which being found by one of the people of gomora , he brought it to the king , who perceiuing it to bee some of ours , demanded how hee came by it , who answered , hee found it , and the king againe told him , that if he proued the contrary it should cost his best blood , the next day at our comming on shore , the kings interpretor brought vs the sword and told vs the kings pleasure therein . also they séeme to haue a very ciuill gouernment amongst them , for at their meeting in the morning , they will shake hands each with other , and speake one to another , which to vs séemed to bee their kinde and friendly salutations one to another . they are verie modest , streight , big limmed , and very comely in gesture both men and women . their religion mahometicall , and goe almost naked , onely their priuities are couered with linnen cloth , and turbants on their heads . the women haue a linnen cloth , that couereth their breasts before and reacheth to the middle , and from the middle to the knee and somewhat lower , they are couered round about with linnen , next to their skin , and sedges tied round about them like a rowle at their waste , and hung down , which doth become them very well . they goe all barefoot except the king , who hath a paire of soles on his féet : and for his apparell when i saw him , he had a white wrought networke cap , a scarlet wastcote loose about him , and open before , with sleeues and a linnen cloth about his middle , and another which hanged downe from his shoulders to his féet . also at our being there at the town , they brought vs coquo nuts to sell , as bigge as a mans head , and round , and some bigger and some lesser , with water in them according to the proportion or bignesse of the shell , and as much meat in one shell as would suffice for a wans dinner . also they brought vs goats , hens , chickens , limons , rice , milke , fish , and such like , which wee bought for commodities , as two hens for a penny knife , limmons , and coquonuts for old iron , as nailes , broken pickes , and such like . but for fresh water there is small store , and that they haue is gotten out of the sands , viz. first , they make a hole in the sands and when the water commeth into the hole , they lade it out into their coquo shels , and so drinke it . they brought vs of that water but none of our company would drinke thereof it looked so thicke and muddy . in this iland of gomora wee staied from the 25. day of nouember vntill the 29. of the same , and then we waighed ancor and departed . the tenth day of december about two or three of the clocke in the morning , and the moone shining , we espied on a sudden a low land with high trees growing by the shore side , we being not a league from the shore , so that if we had not espied the trees , we should haue thought the land to haue béene but the shadow of the moone and so might haue run our selues on shore , and cast our selues away with ship and goods : but it was gods good prouidence thus to defend vs from so great and imminent danger , whose name be blessed and praised now and euermore . this was the iland of pemba , which we tooke to be zinzabar , vntill by one of the people of the countrie we found it to be pemba . at the sight of this low iland , after we plainely perceiued it , wee presently tackt about and set from the shore till day , and then we tackt about againe to the shore side , and neering alongst the shore side for a harbour to ancor in , wee sent our pinnis in the meane time , to the shore with the gang onlie and master elmore to seeke for a conuenient watering place , wee kéeping our course till our pinnis came to the shore side . then two or three of the people of the iland demanded in the portugall language what we were , and one of our men made answer , that we were englishmen . then they demanded againe what we had to doe there , in regard the king of portugall was king of that iland : wee replied , that wee knew not so much , neither came we thither for any euill intent whatsoeuer , but only to water , and would giue them satisfaction , for any other thing that we should haue of them . then it drew towards night , and our men came aboard and acquainted the whole company with this their parly on shore . the 11. day our boat went ashore to the same place , but found it void of people and returned , and presently we came to an ancor , about fiue or sixe of the clocke in the afternoone néere vnto two or three broken ilands there , adioyning néere to the maine iland of pemba . this place of our then ancoring standeth in the height of fiue degrées and 20. minutes . the 12. day our pinnis went on shore to the same place , with master iordan , one of our merchants . at whose comming on shore , after some conference with some that could speake portugall , but not with those ( as it seemed ) with whom we spake the day before , for these told master iordan the king was a mallaibar , and after some other conference , master iordan told them , that although our ship were an english ship , yet he was a portugall merchant , and the goods in the ship were portugals goods . then they told vs wee should not want for any thing they had , and hereupon they sent a moore into our boat to make search for a conuenient watering ●lace , who after some small search , brought vs to a little hole at the bottome of a hill , being hemmed in with the hill on the one side and a dich on the other side , there we filled our barréecoes , and being ready to goe aboard , wee desired the moore to goe aboard with vs , who will●●gly agreed thereto , and we vsed him very kindly , till the next morning that we went to water againe , and carried him on shore with vs , by whose report of his kinde vsage aboard , there came downe with him , another that could speake a little portugal● , who ( as hee said ) was one of the kings gentlemen , him wee also brought aboard and vsed him very kindly , and set him a shore the next day . who promised at his departure to bring vs hennes ▪ coqu●nuts , and orenges , which he did accordingly , and then our master , with master reuet and my selfe went a shore with some others of the company , where wee dined , and after dinner came two cauelliers , and a moore being one of their flaues to the watering place , where our men were filling of the caske , and asked whether there were any of the chiefe of our ship , or company there , to whō edward churchman one of our company made answer , & said there was our master , and one of the merchants , whom ( if it pleased them ) he would bring to parlee with them : and at their méeting , they saluted each other after the portugall maner . and after some conference , demanding what wee were , we told them we were englishmen , and they replied that we were very welcome , and all that they had , or the iland could afford , was at our command and disposing ; to whom we gaue harty thanks . but those sugred words of theirs , was only in outward shew , to cloake their treacherous practises , as afterward we found it true . then we demanded what they were , and it was answered , that one of them was the kings brother , who instantly shewed vs a siluer ring , whereon was ingrauen the number of villages , and houses , or cottages in the iland , and said he was ruler and gouernor of all those places . then we asked them , if there were any portugals in the iland , they said no , for they had banished them all because they would haue reliefe there perforce , and would make slaues of the people of the iland , ( which being not able to indure ) they made continuall warres with them at their comming thither . in the meane time , our pinnis came on shore , which had béene at an other place of the iland for cattell , according to appointment , but were deferred of , till they might get fitter opportunity for their intended treacherie . then our men told vs that they had heard of that side of the iland where they were for cattell that 15. saile of hollanders had lately taken mosemb●ge , and put all the portugals to the sword , which newes they had heard from zinzibar to be true , whereat these cauelliers séemed outwardly to reioice , which was also another subtill traine to bring vs within compasse of their intended treachery . and when night drew on , we intreated them to goe aboard with vs , which then , they refused to doe , but promised to come aboard the next day being the seuenteenth day of december , which the kings brother ( as he named himselfe ) did with two others , but before they came aboard , they craued pledges , which they had , viz. thomas caue , gabriel brooke , and laurence pigot our surgeon . the other thrée being then aboard , we vsed them verie kindly vntill they went on shore , on the eightéenth day in the morning : and our general gaue the chiefe of them two goats , a paper cartridge of gunpowder and some other small trifles to the other two , and so went on shore , and master reuet , master iordan , m. glascot & my selfe went with them for our pledges , & at our comming on shore and fearing no treacherie , we went sixe or eight vnaduisedly vp to the houses for our pledges , whom we found garded with fifty or sixty men armed with seuerall weapon , as bowes and arrowes , swords and bucklers , darts , and cu●ltleaxes , yet at our comming thither , wee receiued our pledges and without longer stay , departed to the sea side , accompanied with the kings brother , and immediatly most of those moores came also after vs , and sixe or eight of them came to our pinnis side and viewed her and so departed againe to the rest of their fellowes . and we instantly entered our boat , and intreated the kings brother to go aboard with vs , which he willingly did , & we entertained him with all kindnes that we could , vntill towards night that he was to depart , when our master offered him a knife , with some other odde trifles , which he scornfully refused , and presently went ashoare in our boat . upon this , we mistrusted some trechery , intended against vs , and therefore thought to bee better armed at our next comming ashoare . the 19. day our long-boat went a shore in the morning verie early , to fill our caske with water , and hauing filled the same , within a litle , they espied our sailes out , being let downe to dry ; but they imagined we were going away : where vpon the companion to the kings brother came to our boatswaine , and asked him if wee were going away ; the boat-swaine , as well as he could , both by signes and otherwise , told him , it was only to dry our sailes . and as they were thus talking , they espied our pinnace comming , being then very well armed , and left off making any further inquirie ; which pinnace had they not then espied , it was likely they had intended to haue cut off our men , and taken our boat ; for there was two of these rogues at the least lying in ambush about the watering place , readie to haue giuen the onset , if the watch-word had been giuen . by this time our pinnace was come to the shore , and our men standing on their gard vpon the sands , not farre from her , then our master sent nicholas white , one of our gang , to tell them of the iland that our merchants were come on shoare , who passing by one of their houses , might perceiue the same to be full of people , & amongst the rest , six portugales , in long branched damaske coats , lined with blew taffata , and vnder the same , white callico bréeches . this nichol●s white , at his returne , told vs , and presently came downe the companion to the kings brother , and told master reuet , the marchants were weary , and intreated them to go vp to thē to see the cattell , which was only one bullock which nicholas white saw at his going vp , and no more . but master reuet craued pardon , des●ring him to send downe the bullocke , and their was commodities in the boat to make satisfaction for the same . with this answer , and seeing vs better armed then we were wont to bee , he went away . the kings brother being then on the sands , commanded a negro to gather coquonuts to send to our general , and made choise of edward churchman one of our men , to fetch the same , whom we neuer saw after , nor could euer know what became of him ; but when they saw that none of vs would come a shore , but stood vpon our gard , they gaue the watchword and sounded a horne , and presently set vpon our men at the watering place and slew iohn har●ington , the boat-swaines man , and wounded robert buckler , master ellanors man very sore , with 8. or 10. seuerall wounds , and had killed him , but that we discharged a musket or two , which ( as it seemed ) hurt some of them ; for then they retired and cried out : and so ( though weake and faint ) he did at length recouer our boat . also two or thrée more of our men by créeping , and lying close in the ditch , vntill they espied our boat , got also safe aboard ; and then counting our men , we only missed edward churchman , and iohn harrington , that was slaine : and so comming aboard , we certified the company of all our procéedings on shoare ; and our surgeon dressed robert buckler , and after , did his best for his cure and recouery of his health . the twentieth day in the morning we went on shoare with our pinnace and long-boat , very wel armed to fetch in our dauid , ( which is a piece of wood or timber wherewith we hale vp our ancor ) and a little beyond the same , we found iohn harrington dead , and starke naked , whom we buried at another iland , hard by the maine iland . the naturall people of the iland p●mba , séeme to bee louing and kind : for they made signes to me and others , at our first comming , to beware of our throats cutting : which then we tooke no heede or notice of , vntill this their treachery put vs in minde thereof againe . the same day ( being the 20. day ) we waighed ancor , and about 12. of the clocke at night , our ship was on ground , on the shoulds of meluidee , or pemba , which we certainely knew not : yet god of his mercy , ( as formerly in the late pretended treacherie , so in that extreamity ) did mightily defend and preserue vs , whose name bee praised and glorified now and euermore . the 21. day in the morning , wee espied thrée saile being small boats , sleightly wrought together , called paugaias which we made after and tooke , which they on shore espying , they sent out an aduisor being also a paugaia , which perceiued that wee had taken the other and returned to the shore . now of those which we had taken there were some 6. or 8. of the chiefest that were thought by our company to be portugals , the rest being certainely known to be moores , and were in all some fourty and odde persons , and those sixe or eight were pale and white , much differing from the colour of the moores , yet being asked , what they were , they said , they were moores , and shewed vs their backes all written with characters ; and when we affirmed them to be portugals , they then told vs the portugals were not circumcised . but to conclude ; our company would not be perswaded but that they were portugals : then some of our cōpany told them of al the intended treacheries with the losse of two of our men , and wounding of the the third , which made them fearefull of our reuenge , ( as it seemed ) and then they talked together in th●●r owne language , which made vs also suspect , some villanous and desperat attempt to be pretended by them , and therefore , i kept my selfe still vpon the poope , and looked carefully to the swords which stood nakedly in the masters cabbin , which they also knew and noted , and marked master glaskock , and my selfe where we set our swords still expecting to haue the place voided , which i perceiuing , kept good watch , lest greater hurt should ensue thereby , and being thus alone on the poope they beckoned me thrée or four seuerall times to come to them vpon the spare d●ck , which i denied , lest they should so recouer the swords , whereby far more harme might haue béene done , then afterwards was done . then our master came vpon the spare decke and demanded , which was their pilot , whom hee tooke downe into his cabbin , and shewed him his plat , which he at his comming downe did very earnestly behold . but at his going from the rest with our master , he spake in the moores language , warning them ( as we thought ) to looke to themselues and doe their best amongst vs , and to giue eare when he gaue the watch-word , and then to giue the onset . also there were speaches vsed that the pilot had a knife about him , and being searched for it , he nimblie conueied the same from the one side to the other , and therwith suddenly stabbed the master into the belly , & then cried out , which ( belike ) was the watchword : for then they began the onset on the spare decke , where master glascocke , master tindall , our generall , and one or two more with them chanched to kill foure or fiue of the white roagues , and made such hauocke among the rest , that at length they had slaine almost fourty of them , and brought the rest in subiection . now , a little before our master thus called the pilot , he entreated our generall , that if they had any garuances or peason ( being their country food ) they would let vs haue some , which they should be paid for , & what was taken from them should be redeliuered , with frée liberty to go where they would , whereto the general consented , & heereupon our master called the pilot , to see if he had any skil in the plat , and so to let him depart , and all the rest . but when thus treacherously they offered vs the first abuse , we could doe no lesse then we did , being in our owne defence , and for the safegard of our liues . yet did some fiue or sixe of these villaines , recouer a pangaia by their excellent swiftnesse in swimming , and escaped to the shore , they swimming to windward , faster then our pinnis could rowe . in this skirmish were hurt but thrée of our company , namely , master glascocke , with two wounds , whereof one was a deepe wound in his backe , master tindals was aimed at his breast , he hauing nothing in his hand to defend himselfe , yet by the assistance of the almighty he turned himselfe about and receiued the stabbe in his arme , and our masters was in his belly , as is formerly said , which ( god be thanked ) they all recouered and were well cured . the 19. day of ianuary wée espied many ilands , which the portugals call by the name of almaisant , being to the number of nine ilands , al vnpeopled as the portugals write and affirme . the 20. day we sent our pinnis in the morning to one of those ilands to séeke fresh water , but could finde none : yet they found there great store of land turtles , and brought some sixe aboard , then wee sailed ●o an other iland , which seemed more likely for fresh water then the first , where we cast ancor . the 21. day about ten of the clock in the forenoone riding there at twelue or thirtéene fathome water , and a reasonable good harbour , we staied there vntill the first day of february , and then waighed ancor , and departed . here we refreshed our selues very well with fresh water , coquonuts , fish , palmitoes , and doues , great plenty . the first day of february , we set saile , and sailed with a faire winde vntill the 19. day , that wée passed the equinoctiall line , and on the fiftéenth day in the morning betime , we came within ken of land , which was the coast of melueidey vpon the maine . the 16. day we came to an ancor , about nine of the clocke in the morning , at 12. fathome water , and some two leagues from the shore , and presently wee sent our pinnis to the shore to séeke some refreshing , but they could by no meanes get on shore ; nor would the people of the countrey ( being fearefull ) come within parly , which at their returne they certified our master of , and so in the afternoone we set saile againe , and departed . now about this time it pleased god , ( by the confession of william acton , one of our ship boies ) to reueale a foule and detestable sinne committed amongst vs ; which being approued against him by a iury , hée was condemned to die , and was executed for the same on the third day of march ( being friday ) in the morning . the 21. day betimes in the morning , we espied an iland standing in the height of 12. degrées and 17. minutes , being barren and vnpeopled , ouer against which iland , some thrée leagues distant , stood foure hillocks or rocks , & for this iland we bore vp a whole day , and a night , and finding it to be barren and vnpeopled , by sending our skiffe on shore , wée passed by it , and the same day wée espied thrée ilands more about sunne setting standing in the height of 12. degrées and 29. minutes , to which ilands we came the 29. day of march , 1609. two of which ilands were within a league one of another , and the third we found to be sacatora , and standeth in 12. degrées and 24. minutes where we ancored in a fine bay the 30. day , in the morning about ten of the clocke . at sight of vs , the ilanders made a fire , and wée sent our skiffe an shore , but the people fled with great feare and trembling , hauing ( as it séemed ) beene formerly iniured by some that had passed 〈…〉 our men looking about , found no likelie-hood of any reléefe there , and so came aboard and certified the generall thereof : so that about fiue of the clock in the afternoone , wée waighed ancor , and sailed along to find out the chiefe harbor . the 31. day we stood of into the main sea , wher we met with a guzarat ship , laden with cotton woolls , callicoes , and pentathoes , béeing bound for adden , whether wée kept her company , in regard they told vs it was a towne of great trading , but wée found it quite contrary : for it was onely a towne of garison , and many souldiers in it : and at the very entring into the towne , is a castle cut out of the maine , and incompassed round with the sea , wherein are thirty two péeces of ordinance , and fiftie péeces in the towne . the 10. day of aprill wee arriued there , and the guzarat ship went into the towne , and told the gouernour , there was an english ship come to trade there . who presently sent his admirall to vs , and our generall vnaduisedly went on shore , where hée , and his fellowes were receiued with 4. great horses , and were caried before the gouernour , in as great pomp and state , as the towne could yéeld . but the gouernor finding him to be a plaine and simple man , put him in a house with a chowse or kéeper , with many ianyzaries or souldiers to gard him , and so kept him prisoner sixe wéekes , my selfe being prisoner with him . and then the gouernor caused him to send aboard for iron , tinne , and cloath , to the value of 2500. dollars , with promise to buy the same , which when he had on shore , hée claimed and made stay thereof , for the custome of the ship onely : and when hee saw hee had gotten as much as hée could , hee sent him aboard the 27. day of may , and kept 2. of our merchants for 2000. dollars , which he said was for ancorage : but the generall voice of the company was , that hee should haue none : whereupon hee sent the merchants vp into the countrey some 8. daies iourney , to a place called siany where the bashaw then lay . the 28. day , our pinnace came to vs , who told vs their master was dead , and inquiring where , and how , the company told vs , he was knockt in the head with a mallet hammer , by one thomas clarke , with the consent of francis driuer his mate , andrew euans , and edward hilles , beeing foure murderous and bad minded men , who beeing asked why , and vpon what occasion they did it , they could make no excuse , nor alledge any cause , saue onely , that hee had some small quantity of aquauitae and rosa solis , for his owne store , and for the good of them , or any one aboard , that should stand in néede thereof , and was prouident to kéepe and preserue the same , till great need should be , and therefore out of méere malice , and chieflie by the instigation of francis driuer his mate , they thus murdred an innocent man , who thought them no harme , nor suspected any such danger . the 31. day of may , a iury was called , and vpon iust and due proofe , according to our english lawes , they were conuicted , and francis driuer and thomas clarke were condemned and iudged to die , and were hanged in the pinnace , where they did the fact : and on the other two , god shewed his iust iudgement afterwards . for edward hilles was eaten with caribs or man-eaters , and the other died and rotted where hée lay . the third day of iune , wée waighed ancor and sailed into the red-sea , thorow the straights of mockoo ; which are some league ouer from shore to shore , and 18 fathome water , close aboard the iland shore , and about 3. leagues in length . when you are within the straits , there lieth a great shole , some two leagues of into the sea , and to shunne it you must take a good breadth off , and so you shal come in no danger , and then you haue to mockoo , some 6. leagues , where is a good road to ancor in , and faire ground , and you may ride at 14. fathome water . it is a place that is neuer without shipping , for it is a towne of great trade of merchandize , and hath carrauans or conuoies that come from seena , from mecha , from grand cairo , and alexandria , and all those places . it is a city of great trading for our commodities : as tynne , iron , lead , cloth , sword blades , and all english commodities . it hath a great bussart or market euery day in the wéeke . there is great store of fruit , as apricocks , quinces , dates , grapes abundance , peaches , limmons , and plantins great store , which i much maruelled at , in regard rhe people of the countrey told vs , they had no raine in seuen yéeres before , and yet there was very good corne and good store , for eightéene pence a bushell . there are oxen , shéepe , and goats abundance : as an oxe , for 3. dollars , a goat for halfe a dollar , and a shéepe for halfe a dollar : as much fish for thrée pence , as will suffise ten men to a meale . as dolphines , more-fish , basse , mullets , and other good fish. the town is arabian , and gouerned by the turk , and if an arabian offend , hée is seuerely punished by their law. for they haue gallies and chaines of purpose , which offenders are put into , else were they not able to keepe them in awe and subiection . at mockoo , wée ●aied from the 13. of iune till the 18. of iulie , and then waighed ancor , and went out to the mouth of mockoo , where wée lost two ancors , and from thence wée set saile to sacatora : and about the 5. of august , wée cast ancor ouer against the towe●● 〈◊〉 saiob , where the king lieth and one of our merch●●●● went on shore and gaue the king a present , and 〈◊〉 that we might buy water , goats , and other prouision , which hée would not grant , because the women of the country were much afraid : yet hée told him , if hée would goe to a road some fiue leagues of , wée should haue any thing his countrey would afford : where we bought goats , water , aloes socotrina , dragons bloud , and what else the countrey would afford . héere at sawb , wée remaine from the 5. day of august , till the 18. day , and set saile with an ancor and a ha●fe , for cambaia . and on the 28. day of august , we came to moa , where one of the countrey people told vs that for the value of 20. dollars , wée might haue a pilot to bring vs to the bar of surot . but our wilfull master refused it , and said he would haue none . the 29. day wée set saile from thence , thinking to hit the channell to goe to the bar , but wée came out of 10. fathome water into 7. fathome , and into sixe fathome and a halfe . then we tackt about to the westward , and came into 15. fathome , and then wée tackt about againe to the eastward , and came into 5. fathome water . then some of the companie asked whether the master would goe , who answered let her go ouer the height , and presently the ship strooke , which i presently went vp and told him of : who turning about asked who durst say shée strooke , then presently shee strooke againe , and strooke off her rudder , and lost it in the sea : then wée came to an ancor , and rode there two daies , then our skiffe split in péeces , and we had no more but our long boat to helpe our selues withall : yet wée made such shift , that wée got the péeces of our skiffe into the ship , and the carpenter went so round●ly to worke , that they had bound her vp together with woldings , so that when our greatest néed was , shee brought 16. men one shore . the second day of september about six of the clock ● night , our ship strooke and began to founder , and ●●uing ●●●ke twise , we had presently 24. inches of water in the well , then we plied the pumpe , some foure houres , viz. from seuen of the clocke to eleuen of the clocke at night , then the water encreased so fast that we were able to kéepe her no longer , but were forced to take our boats . the merchants had some 10000. l. lying betwéene the maine maste and the stearidge , whereof the generall bid the company take what they would , and i thinke they tooke amongst them some 3000. pounds some hauing 100. pounds , some 50. pounds , some 40. pounds , some more , and some lesse , and so we left the ship , and tooke neither meat nor drinke with vs. and betwéene twelue and one of the clocke , wée set saile to come ashore , which was at the least 20. leagues to the eastward , and so we sailed all that night , and the next day , without any sustenance at all , till fiue or six of the clocke at night , being the third day of september , that we made the land being a little iland , standing vpon the bar , and then a gust came down vpon vs , and brok the midship thought of our long boat , wherein were 55. persons , yet it pleased god that we recouered our maste , and ( the gust ceasing ) we went ouer the barre , and got into the riuer of gandeuee . but when the country people saw so many men in two boats , they strooke vp their drums and were in armes , taking vs to be portugales , and that wée came to take some of their townes , which wee perceiuing , and hauing by chance a guzarat , aboard wee sent him ashore to tell them truly what wee were : and when they knew we were englishmen , they directed vs to the city of gandeuee , where was a great gouernour , who at our comming thither ( and vnderstanding we were englishmen ) séemed to be very sory for our misfortunes , and welcome vs very kindly . and there ended our trauels by sea for that time . the fourth day of september , 1609. we came to the city of gandeuee , which is a very fa●re hauen , and great store of shipping built there , whereof some are of foure or fiue hundreth tun , it standeth in a good soile , and is gouerned by the gentiles . the 25. day of september , we tooke our iourney towards surrot , to a towne called sabay , which is a towne , only consisting of spinners and weauers , and there is much calico made , and from thence wée came to surrate , where we found one william finch an english merchant , and seruant to master iohnson in cheapside , who very curteously went to the gouernour , and acquainted him with our distresse , who ( as hereafter we found it to be true ) was bribed by the portugals , which told him we were a kinde of turbulēt people that would make mutinies , and sow ciuill discention in the towne , and so aduenture to surprise the towne , whereupon we were put into a monastery , where we liued thrée daies , nor could this suff●ce , but we were remooued to a great house , being a gentiles house , where we lay 14. daies ; in which time , ( by the good aduise of the said william finch ) we made prouision of coaches , horses , and other things to trauell to the great mogol , & certifie him of our great distresse and misfortunes . this is a city of great fame & antiquity , being walled about with frée stone , and a strong garrison lying therin , and a city of great trading for merchandize , and great store of shipping , wherof some are of 500. tun , which they cannot lade at the town but carry them ouer the bar with their ballance only , & there lade thē , but for their smaller shipping they lade them at the town , and so goe ouer the bar , where at a high water , they haue 16. foot water . the 22. of september , we tooke our iourney from sur●at to agra , with our generall and 52. men , with 21. coaches of our owne , and some others being hired , and 19. horses to a great city called brampoit , and the first two nights we lay in the fields . the 26. day wee came to nawbon where sugar groweth in abundance , with cotten and all maner of graine , as rice , wheat , beanes , pease , chéecore lanteechoes , motte , &c. for the countrey is so plentifull , that you may haue a gallon of milke for a halfe penny , a hen for thrée halfpence , & 16. egs for a penny . from gandeuee to sabay is 12. course , & from sabay to surrot is 12 ▪ course and euery two course is three english miles . the 27. day , we trauelled 12. course and came to a city of the bannions called daytaotote , and there master reuet one of our merchants died . this city could neuer be conquored by the great mogol , but yéelded vpon composition , and still holdeth his title of king of the bannians , and at this city we stai●d two daies . this city yéeldes great store of drugs , fine pentathose and calico lawnes . the first of october we trauelled 12. course , and lay in the fields . the second day we trauelled 14. course to a great city of the bannians called netherberry , where is a great basar or market , and all maner of brasen wares to be sold , as pots , kettles , candlesticks , and caldrons of foure foot long , shirts of male , swords and bucklers , lances , horses in armour of arrowe proofe , camels , and all maner of beasts . there is also great store of cotten wools , cotten yarne , pentathoes , callico lawnes , shashes for turbants for their heades , limmons , potatoes , thrée pound for a penny , and all maner of drugs . and surely cloth would be a very vendible commodity there : for course felt is there extreame deare . also cold and siluer is there very plentifull , and these are very good people to deale withall . the third day we trauelled ten course , to a small towne of husbandry called sailote ▪ where is also great store of sugar , and fruits of all sorts . the next day we trauelled 18 course to a garrison towne called saddisee , and there is the riuer of tyndee which runneth to surrat , wherein is great store of fish of all sorts , and this riuer diuideth the confines , of the bannians and the guzarates . the bannians are a strange people in their beliefe , and honour god in a strange fashion , viz. in pictures of stone , hanging their beades on the heades of the pictures , and then with their faces towards the sun doe worship it , saying , that all their comforts proceeds from it . and yet i saw more then this , which was a cow adorned with a veste of gold and many iewels , her head bedecked with garlands and flowers , and then being brought to a buriall place , where they doe vse to make sermons , they kisse her féet and teats , and worship her , that it grieued mée to sée their sond superstition , and abhominable idolatry . and asking why they did it , they answered , that shee was the mother of beasts , and brought them , milke , butter , chéese , and the oxe to till the ground , and lastly , her hide did make leather to make them shooes . moreouer , they say , she is blest by the mother of god , to be honoured aboue all beasts . and so leauing the bannians , wee crossed the riuer of tindee into the gentiles countrey . now at saddisee , we being many , some in coaches , some on horseback , they thought we had come to take their town , and did shut their gates , & bent their ordinance vpon vs. but our general sent our linguist or interpreter to certifie them , what wée were , and then the gouernour opened the gates , and came himself to entertaine vs with great curtesie and state . yet that night we lay by the riuer side , and the next day being the fifth of october , wée came into the towne , where we lay that night : and the next day we trauelled some 12. course , and lay at a monastery : and the seuenth day wée went to the great city of b●amport where the great generall called the 〈◊〉 canawe liueth , this being his garrison or resting place when he is out of the warres , and on the twelfth of october , he came from the warres with 1500. elephants , 30000. horses , 10000. camels , 3000. drumdaries . the elephant serueth in the field with a small tower of wood or timber vpon his back , wheron is placed 4. péeces of brasse as big as ●abnets , and 10. men very artificially placed in the said tower , with bows and arrowes , and to discharge those péeces . the elephants skin is musket proofe , vnlesse it be on his face and belly , and he is a beast of so great vnderstanding , that he is ruled and gouerned by word of mouth , vnderstanding what his kéeper commandeth him to doe . this countrey beareth towards the northwest , in the height of 28. degrees , or thereabouts : and héere muskets , snaphances , pistols , petronels , and swords , be good commodities , but no firelocks in in any wise . also cloth is an excellent commodity to my knowledge , for i was offered thrée pound for an old cloake , which héere , is not worth 20. shillings at the vttermost . and in bramport we staied from the seuenth of october vntill the 11. of nouember following : then i and iohn frencham one of our company went to craue the generals passe , to goe to the great mogol , but he asked vs if we would serue him in his warres , and he would giue vs what meanes we would desire : but we told him , we were poore distressed merchants , that had beene shipwracked : and hee againe replied , that there was no englishman , merchant , nor other but he was a souldier . but we told him that we had wiues and children in our countrey , to whom wee must of necessity goe , to which hée said , it was very well spoken , and that it was against their lawes to kéepe any man against his will : then hée asked ●s if wée had any iewels for his ladies , i answered i had one stone and one iewell , which i sold him for forty pound sterling , and then h●e commanded his secretary to make vs a passe , and seale it with his great s●ale , for our safe conduct to agra . also for the nature & strength of the elephant , i can say thus much of mine owne knowledge because i saw it . an elephant roiall being brought to remoue a piece of ordinance of one and twenty foot long , which caried a shot of seuen inches high , and lay vpon the cariage on the side of a hill , and to carry the same some halfe furlong off ; which he did as it séemed to the great dislike of his kéeper , who told him hee was a lazy villaine , and deserued not his meat . now the nature of the elephant is , not to be disparaged in any thing , and standeth much vpon his reputation and valour : so that vpon these spéeches of his kéeper , he came to it againe , and with maine strength tore the carriage in pieces , and left the piece lying on the ground . then were carpenters set on worke to make a new carriage , which being done , the same elephant was broght , who clapt his trunke about the wheeles , and brought the ordinance where his kéeper commanded him . this citie is farre bigger then london , and great trade of all sorts of merchandise therein : it is one of the most famous heathen cities that euer i came in , and the citizens are very good and kind people , and very many gallants in the citie . also fine riuers , ponds , orchards , gardens , pleasant walkes , and excellent faire prospects as euer i saw . heere any gentleman may haue pastime to hunt or hawke : and if hee will not goe farre , he may buy a déere in the busar or market for a doller , being but foure shillings sterling , and hunt him where and when he will. now in my iudgement , our english cloth of gold and s●luer , veluets , broad-cloth , bayes , and cottons , would be very vendable , in regard there are so many gallants . and thus much for the great city of bramport . the eleuenth of nouember we took our iourny towards agroe , i and ioseph salebanck our purser , and one io. frencham , with one of the country people for our guide , taking leaue of our generall , who was extreame sicke of an ague , and no hope of any spéedy recouery . also we had thought to haue gone along with a carrauand of foure hundred and fifty strong , which were bound for agro : but the captaine told vs , that they were to stay seuen daies longer ; but said , if wée would trauel some two daies iourny ( which we might safely doe without any danger of théeues ) we should meet with a greater carrauand then they were . so on the twelfth day , wee trauelled to a towne called caddor , some fiftéene course from thence , where we lay that night . heere the gouernor hearing that wee were strangers , or christians , demanded what we would haue , and whether we trauelled ? we answered , to agro , to the king , and that we came from surrot . then he asked vs what we would doe with the king ? and when i heard him so inquisitiue , i peremptorily answered , that my businesse was too great for him to know : but he said , he would know it ere we went out of the towne : and i againe replied , that my businesse was such , that i would goe out ot the towne and aske him no leaue : and so making vs ready to depart , we said , we would sée who would stay vs , without a very lawfull occasion : then the gouernor sent his cotwall or the maior of the towne , who asked vs why we vsed such peremptory spéeches to the gouernor ? we told him , we answered him in no worse manner then his place and calling deserued , and that it was not for him to force vs to acquaint him with our businesse to the king , and then we shewed him she can canawes passe to the king. whereupon the gouernor came to vs again with twenty gentlemen of the towne , and by all meanes intreated vs to stay all night , and whatsoeuer wée wanted that the country could afford , should be at our seruice ; and withall told vs , the way was dangerous , and very bad to trauell . the next day we gaue him halfe a pound of tobacco for a present , which wée brought out of england , which he accepted very thankfully . the thirtéenth day wée came to a towne called sawbon , some 14 course from caddor , but before wée were halfe a course out of the towne , the gouernour sent 12. horsemen with launces , bowes and arrowes , to conduct vs some part of the way that was most dangerous , which was some 10. or 12. english miles . and when we came to sawbon , we found the carrauand being 500. camels bound for agro . and were laden with taffateis , wrought silkes , cloth , sugar , and other commodities , some from bramport , some from bengalla , and some from cambaia . the 14. day we set forwards with the carrauand ▪ and trauelled some 12. course to a monastery called tindey . the 15. day , wée trauelled some 10. course and lay in the woods . the next day , we came to a great city called cannowe , where is much trading for cloth , swords , shashes , péeces , and armour tied on with strings , being but onely arrow proofe . there is great store of fruit , and colours for diars , of all sorts : and i thinke our english cloth would be an excellent commodity there : for it is very cold , esspecially in ianuary february and march , for it beareth to the northwards . the 16. day we trauelled some 14 course to a great riuer , called the riuer of andee , which is as broad as the thames at woolwich , and runneth into the bay of bengalla , and this is the vtmost part or border of the gentiles , and one the 17. day we passed ouer the riuer and went out of the gentiles countrey . the gentiles will eat nothing that bléedeth , and the sim is their great god , for , should they eat any thing that bléedeth , they beléeue that they may eat the soules of their father , mother , sister , brother , or friends , that are deceased ? for , they say , that when any one dieth , their breath presently goeth into one beast or other , & so , in eating that beast , a man may eat the soule of some friend together with the flesh of that beast , such is their great bl●ndenesse and ignorance . nay more , they doe make euery liuing thing their idols : as , the first liuing they méete in the morning is their god or saint for that day , to worship that , and so leauing the gentiles , we come to the bulloits , or pithagoreans . the 17. day we came to the city of gorra , where are many surroyes , or innes , where trauellers may set their camels , horses or catell , and cost nothing . also there are foure great schooles for learning like to an uniuersity : in this countrey were two brothers being kings sonnes , who warred for this city , being eight miles in compasse , and in the middle a great wall , and there they laid their séedge , a long time . and at the last the king of the east part got the victory , and held the same for seuen yéeres , and then the great mogol tamberlaine the sixth ouercame the whole countrey and tooke it into his hands . the 18. day , we went ten course to a great tanck or poole of water , like vnto the bath , the water boiling out of the earth and is very warme . the 19. day , wée trauelled s●me 15. course to a towne called sanday where is great store of w●ll , like spanish wool , héere are made great ●●ore of caps to couer turbants , felt gownes to ride in , both fine and course , there are great store of shéepe , and so much sugar , that they féed horses therewith as we do with prouender , also there are goodly surroies or i●●es for horsemen and footmen . the 20. day , wée trauelled some fiftéene course to a great surroy , néere vnto a monastery , where wée had great store of fruit called mangees being like an apple , and haue a stone as big as an apricocke , and in sent or taste , and is excellent good for the flixe , and are there much estéemed of . the 21. day we trauelled twelue course to a small village , called lee. the 22. day we trauelled some 16. course to a city called easman , where is a great bussart or market for the countrey people , for wooll , ●●tten , cotten yearne , swords , iau●lins , and other weapons for the warres . the 23. day , wée came to a little towne called zingreene , some 14. course , where is great store of oad , and aboundance of drugs for diars . the 24. day , we trauelled 16. course to a citie called barrandonn where are great store of merchants of the bannians and mesulipatanians . it is a city where the great carrauans méet , and there is great trade of merchandise , for cloth , shashes , armour , for men and horses , coats of male , armour of arrow proofe , bombast headpéeces , and elephants téeth , also many wilde elephants in the countrey : here we staied two daies and lest our carrauant in the city . the 17. day we tooke our iourney forwards , and by the way we met with a conor knight of that countrey , with fourty horse being bound for agro , and f●f●y shot , with whom we also kept company , being about 140. strong , and trauelled in the desart some sixe daies , where are great store of wilde elephants , lions , tygars , cat of mountaines , porpentines and other wilde beasts innumerable , but those wee saw . these desarts are 100. course long , where euery night we made great fires round about our tents , to shunne the dangers of the wilde beasts : this con or knight told vs the nature or wit of the elephant , who knowing he is hunted to death for his teeth , will goe to a trée and there by maine force will wring or wrest his téeth out of his head , knowing that so he shall liue secure and frée from that danger , and this he protes●ed to be true . the third of december , we past those desarts and came to a towne called tranado . the fourth day , we trauelled some 16. course to a towne called zaioberdee , where is hay , corne , and graine , great plenty . the fifth day we trauelled some 18. course to a city called handee , where the king hath a castle and house , cut out of the maine rocke , and wrought with carued worke round about . this castle is inuincible , and hath fifty péeces of ordinance in it . there lay in this castle , when wée were there 200. knights , captaines , and other gallants , that had transgressed the law , or the kings commandement , as in treason , rebellion , and such like matters . also , in this city are two houses much like saint iones , where captaines and cauiliers , that haue béene maimed , and hurt in the warres , do liue , and haue each one a mammothée a day being nine pence english , and meat and drinke at the kings allowance . the 6. day we came to the riuer of tamluo , which runneth into the riuer indus , which parteth the countries of the pythagoreans , and the indestands . the pithagoreans in former times haue béene a vile and treacherous kinde of people , and had a law that when the husband died , the wife should be also burnt , which is holden till this day , though not in so strict a maner , for now shée may refuse it , but then her head is shauen and she clad in a blacke vesture or garment , which among them is reputed most vile and hatefull , that the basest slaue in the countrey will not succor nor reléeue her though she should starue . now , the cause why this law was first made , was , for that the women there were so fickle and inconstant , that , vpon any slight occasion of dislike or spléene , they would poison their husbands . whereas now the establishing and executing of this law , is the cause that moueth the wife to loue and cheerish her husband , and wisheth not to suruiue him . as for example , i saw a young woman the wife of a doctor , whose husband being dead , shée made choise to bée carried in a pageant , by foure men , shee being cloathed in lawne , and her head deacked with iewels and rich ornaments , and before her went musike of all sorts that the countrey afforded , as hoeboies , drums , fifes , and trumpets , and next vnto her all her kindred , and so shée was brought to the place of execution , where was a stake and a hole to set her féet in , and so being tied to the stake , all her kindred knéeling round about her , & praying to the sun and their other idols , the fire was set to her , she hauing vnder each arme a bagge of gunpowder , and a bagge betwixt her legges , and so burnt to death , the fire being made of beniamin , storare , lignomal l●es , and other swéet woods . thus much for the bulloits , and so to the indestands , and the next day we trauelled some ten course to a towne called addar . the eight day , wée trauelled some 26. course , and came to the great city of agro where the great mogoll kéepeth his court and residence . the ninth day captaine hawkins came to vs , and brought vs before the king , as it is the custome and manner of the countrey . for no stranger must stay aboue twenty foure houres before he be brought before the king to know what hée is , and wherefore hée commeth also euery stranger must present the king with some present , bée it neuer so small , which hée will not refuse . and i gaue him for a present , a small whistle of gold , waighing almost an ounce , set with sparks of rubies , which hée tooke and whistleled therewith almost an houre . also i gaue him the picture of saint iohns head cut in amber and gold , which hée also receiued very gratiously . the whistle hée gaue to one of his great women , and the picture to sultane caroone his yongest sonne . his eldest son rebelled , and is in prison with his eies sealed vp , and it is noised amongst the common people that his eies are put out : but it was told mée by a great man , that they are but sealed vp . his name is patteshaw shelham , which in our language is heire apparant to the crowne : his second sonne liueth with him and is called sultane nawbree , and him hée thinketh to make his heire apparant : his third sonne is called sultane lawlle , and is uiceroy of lihorne : his fourth sonne is called sultane lill , and is uiceroy of the gentiles , and these are his fiue sonnes . also hée hath ten uiceroys more vnder him , that gouern ten seuerall prouinces or countries , viz. can canow uiceroy of the guzarats : can iohn uiceroy of the bulloites : michall can uiceroy of the bannians : howsouer can , uiceroy of cambaia : hodge iohn , uiceroy of bengolla : michaell can , uiceroy of the hendownes : sawder can uiceroy of the puttans , and hée lieth in the city of candahar : allee can uiceroy of the bullochies , and lieth in the city of buckera : sawber can , uiceroy of the multans , and can bullard uiceroy of the indestands . these are the names of his ten uiceroys , béeing all heathens , but very worthy men , and expert in the warres . hée hath a great number of noble men to attend on him . an earle is called a nawbob , and they are the chiefe men that attend on him , when he go●eth abroad : for at home none attend him but euenuches or gelded men . his lord chiefe iustice is an euenuch , and is cal●led , awlee nawbob : hée is thought to bée woorth twenty english millions : hée kéepeth twenty elephants , one hundreth and fifty camels and dromedaries , and fiue hundreth horse to attend on him . the lord treasurer is a mighty man , called sultan carowdon : hée hath forty elephants to attend him , two hundreth camels and dromedaries , and one thousand horse at his seruice . and when he commeth to sit in his place of iustice , hée is brought vpon an elephant clad in cloth of gold or siluer , and sometimes in a pollankan , carried by foure slaues , he lying in it , as if hée lay in a cradle , in as great pomp and ease as may bée , and hath four maces of siluer and gilt carried before him , and ten banners , and as great attendance , as if hee were a king ; yet on twesdaies and thursdaies the king himselfe sits in iudgement of all causes : he custometh all strangers goods himselfe , the custome beeing but small at his pleasure , as sometimes , the value of ten shillings , custometh goods worth two hundreth pound . also if a merchant stranger , bring wares or merchandize from a farre countrey : as from chyna , bengalla , and thinketh hée shall make a bad voiage , or lose thereby : if hée acquaint the king therewith , and that the merchandize bée fit for kings , princes , and noble men , the king himselfe will take part thereof , and cause his nobles to take the rest , at such rates as the merchant , shall not only bée a sauer , but a great gainer thereby . the mogoll , lyueth in as great state and pompe as may be deuised , both for maiestie and princely pleasure ; for hee had brought before him euery day during our abode there , 50. elephants royall , clad in cloth of golde and siluer , with drums fifes and trumpets , whereof , some fight one with another , wounding one another very deadly , and cannot be parted but with rackets of wilde fier , made round like hoopes , and so run the same in their faces , and some of them fight with wilde horses , as one elephant with 6. horses , whereof he hath killed 2. instantly by clasping his trunck about their neckes , and so pulling them to him , with his teeth breaketh their necks . also there are tame elephants that will take the viceroyes sonnes being the kings pages with their truncks , gaping as they would eat them , and yet verie gently will set them vpon his owne head , and hauing sitten there a good space , will set them downe againe one their féet as tenderly as a mother would set downe her owne childe , doing them no harme at all . the elephant wil not goe out of the sight of his female , nor will he be ruled if he doe , this i can speake by experience hauing séene triall made thereof , also euery he elephant , hath 3. or 4. females , and i saw one that had 4. females and 12. yong ones of his owne begetting . there ingendring together is strange , for the female lieth downe on her backe , and he commeth vpon her , and so ingender . but if he perceiue any man to beholde or sée him thus ingendring hee will kill him if he can . also the king hath deare , rammes , ueruathoes or beazors , lyons , leopards , and wolues , that fight before him . also if a cauilier be condemned for any offence and iudged to die , he may by the custom of the country , craue combate with a lion for his life , ( which the king denieth to none that crave it ) as for example , i saw one , that at the first incounter strooke the lion with his fist that he felled him , but the lion recouering , returned with great furie and violence , and caught such hold on him that he rent out his guts , with the heart and liuer and so tore him in peeces , and this was performed before the king. also there are horses that fight with allegators or crocodiles in tancks or ponds of water where i also saw one allegator kill 2. stone horses at one time . there is also a faire riuer called indawe , running from thence to mesopotamia , & carrieth boats or lighters of 40. tun , and is replenished with fish of all sorts . also there are 4. basars or markets euery day in the weeke , and great store of all things to be bought and sold there , and at a very reasonable rate . as a hen for 2. pence , a turkey for 6. pence , a liue deare for a dollar , a sheep for 2. shillings , a goat for 2. shillings , a couple of oxen for 4. dollars ▪ being 16. shillings sterling , a good hogge for 2. shillings , but none buy them but christians , and none sell them but the bannyans , who breed them , and as much fish for 3. pence as will serue 5. reasonable men at a meale . also great store of fruit , as limmons , oranges , apricocks , grapes , peares , apples and plummes ; but with their grapes they make no wines because their lawes forbid it : also raisons as great and faire as raisons of damasko , with great store of cloth of golde veluets and silkes out of persia , and silkes and cloth of gold from chyna , but those are course and lowe prised ; but abundance are their vended ; and captaine hawkins thinketh that our richer silkes , veluets , and such like would be excellent good commodities there . but especially our cloth of light coulors . for there is no cloth , but a kind of course cloth like cotton , which is made at lyhore , and at a towne called esmeere : and their finest and best , is a kind of course red cloth , like a uenice red , and this is the vsuall wearing for the chiefest cau●liers ; and these are all the places of clothing that i could by any meanes heare of in all that country . the word mogoll , in their language is as much as to say , the great white king ; for he is a white man and of the race of the tartares . he is king of many kingdomes , and writeth himselfe in his scile ▪ patteshaw shelham sho●h , that is , the king of all the great coynes . for there is a seuerall coyne at lahore , another at brampo●t , another at surrot , another at cambaia , another at sabba●ton , and another at awgru , and for his seuerall kingdomes , he is king , of the guzarats , of the bannians of the bulloits of callicot and bengolla which are gentiles , of the inde●●ands of the mogolles , of the hendouns , of the moltans , of the puttans , of the bullochies , and of the alkeysors , with some others , which i cannot particularly name . also he writeth himselfe the nynthe king from tamberlaine . and to this his great stile he is also of as great power , wealth and commande , yet will he vrge none of what nation soeuer to forsake their religions , but esteemeth any man somuch the better , by how much the more he is firme and constant in his religion , and of all other he maketh most accompt of christians , and will allow them double the meanes that hee giueth to any other nation , and keepeth continually two christians friars , to conuerse with them in the christian religion and manners of christendome . he hath also the picture of our lady in the place of his praier or religious proceedings , and hath oftentimes said that he could find in his heart to be a christian , if they had not so many gods : there was at my being there an armenian christian that in hope of gaine and preferment turned more , which being told the king , he saide , if he thought to saue his soule thereby , that was a sufficient recompence for him , but he would rather haue giuen him preferment if he had kept himselfe still a chri●stian . the mogoll is also verie bountifull , for to one that gaue him a little deere he gaue 1000. ruckees , being 100. pound sterling , also to another that gaue him a couple of land spannels , he gaue the like reward , and to another that gaue him two cocks he gaue 2000. ruckées . also there be excellent faire hawkes of all sorts from the goshauke to the sparehauke , and great store of game , as phesants , partriges , plouers , quailes , mallard , and of all other sorts of fowle in great plentie . there are no great dogges but a kind of mungrels , whereof two wil hardly kill a deare in a whole day , and yet they are so choise ouer them , that they make them coates to keepe them warme and cleane . nor haue they any parkes but forrests , and commons , wherein any man may hunt that will , saue only within 6. miles of agra round about which is lymitted and reserued for the kings priuate pleasure onely . the king hath there begun a goodly monument for his father , which hath been already 9. yeeres in building , and will hardly be finished in 5. yeeres more , and yet there are continually 5000. workemen at worke thereon . the substance therof , is very fine marble , curiously wrought . it is in forme 9. square , being 2. english miles about and 9. stories in height . also , it was credibly reported vnto me by a christian friar ( who solemnly protested he heard the king him selfe speake it ) that hee intended to bestow a hundreth millions of treasure on that monument . and hauing viewed and seen this great and rich citie of agra with the pleasures and commodities thereof ; on the 18. day of ianuarie , my selfe with ioseph salebancke and iohn frencham , went to the king and craued his passe for england , who very courteously demāded of vs , if we would serue him in his wars , offering vs what maintenance we would aske of him ; which wee humbly excused ▪ both in regard of this our voiage , wherin diuers others besids our selues , were partners , as also , in regard we had wiues and children in our owne countrie , to whom both by law and nature , wee were bound to make returne , if it were possible ; whereupon most graciously ●e granted vs his passe , vnder his hand and great seale , for our safe conduct thorow al his kingdomes and dominions . then his chiefe secretary , went with vs to his third quéene ( for it is said that hee hath ten quéenes , one thousand concubines , and two hundreth euenuches . ) and this quéene is kéeper of his great ●eale , where it was sealed and deliuered vnto vs. then i also went to the chiefe friar , and craued his letters , aswell to the kings and princes , whose kingdoms and dominions we were to passe thorow , as also to the clergy and places of religion , which he most willingly granted , béeing a man of great credit there , and greatly esteemed and well knowne in other kingdomes . also hee gaue me his letters of commendations to one iohn midnall an english merchant or factor , who had lien in agroe three yeeres : but before i came into england iohn midnall was gone againe for the east indies , and i deliuered his letter to m r. greenavvay deputy gouernor in london for the company of the east indian merchants . the one and twentieth day , wee tooke our leaue of captaine hawkins , whom wee left therein great credit with the king , béeing allowed one hundreth ruckées a day which is ten pound sterling , and is intituled by the name of a can , which is a knight , and keepeth company with the greatest noble men belonging to the king : and hee séemeth very willing to doe his country good . and this is asmuch as i can say concerning him . the 22. day we tooke our iourney towards england , being 5. english men viz , my selfe , ioseph sal●hancke , iohn frencham , richard martin , and richard fox , and guilliam as●lee a more our guide , and trauelled towards ispahan in persia , and so with 5. horses and 2. camels , we tooke the way to biany , because iohn mid●all had gone the way by la●or before , also this way was but two moneths iourney , though very dangerous and that by la●or was 4. moneths iourney and without danger , viz. from agra we came to fetterbarre being 12. course . and frō thence to bianic being 12. course more . and this is the chiefest place ●or indico in all the east indies , where are 12. indico milles. the indico groweth in small bushes like goosberry bushes and carrieth a séede like cabbege séed . and being cut down is laid on heapes for half a yéere to rot and then brought into a vault to be troden with oxen to tread the indico from the stalkes , and so to the milles to be ground very fine : and lastly , is boiled in furnaces , and very well refined and sorted into seuerall sorts . a seere of indico in biany is worth ten pence , which seere doth containe twenty ounces at the least . this i know to be true and brought a sample of the indico home with me . and for this indico & the anneele that is made thereof , there is much trading of merchants , from agro and lahore . the 25. day , we came to hendowne , being twenty fiue course , this is an ancient faire city , where is also good store of course indico . the 26. day , we came to mogoll being 14. course . this is a small market towne , where are also course indico and callicoes . the 27. day we went some 12. course to a small uillage called halstot . the 28. day , we trauelled 12. course to a small uillage called chatsoe , where are shéepe and goats great store , and very cheape . the 29. day , we went 12. course to a small town called laddanna , and there are great store of cotton wools. the 30. day , we went eight course to a small town called mosabad , where is great store of corne . the 31. day we went 12. course to bandason a smal uillage . the first day of february we came to a faire riuer called paddar that runneth to guzarat , and this riuer parteth the dominions of the indestands and hendownes and falleth into the gulph of persia. and from thence we went to the city of esmeere , being twelue course from bandason . héere the great mogol hath a stately house where are continually kept 600. elephants , and 1000. horses , for the warres to bée ready at the kings command . there is great store of wools , and much cloathing for course cloth and cottens , also iauelins , bowes and arrowes , armour , swords , and other weapons for the warres , and two basars or markets euery wéeke . the indestands are very gallant people , and great merchants into most parts of the world . the second day , wée went into the hendownes countrey , some 12. course , and came to richmall , where is great store of game , and a pleasant place for hawking and hunting . the fourth day , we went 12. course , to mearta , a faire city , where i saw thrée faire and ancient tombes or monuments of the hendownes , there are thrée basars or markets euery wéeke . also great store of indico , cotten wooll , yarne , and cloth . this city in my iudgement is as big as the city of exceter . the sixth day we went some twelue course to hursallo , a small uillage . the seuenth day we went 14. course to lauara , a small village , where is great store of corne , cattell , and shéepe and very good cheape . the eight day , we went 12. course to towry , a towne of garrison of the hendownes . the ninth day , we went 11. course to chummo a small uillage . the tenth day , we went 13. course to moulto a uillage . the 11. day , we went 10. course to pucker a small uillage . the 12. day , we went 12. course to senawra a little towne . the 13. day , we went but fiue course to basonpee a small village . the 14. day , we went fiue course more to gislemeere , a fa●re city , and hath in it a strong castle , where lyeth a grand cauilier . also there is great trading of merchandize by land , and in the castle are thirty peeces of ordinance . the 18. day , we went from thence some 14. course ouer the sands , that part the hendownes and multans , and lay in the fields . the hendownes are naturally discended from the gentiles , yet refuse no manner of meat , flesh , nor fish , and are many of them very notable théeues . they pray naked , dresse and eat their meat naked , and where they dresse and eat their meat , they make a circle , within which circle none must enter , during the time of their dressing and eating their meat . their women are brought vp of children with shackles , some of siluer , some of brasse , and some of iron on their legs , and rings in their eares , all which are still increased or made bigger as they grow in yéeres and bignesse , so that in time they haue holes in their eares so great that a man may thrust his hand thorow . also they doe weare bracelets of elephants téeth about their armes from the wrist to the elbow . the 19. day , wée went eight course and lay in the fields . the 20. day , wée went 12. cour●e more , and lay in the fields . the twenty one day , we went 12. course and lay by a well some 60. fathome déepe , where water was very scarse . the 22. day , we trauelled 16. course , where wée could get no better water then was almost halfe cowp●sse . the 23. day we went some 15. course and lay in the fields . the 24. day , we went some fiue course and came to thrée townes , viz. roree , buckar , and sucker , where is a gallant fresh riuer , and small ships that may goe to armoose , as the townsmen report . now the shipping belongeth to roree , being some fifty or sixty saile , and are of the burden of fourty , fifty , and sixty t●● , whereby there is trade of merchandize as far as the coast of molindee , and as far as mosembique , and this riuer falleth into the gulph of p●rsia . buckar standeth in the middle of the riuer , which maketh it in forme of an iland , and is besides very strongly built . the indians cal this riuer , the riuer of damiadee . and in this towne of bucker , lieth all●e can the mogols uiceroy of the bullochies , who are such a stubborne & rebellious people that he kéepeth that strong hold of purpose to retire vnto , and to gather a head and renew his forces , at all assaies , to subdue and kéepe them in awe and obedience , which notwithstanding he can hardly doe . also this all●e can is a very worthy and bountifull prince , who gaue vs very gallant and kinde entertainment , and commanded vs to come dayly to his court , where we had both costly and plentifull diet at all times , and héere wée left io. frencham ( one of our company ) sicke . sucker is a towne consisting most of weauers and diars , and liue by cloathing , and serue the countrey round about , and this is the first towne of the bullochies . and roree the last confine towne of the multans who are good husbandmen and painefull people , and deale much in merchandize , as cloth , indico , and other commodities , and are very good people to deale withall , yet their religion is mahometicall . at sucker we staied 24. daies and more for a cof●ilo or conu●y , for the captaine of the castle would not suffer vs to goe without one , because the way was dangerous and full of théeues , which afterwards we found true , for had we not ( by the great prouidence of god ) escaped their hands , it had cost vs our liues , and yet it cost vs some money besides . the 25. day of march , 1610. wée came from sucker and trauelled ouer the plaines some thrée course or thereabouts . the 26. day wée trauelled through the woods or desarts some thrée course more . the 27. day , wée went thrée course more through the desarts , and there wée tooke in water for two daies , which was but bad water neither , but there was no better to be had , nor any towne to come to , vntill we came to gorra , some eight course distant from thence , which was on the 28. day at night , where we rested two daies and were very well vsed , yet being a towne of the bullochies and rebels , wée were in great feare , but we found no such cause , god be praised . the bullochies are man-eaters , being men of huge limmes and proportion euen giantlike , nor are they of any religion at all , saue only that they worship the sunne . the 21. day , we came to norry , being about 10. course , and this is the last towne , of the bullochies ; and so to the puttans . the first day of aprill , we tooke our iourney ouer the plaines earely in the morning , and about breake of day wée met with tenne or twelue men playing on fiddles , as if they had come in friendly maner to welcome vs , but indéed they were no better then théeues that intended to rob and pillege vs , for by the sun rising wée were beset round with them and their companions , whose certaine number wée could not discerne nor know . and though wée had a caffeloe or conuoy of two hundred strong , yet wée were glad to intreat the captaine of that vnruly crew to stand our friend , and both to bribe him priuatly , and to pay openly besides in the name of a custom , twenty checkéenoes in gold , nor would all this haue serued the turne , but for the mogols passe vnder his hand and great seale , which they much feared , but that all our throats had béene cut , as other in greater number had formerly beene ; yet at last vpon this friendly composition , they garded and conducted vs through their countrey , vntill wée were past all danger , and so departed , and that day wée trauelled some nine course ouer the plaines , and ●ooke vp our lodging in the plaine fields . the second day wée trauelled some eight course to a towne called daddor , where wee rested two daies . the fifth day , we trauelled eight course ouer the mountaines . the sixth day , we went ten course ouer the mountaines . the seuenth day , we went eight course ouer the mountaines . the eight day , we went eight course to vachesto , a towne of ciuill and quiet gouernment , where wee rested that night . the ninth day we went thrée or foure course ouer the mountaines and lay in the fields . the tenth day we went some eight course in the mountaines . the eleuenth day , we went nine or ten course in the mountaines . the twelfth day we went some nine or ten course in the mountaines . the thirtéenth day we went nine or ten course in the mountaines . the fourtéenth day we went some fourtéene course ouer the 15. day we came to candahar being but two course from thence , where we staied 20. or 21. daies . this is a great and gallant citie of the puttans , where sawdder conuice●oy of the puttans keepeth his court and residence . there is great and continuall traffique by land , from persia , indestand , mesopotamia , and from all partes betweene that and china , with all sortes of merchandize and commodities which those countries yeelde ; for there are continually 7 or 8. thousand camels about the citie which trade to and fro with merchandize . also the viceroy hath continually 40. ●00 . horses for the warres in readinesse for feare of rebellion , because the puttans are a strong and warlike people , and inclined to rebellion , by reason they came vnder the m●gols gouernment and subiection by force and conquest , and therefore loue him not in their hearts , but obey him for feare . the 6. day of may we tooke our iourney for ispahawne in persia , and trauelled some 8 course that day , and came to a gallant riuer where were two townes on each side of the riuer one , and at one of these townes called langor we rested that night . the 7. day we went some 6. or 7. course ouer the plaines . the 8. day we went in like manner some 7. course more and lay in the fields . the 9. day we went ouer the plaines some 12. course , and came to a great riuer which diuideth the land of the puttans from persia , and there we paid custome for our owts or camels and rested 2. daies by the riuer side . the 12. day we were ferried ouer the riuer , which is called sabbaa to a castle a course from thence , and neer to a towne called grees . this riuer diuideth the confines of the great mogoll and the king. the puttans are a warlike and goodly people , and were their beards long , which the mogols doe hate , also they worship the great god of heauen and despise mahomet . their priests goe in sackcloth with great chaines about their middles ; and doe fall downe and pray continuallie in sackcloth and ashes . and so passing out of the great mogols kingdomes and dominions we came to the towne of grees being the first towne of persia , where we rested a day and a night . the towne of grees is a frontier towne , and therefore the king or ( as they call him ) the shawbash of persia keepeth heere a garrison of ten thousand men , and a gouernour to command them . the 14. day we went ouer the plaines 6. forsongs euery forsong being a league , and euery league 2. course , and rested in the fields . the 15. day we trauelled ouer the plaines some 6. forsongs more , and came to a castle , where we refreshed our selues and our cattle , and the●e we rested our selues two daies to stay for a coffeloe or conuoy which came to vs the 14. day at night . the 18. day we went 5. forsongs ouer the fields or plaines and lay in the fields . the 19. day at night we trauelled some 4 forsongs to a towne called doctorcham , where wee staied all the next day and night . the 21. day we trauelled some 5 or 6 forsongs in the night to a towne called sehawe , and thus for certaine daies we trauelled al by night by reason of the extreame heat in the day time . the 22. day at night we trauelled some 6 forsongs ouer the plaines . the 23. day at night we went 5 forsongs to a town called v●a . where are great store of feltmakers which also make felt carpets & weauers of turkie carpets , there are also great store of dates , and all sorts of fruits . the 24. day wee trauelled some 6. forsongs to a faire citie called parra , where we staied 22. daies for a coffeloe or conuoy , my selfe being also sicke there , there is great trade of merchandize , and great store of raw silke which in the persian tongue is called auerisham . the 6. day we went some 2. forsongs ouer the mountaines . the 7. day we went 4. or 5. forsongs ouer the mountaines . the 8. day we went 7. forsongs . the 9. day we went some 5. forsongs . the 10. day we went 10. forsongs all in the mountaines . the 11. day we trauelled some 3. forsongs to a towne called banda being but a harbor or lodging place . the 12. day wee went some 3. forsongs ouer the plaines . the 13. day we trauelled some 5. forsongs ouer the plaines and rested till the 14. day at night , and then trauelled some 7. forsongs and a halfe . the 15. day wee came to a towne called sunday where we rested that night and all the next day and night . the 17. day we trauelled some 7. forsongs and a halfe ouer the plaines . the 18. daie wee went in like manner some 9. forsongs . the 19. day we went 5. forsongs to a towne called beast● . the 20. day we went some 4. forsongs . the 21. day we trauelled some 6. forsongs to a towne called gusta , where we rested a day and a night . the 23. day we trauelled 4. forsongs to a watering place . the 24. day we trauelled 10. forsongs and rested in the fields . the 25. day we trauelled 7. forsongs to a towne called dattee , where was great store of muskmillions and there wee had good reléefe . the 26. day we trauelled some 4. forsongs to a place where was a gallant vawlt with water . the 27. day we went some 7. forsongs to a towne called yesday . the 28. day we went some 5. forsongs to a towne called pahanauens where we rested 2. daies and two nights . there is great store of raw silke , or auerisham as they call it . the 2. day of iuly we went 5. forsongs ouer the plaines . the third day we went 8. forsongs ouer the barren and wilde plaines where we had no water but salt water and the ground all couered ouerwith salt . the 4. day we trauelled 7. forsongs in salt ground and none but salt water . the 5. day we went 15. forsongs for want of water in a most barren and day country and came to a town called bibe , where we rested two daies and two nights . the 8. day we truealled some 14. forsongs to a towne called godanna : where we rested that night and the next day and night , and here is also great store of raw silke . the 10. day we trauelled some 20. forsongs to a town called hemda , where are great store of grapes and muskmillions . the 12. day we trauelled some 15. forsongs to a towne called corneta . the 13. day we went 6. or 7. forsongs to a towne called orrinkca , a lodging towne . the 14. day we went but 4. forsongs to a little village . the 15. day we went 5. forsongs to a towne called gowra being a faire great towne , where is great store of raw silkes , bed couerings , silke carpets , cotten carpets , and such like commodities ; and there wée staied that night , and the next day and night . the seuenteenth day , we went nine forsongs before we could finde any water . the eightéenth day , we trauelled fiue forsongs to a little uillage . the ninetéenth day , we went seuen forsongs ouer the plaines . the twentieth day , wée went some fiue forsongs ouer the plaines . the twenty one day , wée trauelled some sixe forsongs ouer the plaines . the twenty two day , we went two forsongs and a halfe . the twenty thrée day , we came to ispahawne . the twenty fourth day , we entred into the city where wée staied eleuen or twelue daies . this city of ispahawne , is a gallant city , and one of the principall cities of persia , and aboundeth in traffique of all sorts of merchandize . there are many great surroies , where are houses made of purpose for the laying in and kéeping of merchants goods , and to harbour and lodge themselues and their camels horses or other cattle , and prouision ; the profits of which surroies redound to the king only . the whole countrey aboue a hundred miles round about , doe wholly and generally trade to this city with their chiefest and best commodities . there is also a place in forme like the exchange , of an inestimable wealth , where is nothing to be sold but things of great value and worth . as cloth of gold , siluer and tissue , sattans , veluets , iewels and pearles . in one end are nothing but raw silkes , in another end are twisted and wrought silkes . in another none but merchanttailors , who sell , all sorts of apparell ready made , as it is in birching lane , but farre more rich , and all of the persian fashion , as , sutes of cloth of gold and siluer , veluet , satten , taff●●y , callico and none almost of any worser sorts . also there is great score of indico and anneele , and of all maner of drugs , which are sold by iewes and other strangers , that send them thither , and haue continuall trading there . also there are camels , the best and strongest that are to bee found , with gallant horses and mules abundance . for whereas an ordinary camels load is fiue hundred waight , the persian camels load is vsually 800. waight . the shawbash ●or , as we call him , the king ) hath there diuers gallant and stately houses , and banqueting houses , with orchards , gardens , springs , ponds of water , walks and galleries , as pleasantly seated and artificially contriued , as can be thought or deuised . but the king himselfe before my comming thither , was remoued to a place called tobrin , as it was told me by the christian friars . and at his chiefest house standing ouer against the great basar or market place , there are good store of brasse ordinance orderly planted before the gase thereof , for defence if néede be , as namely , two d●my cannons , two whole culuerings , two cannon pedrars , and thirty other field péeces . also heere i made enquiry of master robert sherley , thinking to haue had some assistance , and better directions from him , or by his procurement , in my iourney , but it was told me directly that hée was departed some seuen months before for england , and had his way by the caspian seas , being two months iourney from ispahawn : that is to say , himselfe , and his wife , being a woman of great worth and estéeme in that countrey , with camels and horses to carry his treasure , stuffe , and prouision , and many attendants both men and women . and in his company , one captaine and sixe or seuen englishmen more . also there are great store of grapes and wines , and of all sorts of fruits : their stronger wines like vnto canary sacke , their red wines like high countrey claret , and their smaller wines like to iland wines . also victuals good store and good cheape . and there lieth continually a portugall embassador , and fiue portugall friars , who haue a church , and a house to entertaine roman catholiks , and other christians at their pleasures , and haue meanes sufficient to maintaine the same . also there are great store of armenian christians , and some gréekes , who liue all at frée liberty without restraint or controll for their religion . and so much for the great and rich city of ispahawne . the sixth day of august , wee departed from thence and trauelled some sixe forsongs , and lay in the fields close by a riuer side . the seuenth day , we trauelled ten forsongs in the desarts , and on the eight day sixe forsongs ▪ more to the towne of corronday . the ninth day to miskerion , and so directly to bugdad , or babilon , being a months iourney : that is to say , sixe forsongs to miskereon . the tenth day , wée went ten forsongs in the desarts . the eleuenth day , eleuenth forsongs in the desarts . the twelfe day , nine forsongs more in the desarts . the thirtéenth day , we went fourtéene forsongs to a little uillage called corryn . the fourteenth day , ten forsongs in the desarts . the fifteenth day , nine forsongs in the desarts . the sixteenth day , we trauelled nine or ten forsongs to a little towne called lackeree . the seuenteenth day wée trauelled eight forsongs in the desarts . the eightéenth day , we trauelled twelue forsongs in the desarts to a water mill , where we lay all night . the ninetéenth day , wée went fourtéene forsongs through the desarts to a little towne called corbet . that twentieth day , we trauelled twelue forsongs , to a cloth towne : that is to say , where all the houses were made of hairy cloth like tents , and there we rested two daies . the thrée and twentieth day , we trauelled some eight forsongs in the desarts . the foure and twentieth day , wée trauelled some nine or tenne forsongs ouer the desarts , to another cloth towne . the twentie fiue day , wée went through a mighty great wood being fifteene forsongs in length , where we went downe such an extreame stéepe hill , that wee broke two of our camels necks , and had much to doe to goe downe the same our selues without harme , and there were sted all night . the sixe and twentieth day , wée went some two forsongs to an other cloth towne , where wée rested thrée daies and thrée nights , and there we paid custome for our camels to a great city being but a forsong from thence and is called nezzeret , where , on the top of a mighty great mountaine , was a monument of a great sultan , or gentleman : and when wée asked , why hée was buried there , it was directly answered , because he was so much the néerer to heauen . the thirtieth day , we trauelled ten forsongs to the riuer of synnee , which runneth into the riuer euphrates , and deuideth the confines of persia and ar●bia , and by the riuer side was remaining some old walles of a rumated towne of persia , which was rased and destroied by the turkes and arabians . the one and thirtieth day , we trauelled eight forsongs in a waste countrey where we lay by a well al night . amongst the persians the sultans or gentlemen , and men of better sort , are gallant men , and of ciuill and courteous behauiour : but the baser sort , are ●ullen , vnciuill , and men of very bad conditions . and generally they doe worship mahomet , and are common buggerers , as the turks are , yet they are people that labour extreamely , as in digging , planting , and sowing , and in picking of cotton wooll , and other wooll , in spinning and making coats , and other things of felt. nor haue they almost any rai●e there , but by extreame labour , let the water out of the riuers , into their pastures and corne grounds . there are good shéepe and goats plenty , but ●ine and oxen are very scarce . also turkies and hennes and other sorts of foules plenty . and there a man may trauell without danger of robbing , for it is there a strange thing to heare of a théefe . and somuch for persia and the persians . the first day of september , wée trauelled twelue forsongs to a great towne called sabbercam , being the first towne that wée came to in arabia , where are growing great store of pomgranats , which the arabians doe call anarres . this is a towne of garrison of the arabians , and héere wée staied a day and a night . the third day , we trauelled ●ouretéene forsongs to a towne called buldad where we also paid custome , and héere we staied a day and a night . this is also a towne of garrison and full of théeues , and at our comming out of the towne , ioseph salenbancke one 〈◊〉 my companions staying but a little behind the co●●s●l●e or conuoy , was by the arabians robbed , stripped and extreamely beaten and hurt . so that if by chance i had not reserued some 100. chickéen●es , wée had 〈◊〉 beene both quite destitute of money to bring vs home into our countrey . the sixth day wée trauelled eightéene forsongs to the great city of b●gdet , or babylon , where we staied vntill the twentie two day of october following . this city standeth vpon the great riuer euphrates , and is a great , rich , and strong city , with mighty strong wals , whereon are planted 100. and twenty péeces of brasse ordinance . also there are ships small and great to the number of 300. saile , belonging to this citie , and great trade of merchandize both by water and land . it is not past 4. yéeres since the turke wan this city from the persians . also there is a ●●oting bridge built vpon 33. great lighters strongly chained and fastened together , from bugdad ouer euphrates to olde babilon standing ouer against bugdad on the other side of the riuer . and within a league from thence standeth the remainder of the ●●ynated tower of babell , being one of the wonders of the world . in bugdad , lieth one of the turkes grand bashawes , called by the name of mahomet patteshogh who is estéemed as a uiceroy , and is gouernor of the city vnder the great turke . there are only two venetian factors , who trade for inestymable wealth in merchandize of all sorts . also some small number of armenians , which are all the christians that are there resident . the turke is a valiant and resolute souldier , as by their proceedings may appeare , both in winning the city of bugdad , and another city of as great strength as that , called towras , and belonged also to the persian , whereof the mahomet patteshogh had certaine intelligence on the 12. day of october whilest we were there . and that the great turke , or ( as they call him ) the grand gushell bashe , assuredly thinketh and intendeth in short space to approach to the wals of ispahawne being a great and gallant citie and standeth farre within the kingdome of persia. the 10. day of october there came vnto vs an english man called iohn white , who said he was sent for a discouery to the east indies and was bound for ispahawne to méet with iohn midnall , who we assured him not to be there , but at armoose . then did i and ioseph salebancke perswade him to trauell to the red sea of cambaia , whether he tolde vs sir henry midleton was bound from england with a good ship called the trades increase of the burden of 1000. or 1100. tun , with another ship called the cloue , and a pinnis called the pepper corne , and the cause , why we thus aduised him was for that he , ha●uing the turkish language might accompany my friend ioseph salebancke to sir henry middleton to acquaint him with the true discourse of our whole voyage and trauels , whereby he might beware of and auoid the like dangers that we sustained and were in : as also how and where to take his best oportunity for his lading as time and occasion should serue . and vpon the 18. day ioseph salebancke and iohn white tooke their iourney accordingly , to a great city called balsara standing vpon the riuer euphrates ▪ and is 18. daies iourney from bugdad , or babilon , where they were to méet with a carranant or conuoy , to conduct them to the citie of iudaia nere vnto the red sea. and although ioseph salebancke was then verie poore , ( hauing béen formerly robbed ) yet was he very willing to take this long and dangerous iourney vpon 〈◊〉 for the good of his country . and all the good that i could doe for him was to procure him a camell , and to lend him some part of my small store being in all not aboue 6. pound ste●ling , and so i left them to the protection of the almighty . the 22. day of october we tooke our iourney from bugdad or babilon to the city of aleppo . and hauing trauelled 60. leagues at the least all thorough the desarts , which wee did in some 8. daies , we came to a towne called mussaw cosam . the 31. day we trauelled some 4. daies iourny thorow the desarts to the towne of ruseele , being onely a thorow faire or lodging place , & some 30 leagues from mussaw cosam . the 4. day of nouember we trauelled some eight leagues to a small village called deesh . the 5. day we set forwards towards mussell other wise called niniuy , being some 30. leagues or more from deesh , and trauelled thither in 5. daies . this citie is now much ruinated , and yet the remainder thereof is as spacious and great , as most cities that i haue seene in all my trauels , within the city is a great bashaw or gouernour vnder the great turke . also without the city there standeth a faire & strong castle vpon the bankes of the riuer tygris , where is also another bashaw or gouernor : for the castle and suburbs of the citie . the●e is no trade of merchandize in this city , but it is only kept by the turke as a towne of garrison , yet there are armenian christians , who haue their churches and friars , and doe fréely vse their religion without checke or comptroll . also there are yet remaining , manie ancient monuments which make relation and shew , that it hath beene a city of great antiquity and famous memory : and in this city we staied 4. daies . the 14. day we went 4. leagues to a castle called n●ssebaw , and rested that night , and the next day we trauelled 12. leagues more and at night came to nuss●baw , where the prophet ionas preached to all the countries round about ; and there remaineth his picture in stone though much defaced by the warres yet it is kept and maintained by the christians , whereof there are many dispersed amongst the turkes , euer since the destruction or ouerthrow of niniuie by the turkes : and are now called by the name of curgees . from thence we trauelled some 25. leagues in thrée daies , and on the 18. day at night came to hamadaine an ancient towne of the armenians ; but much ruinated by the turkes . here we saw many ancient monuments , which shewed that it had bin a towne of great antiquity and worth , and at this towne we staied , one day and a night . the 20. day we tooke our iourney towards a towne called goubba being 25. leagues and 3. daies iourney , and came thither the 22. day at night , where we met with a consul of venice , and 5. venetians more , trauelling to bugdad or babilon , and there we staied a day and a night . the 24. day we trauelled towards the great city of vlfawe being 25. leagues , and 3. daies iourney , and came thither the 26. day at night , and there all trauellers pay great custome . this is a mighty strong city and a continuall garrison kept there by the turke . nor can any carrauant or conuoy , or any passenger be suffered to lodge within the city : but in the day time they may come into it to the bassart or market , to b●y necessaries and so depart againe : and here we s●●●ed 5. daies . the 2. day of december wee tooke our iourney to beere a great towne vpon the ryuer euphrates , being ● . daies 〈◊〉 , and 25. leagues distant whither we came the fourth day at night , and staied there one day . this is also a strong towne of garrison . the 6. day we were ferried ouer the riuer and went 2. daies iourney being soule 15. leagues to the towne of lumman , and came thither on the 7. day at night . the 8. day we trauelled 10. leagues to the city of aleppo , and came thither that night , and by the waie , we trauelled 2. leagues thorough the plaines , where was nothing but figs , or as i may ●earme it a forest of ●ig trees , and another place of as great length , being all v●ne trées , full of grapes . and being come to the great and worthy city of aleppo , we went to the english house , where i found ma●ter paul pinder to be consul , a very worthy gentleman , and well deseruing a place of so great credit and esteeme , at whose hands we found very courteous and kind entertainment ; for at my comming to him i was destitute both of mony and cloaths , and so was my companion richard martin . but he releeued vs , first with meat , drinke , and lodging during our abode there , being some 12. daies , also he furnisht vs with apparrell , and at our departure with money for our iourney . also there was one m. spike who was both kind and bountifull vnto vs. and so were all the rest of the english merchants , whom i cannot particularly name● both kind and curi●ous vnto vs , which was vnto vs a great refreshing and comfort in our iourney . aleppo is a city of wonderfull great trading and as well knowne to england or at lest to our english merchants ▪ as kingstone vpon thames . and thus much i can say more of it , that within foure daies after our comming thither , there came aboue 20●0 . camels , laden with silkes and all sorts of merchandi●e all or most whereof i ouer went in my trauels , being in seuerall carauans , some from mesopotamia , some from agro , some from the 〈◊〉 , and some from persia , and so at other times continually they come from thence , and other places whence any trading can come by land. the one and twentieth day , i take my leaue of master paul pindar , master spicke and the rest of the merchants and tooke my iourney , together with my companion richard martin for tripolie ▪ and that da● wee trauelled s●me seuen leagues ouer the desarts , and res●ed tw● houres , and then trauelled some 15. leagues farther , to an old towne called 〈◊〉 , w●ere we rested halfe a day and ba●●●d , and then trauelled some ten leagues more and baited , and res●ed our selues in the fields s●me se●●e houres , and then trauelled 〈…〉 towne c●lled hama● . and the reason why 〈…〉 thus h●rd , was to 〈◊〉 company will a car●●●●nd or co●n●●ey of 100● . strong , who were bound for 〈…〉 there great 〈◊〉 mee was then resident : w●ereas also we should haue trauelled in great danger and h●●ard of our liues , by reason the countrey is so full of theeues . in this towne are many weauers , that make great store of dimatree , and scham●tree , and cottons , also it is a great thorow faire , and there is a great o●●s●rie or inne , which they call a caan , and there wee rested two daies . the sixe and twentieth day , we trauelled some eight leagues to a little towne called roma , where wée lay all night . the seuen and twentieth day , wee trauelled some eight leagues more to a monastery called huddrea●●ns , which was built by an armenian christian , who g●ue sufficiēt maintenance to prouide , oliues , bread , and oile for lamps , for the harbour & reliefe of all christian trauellers ▪ and there is the picture of saint george on horse backe fighting with the dragon , and his picture on foot , and his crosse , and mention in old roman print of his noble & memorable acts , which relique is much honored by many christians as they trauell by the same , and to that end there i● a chapel and lampes burning therein continually . the twenty eight day we went some tenne leagues to a lit●le towne called hone , and lay there that night . the 29. day , we trauelled to tripolis , being tenne leagues from thence , where we found the good ship , the great exchange of london , whereof master robert bradshawe of ratliffe was both captaine and master ; who not aboue ten daies before , was in great danger of shipwrake breaking their cables and ancors , so that the ship droue and was in great distresse : so that they were faine to cut the maine mast ouerbord , being within twice the ships length of the rocks , yet by gods good prouidence , one cable and ancor held , and so both schip and men were saued , all the men hauing stripped themselues to saue their lives by swimming , or otherwise , as it would please god to assist and permit them . in this storme there was a great venetian shippe of 1100. tun cast away , yet the ship was so set amongst the rocks , that all her men were saued by the great and mercifull prouidence of almighty god. also there were frenchmen in the harbor , that cut ther masts ouerbord and were in great danger , yet all escaped thankes be giuen to god. also afterwards by greawt good fortune the excharges mast was found by the company between two rocks , and was got on shore , and hauing an excellent good carpenter , he did workemanlike and strongly scarse the same with a péece of an other mast , which the master got from aboard a flemming , that it brough her well home into england , god be praised . at our comming to tripolie we went to the english house , where wée stayed two daies , and were by him very knidly used , and héere we ended our long and teious land trauels . the first day of ianuary being new yéeres day , we tooke our leaue of master lucas and went aboard , my selfe and richard martin , where captaine bradshawe also used us very kindly , and in regard i was very weake , with long and extreame trauell , he allowed me a good cabin , and caused the surgeon to deo mee what good he could . tripoly is a towne of no great traffique , but only a place whither ships doe come to take in such trading as is brought from other places , and chiefly from aleppo . the cause ( i thinke ) is by reason of the dangerous harbour there . for if there come easterly windes that ouerblow , there is no safe riding for ships in that harbour . for that no reasonable ground takle will hold them . the third day of ianuary , we set saile for england , and the one and twentieth day following we came to the iland of zante , where they tooke in thrèe months victuals , which they left there , when there were outward bound . also they tooke in oiles and currants , being all the commodities , which the iland affordes . for of it self it is so poore and barren , that it yèeldeth not victuals to maintaine it self , but is for the most part maintained from the maine . the foure and twentieth day we set saile againe , and about he foure and twentieth day of february the winde tooke us short , and our master thinking it not goo dto beat the ship at sea with a contrary winde , put into harbour at malta , where is a galland harbour , and many gallies and pretty fine shipping belonging to the same , which goe out upon seruice 200. against the turke . malta is a goodly city of an inuincible strength , with gallant wals being built vpon a maine rocke . and vpon the wals of the olde and new towne , are péeces of excellent good brasse ordinance . and in this city the ancient order of the knights of malta , haue their continuall residence , who are gallant souldiers , & haue faire houses , not much vnlike to our innes of court , they are all christians , and so are all the inhabitants , viz. armenians , spaniards , italians , dutchmen , and verie many frenchmen , the grand master of the whole order being a frenchman , but i could not heare of any english amongst them , yet doe they all , shew themselues very kind , and curteous to englishmen . all the knights doe weare white and blacke crosses on the shoulders of their cloakes : and any gentleman that commeth thither doth put in a stocke of a 100. pound or thereabouts , for his maintainance , but is not allowed for a knight , vntil by seruice against the turke or else where he shall deserue the same , and héere wée staied 5. daies . the 10. day of march , we set saile againe , and about the 22. day we came to a watch house where was 2. péeces of ordinance , and came to an ancor , but because we came not presently ashore with our boat , they shot at vs , whereupon our captaine sent our boat on shore with our boatswaine , who was very kindly vsed , when they knew what we were , and the captaine of the watch-house came aboard our ship , & gaue our captaine a liue hog for a present , which he accepted very thankfully , and requited him with other things of 3. times the value . and so ( as we thought ) he rested very well contented . then our purser and my selfe with a knight of malta , being a passenger for france , were by our boatswaine and his gang set on shore , together with the captaine of the watch-house , we thinking to goe to the towne of callar , to buy such prouision as we wanted : but the captain tooke our purser and the knight of malta prisoners , and kept them there : so that our master not knowing how to come by y e purser , waighed ancor and brought the shippe vp to callar , anwent himselfe , and made complaint to the grand seniors , who presently granted a discharge for them both , and withall promised that the captaine should be punished for so abusing of his place , and so after foure daies imprisonment the purser and knight were both set at liberty and came aborde . calarie is a great towne , where a number of cauiliers doe liue , and hath some small shipping belonging to it . it standeth in the iland of sardinia , which is a great and fruitfull iland of corns and fruit , where we lay some sixe daies , and 5. or 6. daies more of and on , about the iland : in which tune we discribed two small men of warre , which we imagined to be some of captaine wards crew , who at the first chased vs , and then we had them in chase , but whē they perceiued we were not for their turne , they made away , as fast as they could , and so we left them . then it pleased god to send vs a wind , that brought vs thorow the leuant , and put vs out to the mouth of the straits of gebraltar , from whence we also had a faire winde that carried vs to the height of the burlans , which is off the rocke going to lisbone in portugale , where the winde tooke vs short : so that our captaine thought it best to put into cast cales , for beating the ship in the sea , which he did for 23. or 4 daies , vntill it pleased god to send vs a faire winde , and so putting to sea againe we arriued safe in england at the town and port of douer in kent , about the latter end of aprill , 1611. for which i gaue god thankes , and setting my foot on english ground , i thought all my miseries to be at an end . for to mée , all the nations and kingdomes , that in this my trauels i passed by and saw , both by sea and land , séemed nothing comparable to it . but that in respect of them all , it may be called the onely paradize and blessed countrey of the world . and so desiring god of his mercy to blesse euery good man from so great miseries as wée indured by the follies and ouersight of a lewd and indiscreet master , being both vnfit and vnworthy to bee imploied in so great affaires , and for so worshipfull and worthy men as were masters , owners , and aduenturers therein . for , phillip de groue our master being a flemming , and an arch-villaine , who was not onely accused , but it was ( by the boy with whom he committed the fact ) confessed to my selfe , that he was a detestable buggerer : so that had not gods mercy béene the greater , it was a wonder that in regard thereof , and of others being offenders in the like , that ourship had not s●nck in the ocean . lastly , praying to the almighty , for the long and prosperous raigne of our most gracious soueraigne , king iames , with the health and prosperity of the quéenes most excellent maiesty , and all their roiall issue , as also for the lords of of his most honourable priuie councell , and for all the honourable , worshipfull , and others , the masters , owners and aduenturers , of the company of the east indian merchants , their factors , freinds , and welwillers . i cease , and humbly commit my selfe and this small relation of my trauels , to their kinde and fauourable censures . finis . printed at london , for thomas archer and richard redmer . 1612. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19470-e360 1607. 1608. the master of the pinnace murdered . moha sixe leagues wihin the straits their abod at moha . the ship foundere● ▪ ●andeuee riuer . 16●9 . the taruell to agra . grees the first towne of persia. a portugal embassador legier . iohn white sent into the east india ouer land . somewhat is wanting . calari a porte towne in sardinia . callari a towne of sardinia . the strait of gibraltar . berelengas . douer . 1611. a relation of an unfortunate voyage to the kingdome of bengala describing the deplorable condition and dismal accidents attending those therein concerned, how that after the loss of their ship they were forced to abide in a desart and barren island, to eat leaves, toads, serpents, &c. and reduced to that extremity as to digg open graves and to feed on human bodies : as also, the manner of deliverance out of that place, and what befel them afterwards in the service of the great mogol : together with choice observations touching that monarch's government, laws, customs, and armies, and especially his late war against the kings of azo and assam, with several other remarkable particulars / by mr. glanius. glanius, w. 1682 approx. 172 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 98 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42799 wing g794 estc r40890 19526815 ocm 19526815 109000 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42799) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109000) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1688:12) a relation of an unfortunate voyage to the kingdome of bengala describing the deplorable condition and dismal accidents attending those therein concerned, how that after the loss of their ship they were forced to abide in a desart and barren island, to eat leaves, toads, serpents, &c. and reduced to that extremity as to digg open graves and to feed on human bodies : as also, the manner of deliverance out of that place, and what befel them afterwards in the service of the great mogol : together with choice observations touching that monarch's government, laws, customs, and armies, and especially his late war against the kings of azo and assam, with several other remarkable particulars / by mr. glanius. glanius, w. [7], 184 p. printed for henry bonwick ..., london : 1682. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng nederlandsche oost-indische compagnie. india -history -1500-1765. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-01 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a relation of an unfortunate voyage to the kingdom of bengala . describing the deplorable condition , and dismal accidents , attending those therein concerned . how that after the loss of their ship , they were forced to abide in a desart , and barren island ; to eat leaves , toads , serpents , &c. and reduced to that extremity , as to digg open graves , to feed on human bodies . as also , the manner of their deliverance out of that place ; and what befel them afterwards , in the service of the great mogol . together with choice observations , touching that monarch's government , laws , customs , and armies ; and especially his late war against the kings of azo , and assam , with several other remarkable particulars . by mr. glanius . london , printed for henry bonwick at the red-lyon in st. paul's church-yard , 1682. voyage to bengala london printed for henry bonwick at the red lyon in s t. pauls church yard 1682 preface . although this following narrative discovers no state , or love intrigues , ( the main entertainment of the times ) yet will it gratifie our curiosity , with a relation of such accidents , which ( being new and singular , though tragical and serious ) cannot but produce in us several delightful , as well as profitable reflexions . to see a ship tossed , and threatned every moment , by the merciless waves , ( says lucretius ) is a spectacle , which those that stand safe at shore , cannot hut behold with pleasure , as well as compassion . non quia vexari ( says he ) quemquam est jucunda voluptas : sed , quibus ipse malis careas , quia cernere suav ' est . in short , ( for i would not ●e more impertinent than ●ther folks , though something must be said ( it seems ) by way of preface ) he book will answer ( i ●ope ) the title , and rea●er's expectation ; being ●n extract from the ori●inal copy , printed at amsterdam , in 1681. and this is all i know , need say of it . a relation of an unfortunate voyage to the kingdom of bengala . we parted from batavia , with the vessels named wesop , brouwers-haven , and nieuwen-hove , the 3 d. of september , in the year one thousand six hundred sixty one ; and set sail towards ongueli , in the kingdom of bengala . our vessel ( called ter schelling ) carry'd about 8 pieces of cannon , and four score and five men ; our freight consisting chiefly of pieces of silver-coin , and copper-plates . on the 23d . our masters mate , whose name was hillebrant , going down into the hold , to fetch thence some ropes he needed ; saw or thought he beheld , through the port-holes , persons swimming , pale and spent , and some , that were dead , floating on the sea. at his coming up he appear'd troubled ; and when his heaviness was somewhat alleviated , he told us the cause of it . whether his vision were real , or a pure effect of his melancholy humour , yet several persons lookt upon it as a bad omen , and began to expect the worst . as for his part , from that very moment he still continued sad and pensive , whereas before no man was of a more gay and jolly humour . such was his seriousness , that he could not endure to hear any idle discourses , nor refrain from exhorting us to fervent prayer , for the averting the dangers threatning us . there wanted not some who derided his visions , and made a sport of them ; wherefore he often besought god to give these libertins a sight of what he had seen , or something like it ; as a means to check their licentiousness and reduce them to sobriety . on the 8th . of october we were in sight of the coast of bengala , but knew it not . in this uncertainty we steer'd towards it , and cast anchor within two leagues off the shore , where our master jacob janz-stroom ( born at amsterdam ) sent out the long-boat , and dispatch'd the pilot to the inhabitants , with seven or eight sea-men and the steward , who had some skill in the language of that country , to enquire into the nature , and name of that coast we saw . we knew that of bengala was full of rocks and dangerous shelves , whereon several vessels had been cast away , but had not that necessary knowledge whereabouts they lay , without which we could not avoid them : three days past since our men went on shoar , and we in continual expectation of their return . but at length suspected , they were detained captive , or destroyed by some other misfortune ; whereupon we weighed anchor , and sought a port where we might inquire farther after them . after a long search , we descryed 3 small barks that made towards us , from the land side . at which we rejoyc'd , hoping by their means to hear news of those we sought , and that they would help us out of this perplexity . these barks stopt about a stones cast from our ship , ( as it were , ) to consult , whether they had best come on board her , being a man of war : after about a quarter of an hours deliberation , their commander , whom they called orangkai , drew near with his bark , and made signs to us , that the other two were laden with fowl , and fish , and several fruits of their country . we gave him to understand , in the best manner we could , that he had no reason to fear ; and our signs encouraged him . as soon as he was on board our ship , he caused the other barks to come up , and unlade their provisions , which came to us very seasonably : our master led him into his cabbin , where he entertained him with all imaginable kindness . as they began to discourse about the country , ( having first made enquiries for our people ) our vessel touched upon a shelf , which put all our men in an alarm . the course we took to clear our selves could not be without noise , whereat orangkai was frighted , and believed 't was a signal to betray him . in this imagination he thought of nothing but how to escape , which he did , so dexterously , that none of us were aware of it , till he had gotten a great distance from us . he ever and anon stopt his course , and we expected his return , but when we saw he forgot to take the money with him , which we paid him , we no longer doubted but his fear was excessive ; in effect he did not return ; and when our vessel was on float , we found our selves as far advanced as we were before . in this extremity , the greatest part of our ship were of opinion to expect here our men , which we did for 8 days together , but to no purpose ; wherefore having cleared our selves off this place , we hoisted sail in search of the ships that set out with us . after a tedious search , we ran upon a long shole , whence getting clear , we fell upon another , more dangerous than the former . this obliged us to let down our boat into the sea , as well to sound the depth of the water , as to understand the nature and quality of the place . we could find nothing far and near , but shallows and flats ; and every where so little water , that we knew not which way to pass . then we gave our selves for lost , and were all in a maze , except the seamen , who in the greatest danger ran to their bottles , and drank one anothers healths . in the mean time , we cast anchor behind and before , and the sea growing rough , and wind high , we could not hinder our vessel from having a great breach made in it , and sinking , had we not cut down our boltsplit . as to the boat it was swallow'd up in the sand , and one man that was in it saved , by the assistance we gave him . thus were we without our small-boat , or shalope , out of sight of land , and in an unknown sea. these misfortunes were great , and sufficient to o'rewhelm us , but these were not all , for a while after we found our selves in a worse condition . whilst we were studying to remedy our present miseries , a fierce blast of wind snapt both our cables . we immediately threw out two others , which could not hinder the vessel from striking against a sandy hill , wherefore we cut them with hatchets , leaving our anchors in the sea. and as to the sails , besides that the wind carry'd away our foretop , we were forced to clear the vessel of water , and let them all down . moreover the wind so swelled the waves , that the ship let in water through the port-holes , and we expected every moment when she would dash against a rock . great was our fear , but not general ; for whilst the greatest part were confessing their sins , and imploring god's pardon , before whom they were now going to appear ; the sea-men were making merry , and singing with their full cups in their hands ; that though the sea were rough and terrible , yet would they hinder it from possessing that part , into which they pow'red down their liquor . thus did these wretches defie all danger , and out-brave death it self , which they called the scare-crow of vulgar souls , and the scorn of those that knew it in it self . whilst they were drinking on one hand , and we praying on the other , a sudden blast of wind drove our ship from between the sholes , and set it on float again : we began to be in hopes , when , immediately , the water sprang in from all sides : whereupon we fell to work with our pumps , but to little purpose , the water coming in so fast upon us ; yet perhaps had all our men ( who were to the number of 70 ) used their utmost endeavours , they might have been successful , but most of 'em were so weak , that they could scarcely stand . this misfortune was attended by another , to compleat our misery ; for none of us knew what course to steer ; nor the master , or pilots what to determine . after several contests , they were found to be of contrary judgments ; these were for going on one side , and the master another , and his opinion was followed . we went not far before we found which was the best , for that of the sea-men would have carry'd us far from the coast . although we were well enough satisfied in that particular , yet had we several other perplexities to encounter with , for the water still gained upon us , and we had been a great while out of the sight of land , and in the want of provision . moreover we were all so overcome with sleep , and weariness , that we were not able to stand . in this condition were we , when he that was upon the watch cryed out , land , land , and that 't was near us . this good news put us all in heart again ; and made us fall to work afresh : but this hope did not last long , for 3 or 4 hours after we had the tide against us , which hindred us from advancing , so that at night we were forced to cast anchor at 3 leagues distance from land , about 4 fathom deep . this last misfortune compleated our sorrow , for we could pump no longer ; and the water apparently still gained upon us : yet did the most able among us ( seeing themselves ready to perish in sight of land ) use their utmost endeavours , and encouraged one another , resolving to cut the cable the next morning , to advance with the floud , as near as we could to shore . but scarcely had we spent 6 hours , in this undertaking ; when we perceived , that of one bucket of water , half of it was sand , with which we had ballasted our ship , which broke all our measures . since this unhappy accident , we thought of nothing , but yielding up our selves to the divine providence ; and all means failing us , some gave way to sleep , others resisted it , being not able to resolve upon shutting their eyes against that light , which they were now upon the point of ever losing ; and some again whom hunger more terrified than either sleep or death , so earnestly demanded meat ; that the master ordered , every man his share of strong waters , and smoakt beef . the steward obeyed with much difficulty ; but seeing himself sorced to it , distributed such a small quantity of both , that 't would have made a man apt to think , we had still a long voyage to make . in the mean time these watchings and fatigues had so exhausted our mens spirits , that several became frantick , and shewed such extravagancies , as would have forced laughter at another time . the cook ran up the scuttles and came down again in a great heat , occasioned by the pains he had taken , in fishing for duckers ; with which he vaunted he would make a ragoo , that should quicken the dead . others could not comprehend the danger we were in , and forgetting what had passed , were continually talking of the profits and advantages they would make of this voyage . as soon as we left pumping , we saw our main-yard , and that before , which we let down , were full of duckers , which were easily taken . several of those that had the right use of their sences , caused a parcel of beans to be dressed ( called kitseri ) which were found lying at the bottom of a sea-man's chest , that lay asleep ; we eat them with a great deal of pleasure , although deem'd this would be our last repast . a while after there entred so much water through the port-hole of the cooks cabbin , where the violence of the waves had made a breach , that we were forced to make holes in the deck , to let the water run down into the hold ; which we stopt with much difficulty , with plates of lead wrapt about with tow. after this , the lustiest amongst us were forced to repose themselves , not being able to resist the desire of sleeping : as for my own part ( who had hitherto made a shift to bear up ) i laid me down on a chest , that was fastened to the deck , not giving my self the liberty of an easier couch , in a time , wherein i believed i was so near to death . scarcely had i rested thereon an hour , but the screeks of those that first perceived the vessel to incline on one side , awakened us , and shewed us the danger we were in : then it was that our confusions encreased , and every man endeavoured to withdraw out of the press , to seek alone some means to save himself . it was observed that 3 of our sea-men were wanting , whom we supposed to be drowned at the bottom of the hold , where they had laid themselves down to rest . we were 2 hours in this condition , most of us half dead , and hopeless , when the vessel raised it self up again . this change so surprized us , that we could scarcely believe it ; but when we were well assured of it , our hearts returned , and sorrow gave place to joy . several ran to their chests putting on their best cloaths , and demanded strong-water , which was not refused them , and had immediately a pleasant effect upon 'em : others dealt out their melancholly thoughts , imagining themselves great personages , and talkt only of millions . these whimseys were tolerable , in comparison of the sea-mens excesses , who continued in their outbravings of death , and its consequences . some of them that had taken such pains to dress themselves , went along with the saylers into the great cabbin ; whence ever and anon coming out with their caps on one side their heads , and their glasses in their hands , they invited the rest to imitate them in singing bawdy songs , and dancing . there were some that seemed more solid , yet were clearly for drinking , to make themselves ( as they said ) less sensible of the fears men feel in such extremities . these kept some measure , but others more bruitish , glutted themselves like swine , till they lost wholly their reason . in the mean time death drew still nearer us , and our only remedy , was to make a machine wherein to save our selves , when the vessel sunk . the carpenter offered to make one , and with the assistance of some others took down the sail-yards , masts , and other necessaries ; with which he made immediately a kind of vessel , that might hold 40 men : we were more in number , but the libertins scoft at our pre-caution , and would not assist us , so that for want of help we could not make it larger nor stronger : so great was the hard heartedness of several of our men that they would not so much as lend us the knifes or hatchets we needed . the cooks mate was one of 'em : this man named william ysbrants had good store by him , and so far was he from parting with them , that he withheld others from doing it , by his perswasions , saying he knew a shorter and better way to save them that would be ruled by him . in fine , maugre this hard hearted wretch , and the sea-mens gang , who continued on their riot , we finished our float-boat , which we fastned to the vessel , till we made oars to guide it . when every thing was ready , each man that was willing to go in it had given him 10 pieces of currant money in the kingdom of bengala , for his relief when at shore . before we went off we must drink a parting cup , of which most drank so deep , that they made themselves drunk . i designed to have been one of those that left the vessel , but a friend hindred me , he told me i must not leave him , for he lookt upon that machine to be extream dangerous , especially considering the condition of those persons that took upon 'em to guide it , being most of 'em drunk , and ready to quarrel ; the machine lying , moreover , level with the water , and over laden . so i staid in the vessel with the master , and some others , whose number was far inferiour to those that left us . scarcely were they gotten a stones cast , but several of them repented they forsook us , and swam back again , so that upon their return we found we were 32 men ; according to which reckoning there must be about some 40 in the machine , where they endeavoured to use the sail of the shalope ; but besides that it was too heavy , the wind ceased about half an hour after , so that they advanced very little . when we lost sight of them , we besought god to preserve 'em ; to the end , that according to their promise , the inhabitants might come out to help us . then the master of the vessel , caused a sack of dutch biscuit to be brought him , and a small quantity of smoaked beef , which we soon devoured . in the mean while we spyed our people again a great way off , but this was but for a moment , for we never could set sight on 'em afterwards ; which made us suspect their machine failed them , and was sunk by some unexpected disaster , which was very probable , seeing we could not hear the least news of them . the strong conjectures we had of their loss , dispossessing us of our hope ( for we laid great stress on the good offices they promised to render us , when at land ) put us upon resolves to make another boat ; which , when finished , could not hold above 10 or 12 men. therefore were we forced to take other measures , and began to cut down the scuttles of the main-mast , which had been already cut , and stript from its tackle . we afterwards wanted the sail-yard , but it being far in the water , entangled with its ropes and sail , we could not get it out thence , believing it to be a thing impossible ; at length , my friend before mention'd , ( whose name was william bastians ) caused a rope to be fast'ned about his middle , and so was let down into the sea , to cut all these entanglements which hindred us from finishing our undertaking . in the mean while , the night and waves equally incommodated us , the first by its obscurity , and the others by their violence : thus were we every moment ready to perish . whilst the greatest part were busied in cutting down the fore-mast , which was the only one that stood ; six of our men plotted together , to slip away privately in our machine , without caring what might become of their companions ; they were just ready to execute their treacherous design , having already cut the 2 ropes by which it was fastned , and began to put off from the ship ; when the mast , which we cut , fell down into the sea before it , and by its fall discovered , and forced 'em back . had not this hapned , without doubt we had perished that night , for the foul weather encreased , the waves became boysterous , and the vessel unable to resist them . we hastned then to accommodate to our boat , the mast we had fell'd , which rendred it fit to carry 20 men , and we were in all 32. about midnight the tide being half spent , we would willingly staid its return , and embarkt our selves by day light , but the danger was too pressing to use delays . we then began to prepare for our departure out of the vessel , taking along with us but a small quantity of provision , 2 compasses , 2 cutlasses , a sword , a pole-ax , some oars made in haste , a lanthorn , and candles for the night . thus sorrily furnished , did we forsake the vessel , and put our selves into the boat , where each of us , with his oar in his hand , made towards the shore . 't is impossible to express what we underwent ; but it may be easily imagin'd , that being in the water up to the middle , in a cold season , and dark night , we could not be much at ease . as soon as the day appeared , we had the tide against us , and being not able to resist it , were carried by it so far , that we lost sight of land. an hour after we descryed it , and used our utmost endeavours to reach it ; but the currants which were swift made all attempts fruitless . this mishap was attended by another ; the greatest part of us fell into deliriums , and in this condition became exceeding troublesome to the rest : some of 'em would needs go to their chests , to take thence the linnen they wanted . others were searching for the kitchin , to warm themselves . but he that gave us most trouble , was my friend william bastians , who supposing , as well as the rest , that he was still on board the ship ; demanded where we carried him ; and rowing a quite contrary course to the rest , cryed out ; pray let me alone , i 'll carry you where we should be , i see hellevoutslus castle ; courage , we are at it . a coxcomb , cryed another , he sees a castle , ay , we are at it as much as i am at rome . 't is a church , says the carpenter , a stately fabrick indeed , how it glistens against the sun ! what ails these fools , cried another , to take the mast of a ship for a church , and a castle ? these poor wretches have lost their sences . i laughed some time at their extravagancies , and within a while ( as i was told ) fell into the same condition . o grievous , said i , they are making merry at the bear , yonder , and i may not be with 'em : i will make one amongst ' em . the master who sat nearest with-held me ; but i fiercely flung away from him , and ran into the water . whence i was quickly taken up , but neither the cold , nor apprehension of the danger i escaped , could make me come to my self : yet i felt i was extream cold , and would had the master pull off his cloaths to accommodate me with 'em ; thus continuing , i took a barrel for the kitchin , and sat my self down by it to dry and warm me . this imaginary fire did me , perhaps , as much good as if it had been real ; for methoughts i felt it mighty comfortable , so that i fell asleep , and at waking returned to my right sences . in the mean time the tide carried us so far , that we lost all hope ; we earnestly besought god to put an end to our miseries by death , or shew us how to avoid them . some time after we thought we saw land , and cows feeding ; believing it to be an effect of our prayers , we continued them , saying one to another , that seeing what we had already done , procured us the sight of land , without doubt the continuation of our prayers would bring us to it : it is impossible to express the joy this vision gave us , for 't was no better ; being only a sandy bank cast up by the violence of the sea. this sad mistake struck us all in amaze , especially considering , moreover , that our machine which began to sink , could not carry us far . the most resolute amongst us , seeing the danger encreasing , determined for the lightning of the boat , to push in the night , as many as they could of their companions into the sea. heaven would not suffer 'em to execute their cruel design ; for the carpenter bethought himself we had to a considerable weight in money , which might serve us instead of an anchor , or counter-poise ; that would be necessary in two respects . for besides that , the machine would not by this means be oppressed with it ; this counter-poise would stand us in good stead in a contrary tide . his advice was taken , and every man freely parted with his mony , which was put into a pair of close-kneed-breeches , tied with a cord ; and then into another pair , which we tyed fast ; and so into a 3d. which we let down to the bottom , fastned to a rope , when minded to stop . we made another packet of this money , which we used instead of a plummet , to find on what side the tides cast us . both one and the other of these were so useful to us , that in a short time we found our selves so near land , as not to fear any more the losing it . about 2 in the after-noon , we took up our anchor , to give every man his own again , which they took without counting , so greatly were they possessed with joy to see themselves out of danger : so that some who contributed most , were content with least ; and those that gave least , found themselves greatest sharers . so greatly indifferent were we in this matter , that a considerable sum remained without any owner , which was distributed to those that had none , being certain that of all the several coyns we brought , there were not one but would pass in the kingdom of bengala . after this distribution there was found a sack in a barrel , full of biscuit , which no body regarded , and had been left behind , had not the master taken charge of it . we came at length so near the shoar , that we thought we saw fisher-men stretching out their nets to dry ' em . coming nearer , we spyed other persons , that seem'd to wear the same habits as we , whom we supposed to be those that left us . they had all the same cloaths , hats , and caps , except some that wore canvass , taken out of a sail ; and others that were only in their drawers . thus did they appear to us through our spying-glass , and every one that made use of it , believed they saw very distinctly with it , what they saw but imperfectly without it . the tide carried us not to that side , neither brought us so soon to shoar , as we desired . this slowness made us still fear , and there was one so impatient as to throw himself in the water , to try whether he could not swim to land , but his heart failed him , and he was glad to return . in the mean time we called to mind , that the inhabitants of bengala , had a deadly antipathy against swines flesh , some of which we kept still by us ; whereupon 't was agreed to throw it into the sea. but that which most troubled us , was to see 'em rashly cast over-board a barrel of biscuit which might stood us in good stead , being distributed amongst us , who were almost dead with hunger . several opposed the doing it , but were answered , we should have better food at land. so we came to shoar , and left our machine at the disposal of the sea. as soon as ever we were landed , our master , and 10 or 12 more , that were the best able amongst us , ran immediately upon the discovery , the rest slowly following after ; intreating 'em to hasten , and find 'em a convenient place to dry themselves , being equally pressed with cold and hunger . in our march we entertained one another with relations of our particular sufferings , and happiness in being thus delivered from them . we went on thus , discoursing with as much freedom and security , as if we had already seen the inhabitants , striving to outvy one another in our kind reception : some said that those we saw when on the sea , whether dutch-men or moors , could not be far from us . others alledged that those moors being out a fishing for their masters , had met our people , and carried 'em to their huts ; and that we might find them in a thicket directly before us . talking thus , we went on jocundly to this grove , where we doubted not but the inhabitants would receive us , to our content : but our opinion was ill grounded , for being come to it , we found neither man nor beast ; nor any path , or track to guide us ; or the least sign it were ever inhabited . some that were most tired relying on the refreshments they expected to meet here , could not believe what they saw ; and calling out as loud as they were able , imagined they must be answer'd , but were deceived ; so that we must continue on our march through a melancholly , thick wood , and which was , perhaps , full of wild beasts . this imagination , together with the present unexpected disappointment and past fatigues , compleated our sorrows : as we went on , our hearts being ready to burst with grief ; and demanding of one another , what could befall'n our master , and those that accompanied him , we found them lying in a profound sleep ; and the need we had to do the same , made us willingly imitate them . at our waking , all our discourse was about the moors , and dutchmen , which we imagined we saw near the shoar ; whom , not finding in that place , we no longer doubted , but this vision was an illusion . the day being far spent , we resolved to pass over the night in the same place we lay ; spending some time in providing wood , of which we made 3 piles in form of a triangle , which we set on fire with the candle we brought with us in the lanthorn . we placed a sentinel near each fire , to assure us against the surprizes of the wild beasts , and by this means warmed our selves in greater tranquility . the nights were so cold , and we so ill cloathed , that we could not rest ; and when we could , our chaplin was so full of ravings , that he would have put us all into disorder ; whatsoever we could do to pacifie him , he kept still in a rage ; furiously demanding what meant this change at batavia , and how it came to pass we were thus used ; at some he threw his slippers , at others his hat , and threatned to extirpate these slaves from off the face of the earth , that thus served him . thus did we sorrowfully pass over the night , and at break of day began to think of discamping , to find a more commodious retreat . one of the last that waked was our chirurgion , who starting up in a maze , cryed out , we had robbed him , and that he would have us before a justice of peace . the noise he made , disturbed our poor chaplain ; who supposing him to have been some slave , that made resistance , cried out , murder , help , help , these slaves have taken arms. the chirurgion that knew not he was distracted ( for he had slept very quietly ) believed what he said , and was for putting himself in a posture of defence , till we shewed him the others folly . well , says he , though he be a fool , yet i am not one ; for 't is too true , that of 6 bags of money i had , i have been robbed of 3 this night . we thought him at first in the same case as the other , but at length found him otherwise ; and whether his loss were real or imaginary , he still continued to demand satisfaction , but had little notice taken of him , for we were for changing our ground , and moving forward , leaving the poor chaplain , in a distracted condition behind us , for no body would take charge of him . we drew near then to the shoar , in hopes of finding either the fisher-men , or other people , for our redress . the first object we met , was a great tortoise without a head ; and immediately after a buffle stretcht out on the ground , whose head was half rotten , and full of maggots . several animals , which the inhabitants called leganes , were about this creature , which smelt so strong , that we could not endure to come near it . but some days after we had not the same aversion , nor were so delicate , for hunger so sorely prest us , that the stink could not hinder us from gnawing it to the very bones . about a quarter of a league from that place , we found our selves near a river ; on the other side of which , we spyed 8 moors , whom we took for bengaloises . we immediately endeavoured to pass over it , but found it too deep for us . an hour after , it appeared to us more fordable , and we passed over it , in effect , with as much joy as if certain of a happy success . when we had gotten on the other side , these moors ran to meet us , casting themselves down at our feet , and kissed them ; and thus remained a long time , lifting up their eyes to heaven , and pronouncing some words , whereby we supposed they designed to declare their innocency , and the injustice done ' em . these people being 8 in number ; to wit 4 men , 2 women , and 2 children , seemed to us much afflicted , but we could not understand them ; and all that we could comprehend , in feeing a certain kind of boat on float which had brought them thither , was that they were some poor slaves , whom their masters cruelty had obliged to run away . these people then being not the persons we wanted , we passed over again the river ; where having made a good fire , we went in search of the tortoise we saw , whom we roasted in his shell : each of us took our part of him ( which could not be great , for we were thirty of us ) and greedily devoured it . and being still prest with hunger , we regretted the provisions that were thrown over board , saying one to another , we were justly punished for our foolish prodigality . these lamentations were followed by a pensive silence , and in fine , by prayers , which ended , we betook our selves ( as well as we could ) to rest . the next morning before we took our march , our master gave each of us a slice of cheese , from one that weighed about 3 pound , which he brought from the ship ; and by the chirurgions order , who was also our physician , we drank thereupon a cup of water half salt , and found our selves in good plight . after about 5 or 6 hours march , we came at the lands end , which gave us to understand that this place was an island , and distant from main land about 8 or 9 leagues . these conjectures extreamly dismayed us ; and we began to prepare our selves for the worst , expecting to dye with hunger in that barren and desert place . we could see nothing but trees , some of which were dry and withered , and others green , laden only with leaves ; a sad and bitter nourishment , yet with which we were forced to be contented . we stood upon this point , till we came to a determination , and agreed , that 't was our surest course to return to the place where we past over the first night . and in our way came to the place where we had eaten the tortoise , in hopes to find those aforementioned leganes . for fear of making 'em wild , 2 of our men , armed with a hatchet and cutlass , marched before , and we followed 'em at a distance . they returned soon after with one of these animals , which we carried to the place we intended . having left our chaplain here , we searcht about , and called him , but could neither see nor hear him . we sought afterwards a commodious place wherein to fix , during our stay in this island , and judged it were better to settle near the shoar , than the wood , where we could not expect any succour from the sea ; our only hope of getting out of this dolesom place , consisting in our expectation of some vessels passing by . we gathered wood , which having lighted , we cut the legane with his skin , into as many pieces as we were men. every one took his share , and drest it as best liked him ; those that were most hungry , scarcely at all , least the fire should diminish it , and the others very little , for the same reason , it being small enough already ; this animal not exceeding the bigness of a cat. the flesh of it is very unsavory and unpleasant , but our extream hunger gave it a good relish , and likewise the water , notwithstanding its brinyness . half an hour after we took our bibles ( having 2 with us ) and the pilot read prayers , which ended , we reposed our selves round the fire by turns , for we could not all of us be at it together . the next morning we began the day , with our requests to almighty god , to compassionate , and deliver us from our miseries , which seemed already greater then we could bear ; then every one went his way . the chirurgion bethought himself , as he walkt along to taste the leaves of the trees : which having done , and finding 'em good , all the rest followed his example . we chewed 'em , at first , a great while , before we swallowed 'em ; but at length found 'em so delicate , that we never tasted bread in our lives , that relisht half so well . although thefe leaves seem'd most delicious meats , yet were we not so much in love with 'em , but could willingly left them for others ; and had the boars , staggs , and buffles , that haunted the woods , and came down and bathed themselves in the marshes , been willing to be taken , ( for we had no guns to shoot 'em ) i do not doubt but we could have well dispensed with them , but these animals had good leggs , and ran too fast for us . one day marching along the shoar , we spied 2 great serpents , that put us in amaze . we moved from 'em , but being extream hungry , and judging a good repast might be made of them , we gathered round about 'em , with each of us a stick in our hands , and soon conquer'd 'em : we cut off their heads and tails , and having flead , and washt them , gave each man his share , which we greedily devoured ; and yet none of us were thereby incommodated . at the end of each repast , we were as much troubled for more ; and went in small companies , some on one side , and some on the other ; whence for the most part returning empty , we fell upon the leaves , which we could eat well enough , but they contain'd little nourishment . we went , my friend and i , several times to the sea side , to see whether the sea had not cast up something on the shoar , that might stand us in some stead , but all in vain : and one day amongst the rest , being more than ordinary hungry , we all met together , bemoaning our selves in a more piteous manner , then can be expressed . we were a little comforted at the fight of some beans , which certain of our company found . never was any thing eaten with a better appetite , nor found to be of a better taste : whereupon our hearts returned again , and having smoakt a pipe or 2 of the leaves of trees , instead of tobacco , we exhorted one another to repose our selves under the divine providence . the joy , for having made so good a meal , endured not long , for an hour after we had eaten them , we felt such pangs , as made us believe they were mortal . our greatest pain was to fetch breath , for we seemed every moment at the point of death . having lain in this condition near 3 hours , we breathed more freely , and began to get up , but were so weak , that we could scarcely stand . from that time our strength wholly fail'd us , and whether 't was an effect of those beans , or the little nourishment we received since so long a time , we were not able to carry sticks to make a fire . this mishap was attended by a disgust to the leaves which we heretofore found so good , but now could eat no longer of 'em , so great was our aversation to 'em , because when we had eaten them , we felt in our mouths a strong stink , like unto that of buggs , which became insupportable to us . instead of these leaves , i tried often to eat grass , but found that worse , it being impossible for me to swallow it . our strength every day decaying , and seeing no likelihood of getting out of this dolesom place , we consulted together touching the making of some kind of boat , wherein to transport our selves elsewhere ; whereupon we cut down several small trees that grew along the water side , from which we took off the peel , which served to fasten the several parts of it . this boat could not contain above 5 men , and every person pretended to be of that number , for although the order ran , that they should return with all possible haste , to help the rest with what provision they could find , yet this was an advantage to them , who before they returned would be sure to refresh themselves first . to adjust this difference , we all agreed to refer our selves to the master , who chose whom he thought best , and counselled them to coast along the isle , till they came to the point where we were ; and then suffering themselves to be guided by the tide , it would carry them towards 2 islands , above which they might find firm land , which he judged to be not above 8 or 9 leagues distant from the point we stood upon . besides these instructions , he gave them a compass to steer by : and having taken some leaves along with them for their sustenance , they parted the 13th . day after our arrival in this island , with solemn protestations , that if heaven prospered their design , they would not fail to return with necessaries for the delivering us out of this desart . they had each of 'em an oar , but neither anchor , or any thing else to stop their boat in a contrary tide ; yet they parted bigg with hope of an happy success , which we wished 'em in beseeching 'em to make a speedy return . as soon as they left us , we betook our selves to the woods , where searching for food in vain , we were constrained to content our selves with the leaves of trees , which we could scarcely swallow without something else to allay their bitterness . thus were we pinched with hunger , when we believed we could not do better , than to seek the corps of our chaplain , whom we infallibly suspected to be dead , and were troubled we could not find it ; for having eaten 2 serpents without hurt , we supposed humane flesh could not much harm us . the desire of eating something more solid than the leaves of trees , continuing to press us , 't was proposed to kill one of the boys that were with us ; but heavens so ordered it , that this was not long insisted on , which hapned well for all the rest , for had once a beginning been made , 't is certain 't would been continued , and we should either by secret fraud , or open violence fall'n upon one another . although the design was rejected by the most part , yet did we mistrust one another , and from that time slept in fear , every man dreading the rest conspired against him , and appointed the time of his rest for that of cutting his throat . about evening we understood , that 2 of our company , who followed by land , those that parted in the morning by water , had overtaken 'em at night , at the islands point , where they begged so earnestly to be taken along with 'em , that they could not deny them , having first fast'ned to their boat some trees . in the mean time one of our companions came and inform'd us , that he saw a serpent of a prodigious size ; that he dar'd not attack him alone , but 't were no hard matter for all of us to conquer him . each of us immediately then hastned joyfully to the place with his stick in his hand . where by the way we killed a legane , that fell off a tree at our feet , and overjoyed we had wherewithal to mix with our leaves , we kept on our course . but by mishap the serpent was gone ; and we had the vexation of searching him a great while in vain , this being a sore disappointment , we needed some happy adventure to make us amends , and desired no better , than to meet with the corps of our chaplain . we sought it with the same earnestness as we did the serpent , but all our endeavours proving fruitless ; we divided the legane amongst us , the portions of which were so small that had it not been for the leaves we eat with it , 't were impossible for us to sleep that night . a long time were we , after this repast without finding any thing ; being exceeding faint and weak , when the carpenter brought to us his cap full of snails . these little insects had neither horns nor shels , and we took 'em for snails , for want of a more proper name to give ' em . but without troubling our selves much about their name , or quality , we caused the carpenter to bring us to the place where he found 'em , and took all that remained . at our return , laying 'em down upon the ground , they appeared to us to be of a blewish colour ; which made us believe they were venomous creatures , and that 't was dangerous eating them . this was the opinion of some ; but the greatest part , argued on the contrary , alledging that several beasts past for venomous , that were so only in opinion : witness , the serpents we had eaten , whose venom is said to be sharp and dangerous , and yet did them no harm . that , having made this experiment with success , they might with as much reason try another ; and supposing 'em to be venomous , yet the fire would clarifie them . this reasoning prevailed , whereupon we agreed , all of us to eat of 'em , and made a great fire to roast them , putting 'em under the cindars ; and when they were ready , eat 'em , and found 'em good ; and to compleat our banquet , drank salt-water , and then began to think of reposing our selves . an hour or two after , the carpenter found himself ill , and fell immediately into fits. as soon as we saw him in this condition , we imagined 't would not be long before we fell into the same extremity , and in the mean time consulted together , touching the several sorts of counter-poisons we ever heard mentioned : but all to no purpose , seeing we wanted them , as well as other necessaries , wherefore we prepared our selves for the patient suffering whatsoever might befall us . half an hour after , we became affected in the same manner as the carpenter . for two hours we felt most sharp pains in our bowels , accompanied with shortness of breath , with which we were so oppressed , that all hope of recovery forsook us . yet by degrees our pangs ceased , but our weakness continued ; and as soon as we were able to go , hunger pinching us , as before , we were forced to glut our selves with leaves . ever since we used them , we were never free from the gripes in our bowels ; suffering such dolorous pangs , that there are no torments , we would not willingly chosen before them . having done all we could to comfort us , we committed our selves to the divine providence , to which we recommended our selves without ceasing . our misery every day encreasing , and strength diminishing , we consulted together touching the means of our deliverance . after every man had communicated his thoughts , it plainly appeared to us all , that unless we made a machine , wherein to transport our selves to the other side , we must undoubtedly perish . all were agreed , that this was the only remedy left us ; especially since we no longer expected the return of our companions . those that observed them , assured us , they were carried off from the coast by the force of the tide , and so perished with hunger before they could come to land. and upon this opinion was grounded the design of making another boat ; but the undertaking was difficult , and upon consultation of our strength , we found our selves unable to do it . therefore we were forced to yield to necessity , and be still patient for a time , seeing the remedy proposed was none of the safest . every man having given his opinion , our master shew'd us , that fires in the night were seen a great way off , and therefore judged it not amiss to make such a one on the shoar , as may be beheld 10 or 12 leagues distance . we chose for this purpose a convenient place , surrounded with dry trees , whereon we heapt others , and set them on fire ; which according to our computation might be seen at the forementioned distance . we continued 'em for about 4 days , at the end of which , our hopes in that matter failed us ; or rather strength , to carry on so laborious a work . the master of our ship , who was of a very strong and sound constitution , heard our complaints , but took no notice of them ; for measuring our strength by his , he made us still continue to bring wood , with extream toyl and pain . to encourage us , he alledged several examples of those , whose endeavours proved successful in the like accidents , exhorting us to persist in our undertakings ; forasmuch as there was no other remedy left us . we took courage then afresh , continually supplying the fire with wood ; but at length became tired , and ceased our work , seeing it had not the effect we expected . from that time , nothing was heard but wailings and lamentations amongst us ; our faintness was general , several of us being not able to walk without help . my friend was of this number , being so weak and dejected , that he could neither speak nor hold up his head. so strict was our friendship , that i endured at the same time , both my own , and his afflictions , in beholding a true friend thus languishing for want of relief . in those intervals of the abatement of his fits , i sat by him , and although could not do any thing to ease him , yet told him all i knew to comfort him , and he acknowledged to me afterwards , that my discourses strengthened him . entertaining one another , one day for some hours , touching the miserable condition we laboured under , since so long a time ; he briskly rose up , telling me , he would go upon the search , whence he hoped not to return empty . his hope was not in vain , for he brought along with him a toad , of an immense size , which we boiled in a pot , which the aforementioned negroes gave us . when 't was dressed , he invited me to it , i thankt him , but told him , that what we suffered by eating the beans , discouraged me from venturing upon this ; yet when i saw these reflexions would not prevail with him to abstain , i determined to bear him company ; so we eat it together with leaves . we past over one hour in fear ; but in fine , found no more hu●t by the toad , than the serpents we eat , which extreamly pleased us , considering we might find more of ' em . the next morning it came in the carpenter's head to go in quest of our chaplain's corse ; and sought so narrowly , that he found in a bush one of the defunct's shoes , which he struck down with his hat ; and shewing us it , cried out , courage my lads , i am much mistaken if he be far hence , by what i have already found . at this news we all ran like so many bloud hounds , prying in every corner for half a mile round ; but to as little purpose as heretofore ; after near two or three hours search , we returned so full of melancholly , and sorrow , that we were ready to burst . the miseries and vexations we suffered , made us so waspish , and fretful , that we could scarcely desist a minute from quarreling with one another ; the rest earnestly wishing our jarrs might proceed to blows , and death it self , that they might feed on him that was slain . but by good hap , it never came to that . being one day very attentive , at one of these kind of quarrels , the chirurgion came and told us , he found the leaves of trees , of far better taste than those we had hitherto eaten . they were good raw ; but being roasted under the ashes , wrapt up in little balls , became far better . when we tasted them , we desired him to shew us the tree whereon they grew : to which he replied god forbid , saying , should i shew it you ( there being no more of that kind as i know of ) you would not leave one leaf on it . we were not very importunate with him , intending to watch him so narrowly , that we would find out his treasure in spight of his teeth . but we were deceived , for he was too cunning for us , and notwithstanding all our diligence , kept his tree to himself . we betook our selves then to our common remedy , which was patience . my friend , and i , were exhorting one another to it , in walking on the shoar ; which we held out so long , that we came to the place where the buffle lay ; which we found dead the first day after our arrival in the island . the stink of that carcass was so strong , that we stept a little back to get from it , but our hunger being stronger , we askt one another where we ran , and whether 't were not foolishly done of men in our condition . let us return , said i , to my friend , and make up to this carrion , and learn to vanquish our selves in all things . i pretended to have no aversion for it , when in truth , 't was quite otherwise . hunger drew me toward this buffle , being willing to try whether in seeing it , i dared venture on it . whereupon we returned , and looking on the carcass ; what think you of it , said i , smiling ? the scent is very strong , but do you believe the taste to be so bad ? as for my part , continued i , i am apt to think that had it passed over the fire , 't would do us no hurt . at first , he thought i was not in earnest , but discoursing further of it , he used so many arguments to disswade me from it , that i became obliged to talk no more of it . we left then this place , and in seeking more wholesom food , came up to the isles point . our pains were fruitless , for we could find nothing to satisfie us ; and for want of more sollid meat , we entertained one another with consolatory discourses . having spent all our arguments , we felt our selves as feeble , and ill disposed to suffer hunger , as before . so that we gave over this cold exercise , and betook our selves to the search afresh , but being overtaken by the night , we returned fasting to our company , who were busied in making one of those great fires we spake of . it was in this project the master of our ship placed all his hopes , this being the only sign that could give notice we were there . therefore did he bestow indefatigable pains in it , he alone carrying more wood at a time than four others . he was so strong , and kept up so well his flesh , that it could scarcely be perceived he had fasted as well as we . when the fire was as big as we would have it , each man made his supper on the leaves of trees he gathered ; and having said our prayers , endeavoured to sleep better than we had eaten . the next morning 2 of our company brought us a small legane , which they found half dead . without informing our selves whence proceeded its distemper , 't was delivered to the master , for they that took it , durst do no otherwise : having made an order , that whatsoever was found should be equally divided . hitherto this rule had been well enough observed ; but in this occasion 't was begun to be broken : those that took the animal , alledging the smallness of it , ought to be considered , which being divided into twenty four portions , each of 'em would be no bigger than a nut : that so small a matter could only sharpen the appetite , which was already but too violent , and therefore 't were better to divide it into sive or six parts , for so many particular persons , whom they then named , to whom they were distributed . amongst these 6 favourits the chirurgion was one , who being afraid of the ill consequences of this injustice , gave half of his portion to those that most needed it . who being excessively hungry , and vexed at the wrong done 'em , first calmly complained , and afterwards fell all to reproaching the master ; who , provided he was well dealt with himself , matter'd not what became of the rest : that having been the first promoter of that law ; he ought to blush in being one of the first that broke it . to quiet 'em , he caused the skin to be thrown amongst 'em , which they earnestly begged . yet was this done contrary to their minds that had eaten the flesh . he , who had the charge of dividing it , was going fairly about it , when those that were most sharp fell upon him , and took it away by force . others that no less needed it , considering this violence fell upon these last , and being the strongest , carried away the greatest pieces . for the better preserving of their booty , they rusht into the midst of the wood , where they eat it in quiet . those that took least heed , and relyed most on their own strength , saw themselves soon assaulted by others , who snatcht from them what they had . they began to grow hot , and their quarrelsom words had been attended with blows , had not those that snatcht a small piece of this skin soon devoured it . when we saw nothing could be more expected hence , every man betook himself elsewhere ; and one of the best amongst us at the search , found the remains of two serpents , whom we eat soon after our arrival in this place . the entrails of those animals were become blew , and clammy , and so corrupted , that a man could not look upon them without horrour . the least of these circumstances disgusted at first the most hunger starved amongst us : but this disgust did not hold long ; for beholding one of the company eating thereof without hurt , or using any other precaution , than the laying them a while on the coals ; we ran to see whether he that came from making so good a repast , had taken all ; and found an infinite number of maggots that covered what we sought for . we dispersed these squadrons , and found their pasture was blew like azure . some said this colour was a mark of deadly poyson , and therefore would choose rather to dye with hunger than to eat of it . another replied they argued like fools , that knew not , that poison has no particular colour . that that which they saw was an impression of the air , which wrought different effects , according to the nature of those subjects it met with . but to say no more , continued he , how can poyson which is mortal in it felf , give life to so many animals , who have no other nourishment than what you see . be ruled by me , says he , eat of it , and i 'le answer for what shall happen . whereupon he falls upon these wretched relicks with such eagerness , as made us fear he would leave none behind him . we found his reasons so good , or rather hunger made us think 'em such , that we shared with him this heap of ordure , and carried it to the place where we lay . some of those that had seen with horrour , what the first had eaten ; seeing us return laden with the same provision , demanded whether we left none behind us , and without expecting our answer , ran to the place to ascertain themselves . in the mean time we broyled this filth , which we found excellent , and eat it with such an appetite , that those who before could not behold it , but with an extream aversion , were exceedingly troubled they had not a share with us . there was one amongst those on whom our good hap made impression ; who forgetting that he was broyling on the coals , a small piece of the skin of a legane , ran to search for some of our ragoo . he went not far before he bethought himself , and returned , intreating one of the company to take charge of it ; then betook himself again in haste , to search whether he might not find still some remains ; but returned empty handed , because those that came immediately after us , took all with ' em . this disappointment was attended by another , that rendred him fully disconsolate : for the friend with whom he entrusted his morsel , gave way to the temptation , and devoured it . he to whom it belonged , demanded it at his return ; and when 't was answered him , the coals had consumed it , he became so enraged , that it lackt little , but he had beat out the others brains . this disturbance being over , every man went his way upon the search , to find something to eat with his leaves of trees , which could hardly be digested of themselves . as for my own part , when i saw my self alone , i got down into the marshes , where by good hap , i found little snails , with which i fill'd my cap , pockets , and shirt-sleeves . my companions spying me laden with this precious booty , demanded , where i got it : i satisfied them , and they flew to the place ; whilst my friend , and i , roasted under the cindars , part of these little animals , which we eat , and found extraordinary good . we sought nothing else , whilst they lasted ; but we were so hungry , that these lasted us not above a day . the next morning my friend , and i , went in search of more , and found some in another place . we took only our pockets full , because not only the night approached , but we were so faint , that it required a considerable time before we could joyn our company : to whom we no sooner came , but our master enquired what we brought . which shewing him , he demanded what we intended to do with that trash ? we were so surprized to hear him speak thus , that we imagined he had lost his sences . but he taking no notice of our astonishment ; come , come , said he , my lads , i have that which is better for you . whereupon he shew'd us certain fish , which he gave us , bidding us eat 'em without enquiring whence they came . that 's not to the purpose , replied i , whencesoever they come , they are welcome ; and i intend to make as good a meal of them , as ever i made in my life . we ran at the same time to the trees , and gathered leaves , which served us for bread ; and chose the biggest to wrap our fish in , which we roasted under the cindars . 't is needless to say how excellent they thus were ; and that without any other sauce , than that of a good stomach , which we never wanted , we found this repast the most delicious in all our lives . in the mean time , my companion , and i , resolved to find out , whence we came by this fish ; and thereupon desired the master to shew us how he caught them : which he did not refuse , telling us he made a hole on the sea-side , which being filled with water , at the return of the tide he drew out these fish thence . 't is impossible to express the joy this news gave us ; supposing , because this invention once succeeded , the same means would always be attended with the same success : thus did we flatter our selves , hoping the future would make amends for what had past . in effect , we did all we could , but in twenty holes we made , there was not taken so much as one fish . this misfortune reduced us again , to our first distress , for having placed our desires on a more substantial meat than leaves , we could not return unto 'em , but with a most extream regret . the small sustenance these yielded , made us seek something else , and that with such care and diligence , that we found ( my friend , and i ) a great toad , the sight of which rejoyced us . hunger is a strange thing ; it makes pleasant , and agreeable , the most horrid objects : as soon as we saw it , we seized on 't , without the least scruple ; and better husbands now than heretofore , laid it on the coals whole , and immediately after devoured it . this was excellent meat with us , nor was the eating it attended by any ill accident , but 't was so little in quantity , that it tarried but a small time in our stomachs . within a quarter of an hour after , hunger again overtook us ; and finding no other remedy , but that of getting out of this doleful place , we resolved to gather as many dry trees as we could , and with them make a boat , that might carry us to firm land. the master hearing of our design , was not without difficulty brought to consent to it . he set before us the danger we exposed our selves to ; seeing our comrades , who tryed the same fortune , miscarried : that we could not expect any better success , seeing they set out with the same , or greater advantages ; whereas , perhaps , in a short time , we might see some fisher-boats pass by , that would take us in . these considerations made us pause a while , yet at length resolved to quit this wretched place ; and the master left us at our liberty . as soon as we had his consent , we cut down several trees , and made of their rind small ropes , which served to tye them together . we had not wrought above three or four hours on this design , when we began to find the work to exceed the strength of four or five sceletons , ( such as we were ) who were ready to sink under the weight of it every moment ; and the rest would not help us , alledging their weakness to be no less than ours ; and that they had given their service already in vain to others , and being void of all hope , they would trouble themselves about nothing . their refusal did not so greatly discourage us , as to hinder us from continuing our design , and the more our strength diminished , the more we hastned in our work. yet do i verily believe , we should never been able to finish it , had not the two youngest , and strongest of the company joyned themselves to us . their assistance so greatly forwarded us , that we had almost ended it , when the tide came , and made us desist . in expecting the ebbing of the sea , we sat all of us smoaking leaves of trees about a small fire ; and in the interim i called to mind , that our men often saw leganes , hankering after the buffle , and that if there were any there still , i might possibly take one of ' em . whereupon i immediately went and hid my self behind a tree , where i long waited in vain ; and in the mean time , considered , that if the buffle were such a dainty to those animals , its flesh must not certainly be so bad for us as we imagined . from these reflexions i came to their effects , and cut out a great piece , in a place which i judged the least corrupted , and then returned to my companions . they wondred to see my provision , and hastily demanded what flesh it was ; whence i had it ; and whether there was no more left ? and seemed a little surprized , when i told 'em 't was the flesh of the buffle ; for notwithstanding our extremity , no body had as yet ventured upon it , but when they saw this flesh , which scented so ill , did not much offend the sight ; several ran ( after my example ) and took as much as they could . before they returned , i laid my portion on the coals , whence intending to take it up with a stick , i made for that purpose ; i found it all wasted , except a little glewy matter of no substance . this experience made me leave all , to run to our people , whom i advised to leave the fat , and cut only the lean. and at the same time fell all to work , and cut at least fourty pound of it , which was put under dry trees , being proper ( as we imagined ) to make it lose part of its ill scent . we roasted a piece , and equally distributed it : which smelt so strong , that some were sick with the scent of it , yet eat it , and found 't was not so bad as it smelt . our whole company being not at the feast , we carried a good part to the place of rendevouz , ( and kept the rest concealed ; ) which we presented to the master , being about to tell him what it was : you may spare your pains , says he , the scent shews what 't is ; pray carry your present elsewhere . as soon as he had ended these words , i would came near , to tell him , 't was not so bad as he imagined ; but he told me my breath stunk so , that he could not suffer me to approach him , infecting the very air he breathed , and was already sick with it . in saying this , he left me , and sought another place for his abode . others that were less nice , came and prayed us to give them part . which we did , and they eat it ; these first morsels so sharpening their appetites , that they were still craving for more . when those that were most eager after it , devoured their portion , they would have th' others : which they withstanding , this denyal raised such a quarrel , as set us all in an uproar . to appease 'em , we gave them part of that we kept for our selves , but this served only to inflame their desires ; so that although 't was night , they would needs go to the place where the carcass lay , to eat their bellies full . we desired 'em to consider the night was dark , and , moreover , 't was about this time , the crocodils , and kaimans , lay sculking on the shoar . they yielded to this reason , but could not sleep , and we felt the effects of their greedy desires , being forced to purchase our quiet at the cost of what remained . having eaten all that was left , some of 'em betook themselves to rest ; whilst others affirm'd , hunger tormented 'em more now than before ; there was one especially , cryed out , the night seemed to him a year ; that 't was impossible for him to rest , believing ( as he said ) there was no torment comparable to that of hunger : yet had he eaten above three pound of this carrion ; and some hours before night , half of a great fish , which he found lying ( knawed ) on the shoar . the fish was so big , that he first intended to make it serve him two days , but when once begun upon it , he could not leave , till he made an end of it , and assured us he could eaten four times as much . with this discourse did this fellow disturb the rest of the whole company ; so that at break of day we all rose ; those that were most hungry , ran again to the buffle , and we betook our selves to work on our boat. how bad and corrupt soever the food was , we eat the day before , yet did it yield us that strength , we never received from the leaves . and therefore an hour after we had been at our work , we left it to broyl some more , which much added to our strength . we finished our boat some hours before night , and having fetcht a walk or two , return'd to our companions , whom we found busied , some in laying their pieces of meat in the air , others in turning it , and some again in roasting , and eating it with such an appetite , as would made a man that knew no otherwise , believe 't was some rare dainty . when the master understood our vessel was ready , he shew'd us ( as before ) the greatness of the danger , to which we were exposing our selves , seeing we could not get to land without sails , nor resist the tides without an anchor . we answered , there could not be any thing more dangerous to us , than this island , wherein 't was too probable we must dye with hunger , when our buffle was spent ; that although we had neither anchor , nor sail , yet did we find our selves strong enough to bear up against the tides , and hoped to meet with some bengaloises , that would receive us on board them . after some further discourse , he wished us a good voyage , and gave leave to take with us a young man of the company , that spoke portugaise . this language being much used in the kingdoms of bengala and aracan ; we promised our selves hence a great advantage , and thought only of parting . in the mean time , one of our men offered to make a wooden anchor , alledging he wanted only for this design , four crooked pieces of wood , which he would so fasten together with the rinds of young trees , as should answer our occasions . this , replyed i , may be done , provided we had wherewithal to make it sink to the bottom , but you know very well , there 's not one stone in this island . 't is no matter , answered he , for we will fill two or three of our shirt-sleeves with sand , and fasten them to the anchor ; and you 'l see 't will do us the same service as one of iron . this appeared so probable , that we went immediately , some to peel trees , and the rest to seek crooked boughs , by which means , in less than two hours our anchor was finished to our content . having proceeded thus far , we wanted twenty fathom of ground tackle , and knew not where to get ten . whilst we were studying what to do in this matter , we saw two of our crue coming towards us , laden with ivy , and the rind of young trees . they twisted one with the other , and made thereof such a rope as we wanted . the next morning we took our leave of those that were designed to stay behind , with an intent to return speedily to 'em , if we met with success . they wisht us good luck , and attended us to the sea-side ; where , after mutual embraces , we embarkt eight of us , and gained the isles point , which lies directly over against the main land. there we stood still , and paused a while , having kindled a fire , and taken our repast . we then weighed anchor , and with much rowing , found our selves far enough from the island . the weather hapned to be calm , which gave us opportunity to make use of a bagg of sand , instead of a plummet . by which means , having found the tide against us , we cast anchor on a bank , where our boat could take no harm . in the mean time , hunger pinching us , we agreed to eat ; but 't was decreed before hand , the provisions should be equally divided , to the end every man might husband his share , lest the voyage should prove longer than we expected . we began then our repast , with intentions of being moderate ; but being once entred , 't was impossible to disswade most of us from making an end of all : wherefore being reduced to feed upon leaves alone , they heartily besought god the rope might break , and by this means return to the island , from whence we were not as yet above a leagues distance . their prayers were heard , for there arose a storm which broke our poor cable , and the waves washed away our provision , which consisted in some few leaves , and forced us back to the same place , whence we parted in the morning . we committed our boat to the care of the two youngest in our company , whilst the rest went on shoar . we immediately ran to the fire we left at parting , and found one of the negroes wives ( we spake of ) by it . as soon as this woman saw us , she threw her self at our feet ; her body was grievously batter'd , and wounded , and we understood by her signs , that 't was her own people that had thus used her . this wretched creature was nothing but skin and bone , whereupon we judged her condition to be the same as ours . we made signs to her to sit down , and having warmed our selves , with an intention to repose ; within an hour , hunger tormented us in such a manner , that 't was impossible to rest . to compleat our misery , one of our company ( maugre the tempest ) had saved part of his meat , which he eat in our sight , without imparting the least morsel of it , though never so much intreated . we went then in quest of leaves , but none of us could swallow 'em , whatsoever sauce we put them in . the buffles flesh made us too dainty , and since we eat of it , the leaves of trees became insipid meat . in the mean time , hunger so extreamly prevailed on us , that we became all of us like men desperate , staring one upon another , like persons that intended to devour each other . others ran to and fro like mad-men , crying out , ever and anon , they felt the pains of the damned . whilst they thus raved , one of the most distempered amongst us told the rest , he had an inspiration . but before , says he , i tell you the contents thereof , you must acknowledge it to be one : and without waiting our answer ; admire , continued he , the strange effects of providence ; god , says he , who pitties our miseries , does so apparently provide a remedy against 'em , that we can no longer doubt of it ; our sins have all this while blinded our eyes , and hindred us from finding the remedy he has sent us . this mans discourses , whom we respected as senceless , did so weary us , that we could not forbear interrupting , and telling him , that he was a fool , to take his whimseys for divine revelations . supposing , replyed he , i were so , what reason have you to believe your selves in a better condition ? my distemper would be the effect of overmuch fasting , which you have suffered as well as i , how comes you brains , then , to be better settled than mine ? but to use no more words , do you see yonder poor woman ? think you chance has brought her hither ? jonas his whale , young toby's fish . — pray , cryed out one , more impatient than the rest , what have we to do with jonas and toby ? these are digressions that are not to our purpose ; we are an hungry , can you tell us , how we shall be satisfied ? have i not told you , replyed the other : do you believe this woman to be here only to warm her self ? this indeed is her intention , but god has used this as a means to deliver her into our hands . in good truth , replyed one ( called charles dobbel ; ) the more i examine the circumstances of this rencounter , the less i doubt this to be an effect of the divine providence , for i believe this woman came not here of her self ; come on , continued he , ( in rising up , ) i will be the fates executioner ; having eaten all manner of filthiness , let 's try whether human flesh be not good , and make no scruple , seeing 't is the intention of heaven , whose decrees must be obeyed . when i perceived he was in earnest , i desired him to sit down a while , intreating him to think a little on the consequences of his enterprize ; that these kind of fancies , were rather the suggestion of the devil , than divine inspirations ; that this woman was of the same make as we , and if 't was from a revelation , they undertook to eat her , 't was one of the most wretched , and leanest revelations i ever heard of . pray observe , said i , this woman is a meer sceleton , covered only with skin , which , as you may perceive , has not the mine of any delicacy ; but supposing 't were otherwise , think you to stop here ? no , without doubt you 'l desire still the same meat ; and god knows what little security every man may promise to himself after this rate . whereunto i added , that in two hours time we may come to the buffle , and perhaps find enough left , to satisfie us , if not , bad 'em use their pleasure , either in sparing , or massacring this wretched woman . whereupon , partly for shame , and some remains of detestation for this action , they told me , they would think no more of it , and endeavour to sleep . at break of day they rose , and charged me with my promise . i was so weak , that i could scarcely stir , it being above three miles to the place where the buffle lay . i prayed 'em then to excuse me , for this once , and go without me , but they would admit no denyal , wherefore i was forced to go along with ' em . the four weakest lay behind , and promised us , in the mean time , to work a new cord , for the anchor we intended to make in the room of that we lost . we had not went a quarter of a mile , before charles dobbel returned , and charged the four that stayed behind to take care of the woman , being resolved at his return to kill her , in case the buffle were all eaten . we then hastned to the place where the buffle lay , and found a great deal of flesh still remaining , but so greatly corrupted , that we were scarce able to come near it . having sought out the best place , and seen 't was all alike , we cut two or three pieces of it , which we laid on the coals , and devoured half drest . during our repast , came two of our masters company ; who shewed immediately by their countenances , what was their errand . this exceedingly troubled us , being afraid they would take away all with them . having observed 'em about an hour , we drew near , and saw nothing remaining but bones ; whereupon our eyes ran down with tears , saying to one another , we deserved to dye with hunger , for having staid so long time without hindring them . 't is too late , replyed charles dobbel , to expect any flesh , seeing they have left none , yet still there remains part of the hide , let 's try to get that , either by sair means or foul . whereupon he made up to 'em and desired 'em to be contented with what they had , and leave us the rest . hah ! cryed one amongst them ( in a deriding tone ) these gentlemen are very civil in their demands ; we have taken the rotten flesh , and they would have the skin , that is sound , and consequently the best part . do you imagine , said he to us , we have taken all this pains for you ? 't is true , i do not desire you should want , but we will serve our selves first , and if we must perish here in this dolesom confinement , i freely declare , i 'le use my utmost endeavours to dye the last . this prating fellow's discourse enraged us , especially charles dobbel , who would needs come to blows , but i shew'd him , passion ought ever to be estemed a bad counsellor , and that 't were better to be angry as late as we could . i told them , then , that our request was neither unjust , nor ridiculous ; that we were all companions in the same fortune ; and that they ought to consider , we were going to hazard our lives , as well upon their account , as our own . these arguments were slighted , and charles dobbel , vexed at this proceeding , cryed out to us , come on comrades , let us fall to work , as well as they , we need not their leave : whereupon each of us drew out his knife , and took away their prey . they being inferiour to us in number , lookt upon one another the while , to encourage ( as it were ) one another . demanding of us , whether 't were just they should labour all this while for us , in saying which , one of 'em lifted up an hatchet , and another a knife , to strike at us . we , on our parts , put our selves in a posture of defence ; and he that had the hatchet , having vowed he 'd cleave the scul of them that dared come near him ; i told him , if he were wise , he 'd hearken to reason , and not be thus transported with passion . what reason , reply'd he , can a man expect from persons that have none ? you would have us give away our right , can we do less than defend our own ? but in fine , we came to an agreement , which was , they should carry away what they had already , and leave us the rest . when we had taken out almost all of it without a knife , ( so great was its corruption ) we washed it in several waters , and drest a great part of it , keeping the rest for our companions . then we began to think of making another anchor , to serve instead of that we lost , and for this purpose dispatched two of our men , to borrow of the master his hatchet . which he immediately sent us . and having by the help of it finished our anchor , we resolved to go all four to thank him . about half way , one of those that borrowed the hatchet , told us , he had seen in going , the masters linnen , lying a drying under the trees , and that both himself , and his companion ( who were half naked ) were tempted to take each of 'em a shirt , and wast-coat , but dared not do it without acquainting us . we scrupled at first the suffering it , but the great need they had , made us shut our eyes against all consideration . and because this thievish exploit could not be carried on in the day , we therefore tarried till night , and found them , by good hap , asleep , when we came at their quarters . those that needed linnen , having taken what they wanted , came and told us , there lay near the same place , a considerable quantity of the flesh , and skin of the buffle , which we should do also well to seize on . we were a great while determining the point , because , that had they taken us in the fact , we knew not how to excuse our selves , and they were better armed , and more in number than we . but hunger mastering these considerations , we took away part of their provision , and speedily withdrew . i went not far , before it repented me of this theft , and was ready to carry back again that which i had taken , when charles dobbel represented to me , that should they awake , notwithstanding whatsoever we alledged to justifie our selves , they will never believe ( seeing us out at so late an hour , ) but that we came with some ill design . i took , then , his advice , and so much the rather , being inclined thereunto by hunger . having rested our selves some time , we continued on our march to our companions , whom we found on the other side of the river , where we left them . the water was , then , so high , that we were forced to pass over it in swimming with our booty at our backs . three of those that expected our coming , had eaten nothing since we left them , and were so faint , that they were not able to stand . the fourth , who made a reserve , feasted in their presence , and was so hard hearted to refuse them any part with him . we could not without a just resentment , hear the complaint of these hunger-starved wretches ; and sharply rebuked him they complained against , telling him he deserved the same measure , but we were more tender-hearted . having equally divided to each one his portion , we judged it meet , to watch by turns against the surprises of our enemies , reckoning them to be of that number , whom we robbed ; and for a stronger tye , made a solemn oath , to assist one another , in case of invasion , to the last breath . we demanded afterwards , what became of the woman we left in their keeping , and were inform'd , that soon after our departure , she slipt away so cunningly , that we could never after set sight on her . we would willingly have found her , fully intending then to eat her , altho so little toothsom . as soon as 't was night , we set one upon the watch , whilst the other seven slept . scarce had we rested two hours , but our sentinel spyed a negro stealing softly towards him , with a thick cudgel . as soon as he came within the reach of his oar , he broke it on his head , and the wretch fell down as dead . the disturbance awakened us ; and inform'd of the matter , we pursued the other negroes , who seeing their companion fall , fled into the thickest of the wood. as soon as they perceived we follow'd 'em , they set out such a cry in flying , as would have made a man judge it to be of twenty pursons , although they were but seven or eight . after a fruitless persuit of them , we return'd to the place where their companion fell , whom we supposed to lye dead on the place ; but our conjectures deceived us , for this wretch made shift to escape , and that with such haste , that he left his stick behind him . we conferred together touching this adventure , and doubted not but the woman that warmed her self at our fire , had given them notice of what passed among us . she had observed that at our parting , we left only four behind , who might be easily worsted , if set upon in the night . and without question 't was upon this intent they came , but by good hap , instead of four men , they found eight , one of which watched for the security of the rest . as soon as 't was day , we made a rope for our anchor , like unto the first , and when ready to depart , we found our boat was not in case to carry above six men. we were forced then to send away two , and the lot fell upon the youngest , to whom we promised , for their comfort , to return , as soon as we came to main land. in expectation of the tides being for us , we placed our selves round a little fire ; where , an hour after , we heard such reiterated screeks , and cries , as made our hearts tremble . notwithstanding our fear , yet would we answer , and immediately spied the two young men returning , we lately dismist . they were so dismayed , that they quaked still , in telling us they ▪ found neither the master , nor any of his company : that they not only sought 'em , where they were wont to pass over the night ; but , moreover , in several other places , and that questionless , some vessel , in passing by , had received them on board . their unwillingness to tarry in the island , made us suspect this to be a device ; we question'd 'em , therefore , apart , and found their answer to be exactly the same . which made us resolve to tarry till next morning , and go our selves to the place , and not leave the island , till we were further satisfied . about midnight the floud favouring our design , we weighed anchor , to go to the dry trees , some of which we wanted , to repair our boat. and within half an hour perceived the tide fiercely carried us towards a great tree , with extent branches ; which , maugre all our endeavours , 't was impossible to avoid ; so that the boat ran against it with such violence , that some of us fell into the water , others were left hanging on the branches , and i the only person , that remain'd untoucht . this shock was so fierce , that each of us believed the rest were drowned , and i for my part , did not doubt of it ; when charles dobbel appeared , calling upon the rest , and was transported with joy , to see me again upon the boat : at last we all found out one another . 't was extream cold , and they were very wet ; and therefore endeavoured to make a fire to dry themselves . in this ill accident , we lost our anchor , and half of the rope , and wanted wherewithal to repair this double loss . neither did we know whether we could make to the shoar , the force of the streams carrying uf off with such violence . after tryal , we found our conjectures true . whereupon two of our men , took the rest of the rope , and swam to shoar , where they drew the boat after 'em , without any trouble . 't was night , and we were ready to starve , both with hunger and cold , and had neither food nor fire . and besides , 't was near half a league off the place where we warmed our selves the day before . yet so far must we go , if we intended to have fire , and none of us were willing to go so far . whilst we were grieving under this vexation , charles dobbel , ( who was one of the most lively and couragious of us all ) took with him the two youngest of our company , and went in search of what we wanted . in tarrying for them , we entertained one another with the misfortunes that oppressed us , and the little likelihood of a deliverance from them , all things continually crossing , and forcing us to tarry in a desolate and barbarous island , where it seem'd heaven had cast us , to make us underto the punishments due for our offences . from these discourses we fell into a melancholly fit of silence , and verily believe we had pined away , had not our companions returned soon after . the fire they brought did us as much good , in dispersing the darkness , whose horrour also contributed to afflict us , as in driving away the cold , that was extream sharp upon us . these poor people told us at their return , that they trod all along upon bryars , and thorns ; that they lost their way , and having at length found the fire we left , they fell with it into boggs , and ditches , full of water , which put it out , and forced 'em to fetch more ; how that in seeking a better way back , they hapned into a worse , whence they were a long time getting out . their feet ran down with blood , and their bodies were bruised and batter'd ; which , together with their other sad circumstances , rendered them so disconsolate , as 't is impossible to express . we comforted 'em the best we could , and then endeavoured to rest . the next morning , we sent two of our company , to the master's quarters , and places thereabouts , to know whether they were certainly gone ; and in the mean time sought wherewithal to make us another anchor and cord. towards evening , our people brought us word , they were not to be found in the island , and that they could meet only with a piece of stinking fish ; a small piece of the buffles skin , and four heads of garlick in a pot. by these tokens we knew they were gone , and began to hope they would remember us . in the mean time , our two deputies told us , they found in their way a grave , which one of 'em , moved only by curiosity ( as he said ) had uncovered ; but the sequel shew'd he had another design , for as soon as he saw a corps which the worms were gnawing , he cried out , the condition of these insects was better than his ; he being ready to perish with hunger , whilst they were feasting . having stood a while considering this object , at last , he says , he had a great mind to deprive these animals of their prey , and wanting other means whereby to avoid death , he thought no man could justly blame him for using this . which said , he gave way to the temptation , laying hold on the carcass , and had cut , and eaten of it , had not his companion shewed him the enormity of this action . he had much difficulty to disswade him from it , but at length prevailed , and both of 'em let down together the corps into the grave , and hastned from the place , lest hunger should get the better of 'em , and make 'em close with the temptation . as soon as we had the pot , we boyled that which was left of the fish we mentioned , together with store of minced leaves . after the repast , we fell to considering , whether 't were best tarry in the island , or venture out again . the first opinion was grounded on the difficulty we found in resisting the tide , which was very high ; on the loss of our two anchors , and the impossibility of making a fourth , in case we should lose this . 't was added , that our companions being safely arrived , would take care of us ; and questionless , omit no opportunity , to deliver us out of this place . those that were for parting , alledged , that the assistance which the others spake of , was uncertain ; that on this groundless hope , we should eat that little which remained ; and that having staid in vain , we should be at length , forced to expose our selves to the danger , which we thought to shun . after a dispute , which lasted near an hour , 't was agreed to refer our selves to the eldest of the company ; who declared , that a longer stay in this fatal place , would certainly destroy us , there needing only three or four days to make us incapable of mannaging our boat ; whereupon , he concluded , we must use no longer delays . his opinion was followed , and the rest of the day spent in fitting out our boat ; and the next morning , ( having broken our fast , on the remains of the skin of the buffle , and provided good store of leaves ) we embarkt our selves . we had made a little sail of a shirt , with the help of which , and a gentle wind , we got past the false tides , in less than half an hour . a while after the wind ceased , and our sail becoming useless , we plyed our oars . we had not went far , before we needed meat ; wherefore we cast our anchor , which stood us in as much stead as one of iron . when we judged the tide could not incommodate us , we weighed it , and set sail , and thus were carried from the island , till we lost sight of it . the next morning , we discovered the two islands , of which the master spake to us ; and profiting by the instructions he gave us , got so far , that we passed by ' em . six or seven hours after , we believed we saw main land , and were indeed , not mistaken , but were at a great distance from it ; and as soon as we discovered it , the tide turned against us . we cast anchor , then , with exceeding great fear , lest its rope should break , for 't was on it lay all our hopes ; and during this time , one of the most hungry amongst us , proposed the augmenting our allowance , seeing we were so near land. although the others were as weak as he , yet were they not of his mind , alledging there needed only one blast of wind , to snap the rope , that held the anchor , and we were gone again ; it being better to be contented with a small allowance , and patiently expect the success of our enterprise . having no compass ; the sun , and stars , served us for guide , and by their means , distinguished , whereabouts we lay . the next morning , the wind and tide being for us , from morning to night , we drew very near the shoar , but could not land. we were forced , then , to cast anchor , and pass over another night , in great distress , and fear ; the currents running very swift . the next day we gained early the shoar . we left the boat at anchor , with intent to return to it , in case the country we were in , were not that we lookt sor . having marcht a while , we found two ways , one along the shoar , and the other along the river of sondiep ; which two were opposite . we were so little acquainted with either of them , that we knew not which to take ; and after much arguing to little purpose , we struck out at all adventure towards the river , and found our selves in a good way . hunger , cold , and other pressures , so greatly weakned us , that we could scarcely go six steps , without resting , so that we advanced but slowly , and in three hours time , met no living soul. a while after we saw trees , whose branches seem'd to have been lately lopt . about twenty paces distance from thence , we beheld a bark , towards which we drew near ; and as soon as those that were in it perceived us , they came towards us . this facility troubled us , for we could not imagine , beholding 'em coming without being called , but that they meant us harm . our fear encreased , when we perceived 'em to be six in number , armed each of 'em with a long knife in his hand . when they were near enough to behold we were not in a condition or humour to hurt them , we shewed 'em our fleshless and wasted arms , and some small remains of the skin of the buffle : which , though small in quantity , yet were enough to poison the least delicate amongst them ; and therefore these people ( howsoever gross and bruitish ) drew back six or seven paces , stopping their noses , and threatning us with their knives . whereupon we comprehended , they suspected us to be treacherous and faithless persons . and therefore hastned to shew them our leaves of trees , endeavouring , to make 'em comprehend by signs , that these had been our food . they at length understood us ; and mov'd with compassion , smote their breasts , with eyes lift up to heaven . being satisfied of our sincerity , we signified to 'em ( as well as we could ) the need we had of them , to bring us to the next village . they readily offer'd us their assistance , provided we payed them . i could not but ruminate in my mind , upon this occasion ; how unkind , and selfish , most men are ; and how little like their creatour , the giver of all things . these barbarians saw , that we were in a manner naked , being only tyed about with some tatter'd raggs ; mere anatomys , and shadows . and , moreover , pittied by 'em , as being strangers , in a forlorn condition , and destitute of all succour . yet without money , we plainly perceived , this main land would be no better to us than the wretched island , wherein we so long suffer'd . we agreed , then , to give them something , and deputed the eldest amongst us to make the bargain . he offer'd them a piece , to the value of a crown , in our money . the bengaloises gave us to understand , they must have ten of 'em ; for less than which , they would not leave their work . we thereupon gave them another , and afterwards a third piece ; all which not prevailing with them , our old man , shew'd them his empty pockets , thereby insinuating , they had all . this pretence effected our business , but in a miserable manner . when we were on board their bark , we made signs to 'em to give us something to eat ; they answered , they could not , without money ; we gave them another crown ; and for this , they gave us , in a cloth , about an handful of rice , and a pisang , as big as a man's finger . every one of us stretcht forth his hand with such earnestness , as made our distributer fear his handful of rice , would occasion some disorder . he withdrew himself , then , and made eight equal portions . he did the same with the pisang , ( which is an indifferent good fruit ; ) and although this was but a small repast , yet inestimably to be preferred before that filth we had eaten for a month together ; so that we wished the bark were full of this provision ; although we could hardly imagine such a quantity would satisfie us . the negroes , perceiving we had still money , took advantage thereby ; and ceasing to row , made signs we had not yet given them enough ; and that if we expected to go forward , they must have more pieces . we gave them , then , another ; whereupon they rowed about some twelve stroaks , and then gave over . whereupon we gave them a third piece , and they did as before , so that this was still to begin again ; they continuing still to demand , and we to give , so great a desire had we to come to land. in the mean time we saw two other barks , which came and joyned themselves with us . their gestures plainly shewed , their whole discourse was of us , which lasted a great space . within a while they landed , to consult ( as it were , more conveniently ) what to do with us . they counted the money they received , looking upon us in such a manner , as made us fear the success of their conference . having tarried about an hour in the bark , two of our company went out to pray 'em to shew them some fresh water . as soon as the negroes perceived 'em , one of them took 'em by the arms , and made them enter the bark again . this hard usage fully perswaded us , they were there only to determine the means , to cut our throats , and get our money ; and in this imagination , began to prepare our selves for death . yet not without repinings against providence , which so obstinately persecuted us . from the time we believed they formed the design of murthering us , we were impatient till they executed it ; for hunger had rendred the pains of death less affrightful . in fine , having suffered during the space of two or three hours , what they suffer that expect men to come and cut their throats ; the three barks parted , and our masters returned , pursued their course , and for a crown more gave us a pot full of fresh water . which we drank with the greater delight , it being a month since we had tasted any other than salt water . as soon as we had filled our bellies with water , our hunger in some measure abated , and our stomachs began to let us rest . in the mean time , the negroes inform'd us , that twenty of our companions were in the next village ; and for this good news , we gave 'em another crown . whereupon they hastened to bring us where they were , and in entering the village , two of them came with us to the goverour , at whose feet they laid down the three crowns we agreed to give 'em for our passage , having thrice touched the earth with their heads , and hands , in saying , salamabéta , ( that is to say ) peace be with you . the governour gave us a kind reception , making signs to take the money again , that lay at his feet . but we gave him to understand ( as well as we could ) his men had well earned it , and that we would not deprive them of their sallery . in fine , he ordered two or three of his servants to conduct us to our companions ; who perceiving us at a distance , came and met us , expressing their joy to see us . those we left in the island , arrived five days before us , in this village ; and the five that went off first , in their machine , came some days before them ; under the guidance of certain fisher-men . as soon as they saw us , they endeavoured to out-vy one another in welcoming us ; and perhaps would have done better in not giving persons that fasted so long , so many sorts , and such great quantities of meat ; for without the pisang and honey , which served us for a medicine , and digesture , i believe we should have bursted . their operation was so happy , that all these meats did us no hurt , and that which was most strange , was , that although we eat much , and often , yet were still as hungry as before . two days after we were here , the governour thought fitting , to send those that came first , to the factory ; that so the company might be informed of the loss of their vessel . advising them , by his interpreter , to stock themselves well with provisions ; being to voyage above two hundred leagues ; and , moreover , travel five days in a barren countrey ; and that which they were to come into afwards , being not much more fruitful , and inhabited . this bad news allarm'd our poor people , who had not , as yet , well refreshed themselves , nor satisfied their desires after meat ; for the more they eat , the more they coveted . yet part they must , for the reasons aforementioned . as to our selves , who were those that came last , having rested four or five days ; i informed my self , by what adventure our companions left the unfortunate island , and was told as follows . after they had taken their leaves of us , they wilthdrew to their ordinary place of abode ; and it being late , endeavoured to rest . the next morning , perceiving their provision was stol'n , they became exceedingly troubled . in the midst of their affliction , they instantly besought god to deliver them from their misery . each one , afterwards , betaking himself to leaves , but with-extream sorrow , to find themselves reduced to such insipid food . towards the evening , there were two , who discoursing together , touching their sad condition , found themselves , insensibly , at the point of the isle , whence they discovered fisher-men . as soon as they imagined they were seen , one of 'em broke off a bough from a tree , fastening to it a piece of linnen ; which he wavered , to give notice there were persons in the island . the fisher-men drew near within a stones cast off the shoar . after a quarter of an hours consultation , they came nearer , and demanded in portugaise what we were . we answered 'em in the same language ; and being fully satisfied , they came on shoar . they were all armed , some with darts , and javelins , and others with bows , and arrows ; and although they saw well enough , our people were not in a capacity to molest them , yet they anxiously demanded their arms. our men having only their knives , immediately threw them down on the ground , and one of the negroes gathered them up . whereupon they drew nearer us , and required to see the rest , demanding how many we were in all ? lest our number should affright them , 't was answered , we were not above seven , whom they should now see . those that guided them , ravished with joy to see themselves upon the point of their deliverance , could not forbear shouting , and hollowing , at the entrance of the wood. which being heard by their companions , they imagined some beast was wounded , and their assistance required . whereupon every man , at this noise , armed himself with a good cudgel , and ran with all speed , towards the place where the noise was heard . when the negroes saw 'em coming with such fierceness , they imagined themselves betrayed , and immediately let fly their arrows , yet hurt none of our men. who seeing they were attcked by persons , whom they supposed to be the wretched slaves , they saw on the other side , two days after they landed in the island ; imagined , that hunger drove them to this extremity , and that taking our men at a disadvantage , they would have slain them . in this imagination , they so animated themselves , that they resolved to cry quittance with them , when their stock of arrows were spent . the two that were near the negroes , perceiving their companions mistake , cryed out to 'em , they were deceived , and bad 'em throw away their cudgels , and come boldly up to them . to which , they obeyed ; and in approaching , demanded by signs of the negroes , whether they had any thing to eat ; and that they would hasten to give them something . one of them answered in dutch , that their wants were apparent , and should be supplied , but they must first deliver up their staves , and knives , which was done without the least hesitation . the negroes now fearing nothing , gave our people a small quantity of sod rice , which was so greedily devoured , that they stood like men amazed , beholding how they eat it . in the mean time our men , being impatient to get out of this place , demanded of the negroes whether they would carry 'em thence , which they consented to , upon consideration of a reward ; alledging they were but poor , and consequently could not afford to do it for nothing . our men having money , soon agreed about the price , which was four crowns a man ; and the fishermen spent the next day in repairing their barks . as to provision , they said they were stored with rice , sufficient for themselves , and us ; and hoped to take fish enough to satisfie the most hungry among us . this discourse extreamly rejoyced our people , who immediately demanded a hat-full of rice , which they obtain'd for half a crown . whilst the negroes were fishing , our people boyled the rice , they had given them ; and before 't was ready , they brought them fish likewise , together with necessaries to dress it . at night , when 't was time to rest , the master ordered our men privately to watch , one after another , to prevent the negroes from using any treachery towards us ; and they on their side , used the same pre-caution . two days after , they gave us notice to make ready for our departure the night following ; and as soon as we were imbarked , they rowed so lustily , that we soon came to their village . being landed , they led our people to the governour , who gave them a kind reception , and dispatched two or three barks , with provision towards those that set out on their boat from the island . having given this order , he made them sit down about him , on a great matt ; and caused the fisher-men to come before him , and return the money given for their passage . but they alledged 't was not just to defraud these poor men of their sallary . as soon as they were sat down , an eunuch brought word , that the governours women had a desire to see some of the young dutchmen , who were sent them . the place where they entred , is a great space distinguished by several appartments ; in the midst of which is a court , through which the eunuch made them enter . where immediately these women flockt about 'em , some of them taking 'em by the nose , others pinched their cheeks : some , again , unbuttoned 'em , to see and touch their breasts , others stroakt them over the face with languishing looks ; there being not one of them , but desired these two young men might remain with them for some hours ; but the surly eunuch departed , and made signs to them , to follow him . being joyned to their companions , they were led altogether to a house of entertainment for strangers . the next morning , which was market-day , the governour came to 'em , and changed their money into little shels , ( which is the money of that country ) and helpt them to buy what they wanted , to prevent their being cheated . the rest of the day was spent , in making merry ; and towards evening , the book-keeper looking out at the door , received a blow with a stone , that much injured him . of which , having complained to the governour , he caused the offender to be sought , and found him to be one of his domesticks . having sharply reprehended him , he caused an arrow to be run through his nostrils ; and having a drum tied behind his shoulders , was thus led before the lodging of the person hurt ; where having been severely whipt , he was condemned to perpetual banishment . and this was the adventure of the five men that remain'd in the isle after us : here follows that of the seven , who made use of a boat , in the same manner as we did . having no anchor , for the space of five days , and as many nights , they struggled against the force of the tides , which cast them upon a bank of sand. this bank was of great extent , where they imagined , at first , they might find something for their refreshment ; the provision they took with 'em , being spent . but after a long search , could find nothing but a small quantity of a buffles dung , which they carefully gathered up . they had lived two days upon the moss , which the floods from the sea had made , on the trees it dashed against . and their stomachs being thus accustomed to filth , this last appeared very good to 'em , and they only complained they had not enough of it . this sorry food lasted them about three days , at the end of which , they found themselves so weak ; that they could neither row , nor without difficulty stand upright . one of the company reflecting upon the necessity there was of dying , in this disconsolate place : what think you of it , said he , to the four rest , that accompanied him , must we all dye with hunger ? is it not just , that some lose their lives , for the preservation of the rest ? it is true , the divine law enjoyns us , to love our . neighbour , and forbids murther : but is there any thing more near to us , than our selves ; and does not this precept of prohibition seem to insinuate , that every thing is permitted us , in order to the conserving of that being , which nature has given us ? we have the example of whatsoever has life ; the great fish devour the small ; and the least . insect , flies by a natural instinct , the approaches of its enemy . death treads upon our heels ; says he , of all enemies the most dreadful , and cruel . why do we not , then , use against it , the only remedy left us ? kill we therefore , the weakest amongst us , nature forces us to it , and i cannot see what you can oppose against my argument . no marvel , replyed one of those to whom he directed his discourse , if your argument be wrong , being grounded on a false principle ; the prohibition to kill , is so express in the law , that no reason is sufficient to exempt us from it . be it known to you therefore , in short , that if you continue in this pernicious design , you thereby render your self an enemy both to god and man. this honest man's discourse ( whose name was adrian raas ) could not prevail with them , being answered , necessity knew no law. the three others , who were present at this harangue , resolved with the first , to execute their design . adrian raas , well assured of their intent , went to give notice thereof to the two victims . who , at the news , fell into such lamentations , that their friend , moved with compassion , promised to assist them . whereupon he led 'em to a by place , where he helpt 'em to make two holes , wherein to hide themselves at night ; which was the time appointed , for this bloudy sacrifice . by which means , failing of their design , they were forced to take other measures , and did as follows . three of the accomplices , considering the trouble they had , to surprize those whom they intended , cast their eyes upon one amongst them , a corpulent man , and in whom they believed to find , what they could not meet with in the two others . he was no fool , and therefore well perceived their designs were upon him . from that time he stood upon his guard , and without taking notice of any thing , flattered , and exhorted 'em to hope the best ; saying , he doubted not , but some barks would pass by , and then the tongue of that countrey , which he learnt at coromandel ( where he had been a soldier ) would stand them in stead . this wheedle took effect ; and they thought it behooved 'em to preserve him , for his ability in that kind . adrian raas helpt to carry on the story , although he knew 't was false ; affirming , a man of his parts , was better than a treasure in a strange countrey . one of the most hunger-starved , seeing nothing done ; and all his contrivances rendred ineffectual : well , said he , is this the fruit of all our projects ? will no body dye ? let the rest argue how they will , i must feed upon some flesh , or other , before i sleep . to which , the three others consenting , adrian raas shewed 'em into what an abominable enormity they were rushing , through their impatiency ; and therefore earnestly advised them , to weigh the consequences of what they were a going about . we have thought enough , and tarried but too long already , replyed one of the resolutest of them , and the two we would begin withal , are so little deserving of their lives , that 't is a sin not to kill them . adrian raas seeing his remonstrances would do no good , proposed to 'em the drawing of lots ; by which means , that person whom heaven judged worthy of death , should have it . but his proposal was rejected , and another expedient being sought after , there were two that offered to go in quest of land ; whence they promised to send help to the others , with all possible expedition . this proposal liked us all ; and to facilitate their enterprize , those that remained , gave to the two adventurers almost all their money , with which these last parted , and arrived unexpectedly at a village of bengala . they being ignorant of the countrey , and being not able to make themselves understood , could not indicate the place , where their companions were . yet their own particular wants being apparent , they were well treated for two days , and then put on board a vessel , wherein they sailed near three hundred leagues to be presented to the great mogol . eight days after they were gone , the five wretches that tarried expecting them , spied fisher-men pass by the place where they were ; and coming within call , they urged him amongst them , who pretended skill in their language , to speak to 'em ; and he cried out , pai , pai , but those two words signifying nothing , the fisher-men could not tell what to make of them ; whereupon the rest repented , they had not eaten him . after a thousand reproaches , and invectives against him , for his abusing them ; at length they made a shift by signs to make ' emselves understood ; and the fisher-men , in approaching them , required 'em to lay down their knives , before they came on board them : where they had no sooner been , but they fell immediately to fighting , who should have a dead fish , which they saw lying in the boat , and in this bustle , dropt a bagg of money ; which being taken notice of by the fisher-men , they immediately seized upon their wretched passengers ; and having spoiled them of all , turned them out again , in the same place where they took them in . these poor people , thus handled , destitute of all succour , and void of all hope , to get out of this wretched place , laid themselves down on the sand , where they impatiently expected death , to put an end to their miseries . having lain near four and twenty hours in this distress , there passed by other boats ; who spying them , drew near of their own accord , and made signs to 'em , to come on board . where immediately they had a barrel of honey set before ' em . they were ravisht to find themselves thus unexpectedly treated , and for fear the fisher-men would not take them along with 'em , they filled in the night , their hats full of it , which they intended to reserve in store . yet was their fear needless , for the next morning they were carried to sondiep ; where the master , and those that accompanied him , had arrived the same day . the governour of the town gave them a kind reception , liberally provided for them ; and after five days refreshment advised them to go carry the news of their wrack to the factory . as to our selves , who came last , we minded nothing but rest , or rather eating , for night and day we devoured all that came before us . having been here about five days we desired the governour 's permission to go to bolwa , where our companions were gone before us . he scrupled at first the matter , supposing we were not yet able to endure so long a voyage ; but finding us determined , he caused three barks to be made ready , one to carry us , and the two others for our convoy . the night following we arrived at anam , a poor and despicable place , that afforded not any thing . here we sent back our three barks , and hired another as far as bolwa . at two leagues distance from this village , our guides set us on shoar , and made us walk on foot , the rest of the way . whilst they went to the governour , to give notice of our arrival , we bought milk and rice , which we drest in a pot , that was lent us by moors that spake portugaise . it was near ready , when our guides came and told us , we must come immediately to the prince , who sent for us . this news displeased us , for we had a canine appetite ; and were not willing to leave to strangers , what we so dearly prized . we took the pot , then , and carried it by turns to the prince's palace-gate , where we eat what was in it , before we entred . we were afterwards led to the place , where our twenty companions were , who parted long before us ; and within half an hour , into a great hall , where our money was counted ; to the end we might be satisfied , in case we had been robbed by the way . we were at length brought to our lodging , and by the prince's order , served with an excellent kind of meat ( called brensie ) seen only on great mens tables . 't is made of choice rice , a fat goose , and two pullets , squeezed together in a cloth , after about two or three hours boiling ; to the juyce of which , there is added several sorts of spices ; especially nutmegs , cloves , saffron , cinamon , and sugar . this was such a nourishing food , that in less than three or fours days , we recovered again our full strength . yet were not our stomachs fully satisfied with it ; for we were more for a less juicy meat , such as dry rice , and boiled fish . five days after we had been here , the states of the kingdom , whom the prince called , met before his palace ; where , as fast as they came , we saw 'em take their places , and sit down after the manner of the eastern people . when all the members had taken their places , the prince came out of the palace , invironed with his guards ; some with bows and arrows , others with sword and buckler ; and he seated himself in the same manner as the rest . they kept in this posture , from morning till night ; and that which they determined , was so little secret , that an hour after , 't was the talk of the common people . i desired to know the reason of it , and was told , that here were no mysteries of state transacted , nothing being done but what came to the publick notice . and the reason is , that the prince's guard consists wholly of christians , which are there in great esteem ; and although , perhaps , they are only christians in name , being negroes born ; subjects to the king of portugal : yet are they counted such brave fellows , that they have a particular respect shew'd them ; and therefore the grandees of the court so highly prize their familiarity , that they relate to them , whatsoever passes in council . the next morning , the prince sent us word , that we might go when we pleased , the barks being ready . this being our earnest desire , we parted an hour after and happily arrived at decka . the factory received us very kindly . we related to 'em our adventures , and they inform'd us that the ship called the wesop , was cast away near the isles of anaans . the governor , caused a bark to be made ready , to transport us to ongueli , where the dutch have also a considerable factory . but an hour before we parted , he receiv'd a letter from the great mogols general , in which he enjoyned him to send us to him : this being an express order , we were forced to obey , seeing this general threatned , in case of refusal , to seize upon all the dutch in his master's kingdom , and make them slaves . we were forced , then , to yield , and in preparing our selves for a longer voyage , than the first ; were told , that this general , named nabab , was a person very fortunate , having never lost a battel , nor raised his siege from any place , before he had carried it away ; that he had taken several cities , defeated whole armies , and made several kingdoms tributary to the great mogul . these prosperous successes made us imbark with the better courage in following our guides who were ordered to bring us to the army . we travelled thirty days together , sometimes by land , and sometimes by sea ; passing by several cities , made desolate ; the inhabitants of the countrey being wont , in time of war to leave their houses , to follow the army , wheresoever it marches . they are a sort of people , that are very just in their dealings , of an affable conversation , contenting themselves with few things ; naturally enemies to covetousness and ambition , yet quarrelsom and injurious ; but in their greatest heats , never mention the name of the devil . as to oaths , they seldom use 'em , unless in matters of great concernment ; and then so strictly observe 'em , that no consideration in the world can prevail with them , to violate ' em . on the thirty fifth day , we went on board one of the vessels belonging to nabab ; where we found four english-men , some few portugaises , and two men of our company , whom we already mentioned . from thence we went , and cast anchor , near the city of renguemati ; from whence , within a small time we came , and were entertained in the army of the great mogol . the general , whom we saluted in his tent , seemed glad to see us , and immediately ordered us a large cup-full of arak , to drink his health . the cup was so closed , that 't was a difficult matter for us to open it , and therefore the general gave it us on purpose , to divert himself with the humour of it . we took it each of us , one after another , in our hands , to no purpose ; and were ready to give it over , when it came into my mind , that the cup being only of wood might be easily pierced : whereupon i took it again , and made a hole in it , with the point of my knife . being full to the brim , the arak sprung out abundantly , and by this means we all drank of it , and used the liberty nabab had given us , in saying , we must drink well , and fight well . this liquour was so strong , that we soon felt the effects of it , making us jolly , and confident with the general ; who told us that at six months end , he would send us to those of our own nation . he granted us the full enjoyment of all the booty we could take from the enemy ; and fifty roupies for every head we brought him ; and an hundred for each prisoner . in fine , he told the master of our ship , he would send him to the factory , to inform them of the loss of their vessel ; and that he might take our chirurgion with him , and our three boys , which were too young to serve in the army . in the mean time the arak made us so bold , that we had like to fall'n together by the ears for oranges , which were given us , because all had not a like share , without considering we were in the general 's tent. he winkt at our rudeness , and commanded his chirurgion to carry us to his tent , and drink there more moderately . the next morning the general sent us three hundred roupies , and assign'd us certain vessels , called gourapes , one of which carried fourteen guns , and about fifty or sixty men. each gourape was attended by four kosses ; which are boats with oars , to tow great vessels . there were also several great flat-bottom boats , that carried no mast , yet were well furnished with guns . the greatest part of the officers were portugaises ; and the general had so good an opinion of the christians , that if a moor could speak but a little of that language , he commonly preferred him to some considerable office. there were several other vessels , laden only with provision , and war-like ammunition . we saw likewise , several barges set forth with streamers , wherein were the wives of persons of quality , that followed the army . the general had five hundred for his share . these women were kept by eunuchs , made so in their tender years , who were in great credit with their masters . as soon as we were ordered to march , we sought the vessel assign'd us , but i had the unhappiness to lose my self in that vast multitude of people , together with one of my companions , and were eight days , before we could know where to betake our selves . this small mishap gave me the opportunity of an exact observation of the army , which consisted of near three hundred thousand horse , and five hundred thousand foot. the general rode in the midst of the cavalry ; and before him marched several trumpeters , and kettle-drummers , mounted on elephants . he was followed by twenty of these animals , each of them carrying two small pieces of cannon , two gunners , with as many chargers . after these came three or four thousand moscovites , all extraordinarily well mounted . several thousands of cammels , laden with the baggage , were followed by all sorts of merchants , artisans , curtisans ; some mounted on cammels , others on horses . 't was told us , that this great body stood the mogol , in every day , above five millions ; the greatest part of which , were paid by the curtisans , and merchants , that followed the army . which is no hard matter to believe , because i knew in that countrey , the cities were destitute of all trade in time of war , and therefore the inhabitants were forced to follow the army ; by which means , it abounded with all necessaries , except strong drinks , the use of which was only permitted to the christians , because the moors in drinking never so small a quantity , became cruel , and bloody minded . after a long march , we entred into kosbia , a country lying between the kingdoms of bengala , and azo , of which the general easily became master . the king of azo imagined the walls of his capital city , were proof against our cannon ; and believed himself secure ; but soon found the contrary , for we took his city by assault , and made him prisoner . he had an iron collar , fastned about his neck , whence hung two great chains , which were fixt also to his legs , and in this manner was served by four pages . a while after the king was taken prisoner , the general was shewed several caves made into rocks , wherein was hid his treasure , the rest became the souldiers booty , and we thought all to enrich our selves , but were mistaken ; for besides that ; these people wear no other cloathing , than a piece of linnen , which reaches from their waste ; down to their knees ; they had so well hid every thing of value , that we could find nothing but a pot of rice , and a box full of tow , and some leaves , which they chew continually , to cleanse their mouths . we were troubled to find our expectations thus frustrated , especially considering the smallness of our wages , which were not sufficient to maintain us , being no more than ten crowns a month , and provision was very dear . the reason why we had no more , was , because we served by constraint , whereas the english and portugaises that went voluntiers , received monthly twenty five crowns a man. some days after , the general required our two carpenters assistance , in the building him a stately vessel , from a model he shewed them . which finished , he promised 'em their liberty . they accepted the proposal , and were sent to decka , where they finished their undertaking , to the general 's content , who kept his word with them . it was demanded of us , at the same time , whether either of us , was willing to accept the government of the castle of agra , and for our encouragement , there were several advantagious offers made us ; but they could not prevail with us , especially considering we were to live amongst moors ; and that such an employ , perhaps , would so fix us in that countrey , that we should never get out of it . the general being a man of dispatch , immediately after the overthrow of the king of azo , hastened towards the countrys belonging to the king of assam , who was one of the mogols chiefest enemies . 't was said , that this king having notice of his march , derided his discretion , wondering , that with eight hundred thousand men only , he should undertake that , which two millions of men could not atchieve . in effect , it seemed to be a rash enterprize , and that the example of so prodigious an army , which lately perished in the same parts where we went , should have deterred our general . but so far was he from being discouraged by this consideration , that the greatness of the danger served only to heighten his courage ; and lest the flood , which every six months overflowed the greatest part of this kingdom , should hinder his project , he advanced with great expedition , and arrived before that time , at the place he intended . as soon as we were in the enemies countrey , a general consternation seized upon them ; and the fame of nabab's fortune , caused infinite numbers of the enemy's subjects to come over to his side , as the surest . in the mean time , the english , and we , having observed all the signs of an approaching tempest , carefully viewed , and repaired our vessels ; but all our pre-cautions could not hinder its sinking : for not being ballasted , the currents overturned it , and that which hastened our loss , was the sottish , and extravagant curiosity of a marriner , that had the management of it . this man , to try experiments , would needs have all the sails hoisted up , which was no sooner done , but our vessel sunk . there were boats enough to help us , had custom permitted it ; but in like accidents , the moors help no body , not their near kindred , or intimate friends , yet by good hap , there was a lusty well-shaped woman , who seeing five hollanders upon the point of drowning , rowed up to them , and maugre two men that withstood her , received them into her boat. the river ganges is of very unequal breadth , being in some places a league , in others a league and an half wide ; so that when the wind is high , this river abounds with waves and billows , no ways inferiour to those of the sea. there were lost by this accident four dutch-men , and twenty four moors ; and i had ran the same fate , had not i ( after four hours swimming towards the land ) met with a vessel , commanded by english-men . as soon as i made my self known to them , they sent forth above sixty men to my assistance , who took me into their boat , where they gave me what was necessary . in fine , they carried me on board their vessel , where i found one of my countrey-men , on whom the english had shew'd the same compassion . the next morning we thankt our benefactors , and went to the army , where we sought an occasion of admittance to the general . the loss of his vessel was but bad news to carry him , yet we could not but make it known to him , for we knew not where to bestow our selves . as soon as he heard it , he fell into such a fit of passion , that we believed we should be both hanged or worse . at length he commanded us to withdraw , and choose what vessel we had a mind to , the enemy's fleet being expected every moment . we were heartily glad we came off so well ; four of our companions went on board a gourape ; and two others , and my self , chose a bark , that carried six pieces of cannon . two days after , our admiral set sail , in search of the enemy , attended by the whole fleet. we immediately heard a continual roaring of guns , whence we inserred , the land army was engaged ; but as to our parts , we could not so soon joyn the enemy , being ( as it was thought ) at a great distance from us . when the admiral had set his fleet in order , the general 's chirurgion , who was of our nation , and a lover of his countrey , exhorted us to behave our selves , answerable to the good opinion they had of our countrey-men . representing to us , that when we come to engage , the whole fleet will take notice of the christians , and especially of us , who were greatly esteemed by the moors . that 't was the companies interest , we should keep up our reputation , and that we might have a great share in the glory of that days actions . although the wind was little favourable to us , yet we followed on our course ; and three or four hours after dasht against a rock , which struck off our helm . at length we recovered it , and having fixt it in its right place , held on our course . not long after we discovered the enemy's fleet , consisting of six hundred sail. although we were in search of them , yet were greatly surprized to see those so near us , whom we believed to be farther off . as soon as the enemy perceived us , they advanced towards us , and we tarried expecting them , as well out of necessity , as bravery , the contrary wind hindering us from retreating . whilst they made up towards us , we sat down at table , which we had no sooner done , but a dish of meat that was set thereon , was carried away by a cannon bullet , which did us no other harm , but that of depriving us of our allowance . whereupon we betook our selves to our guns , and from that time , till midnight , ceased not firing on our side , and were answered in the same manner by the enemy . an hour after the enemy withdrew ; there came another vessel to our assistance , which was commanded by a moorish prince , called menorcan , who had set out thirty vessels at his own charge , for the service of the great mogol . this prince observing our post to be dangerous , assisted us in such a manner , that we got the wind of the enemy . as soon as we had cast anchor , he left us , promising to return the next morning , with the whole fleet. he had not gotten far , before we perceived six sail making towards us . five of which , could not surmount the force of the currents , but the sixth came so near , as to give us a broad side . but as soon as a fair opportunity offered , we boarded her , & quickly became masters of her . so that we took the first prize on the enemy . having taken out of this vessel , whatever was of any value , to avoid farther trouble , we set her on fire . half an hour after , eight or nine of the enemy's vessels made towards us , and this number daunted us , wherefore we weighed anchor , and sheltered our selves under the dutch and portugaise vessels , which made 'em cease pursuing us . at day-break we found our admiral was still a league off of us . the whole fleet ( of which the dutch and portugaise led the van ) were in good order , and advanced towards the enemy , as fast as the little wind which then blew would permit ' em . as to our parts , the currents were against us , wherefore we were forced to be towed by moors , that went on shoar for that purpose . in the mean time , a trumpet , accompanied with ten or twelve horse , coming from the general , who believed , upon a false report , we were lost , called out to us several times from the shoar , sauwas hollanders . the word sauwas signifies courage . being near , they inform'd us , how greatly the general was troubled , at the false report of a moor , who brought him word , that the vessels commanded by the english , dutch , and portugaise were lost . they returned then towards their master ; who better informed of the matter , caused the tongue of the moor ( who brought him that false news ) to be cut out , and he to be whipt with a whip , which they call chamboe , every lash of which cuts as deep as a razor . notwithstanding the force of the currents , and the great advantages the enemy had over us , we got the wind of them ; and from that time , never ceased firing upon em ; and at length , were seconded by our whole fleet. when the enemy saw it approaching , they set forth such great shouts , as wou'd made a man think all was already lost . yet did they couragiously defend themselves , and for three hours together , the victory inclined to neither side . from that time their heat abated , and they began to shift their station , and were so closely plyed , that they left their vessels , and ran to shoar , where finding they were pursued , they endeavoured , but in vain , to possess themselves of a high bank , for we followed 'em so close , that we slew almost all of them , being ordered to give no quarter . we took three hundred of their vessels , the least of which , carried seventy men ; and of this whole number , there escaped not above fifty , whom the king ( enraged his orders were no better observed ) condemned to suffer the most grievous punishment . those that had still some life remaining in them , were tyed to stakes , where the soldiers put an end to their lives , with their arrows . thus perished this numerous , and mighty army ; of which , very few escaped , to carry the news of the loss of the rest . the admiral having disguised himself , was notwithstanding , taken prisoner , and released at the intercession of some of the general 's principal officers . as to the booty , 't was not considerable , consisting only in powder , lead , and some pieces of cannon . it was discoursed , that the fault of this admiral was the less excusable , inasmuch as he had neglected the orders of his prince ; who commanded him to go with six hundred sail , to expect us above the city of goaëti . which was a very advantagious post , as well to hinder us from taking in any provision , as to block us up in the countrey ; but he chose rather to be guided by his own fancy , imagining the shouts of his fleet would dismay us . the three hundred vessels that escaped , unhappily cast anchor at about a quarter of a leagues distance from the general , who advanced up the countrey with all possible expedition . as soon as he knew where they were , he brought two or three hundred pieces of cannon , and planted 'em against them , and sunk the greatest part of them ; the rest past over to the other side of the river , where our vessels pursued them with success . some of 'em wheeled about , thro by ways , where the moors found , and slew them . the enemy's fleet being thus routed , we passed by the foot of a steep rock , where was built a fortress of difficult access . yet was it abandoned , but 't was to draw us farther into the countrey . from thence we came to the city of gueragan , whence the king fled ; and our admiral cast anchor before the city of lokwa , situated about six leagues from thence . some time after , the general commanded the chief of the fleet , to send him money , and provisions for the army . whereupon our commanders sent him six boats , two laden with gold , and four with silver , but the six boats unfortunately fell into the enemy's hand , who in the heat of the surprisal , slew the greatest part of the men. they reserved some christians for their pleasure , under whose arms , they fastned several wisps of straw , stuft with powder ; and when these wisps were consumed , they fastned others in like manner in their places , till such time as they expired . the pleasure of these barbarians , was to hear the screeks of these poor wretches , who , the louder they cryed , the more they rejoyced these cruel monsters . those that escaped into the woods , came at night to the army , which was in great distress , the water being already so high , that 't was impossible to return back . the army lay encamped in a place full of fruitful trees , and sowed with excellent rice . the mountains yield pepper , agra-wood , sanders , and simples , that are sold for their weight in gold. as to this mettal 't is not scarce ; & elephants are so common , that the country , as fruitful as 't is , is not sufficient to feed them ; therefore they are always lean . we chose in this pleasant countrey , a proper place to intrench our selves , and cut down , to prevent surprisals , all the trees round about us . we sent out scouts every day to observe the enemy's motions . those that fell into the hands of our party , were cruelly scourged , and then had their heads cut off , which were hung up in baskets upon the boughs of trees . when they were too numerous to be all made prisoners , they cut off the heads of the greatest part , and hung about the necks of every one of the rest , two of these heads , which they were made to carry into the camp ; where they were cruelly whipt ; and when 't was judged they were near expiring , they had likewise , their heads severed from their bodies ; which were hanged , like the rest , in panniers , upon the boughs of trees . some had stakes drove through them alive . others had four double hooks thrust down their bellies , which tore their bowels ; and in this condition , were carried to the places the enemy frequented ; to the end the horrour of the torment they endured , might move them to forsake the weakest side . if these punishments were cruel , those of the enemy were no less , for they made their prisoners languish so long in their torments , as would have moved the most obdurate to pity . having made 'em expire by their cruel usage , they fastned them , standing bolt upright , to stakes , upon flat-bottom boats , and sent them thus down the river , either towards the army , or the fleet ; where they became such a sad spectacle , that they could not be beheld without dread and horrour . as to those that rendred themselves , they were received with great expressions of kindness . there came likewise to our camp , ambassadours from the king of the antropophages , or man-eaters ; offering the assistance of his army , against the king of assam's subjects ; but the small sincerity of these people being known , their offers were not accepted , yet were they sent away , with assurances of the great mogol's friendship , provided they assisted not his enemies . these people had fierce looks , a rough carriage , and the mine of persons that eat others alive . in effect , they fed on human flesh , scrupling to interr their dead , whom they design'd for a better use . those that are sick amongst them , and in a languishing condition , are knockt on the head , and eaten ; and this is all the charity they have one for another . they possess all things in common , carrying what they steal from strangers , to the common heap , where they have all an equal portion . when we told them , their way of living was contrary to the rest of mankind , it being unnatural to eat their fellow creatures ; they replyed , opinion , and custom , made all these things either good or bad ; and that a man cannot do ill in following those he found established . there were in our army certain soldiers , whose maxim was , never to give back ; and to dye , rather than abandon the post assigned them . those that dye thus , are sure of salvation ; whereas , those that behaved themselves cowardly , and were slain , were certainly damned . this opinion renders 'em valiant , which is not such a barbarous one as we are apt to imagine , seeing many in the most civilized nations have asserted it , extreamly meritorious , to dye for one's country . the general had honoured us , with a high character of our valour , so that the only report of our name , stood him in as much stead as an army . those on the enemy's side , who fled over to us , had such a great esteem for us , that they made room for us , wheresoever we went. the moors shewed us the same respect ; but those dreadless fellows i now mention'd , kept their gravity with us , claiming precedency in all rencounters , which for quietness sake we granted them . next after the dutch , certain armenian horse-men , were in greatest esteem ; as well for that they were christians , as that they continually kept good horses , and observed good order . our reputation thus up , the admiral judged us the most fitting persons to take charge of the artillery . for which purpose , he made us very advantagious proffers ; but we liked neither the country , nor manners of its people ; and therefore intreated him to pitch upon some others , to whom this employ would be more agreeable , than to us , who were not so well versed in the tongue , as to make our selves obeyed , which reason satisfied him . every new moon is a festival with the moors , which day begins with the discharge of all the great guns ; after which , the soldiers are paid , and this payment consists of fifty roupies , or 25 crowns , for every horse-man , some have a hundred paid them , others thirty , twenty , and others again , only ten . the foot soldiers pay is but small , being not above five or six roupies a month. as to the slaves , who work almost both day and night , they have scarcely any thing , or that which is given them , is so inconsiderable , that the greatest part of them dye with hunger . these slaves are indians , who eat nothing endued with lise ; and their superstition is such , that how great soever their hunger may be , they choose rather to dye , than to eat either fish or flesh . their food consists chiefly of rice , and when they are destitute of it ( which happens not seldom ) they dye willingly ; not doubting but this kind of death , procures them eternal life . these poor wretches discourses were continually concerning the contempt of abundance , and the excellency of want . they could not comprehend , how those that live in plenty in this world , can be happy in the next ; and in this imagination , take their misery for a mark of their election . the inhabitants of the country of assam , are another sort of superstitious people , who worship a cow , and consequently never kill any of that kind . their temples are full of the images of these creatures , the greatest part made of gold and silver , and some few of brass . about three leagues distance from the place where our vessel lay , stood a temple , which we pillaged , and carried away one of these golden cows , which was divided amongst us . it was no small grief to these poor pagans , to see their divinity thus taken from them , and yet they sold us cows at a cheap rate , for we did not pay above two shillings for the best . what sottishness , said i , within my self , are these people guilty of , to sell their gods ; 't is true , we were forced to promise , we would not kill 'em , but they knew the contrary ; and when we blamed their silly humour , they demanded of us , whether the christians had none , and whether their actions answer'd the religion they professed . our vessel lying at a great distance from the army , we knew but one part of what hapned there , and although we understood , they were in ill circumstances , yet we could never have believed there dyed so many thousands of men , had not the river brought them to us . the water became so infected , by the prodigious quantity of dead bodies thrown therein , that several persons perished by that means ; wherefore , at length , we boyled the water , before we used it . after three months stay , the water having been continually at that height , that 't was impossible to come out of our trenches , the enemy believed we were starved , and consequently , that we might be easily defeated . in truth , hunger pressed us very sorely , and the greatest part of the army were forced to kill the camels , and elephants , for their sustenance . the enemy , then , coming down , almost certain of the victory ; our general commanded , to let them draw near , as if the whole army had been dead ; and in the mean time , made the horse to fetch a round , to hem them in : his stratagem took effect , for as soon as they began to attack us , they were charged by our horse , and wholly defeated , leaving near twenty thousand dead in the place . there were not above ten men wounded on our side , and since this skirmish , the waters fell insensibly , so that we had order to be ready to give battel . whilst we were preparing , our general caused several waggons to be laden with provision , and sent them to the king of assam , charging his messengers to tell him , he sent him this present for his supply , in case he wanted it . for as for his own part , he had more than he needed for his armys subsistance this six months . our general 's drift was to allarm the king of assam , who design'd at that time to retire to the mountains , having lost all hope of being able to resist . this prince understood the general 's design ; and saw well , this was a kind of summons , to render himself at discretion ; but he knew too well his enemy , to expect any favour from him ; and therefore chose rather to send him word , that he loved himself too well to entrust his person with any one , but was willing to yield to any reasonable terms . this answer discovered the enemy's weakness , and the general who was enraged , that he had insulted over him , within his trenches , resolved to make him repent it . he told his chief officers then his resolutions to give battel , which they all readily agreed to . amongst others , there was one that spake thus , my lord , says he , to the general , when we came into these parts first , we had four armies , all in good order , and disposition , whereas now we have not one that deserves that name . the greatest part of the soldiers of these four armies , being either dead , or in a sick and languishing condition . why then do we not immediately march up to the enemy ? shall we tarry till all our forces are spent ? and will it not be more glorious for our monarch , and honourable for such a captain as you , to go and insult over the enemy , than to lye languishing here , where a longer stay cannot but be most shameful . the freedom with which this person spake , had a good effect ; for the general resolved to follow his advice , in case the king of assam refused to accept of the following conditions : to wit , that this prince should give the general half of his kingdom , and the youngest of his daughters for his concubine ; two thousand elephants , some millions of ready money , and his richest vessels full of excellent roots , with which that countrey abounded , and which are of inestimable value . although the general 's army was in very great distress , yet his enemy accepted these conditions ; and this unexpected peace came very seasonably , for 't is certain that never any army was in a worse condition . as soon as the waters were sufficiently fall'n , we hastned to pack up our baggage , being glad to leave this wretched post , for 't is certain we were so tired , that had the enemy set upon us , we could scarce been able to make resistance . as for riches we wanted them not , having found good store in graves . it being this peoples custom , to interr with their dead , their best apparel , money , and greatest part of their servants ; whom they bury alive , to bear their masters company . so far are these poor wretches from bemoaning their condition in this respect , that they are on the contrary , exceedingly joyous , to follow their masters into a countrey , where they hope in three days time to become great personages , and enjoy certain pleasures , which are not to be had here . our general caused several of these tombs to be opened , wherein were found vast treasures , which he carried away with him , but which he enjoyed but a small time , for he died soon after ; and according to the custom of the great mogol's empire , which is , that this prince becomes heir to all those that dye in his countreys , the acquests of the general , which were to the value of four millions , fell to this monarch . and thus have i given you a relation of what i saw in this war against the king of assam ; all which was written by a physician of montpellier , who was then in the service of the great mogol . prince jemla , or the emir ( for 't is thus they called our general ) having signaliz'd himself in several rencounters , and driven out sultan sujah ( brother to auren zeb ) from the kingdom of bengala , he entreated the mogol to send him his wife and children , to live with them , in a place he had chosen , remote from noise , and business , of which his great age rendred him uncapable . he imagined that this prince ( whose throne he came now from settling , in subduing his brethren , who disturbed him in the possession of the empire ) could not well refuse him his demands . but he was mistaken , for auren zeb was of a piercing judgment , and knew jemla to be the soldiers darling , and the peoples favourite . that he was a great politician , a wise and valiant captain , and the wealthiest in all the empire . he was sensible of his ambitious designs , and that he aspired to set up his son mahomet emirkin , on the throne of bengala . on the other side , he considered , 't was dangerous to displease such a powerful man ; so that he not only granted him what he demanded , but created him also mir-vl-omrag , a dignity belonging only to the second person in the empire . andas to his son , he made him bacchis , or general of the horse , a place of great consequence , but which , requires him that possesses , never to stir out of the court. no project could be more effectual for the hindering the designs of prince jemlar , for by this means he was parted from his son , who could not be separated from his father under a fairer pretence , than by being tyed to the court by so splendid an office. jemla well perceived auren-zeb's design , and being not able to devise a way presently to avoid it , yielded to necessity , expecting the change of affairs would furnish him with means , to have that by force which he could not obtain by subtilty . these two great men were jealous of one another , and being in a manner equally powerful , they mutually plyed each other with kindnesses , whilst both secretly endeavoured to strengthen their parties . the year being passed over in reciprocal dissimulations , auren-zeb plainly perceived the emir was not a man to lye still . he judged then , 't were better to employ him abroad , than to give him time to trouble his government ; and therefore proposed to the emir , the undertaking of that great expedition of which this latter had sometime heretofore discoursed to him . which was , to march against the raja or king of assam , whose countrey lyes northward off the kingdom of deka , which is near the gulf of bengala . 't is true , the emir had formerly mention'd it , to auren-zeb , who foreseeing the honour , which would redound to him from his conquests , objected , at first , several difficulties , but afterwards , thought requisit to embrace the motion , that he might thereby be rid of the emir , and keep him employed . although the emir doubted not his design , yet he obeyed without hesitating , and joyfully prepared himself for an undertaking , by which , he was sure to establish , and encrease his reputation . he imbarked , then , with his army , on a river , whose source arises in that same country , and after about some sixty leagues sailing , arrived at the castle of azo , which the raja of acham had long since taken from the king of bengala . the emir attackt this place , and took it in fifteen days . he afterwards marched towards chamdara , lying near the country of assam , where within a month , he gave battel to the king of assam , and worsted him . this prince being vanquished , withdrew into his chief city , called guerguon ) where being followed by the emir some five days after , he secured himself in the mountains of lassa ; and to render his escape more easie , left his treasures behind him , with which the emir augmented his : these mountains being unaccessible to an army , the emir could not follow his enemy ; and whilst he studyed how to surprize him , the season of rains came ; during which , the whole countrey is overflowed , excepting the villages , which stand upon hills . this season , which lasted three months , hindered the emir's designs , the waters keeping him from marching either backwards or forwards . moreover , the raja had carried away all kinds of provision , and reduced by this means the emir into a strange extremity . this weather , and the incommodiousness of the place , having near ruined his whole army . he thought of nothing , then , but how to get away , and in his retreat , was ever and anon , set upon by his enemies , who taking their advantage , enclosed whose troops , in plains full of mire , and slew them . notwithstanding these difficulties , the emir returned home in triumph , laden with glory and spoils . his design was to return , and finish in the following year , the conquest of this kingdom , which the castle of azo ( which they had caused to be well fortified ) retained , as it were , in a bridle , and which was able to hold out a long time against the forces of the raja . but no sooner was he returned to bengala , but a dysentery destroyed the rest of his army , and himself also . and by this means auren-zeb had nothing to fear ; who , as great a dissembler as he was , could not forbear expressing his joy thereat . he told one day , the son of the deceased , in the presence of his whole court , that he had lost a father , and he for his part , a most dreadful friend . having been fifteen months in the great mogol's army , our consul obtained at length our discharge ; whereupon we parted without attendants , for all our servants were dead . we came in fifteen days to decka , where we saw the vessel our two carpenters had built for the general . it carried 30 guns , and they had order to begin another , far larger . from thence we betook our selves to a house of entertainment for strangers , where we were well accommodated with all things necessary ; from whence we soon took shipping for ongueli . having sailed about 120 leagues , along the river , we made some stay at cazimabahar , a place famous for silks . from thence we went to ongueli , where the dutch that trade to the indies , have a considerable factory . each of us betook himself to different employs , and mine obliged me so strictly in that company 's service , that i could not conveniently return to my native country , till the year 1673. finis . lately printed , a now digester , or engine for softning bones ; containing the description of its make and use in these particulars , viz. cookery voyages at sea , confectionary , making of drinks , chymistry , and dving . with an account of the price a good big engine will cost , and of the profit it will afford . publisht by order of the royal society . by denis papin m. d fellow of the royal society . sold by henry bonwick at the red-lyon in st. paul's church-yard . the history of the late revolution of the empire of the great mogol together with the most considerable passages for 5 years following in that empire : to which is added, a letter to the lord colbert, touching the extent to indostan, the circulation of the gold and silver of the world, to discharge it self there, as also the riches, forces, and justice of the same and the principal cause of the decay of the states of asia / by mons. f. bernier ... english'd out of french. histoire de la dernière révolution des etats du grand mogol. english bernier, françois, 1620-1688. 1676 approx. 419 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 204 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27515 wing b2044 estc r16888 12546556 ocm 12546556 63063 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27515) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63063) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 954:3) the history of the late revolution of the empire of the great mogol together with the most considerable passages for 5 years following in that empire : to which is added, a letter to the lord colbert, touching the extent to indostan, the circulation of the gold and silver of the world, to discharge it self there, as also the riches, forces, and justice of the same and the principal cause of the decay of the states of asia / by mons. f. bernier ... english'd out of french. histoire de la dernière révolution des etats du grand mogol. english bernier, françois, 1620-1688. oldenburg, henry, 1615?-1677. the second edition. 2 v. ([16], 179; [3], 191, [1] p.) printed and sold by m. pitt ... and s. miller ... and j. starkey ..., london : 1676. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. translated by henry oldenburg. the second volume, particular events, or, the most considerable passages after the war for five years, or thereabout, in the empire of the great mogol ..., has separate t.p. and paging. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mogul empire -history -early works to 1800. india -history -1500-1765. india -description and travel. india -description and travel -early works to 1800. india -social conditions. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-06 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the late revolution of the empire of the great mogol : together with the most considerable passages for 5 years following in that empire . to which is added , a letter to the lord colbert , touching the extent of indostan ; the circulation of the gold and silver of the world , to discharge it self there ; as also the riches , forces , and justice of the same : and the principal cause of the decay of the states of asia . by mons r f. bernier , physitian of the faculty of montpelier . english'd out of french. the second edition . london printed , and sold by m. pitt at the angel , and s. miller at the star , in st. paul's church yard ; and j. starkey at the miter near temple-bar . 1676. an extract of a letter written to mr. h. o. from monsieur de monceaux the younger , giving a character of the book here englished , and its author . virtue sometimes is no less interessed than affection : both , sir , are glad to receive from time to time pledges mutually answering for those that have united themselves in a close correspondence . yours indeed should demand of me such , as might be a security to you for the advance you have been pleased to make me of your friendship . but since at present i have nothing worth presenting you with ; and yet am unwilling to give you any leisure to be diffident of my realness , or to repent for having so easily given me a share in your esteem , i here send you a relation of indostan , in which you will find such considerable occurrences , as will make you confess , i could not convey to you a more acceptable present , and that monsieur bernier , who hath written it , is a very gallant man , and of a mould , i wish all travellers were made of . we ordinarily travel more out of unsettledness than curiosity , with a design to see towns and countries rather than to know their inhabitants and productions ; and we stay not long enough in a place , to inform our selves well of the government , policy , interests and manners of its people . monsieur bernier , after he had benefitted himself for the space of many years by the converse of the famous gassendi , seen him expire in his arms , succeeded him in his knowledge , and inherited his opinions and discoveries , embarqued for aegypt , stay'd above a whole year at cairo , and then took the occasion of some indian vessels , that trade in the ports of the red sea , to pass to suratte ; and after twelve years abode at the court of the great mogol , is at last come to seek his rest in his native countrey , there to give an accompt of his observations and discoveries , and to poure out into the bosom of france , what he had amassed in india . sir , i shall say nothing to you of his adventures , which you will find in the relations that are to follow hereafter , which he abandons to the greediness of the curious , who prefer their satisfaction to his quiet , and do already persecure him to have the sequel of this history . neither shall i mention to you the hazards he did run , by being in the neighbourhood of mecca ; nor of his prudent conduct , which made him merit the esteem of his generous fazelkan , who since is become the first minister of that great empire , whom he taught the principal languages of europe , after he had translated for him the whole philosophy of gassendi in latin , and whose leave he could not obtain to go home , 'till he had got for him a select number of our best european books , thereby to supply the loss he should suffer of his person . this , at least , i can assure you of , that never a traveller went from home more capable to observe , nor hath written with more knowledge , candour , and integrity ; that i knew him at constantinople , and in some towns of greece , of so excellent a conduct , that i proposed him to my self for a pattern in the design i then had , to carry my curiosity as far as the place where the sun riseth ; that i have often drowned in the sweetness of his entertainment the bitternesses , which else i must have swallowed all alone , in such irksome and unpleasant passages , as are those of asia . sir , you will do me a pleasure to let me know the sentiment , your illustrious society hath of this piece . their approbation begets much emulation among the intelligent , who all have no other ambition than to please them . i my self must avow to you , that if i thought i could merit so much , i should not so stiffly oppose , as i do , the publication of the observations and notes i have made in the levant . i should suffer my friends to take them out of my cabinet , where , from the slight value i have for them , they are like to lye imprisoned , except the king my master , by whose order i undertook those voyages , should absolutely command me to set them at liberty , and to let them take their course in the world . mean time , sir , you will oblige me , to assure those great men , who this day compose the most knowing company on earth , of the veneration i have for the oracles that come from their mouth , and that i prefer their lyceum before that of athens ; and lastly , that of all their admirers there is none , that hath a greater concern for their glory , than paris , julij 16 , 1670. de monceaux . the heads of the principal contents of this history : added by the english interpreter . 1. vvhat depth of policy and craft was used by aureng-zebe , the heros in this history , and the third of the four sons of chah-jehan the great mogol , to supplant all his brothers , and to settle himself in the throne : and how the first foundation thereof was laid by the visier of the king of golkonda , and the sickness of chah-jehan the father of aureng-zebe . 2. a mixture of love-intrigues , practised by the princess begum-saheb , one of the two daughters of the great mogol , chah-jehan . 3. how aureng-zebe having overcome all his brothers , did secure his father , and others , whom he had cause to be jealous of . 4. how the neighbours of the empire of mogol demeaned themselves towards the new emperour , aureng-zebe ; and what embassies were dispatched to him , first by the usbec-tartars ( where a description of that countrey and people ; ) then the dutch of suratte ; as also from mecca , from arabia felix , from ethiopia and persia ; together with an account of their respective instructions , receptions , entertainments and dismissions ; particularly of that of the hollanders , securing and improving their trade by this their embassie . 5. aureng-zebe's singular prudence , and indefatigable pains , in managing the government himself ; and how he treated him that endeavoured to perswade him to take his ease and pleasure , now he was established . 6. aureng-zebe's distaste against his favourite-sister , rauchenara-begum , occasioned by some love cabals . 7. his great care in appointing a governour and tutor to his third son sultan ekbar . 8. with what wisdom and severity ▪ aureng-zebe received and treated his pedantick tutor , who expected to be made a great lord for his former service ; together with a model for the sutable education of a great prince , prescribed by aureng-zebe on this occasion . 9. in what credit judiciary astrology is over all asia . 10. how the kings of india make themselves heirs of all the estate of those that dye in their service . 11. of the reciprocal appearance of kindnesses between aureng-zebe and his imprison'd father and sister . 12 ▪ what pass'd between aureng-zebe and emir-jemla , who had laid the first ground-work to aureng-zebe's greatness . 13. what in these revolutions was transacted about the bay of bengale and the heathen kingdom of rakan . 14. how aureng-zebe carried himself towards his two eldest sons , sultan mahmoud and sultan mahum : and how , for a trial of the obedience and courage of the latter , he commanded him to kill a certain lion , that did great mischief in the countrey ; together with the success thereof . 15. divers particulars , shewing the interest between indostan and persia , supposed by this author to be unknown , or at least not well known hitherto . 16. how generously aureng-zebe recompensed those that had faithfully served him in these revolutions . 17. some account of that small kingdom of kachimere , or cassimere , represented as the paradice of the indies ; concerning which the author affirms , that he hath a particular history of it in the persian tongue . 18. a considerable relation of suratte's being strangely surpriz'd and plunder'd , by a stout rebel of visapour ; and how the english and dutch saved themselves and their treasure in this bold enterprize . 19. a particular account both of the former and present state of the whole peninsule of indostan ; the occasion of its division into divers sovereignties , and the several arts used to maintain themselves one against another ; particularly of the present government and state of the kingdoms of golkonda and visapour , and their interests in reference to the great mogol . 20. of the extent of indostan , and the trade which the english , portugueses , and hollanders , have in that empire ; as also of the vast quantities of gold and silver , circulated through the world , and conveyed into indostan , and there swallowed up , as in an abyss . 21. of the many nations , which in that vast extent of countrey cannot be well kept in subjection by the great mogol . 22. of the great mogol's religion , which is mahumetan , of the turkish , not persian sect. 23. of his militia , both in the field and about his person ; and how the same is provided for , employed , punctually paid , and carefully distributed in several places . 24. of the omrahs , that is , the great lords of indostan ; their several qualities , offices , attendants . 25. the artillery of the mogol , great and small , very considerable . 26. of his stables of horses , elephants , camels , mules , &c. 27. of his seraglio . 28. of his vast revenues and expences . 29. what prince may be said to be truly rich. 30. an important state-question debated , viz. whether it be more expedient for the prince and people , that the prince be the sole proprietor of all the lands of the countrey over which he reigns , yea or no ? the history of the late revolution of the dominions of the great mogol . the desire of seeing the world having made me travel into palestina and egypt , would not let me stop there ; it put me upon a resolution to see the red sea from one end to the other . i went from grand cairo , after i had staid there above a year ; and in two and thirty hours , going the caravan pace , i arrived at suez , where i embarked in a galley , which in seventeen days carry'd me , always in sight of land , to the port of gidda , which is half a days journey from mecca . there i was constrained ( contrary to my hopes , and the promise which the beig of the red sea had made me ) to go a shore on that pretended holy land of mahomet , where a christian , that is not a slave , dares not set his foot . i staid there four and thirty days ; and then i embarked in a small vessel , which in fifteen days carried me along the coast of arabia the happy to moka , near the streight of babel-mandel . i resolved to pass thence to the isle of masowa and arkiko , to get as far as gouder , the capital town of the country of alebech , or the kingdom of aethiopia ; but i received certain information , that , since the portugueses had been killed there by the intrigue of the queen mother , or expelled , together with the jesuit patriarch , whom they had brought thither from goa , the roman catholicks were not safe there ; a poor capuchin having lost his head at suaken , for having attempted to enter into that kingdom : that indeed , by going under the name of a greek or an armenian i did not run so great hazard , and that even the king himself , when he should know , that i could do him service , would give me land to till by slaves , which i might buy if i had money ; but that undoubtedly they would forthwith oblige me to marry , as they had lately done a certain frier , who had passed there under the name of a greek physitian ; and that they would never suffer me to come away again . these considerations , among others , induced me to change my resolution . i went aboard of an indian vessel ; i passed those streights , and in two and twenty days i arrived at surratte in indostan , the empire of the great mogol , in the year 1655. there i found , that he who then reigned there , was call'd chah-jehan , that is to say , king of the world ; who , according to the history of that countrey , was son of jehan-guyre , which signifieth conquerour of the world , grandchild of ekbar , which is great , and that thus ascending by hohmayons , or the fortunate , father of ekbar , and his other predecessors , he was the tenth of those that were descended from that timur-lengue , which signifieth the lame prince , commonly and corruptly call'd tamerlan , so renowned for his conquests ; who married his near kinswoman , the only daughter of the prince of the nations of great tartary , call'd mogols , who have left and communicated their name to the strangers , that now govern indostan , the countrey of the indians ; though those that are employ'd in publick charges and offices , and even those that are listed in the militia , be not all of the race of the mogols , but strangers , and nations gather'd out of all countries , most of them persians , some arabians , and some turks . for , to be esteem'd a mogol , 't is enough to be a stranger white of face , and a mahumetan ; in distinction as well to the indians , who are brown , and pagans , as to the christians of europe , who are call'd franguis . i found also at my arrival , that this king of the world , chah-jehan , of above seventy years of age , had four sons and two daughters ; that , some years since , he had made these four sons vice-kings or governours of four of his most considerable provinces or kingdoms ; that it was almost a year that he was fallen into a great sickness , whence it was believed he would never recover : which had occasioned a great division among these four brothers ( all laying claim to the empire ) and had kindled among them a war which lasted about five years , and which i design here to describe , having been present at some of the most considerable actions , and entertained for the space of eight years at that court , where fortune and the small stock of money ( left me after divers encounters with robbers , and the expences of a voyage of six and forty days from suratte to agra and dehli , the capital towns of that empire ) obliged me to take a salary from the grand mogol in the quality of a physitian , and a little while after from danech-mend-kan , the most knowing man of asia , who had been bakchis or great master of the horse , and was one of the most powerful and the most considerable omrahs or lords of that court. the eldest of these four sons of chah-jehan was call'd dara , that is darius . the second was call'd sultan sujah , that is the valiant prince . the name of the third was aurenge-zebe , which signifies the ornament of the throne . that of the fourth was morad-bakche , as if you should say , desire accomplished . of the two daughters , the eldest was call'd begum-saheb , that is the mistress princess ; and the youngest rauchenara-begum , which is as much as bright princess , or the splendour of princesses . 't is the custom of the countrey , to give such names to their princes and princesses . thus the wife of chah-jehan , so renown'd for her beauty , and for having a tomb , which much more deserved to be reckon'd among the wonders of the world , than those unshapen masses , and those heaps of stones in egypt , was called tage-mehalle , that is to say , the crown of the seraglio ; and the wife of jehan-guyre , who hath so long govern'd the state , whilst her husband minded nothing but drinking and divertisements , was first called nour-mehalle , and afterwards , nour-jehan-begum , the light of the seraglio , the light of the world. the reason , why they give such kind of names to the great ones , and not names from their land or dominion ( as is usual in europe ) is , because all the land being the kings , there are no marquisates , earldoms and dutchies , of which the grandees might bear their names ; all consists in pensions either of land or ready money , which the king giveth , increaseth , retrencheth , and takes away , as seems good unto him : and 't is even for this reason , that the omrahs have also no other but such names ; one ( for example ) being called raz-audaze-kan , i. e. a thunderer ; another , safe cheken-kan , a breaker of ranks ; a third , bare-audaze-kan , a man of lightening ; others , dianet-kan , or danechmend-kan , or fazel-kan , i. e. the faithful lord , the intelligent , the perfect , and the like . dara , the eldest son , wanted not good qualities . he was gallant in conversation , witty in reparties , exceeding civil and liberal , but entertained too good an opinion of his person , esteeming himself alone capable of all , and thinking it scarce possible that any body was able to give him counsel ; insomuch , that he would give reproachful names to those who pretended to advise him in any thing ; whereby it came to pass , that even those , who were most affectionate to him , were shie to discover to him the most secret intrigues of his brothers . besides , he was apt to be transported with passion , to menace , to injure , to affront , even the greatest omrahs or lords ; but all passed over like a flash of light. though he was a mahumetan , and publickly expressed in the ordinary exercises of religion to be so , yet , in private , he was heathen with the heathen , and christian with the christians . he had constantly about him of those heathen doctors , to whom he gave very considerable pensions , and who ( as was said ) had instilled into him opinions contrary to the religion of the land ; of which i may touch something hereafter , when i shall come to speak of the religion of the indians or gentiles . he also hearkened of late very willingly to the reverend father buzee a jesuit , and began very well to relish what he suggested . yet there are some who say , that at the bottom he was void of all religion , and that whatever he pretended in it , was only for curiosity , or , as others say , out of policy , to make himself beloved by the christians , who are pretty numerous in his artillery ; but above all , to gain the affection of the rajas or soveraign gentiles , that were tributary to the empire , and to make them of his party upon occasion . mean time , this hath not mueh furthered his affairs , on the contrary , it will appear in the sequel of this history , that the pretence used by aureng-zebe , his third brother , to cut off his head , was , that he was turned kafer , that is to say , an infidel , of no religion , an idolater . sultan sujah , the second brother , was much of the humour of dara , but he was more close and more settled , and had better conduct and dexterity . he was fit to manage an intrigue well , and he made , under hand , friends by the force of presents , which he heaped upon the great omrahs , and principally upon the most powerful rajas , as jessomseigne , and some others ; but he did somewhat too much indulge his pleasures , in entertaining an extraordinary number of women , among whom when he was , he spent whole days and nights in drinking , singing , and dancing . he made them presents of very rich apparel ; and he encreased or lessened their pensions according as the fancy took him : by which kind of life his affairs did languish , and the affections of many of his people cooled . he cast himself into the religion of the persians , although chah-jehan , his father , and all his brothers , were of the turkish . 't is known that mahumetanism is divided into several sects , which made that famous check-sady , author of the goulistan , say in verse , which is to this effect in prose ; i am a dervich drinker , i seem to be without religion , and i am known of sixty two sects . but of all those sects there are two principal ones , whose partisans are mortal enemies to one another . the one is that of the turks , whom the persians call osmantous , that is , sectators of osman ; they believing that 't is he that was the true and lawful successor of mahomet , the great caliph or soveraign priest , to whom alone it did appertain to interpret the alcoran , and to decide the controversies to be met with in the law. the other is that of the persians , whom the turks call chias , rafezys , aly-merdans , that is , sectaries , hereticks , partisans of aly , because they believe , contrary to the belief of the turks , that this succession and pontifical authority , which i just now intimated , was due only to aly the son-in-law of mahomet . it was by reason of state that sultan sujah had embraced this latter sect , considering that all the persians being chias , and most of them , or their children , having the greatest power at the court of mogol , and holding the most important places of the empire , he had most reason to hope , that , when occasion served , they would all take his part . aureng-zebe , the third brother , had not that gallantry , nor surprising presence of dara , he appeared more serious and melaneholy , and was indeed much more judicious , understanding the world very well , and knowing whom to chuse for his service and purpose , and where to bestow his favour and bounty most for his interest . he was reserved , crafty , and exceedingly versed in dissembling , insomuch that for a long while he made profession to be fakire , that is , poor , dervich , or devout , renouncing the world , and faining not to pretend at all to the crown , but to desire to pass his life in prayer and other devotions . in the mean time he failed not to make a party at court , especially when he was made vice-king of decan ; but he did it with so much dexterity , art , and secrecy , that it could hardly be perceived . he also had the skill to maintain himself in the affection of chah-jehan his father , who although he much loved dara , could yet not forbear to shew that he esteemed aureng-zebe , and judged him capable to reign ; which caused jealousie enough in dara , who began to find it , insomuch that he could not hold from saying sometimes to his friends in private ; of all my brothers i apprehend only this nemazi , that is , this bigot , this great praying-man . morad-bakche , the youngest of all , was the least dextrous , and the least judicious . he cared for nothing but mirth and pastime , to drink , hunt , and shoot . yet he had some good qualities ; for he was very civil and liberal ; he gloried in it , that he kept nothing secret ; he despised cabals ; and he bragg'd openly , that he trusted only in his arm and sword : in short , he was very brave , and if this bravery had been accompanied with some conduct , he would have carried the bell from all his brothers , and been king of indostan ; as will appear in what is to follow . concerning the two daughters , the eldest , begum-saheb , was very beautiful , and a great wit , passionately beloved of her father . it was even rumoured , that he loved her to that degree as is hardly to be imagined , and that he alledged for his excuse , that , according to the determination of his mullahs or doctors of his law , it was permitted a man to eat of the fruit of the tree he had planted . he had so great a confidence in her , that he had given her charge to watch over his safety , and to have an eye to all what came to his table : and she knew perfectly to manage his humour , and even in the most weighty affairs to bend him as she pleased . she was exceedingly enriched by great pensions , and by costly presents , which she received from all parts , for such negotiations as she employed her self in about her father : and she made also great expences , being of a very liberal and generous disposition . she stuck entirely to dara , her eldest brother , espoused cordially his part , and declared openly for him ; which contributed not a little to make the affairs of dara prosper , and to keep him in the affection of his father ; for she supported him in all things , and advertised him of all occurrences : yet that was not so much , because he was the eldest son , and she the eldest daughter ( as the people believed ) as because he had promised her , that as soon as he should come to the crown he would marry her ; which is altogether extraordinary , and almost never practised in indostan . i shall not scruple to relate here some of the amours of this princess , although shut up in a seraglio , and well kept , like other women . neither shall i apprehend , that i may be thought to prepare matter for a romancer ; for they are not amours like ours , followed by gallant and comical adventures , but attended with events dreadful and tragical . now 't is reported , that this princess found means to let a young gallant enter the seraglio , who was of no great quality , but proper , and of a good meen . but among such a number of jealous and envious persons , she could not carry on her business so privily , but she was discover'd . chah-jehan , her father , was soon advertised of it , and resolved to surprise her , under the pretence of giving her a visit , as he used to do . the princess seeing him come unexpected , had no more time than to hide this unfortunate lover in one of the great chaudrons made to bath in ; which yet could not be so done , but that chah-jehan suspected it . mean time he quarrelled not with his daughter , but entertained her a pretty while , as he was wont to do ; and at length told her , that he found her in a careless and less neat posture ; that it was convenient she should wash her self , and bath oftner ; commanding presently , with somewhat a stern countenance , that forthwith a fire should be made under that chaudron , and he would not part thence , before the eunuchs had brought him word , that that unhappy man was dispatched . some time after she took other measures , she chose for her kane-saman , that is , her steward , a certain persian called nazerkan , who was a young omrah , the handsomest and most accomplished of the whole court , a man of courage and ambition , the darling of all , insomuch that chah-hestkan , uncle of aureng-zebe , proposed to marry him to the princess : but chah-jehan received that proposition very ill , and besides , when he was informed of some of the secret intrigues that had been formed , he resolved quickly to rid himself of nazerkan . he therefore presented to him , as 't were to do him honour , a betele , which he could not refuse to chew presently , after the custom of the countrey . betele is a little knot made up of very delicate leaves , and some other things , with a little chalk of sea-cockles ; which maketh the mouth and lips of a vermilion colour , and the breath sweet and pleasing . this young lord thought of nothing less than being poysoned : he went away from the company very jocund and content into his paleky ; but the drug was so strong , that before he could come to his house , he was no more alive . rauchenara-begum never passed for so handsome and spiritual as begum-saheb , but she was not less cheerful , and comely enough , and hated pleasures no more than her sister . but she addicted her self wholly to aureng-zebe , and consequently declared her self an enemy to begum-saheb and dara . this was the cause , that she had no great riches , nor any considerable share in the affairs of the state : nevertheless as she was in the seraglio , and wanted no wit and spies , she could not but discover many important matters , of which she gave secret advertisement to aureng-zebe . chah-jehan , some years before the troubles , finding himself charged with these four princes , all come to age , all married , all pretending to the crown , enemies to one another , and each of them making secretly a party , was perplexed enough , as to what was fittest for him to do , fearing danger to his own person , and foreseeing what afterwards befell him : for , to shut them up in goualeor , which is a fortress where the princes are ordinarily kept close , and which is held impregnable , it being situated upon an inaccessible rock , and having within it self good water , and provision enough for a garrison ; that was not so easie a thing . they were too potent already , each of them having a princely train . and again , he could not handsomely remove them far off , without giving them some government fit for their birth ; wherein he apprehended they would cantonize themselves , and become little independent kings ; as actually they afterwards did . nevertheless , fearing lest they should cut one anothers throat before his eyes , if he kept them still at court , he at last concluded to send them away . and so he sent sultan sujah , his second son , into the kingdom of bengale ; his third , aureng-zebe , into decan ; and the youngest , morad-bakche , to guzaratte ; giving to dara , the eldest , cabal and multan . the three first went away very well content with their government ; and there they acted each the soveraign , and retained all the revenues of their respective countries , entertaining great troops , under the pretence of bridling their subjects and neighbours . as to dara , because the eldest , and designed to the crown , he stirred not from the court ; which that he should not do , seemed also to be the intention of chah-jehan , who entertained him in the hopes of succeeding him after his death . he even permitted then , that orders were issued out by him , and that he might sit in a kind of throne , beneath his , among the omrahs ; so that it seemed , as if there were two kings together . but as 't is very difficult for two soveraigns to agree , chah-jehan , though dara shew'd him great observance and affection , always harbour'd some diffidence , fearing above all things the morsel ; and besides , for as much as he knew the parts of aureng-zebe , and thought him more capable to reign than any of the rest , he had always ( as they say ) some particular correspondence with him . this it is , what i thought fit to premise concerning these four princes , and their father chah-jehan , because 't is necessary for the understanding of all that follows . i esteem'd also , that i was not to forget those two princesses , as having been the most considerable actors in the tragedy ; the women in the indies taking very often , as well as at constantinople and in many other places , the best part in the most important transactions , though men take seldom notice of it , and trouble their heads of seeking for other causes . but to deliver this history with clearness , we must rise somewhat higher , and relate what passed , some time before the troubles , between aureng-zebe , the king of golkonda , and his visier emir-jemla ; because this will discover to us the character and temper of aureng-zebe , who is to be the heros of this piece , and the king of the indies . let us then see , after what manner emir-jemla proceeded , to lay the first foundation of the royalty of aureng-zebe . during the time that aureng-zebe was in decan , the king of golkonda had for his visier and general of his armies this emir-jemla , who was a persian by nation , and very famous in the indies . he was not a man of great extraction , but beaten in busiuess , a person of excellent parts , and a great captain . he had the wit of amassing great treasures , not only by the administration of the affairs of this opulent kingdom , but also by navigation and trade , sending ships into very many parts , and causing the diamond mines , which he alone had farmed under many borrowed names , to be wrought with extraordinary diligence . so that people discoursed almost of nothing but of the riches of emir-jemla , and of the plenty of his diamonds , which were not reckon'd but by sacks . he had also the skill to render himself very potent and considerable , entertaining , besides the armies of the king , very good troops for his particular , and above all a very good artillery , with abundance of franguys or christians to manage it . in a word , he grew so rich , and so puissant , especially after he had found a way to enter into the kingdom of karnates , and to pillage all the ancient churches of the idols of that countrey , that the king of golkonda became jealous of it , and prepared himself to unsaddle him ; and that the more , because he could not bear what was reported of him , as if he had used too great familiarity with the queen his mother , that was yet beauteous . yet he discover'd nothing of his design to any , having patience , and waiting 'till emir came to the court , for he was then in the kingdom of karnates with his army . but one day , when more particular news was brought him of what had passed between his mother and him , he had not power enough to dissemble any longer , but was transported by choler to fall to invectives and menaces : whereof emir was soon made acquainted , having at the court abundance of his wives kindred , and all his nearest relations and best friends possessing the principal offices . the kings mother also , who did not hate him , had speedy information of the same . which obliged emir , without delay , to write to his only son , mahmet emir-kan , who then was about the king , requiring him to do the best he could to withdraw with all speed from the court , under some pretence of hunting , or the like , and to come and joyn with him . mahmet emir-kan failed not to attempt divers ways ; but , the king causing him to be narrowly observed , none of them all would succeed . this very much perplexed emir , and made him take a strange resolution , which cast the king in great danger to lose his crown and life ; so true 't is ; that he who knows not to dissemble , knows not how to reign . he writ to aureng-zebe , who was then in daulet-abad , the capital of decan , about fifteen or sixteen days journey from golkonda , giving him to understand , that the king of golkonda did intend to ruin him and his family , notwithstanding the signal services he had done him , as all the world knew ; which was an un-exampled injustice and ingratitude ; that this necessitated him to take his refuge to him , and to intreat him , that he would receive him into his protection ; that , for the rest , if he would follow his advice , and confide in him , he would so dispose affairs , that he would at once put into his hands both the king and kingdom of golkonda . this thing he made very easie , using the following discourse : you need but take four or five thousand horse , of the best of your army , and to march with expedition to golkonda , spreading a rumour by the way , that 't is an ambassadour of chah-jehan that goes in haste , about considerable matters , to speak with the king at bag-naguer . the dabir , who is he that is first to be addressed unto , to make any thing known unto the king , is allyed to me , and my creature , and altogether mine ; take care of nothing but to march with expedition , and i will so order it , that without making you known , you shall come to the gates of bag-naguer ; and when the king shall come out to receive the letters , according to custome , you may easily seize on him , and afterwards of all his family , and do with him what shall seem good to you ; in regard that his house of bag-naguer , where he commonly resides , is unwalled and unfortified . he added , that he would make this enterprise upon his own charges , offering him fifty thousand roupies a day ( which is about five and twenty thousand crowns ) during the whole time of the march. aureng-zebe , who looked only for some such occasion , had no mind at all to lose so fair an one . he soon undertook the expedition , and did so fortunately manage his enterprise , that he arrived at bag-naguer , without being otherwise known than as an ambassadour of chah-jehan . the king of golkonda being advertised of the arrival of this pretended ambassadour , came forth into a garden , according to custome , received him with honour , and having unfortunately put himself into the hands of his enemy , ten or twelve slaves , gurgis , were ready to fall upon and to seize his person , as had been projected ; but that a certain omrah , touched with tenderness , could not forbear to cry out , though he was of the party , and a creature of emir , doth not your majesty see that this is aureng-zebe ? away ; or you are taken . whereat the king being affrighted , slips away , and gets hastily on horseback , riding with all his might to the fortress of golkonda , which is but a short league from thence . aureng-zebe seeing he was defeated in his design , yet was not therefore discomposed ; but seized at the same time on the royal house , taketh all the rich and good things he finds there ; yet sending to the king all his wives ( which over all the indies is very religiously observed ; ) and goeth to besiege him in his fortress . but as the siege , for want of having brought along all necessaries , held on long , and lasted above two months , he received order from chah-jehan to raise it , and to retire into decan again ; so that , although the fortress was reduced to extremities , for want of victuals and ammunition of war , he found himself obliged to abandon his enterprise . he knew very well , that it was dara and begum that had induced chah-jehan to send these orders , from the apprehension they entertained , that he would become too powerful ; but in the mean time he never discover'd any resentment of it , saying only , that he ought to obey the orders of his father . yet he withdrew not , without causing underhand payment to be made to him of all the charges of his expedition : besides , he married his son sultan mahmoud to the eldest daughter of that king , with a promise , that he would make him his successor , causing him also to give him for a dowry the fortress and the appurtenances of bamguyre . he also made the king consent , that all the silver money , that should be coined for the future in that kingdom , should bear on one side the arms of chah-jehan ; and that emir-jemla should withdraw with his whole family , all his goods , troops , and artillery . these two great men were not long together , but they framed great designs : on the way they besieged and took bider , one of the strongest and most important places of visapour ; and thence they went to daulet-abad , where they contracted so intimate a friendship together , that aureng-zebe could not live without seeing emir twice a day , nor emir without seeing aureng-zebe . their union began to cause a new face in all the affairs of those parts , and laid the first foundations of the royalty of aureng-zebe . this prince having used the art to make himself to be called to the court divers times , went with great and rich presents to agra to chah-jehan , presenting him his service , and inducing him to make war against the king of golkonda , and him of visapour , and against the portugals . at first he presented to him that great diamond , which is esteem'd matchless ; giving him to understand , that the precious stones of golkonda were quite other things , than those rocks of kandahar ; that there it was , where the war ought to be made , to get the possession thereof , and to go as far as cape comory . chah-jehan , whether it were that he was dazled by the diamonds of emir , or whether he thought it fit , as some believe he did , to have an army in the field , somewhat to restrain dara , whom he found active in making himself potent , and who with insolence had ill treated the visier sadullah-kan ( whom chah-jehan passionately loved , and considered as the greatest statesman that had been in the indies ) causing him even to be made away with poyson , as a man not of his party , but inclined to sultan sujah ; or rather , because he found him too powerful , and in a condition to be the umpire of the crown , if chah-jehan should decease ; or lastly , because being neither persian , nor of persian extraction , but an indian , there were not wanting envious persons , who spread abroad , that he entertained in divers places numerous troops of patans , very gallant men , and well paid , with a design to make himself king , or his son ; or at least to expel the mogols , and to restore to the throne the nation of the patans , of whom he had taken his wife . however it be , chah-jehan resolved to send an army towards decan under the conduct of emir-jemla . dara , who saw the consequence of this affair , and that the sending of troops for those parts , was to give strength to aureng-zebe , opposed it exceedingly , and did what he could to hinder it . nevertheless , when he saw that chah-jehan was resolute for it , he at last thought it best to consent ; but with this condition , that aureng-zebe should keep in daulet-abad , as governour only of the countrey , without medling at all in the war , or pretending to govern the army ; that emir should be the absolute general , who for a pledge of his fidelity was to leave his whole family at the court. emir struggled enough within himself , whether he should agree to this last condition , but when chah-jehan desired him to give that satisfaction to dara , and promised him , that after a little while he would send him back his wife and children , he consented , and marched into decan towards aureng-zebe with a very gallant army , and without any stop entred into visapour , where he besieged a strong place called kaliane . the affairs of indostan were in that condition , as i have been relating , when chah-jehan fell dangerously sick . i shall not speak here of his sickness , much less relate the particulars of it . i shall only say this , that it was little sutable to a man of above seventy years of age , who should rather think on preserving his strength , than to ruin it , as he did . this sickness did soon allarm and trouble all indostan . mighty armies were levied in dehly and agra , the capitals of the empire . sultan sujah did the like in bengale ; and aureng-zebe in decan ; and mord-bakche in guzaratte : all four assembled to themselves their allies and friends ; all four write , promise , and form divers intrigues . dara having surprised some of their letters , shew'd them to chah-jehan , and made great noise about them ; and his sister begum failed not to make use of this occasion , to animate the king against them . but chah-jehan was diffident of dara , and fearing to be poysoned , gave order , that particular care should be had of what was brought to his table . 't was also said , that he wrote to aureng-zebe ; and that dara being advertised thereof , could not forbear to menace , and to break into very passionate expressions . in the mean time the distemper of chah-jehan lingred , and 't was bruited every where , that he was dead . whereupon the whole court was disorder'd , the whole town allarm'd , the shops for many days shut up ; and the four sons of the king made openly great preparations , each for himself : and to say truth , it was not without reason , that they all made ready for war ; for they all very well knew , that there was no hopes of quarter , that there was no other way , than to vanquish or dye , to be king or undone , and that he that should be conquerour would rid himself of all the rest , as formerly chah-jehan had done of his brothers . sultan sujah , who had heaped up great treasures in that rich kingdom of bengale , ruining some of the rajas or petty kings that are in those parts , and drawing great sums from others , took the field first of all with a puissant army , and in the confidence he had of all the persian omrahs , for the sect of whom he had declared himself , he boldly marched towards agra , giving out openly that chah-jehan was dead , that dara had poyson'd him , that he would revenge the death of his father , and in a word , that he would be king. dara desired chah-jehan to write himself to him , and to forbid him to advance further ; which he did , assuring him , that his sickness was not at all dangerous , and that he was already much better . but he having friends at court , who assured him that the sickness of chah-jehan was mortal , he dissembled , and ceased not to advance , saying still , that he knew very well chah-jehan was dead ; and if he should be alive , he was desirous to come and kiss his feet , and to receive his commands . aureng-zebe immediately after , if not at the same time , taketh the field also in decan , maketh a great noise , and prepareth to march towards agra . the same prohibition was made to him also , as well from chah-jehan , as from dara , who threaten'd him . but he dissembleth , for the same reason that sultan sujah had done , and giveth the like answer . mean time , finding that his treasure was low , and his souldiery very inconsiderable , he devised two artifices , which succeeded admirably well ; the one , in regard of morad-bakche ; the other , in respect of emir-jemla . to morad-bakche he writes with speed a very fair letter , importing , that he had always been his true and intimate friend ; that , as for himself , he laid no claim at all to the crown ; that he might remember , he had all his life time made profession of a fakire , but that dara was a person incapable to govern a kingdom ; that he was a kafer , an idolater , and hated of all the greatest omrahs ; that sultan sujah was a rafezy , an heretick , and by consequence an enemy to indostan , and unworthy of the crown : so that , in a word , there was none but he ( morad-bakche ) that could reasonably pretend to the succession ; that the crown did expect him ; that the whole court , which was not ignorant of his valour , would be for him ; and that for his particular , if he would promise him , that being king , he would give him leave to live quietly in some corner or other of his empire , there to serve god the remainder of his days , he was ready to make a conjunction with him , to assist him with his counsel and friends , and to put into his hands his whole army , to fight dara and sultan sujah ; that in the mean time he sent him an hundred thousand rupies ( which make about fifty thousand crowns of our money ) and prayed him to accept thereof as a pledge of his friendship ; and that he would advise him to come with all possible speed to seize on the castle of suratte , where he knew to be the treasure of the land. morad-bakche , who was neither too rich nor too powerful , received with much joy this proposition of aureng-zebe , and the hundred thousand rupies sent by him ; and shew'd aureng-zebe's letter to every body , thereby to oblige the flower of that countrey to take up arms for him , and the substantial merchants to lend him the more willingly such sums of money as he demanded of them . he began in good earnest to act the king , made large promises to all , and , in short , did so well , that he set a good army on foot ; of whom he singled out some three thousand , who , under the conduct of chah-abas , one of his eunuchs , but a valiant man , should go to besiege suratte . aureng-zebe sent his eldest son , sultan mahmoud , ( him whom he had married to the daughter of the king of golkonda ) to emir-jemla , who was yet employed in the siege of kaliane , to perswade him to come to him to daulet-abad , pretending to have matter of the greatest importance to communicate to him . emir , who soon suspected his intentions , excused himself , saying openly that chah-jehan was not dead , that he had fresh news of his being alive , and that besides , all his family being at agra in the hands of dara , he could by no means assist aureng-zebe , nor declare himself for him . whereupon sultan mahmoud return'd to daulet-abad , without effecting any thing , and very much dissatisfied with emir . but aureng-zebe lost no courage for all that , but sent the second time to emir , yet not sultan mahmoud , but sultan mazum his second son , who presented to him his fathers letter , and handled him with that dexterity , sweetness , and protestation of friendship , that it was not possible to resist him . emir therefore pressed the siege of kaliane , forced the besieged to surrender upon composition , took the choice of his army , and with all diligence went away with sultan mazum . at his arrival , aureng-zebe courted him in the highest degree , treating him no otherwise than with the name of baba and babagy , that is , father , lord-father ; and after an hundred embraces , he took him somewhat aside , and told him ( according to what i could learn from persons who knew of it ) that it was not just , that having his family at the court , he should adventure to do any thing in his behalf that might come to be known ; but that , after all , there was nothing so difficult but an expedient might be found . give me leave therefore , said he , to propose to you a design , which at first will possibly surprise you ; but , since you apprehend the danger of your wife and children that are in hostage , the best way of providing for their security would be , to suffer me to seize on your person , and to put you in prison . it is out of doubt , that all the world will believe it done in earnest : for who would imagin , that such a person as you would be content to let your self be laid in prison ? in the interim , i could make use of part of your army , and of your artillery , as you shall judge most proper and convenient : you also could furnish me with a sum of money , as you have frequently offered it ; and besides , methinks i might tempt fortune further , and we might together take our measures , to see in what manner i had best to demean my self ; if you would also permit , that i might cause you to be transported into the fortress of daulet-abad , where you should be master ; and that there i might have you kept by my own son , sultan mazum , or sultan mahmoud ; this would yet better palliate the matter , and i see not , what dara could justly say of it , nor how he could reasonably treat your wife and children ill . emir , whether it were by reason of the friendship he had sworn to aureng-zebe , or for the great promises made to him , or the apprehension he had , of seeing near him sultan mazum , who stood by , very pensive and well armed , and sultan mahmoud , who looked grim upon him for his coming away at the sollicitation of his brother , not at that of his , and had at his very entrance lift up his foot as if he would have hit him ; whatever of these considerations might induce him , consented to all what aureng-zebe desired , and approved of the expedient to suffer himself to be imprison'd ; so that aureng-zebe being no sooner gone , but the great master of the artillery was seen to approach with some fierceness to emir , and to command him in the name of aureng-zebe to follow him , locking him up in a chamber , and there giving him very good words , whilst all the souldiery , that aureng-zebe had thereabout , went to their arms. the report of the detention of emir-jemla was no sooner spread , but a great tumult arose ; and those , whom he had brought along with him , although astonish'd , yet put themselves into a posture of rescuing him , and with their swords drawn ran to force the guards , and the gate of his prison ; which was easie for them to do : for aureng-zebe had not with him sufficient troops to make good so bold an enterprise ; the only name of emir-jemla made all tremble . but the whole matter being altogether counterfeited , all these commotions were presently calmed by the intimations that were given to the chief officers of emir's army , and by the presence of aureng-zebe , who there appeared very resolute with his two sons , and spoke now to one , then to another ; and at last by promises and presents , liberally bestowed on those that were concerned . so that all the troops of emir , and even most of those of chah-jehan , seeing things troubled , and being without their general , and believing chah-jehan to be dead , or , at best , desperately sick ; considering also the ample promises made to them of augmenting their stipend , and of giving them at that very time three months advance , soon listed themselves under aureng-zebe ; who having seized on all the equipage of emir , even his very camels and tents , took the field , resolved to march to the siege of suratte , and to hasten the taking it in ; where morad-bakche was exceedingly embarrassed , because that his best troops were employed there , and that he found more resistance in that place than he imagined . but aureng-zebe , after some days march , was informed , that the governour had surrendred the place ; for which he sent congratulations to morad-bakche , acquainting him withall of his transactions with emir-jemla , and assuring him , that he had forces and money enough , and very good intelligence at the court ; that nothing was wanting ; that he was directly going to brampour and agra ; that he had expected him on the way , and therefore desired him to joyn with him . 't is true , that morad-bakche found not so much money in the fortress of suratte as he had imagined , whether it were that really there was not so much as was reported , or whether the governour had diverted a part of it , as some believed : yet notwithstanding that little he found there was useful to him , to pay the souldiers that had listed themselves in hopes of the advantages , they should make of the imagined vast treasure of suratte . 't is not less true , that he had no greater reason to boast of the taking of this place , in regard there was not any regular fortification about it ; and yet his army had lain before it above a month , and would never have reduced it without the hollanders , who furnish'd them with the invention of springing a mine , which ruining a great side of the wall , cast the besieged into such a consternation , that it made them immediately surrender . the reduction of this town did much advance his design , fame proclaiming immediately throughout these countries , that morad-bakche had taken suratte ; that he had sprung a mine , which sounded very big among the indians , who as yet do little understand that practice ; and that there he had found a vast treasure . notwithstanding this great noise , and all the first advantages , joyned to all those frequent letters and great promises of aureng-zebe , the eunuch chah-abas , a man of good sense , of a great heart , and exceedingly affectionate to the service of his master , was not of opinion , that morad-bakche should so much tye himself in interest to aureng-zebe , or precipitate his conjunction with him , but advised , that he should amuse him with words , and let him advance alone towards agra ; that in the mean time there would come certain news of the sickness of chah-jehan ; that he should first see , what channel affairs would run in ; that he should fortifie suratte , as a very good post , able to render him master of a very large and rich countrey ; and that perhaps in time he might seize brampour , which is a very considerable passage of a river , and as 't were a bar of decan . but the continual letters and protestations of aureng-zebe , joyned to the small forces , artillery , and treasure of morad-bakche , blinded with an excessive ambition to reign , made him regardless of all other considerations ; so that he went away from amadevad , abandon'd guzaratte , and took his way through the woods and mountains , with all expedition , to be at the rendevouz , where aureng-zebe had looked for him these two or three days . great solemnities of joy were made at the conjunction of the two armies , the princes visited one another , aureng-zebe made a hundred protestations and no less promises to morad-backche , assured him afresh , and solemnly , of his not caring for the crown , as also of his being there for no other end than to assist him against dara , their common enemy , and to place him in the throne , which expected him . upon this enterview , and confirmation of friendship , both armies marched together , aureng-zebe continuing always , during the march , in the protestations of friendship , and in his courtship to morad-bakche , treating him never otherwise , whether in publick or private , but with the title of hazaret , that is , king and majesty : so that morad-bakche was fully perswaded , that aureng-zebe meant sincerely , from an excess of affection towards him ; whence he even willingly , and without ceremony , suffer'd the submissions and respects he shew'd him ; instead of remembring what had lately passed at golkonda , and of considering , that he , who had thus hazarded himself with so much boldness to usurp a kingdon , was not of a temper to live and dye a fakire these two armies thus joyned made a body considerable enough ; which begot a great noise at court , and gave cause of thoughtfulness , not only to dara , but to chah-jehan himself , who knew the great parts and subtle conduct of aureng-zebe , and the courage of morad-bakche ; and who foresaw very well , that a fire was a kindling , which would be very hard to quench . it was to no purpose to write letters upon letters , signifying that he was well , and giving order that they should turn back to their respective governments , and expressing also , that he would forget all that had passed hitherto . all his letters were not able to hinder their advance ; and as the sickness of chah-jehan did still pass for mortal , there being no persons wanting to bring and spread such news , they still continued to dissemble , giving out , that they were letters counterfeited by dara ; that chah-jehan was dead indeed ; but that , in case he were alive , they would go to kiss his feet , and deliver him from the hands of dara . what then should chah-jehan , this unfortunate king , do , who seeth , that his sons have no regard to his orders ; who is informed at all hours , that they march apace towards agra in the head of their armies , and who in this conjuncture finds himself sick to boot in the hands of dara , that is , of a man who breatheth nothing but war ; who prepareth for it with all imaginable earnestness , and with all the marks of an enraged resentment against his brothers ? but what could he do in this extremity ? he is constrained to abandon to them his treasures , and to leave them to their disposal . he is forced to send for his old and most trusty captains , whom he knows for the most part to be not very affectionate to dara ; he must command them to fight for dara , against his own blood , his own children , and those , for whom he hath more esteem than for dara ; he is obliged forthwith to send an army against sultan sujah , because 't is he that is most advanced ; and he is to send another against aureng-zebe and morad-bakche , who no less are marching towards him . soliman chekouh , the eldest son of dara , a young prince of about five and twenty years of age , very proper of body , and of good parts and conduct , generous , liberal , and universally beloved , especially of chah-jehan , who had already enriched him , and who considered him rather for his successour than dara , was he , that was made general of this army against sujah . nevertheless chah-jehan , who wished much rather , that sujah were return'd to bengale , than that the matter should be tryed by a bloody combat , which could not be but very tragical , and wherein he run the hazard of losing one or other of his sons , gave him for companion an ancient raja , called jesseigne , who is at present one of the powerfullest and richest rajas of all indostan , and one the ablest in the whole kingdom , with a secret order not to fight , except it were altogether unavoidable ; as also to endeavour by all means to induce sujah to retire , and to reserve his forces for a better occasion ; that is to say , after they should have seen the event of the sickness of chah-jehan and the success of aureng-zebe , and of morad-bache . but this young prince , soliman chekouh , full of heat and courage , breathing after nothing but to signalize himself by some great action , and sultan sujah fearing lest aureng-zebe gaining a battel should first make himself master of the capital towns of the empire , agra and dehly ; it was impossible for the raja jesseigne to keep them from a combat . the two armies are no sooner in sight of one another , but they prepare to fall on , and they were not long from giving some vollies of cannon . i shall not relate the particulars of this fight , for , besides that the narration of it would be too long and tedious , in the sequel of this history we shall be obliged to describe more considerable ones , by which the reader will be able to judge of this . 't is sufficient to know in general , that the first onset was very sharp and obstinate on both sides , but that at length soliman chekouh did urge sujah with that force and vigour , that he disorder'd him , and made him fly : so that if jesseigne , and the patan delil-kan , who was one of the first captains and a valiant man , but an intimate friend of the raja , and did not act but being moved by him , had seconded him in good earnest , 't is thought that the whole army of sujah would have been defeated , and himself in danger of being taken : but that was not the design of the raja to destroy him , no more than it was that of chah-jehan , who had given him order to the contrary . thus then had sujah time to retreat , and that without losing any considerable number of his men ; yet because soliman chekouh kept the field , and brought away some pieces of artillery , it was presently bruited at court , sujah had been totally overthrown . this defeat purchased great reputation to soliman chekouh , lessen'd much the esteem of sultan sujah , and cooled exceedingly all the persians that had an inclination for him . after that some days were spent in the pursuit of sujah , the prince soliman chekouh , who every day received news from the court , and who learned , that aureng-zebe and morad-bakche did approach with great resolution , well knowing , that his father dara had no great stock of prudence , but good store of secret enemies , resolved to quit the pursuit of sultan sujah , and with all speed to return to agra , where in all appearance dara was to give battel against aureng-zebe and morad-bakche . this was the best counsel he could take , for no man doubts , that if he could have been there in good time , aureng-zebe would not have had the advantage ; and 't is even believed , he would never have hazarded the combat , the party being too unequal ; but the bad fortune of dara did not permit it . whilst all that was thus transacted toward elabas , which is the place where the gemna is joyned to ganges ; the scene was very different on the side of agra . at the court they were much surprised to hear , that aureng-zebe had passed the river of brampour , and all the other passages that were most difficult between the mountains ; so that with all haste they sent away some troops to dispute with him the passage of the river eugenes , whilst the whole army was making ready . for which purpose , there were chosen two of the most considerable and the most powerful of the kingdom to command it ; the one was kasem-kan , a renowned captain and very affectionate to chah-jehan , but one that had no great inclination to dara , and who went not but to oblige chah-jehan , whom he saw in the hands of dara : the other was jessomseigne , a potent raja , not inferiour to jesseigne , and son-in-law to that raja rana , who was at the time of ekbar so puissant , as if he had been the emperour of the raja's . dara at their farewel expressed to them great kindness , and presented them nobly ; but chah jehan took his time , before their departure , to charge them in secret , as he had done the raja jesseigne , when he went away in the expedition against sultan suiah with soliman chekouh . neither were they wanting , in their march , to send several times to aureng-zebe and morad-bakche , to perswade them to turn back : but this was in vain ; their envoys came not again , and the army advanced with that diligence , that they saw it much sooner than they thought upon a rising ground , not far remote from the river . it being then summer , and the season of the greatest heats , the river was fordable ; which was the cause , that at the same time kasem-kan and the raja prepared themselves to give battel ; besides that , they soon knew the resolution of aureng-zebe , that he would force them , since that , although his army was not all come up , he gave them some vollies of cannon ; his design being to amuse them , fearing lest they themselves should pass the river , not only to prevent his passage , but also to hinder his army from reposing , and from taking an advantageous post ; which was indeed in great disorder , and so tired by their march , and so faint by the heat , that if at the very first it had been assaulted , and kept from passing the water , it would doubtless have been routed without much resistance . [ i was not by in this first encounter , but thus it was generally discoursed of , and it agreeth with the after-relation of many of our french-men , who served aureng-zebe in the artillery . ] but they were content to stay at the river-side , to keep aureng-zebe from passing it , according to the order they had received . after that aureng-zebe had let his army rest two or three days , and by amusing the enemy , had fitted it to pass the river , he made his whole artillery play , which was very well placed ; and he commanded , that under the favour of the cannon they should pass the river . kasem-kan and the raja , on their part , discharged theirs also , and did what they could to repulse the enemy , and to keep him from passing . the combat was sharp enough at first , and very obstinately maintained by the extraordinary valour of jessomseigne . for as to kasem-kan , although a great captain , and a stout man , he gave no great proof of his valour in this occasion ; yea , some accuse him of treachery , charging him that he had in the night caused the bullets and powder to be hid under the sand , there being no more of them to be found after two or three discharges . however it be , the combat for all that was , as i said , very resolutely carried on , and the passage long disputed . there were rocks in the bed of the river , which did much embarass , and the banks in many places were very high and difficult to climb up . but at last , morad-bakche cast himself into the water with so much resolution and force , and shew'd so much valour and boldness , that there was no resisting of him . he passed over , and with him a good part of the army , which made kasem-kan to give back , and cast jessomseigne into great danger of his person . for by and by he found the whole body of the enemy upon him , and without the extraordinary resolution of his ragipous , who almost all were killed about him , he had been a dead man. one may judge of the great danger he was in upon this occasion , by this , that after he had disengaged himself as well as he could , and was come back to his own , not daring to return to agra , because of the great loss he had suffered , of seven or eight thousand ragipous he had but five or six hundred of them remaining . these ragipous , who take their name from the rajas , that is to say , the children of the rajas , are from father to son such men as make the sword their profession . the rajas , whose subjects they are , do assign them lands for their subsistence , on condition to be always ready to go to war when summoned . so that one might say , that they were a sort of pagan nobles , if the rajas gave them their lands in propriety for them and their children . they are great takers of opium ; and i have sometimes wondred at the quantity i have seen them take : they accustom themselves to it from their youth . on the day of battel they double the dose , this drug animating , or rather inebriating them , and making them insensible of danger ; insomuch that they cast themselves into the combat like so many furious beasts , not knowing what it is to run away , but dying at the feet of their raja , when he stands to it . they want nothing but order , resolution they have enough . 't is a pleasure thus to see them , with the fume of opium in their head , to embrace one another , when the battel is to begin , and to give their mutual farewels , as men resolved to dye . and that they do for this reason ; that the great mogol , though a mahumetan , and by consequence an enemy of the heathen , yet for all that entertains always a good number of rajas in his service , whom he considers as his other omrahs , and imploys in his armies as if they were mahumetans . i cannot forbear to relate here the fierce reception , which the daughter of the rana gave to her husband jessomseigne , after his defeat and flight . when she heard that he was nigh , and had understood what had passed in the battel ; that he had fought with all possible courage , that he had but four or five hundred men left ; and that at last , not being able to resist any longer the enemy , he had been obliged to retreat : she , in stead of sending one to receive him , and to console him in his misfortunes , commanded in a dry mood to shut the gates of the castle , and not to let this infamous man enter ; that he was not her husband ; that she would never see him ; that the son-in-law of the great rana , could not have so low a soul ; that he was to remember , that being grafted into so illustrious an house , he was to imitate the virtue of it ; and , in a word , that he was either to vanquish or to dye . a moment after she was of another humour ; she commands a pile of wood to be laid , that she might burn her self , that they abus'd her ; that her husband must needs be dead ; that it could not be otherwise . and a little while after this , she was seen to change her countenance , to fall into passion , and to break out into a thousand reproaches against him . in short , she remained thus transported eight or nine days , without being able to resolve to see her husband , 'till at last her mother coming in , brought her in some degree to her self , and comforted her , assuring her , that as soon as the raja had but a little refresh'd himself , he would raise another army , to fight aureng-zebe , and repair his honour at any rate . by which story one may see a pattern of the courage of the women in that countrey : to which i could add something i have seen some of them do , who burned themselves alive after the death of their husbands ; but we must reserve this discourse for another place , where i shall also shew , that there is nothing which opinion , prepossession , custom , hope , and the point of honour , &c. may not make men do or suffer . dara having understood what had passed at eugenes , fell into that choler against kasem-kan , that it was thought he would have cut off his head , if he had been upon the place . he was also transported against emir-jemla , as the person that was the first and principal cause of the misfortune , and who had furnish'd aureng-zebe with men , money , and cannon . he is ready to kill his son mahmet emir-kan , and will send his wife and daughter to basar , or the market-place of prostituted women ; and 't is past doubt , that he would have done some such thing , if chah-jehan , with much art and prudence , had not moderated the excess of his passion , in remonstrating to him , that emir-jemla had not so little conduct , nor so great a friendship for aureng-zebe , as to hazard , and in a manner to sacrifice his family , for the advancing of his interest ; that aureng-zebe must needs have gulled and ensnared him , by his usual artifice and cunning . as for aureng-zebe and morad-bakche , the happy success of this first encounter did so swell their hearts , and gave such courage to their whole army , that henceforth they believed themselves invincible , and capable to compass any thing . besides , aureng-zebe , the more to animate his souldiers , bragged openly , that he had thirty thousand mogols at his devotion in the army of dara ; and there was something in it , as appeared by the sequel . morad-bakche was for nothing but fighting , and would march with all diligence . but aureng-zebe represented to him , that it was necessary the army should refresh themselves for some time upon the banks of this sweet river ; that in the mean time he would write to all his friends , and get a full and certain information of the state of the court , and of the condition of all affairs . so that he marched not towards agra , 'till he had rested some days , and after that he marched but slowly , to inform himself of all , and to take his time and measures . concerning chah-jehan , when he plainly saw the resolution of aureng-zebe and morad-bakche , and that there was no hope left to make them turn back , he was in such a perplexity , that he knew not what to resolve , and foreseeing some great calamity , he would fain have hindred the last decisive battel , for which he saw dara preparing himself with great eagerness . but what could he do to oppose it ? he was yet too weak of his sickness , and saw himself still in the hands of dara , whom , as i have said , he trusted not much : so that he found himself obliged to acquiesce in his will , and to commit to him all the forces of the empire , and to command all captains to obey him . immediately all was in arms : i know not , whether there was ever a more gallant army seen in indostan . 't is said , that there were little less than an hundred thousand horse , and twenty thousand foot , with four thousand peeces of cannon , without reckoning the incredible number of servants , followers , victuallers , whom historians me thinks do often put into the number of the combatants , when they speak of those formidable armies of three or four hundred thousand men , of which their books are full . though this army was very brave , and strong enough to cut in pieces two or three of such as aureng-zebe had , in which there were no more than thirty five or forty thousand men in all , and these tired and harassed by a very long and irksom march , during the height of the heats ; and but a small number of cannon , in respect of that of dara . mean time ( which seems hard to believe ) there was scarce any body that presaged well for dara , all knowing , that most of the chief omrahs had no affection for him , and that all the good souldiers that were for him , and whom he might confide in , were in the army of soliman chekouh , his son. and 't was for this reason , that the most prudent and the most faithful of his friends , and chah-jehan himself , counselled him , not to hazard a battel : chah-jehan offering , as infirm as he was , that he would go into the field himself , and be carried before aureng-zebe , to interpose ; which was looked upon as a very good expedient for peace , and for accomodating the affairs of chah-jehan . for 't is certain , that aureng-zebe and morad-bakche , would never have had the boldness to fight against their own father ; and if they should have attempted it , they would have smarted for it , because , besides that the match was not equal , and all the great omrahs were so affectionate to chah-jehan , that they would not have failed to fight resolutely , if they had seen him in the head of the army ; besides this , i say , the captains themselves of aureng-zebe and morad-bakche , bore great affection and respect to this prince , whose creatures they most were ; and the whole army , in a manner , was his . so that in all appearance , not one of them would have presumed to draw his sword against him , nor he been at the pains of drawing his . then they advised dara , that if he would not hearken to this expedient , he should at least not precipitate the business , but delay , 'till soliman chekouh , who made all haste to joyn , were come in . which was also very good counsel , in regard that that prince was beloved of all , and was lately come home victorious , and had the most faithful and the bravest souldiers with him . but dara would never hearken to any proposition that could be made to him , and he thought on nothing else but to give battel presently , and to go against aureng-zebe in person . and possibly he did not amiss , as to his own honour and particular interest , if he could have commanded fortune , and made things succeed as he contrived them . for the considerations he had ( as he could not forbear now and then to discover ) were some such as these : he looked upon himself as master of the person of chah-jehan ; that he could dispose of him as he pleased ; that he was also possessor of all the treasures and forces of the empire ; that sultan sujah was half ruined ; that his two other brothers , with a weak and tired army , were come to cast themselves into his hands ; that , if he gained the battel , they could not escape him ; that he should all at once be absolute master , and at the end of all his troubles , and at the height of his wishes , so as no body could contradict him in any thing , or dispute the crown with him . whereas if chah-jehan should take the field , all affairs would be accommodated , his brothers would return to their governments , chah-jehan , who began to recover his health , would resume the government as before , and all things would return into their first channel : that , if he should stay for soliman chekouh , his son , chah-jehan might take some design to his disadvantage , or contrive something with aureng-zebe ; that whatever he could do for gaining the victory , the reputation , which soliman chekouh had purchased , would still give him all the honour of it . and after that , what would not he be capable to undertake , swelled with so much glory and success , and especially being supported , as he was , by the favour and affection of chah-jehan , and of the greatest part of the omrahs ? what did he know , whether he would keep any modesty , or any respect for him , and whether his ambition might not carry him ? these considerations made dara resolve to stand out against the counsel of all , and to pursue his point . and for that purpose , he commanded immediately the whole army to take the field , and thereupon came to take leave of chah-jehan , who was in the fortress of agra . this good old man was ready to melt in tears , when he embraced him ; but withall failed not to represent to him , with a very grave countenance : well , dara , since thou art resolved to follow thine own will , go , god bless thee , but remember well these few words ; if thou losest the battel , take heed of ever coming into my presence . but this made no great impression upon him ; he goeth forth briskly , taketh horse , and seizeth on the passage of the river tchembel , which is about twenty miles from agra ; where he fortified himself , expecting his enemy . but the subtile and crafty fakire , who wanted no good spies , and people that gave him intelligence of all , and who knew that the passage was there very difficult , took good heed to attempt the forcing it . he came to encamp himself near it , so that from the camp of dara one might discover his tents . but what doth he in the mean time ? he inveagles a certain rebel of raja , called chempet , presents him richly , and promiseth him a thousand fine things , if he would let him pass thorough his territories , that so he might go with speed to gain a certain place , where he knew that the river might be passed on foot with ease . chempet agreeth , and offers of his own accord , that he would himself attend him , and shew him the way through the woods and hills of his countrey . aureng-zebe raised his camp the same night , without any noise , leaving some of his tents to amuse dara , and marching night and day , made such haste , that he was almost as soon on the other side of the river , as dara could have notice of it . which obliged dara to abandon the river there , and to leave all his fortifications , and to follow his enemy ▪ who , he was told , did advance with great diligence towards agra , to gain the river of gemna , and there without trouble , and at his ease , to enjoy the water , to fortifie , and to fix himself well , and so to expect dara . the place where he encamped is but five leagues from agra , it was formerly called samonguer , and now fateabad , which is to say , place of victory . a little while after , dara also came to encamp there , nigh the bank of the same river , between agra and the army of aureng-zebe , the two armies were there between three and four days in sight of one another , without fighting . mean time chah-jehan wrote several letters to dara , that soliman chekouh was not far off ; that he should not precipitate ; that he should come near agra , and chuse an advantageous place to fortifie himself 'till he came . but dara answer'd , that before three days were passed , he would bring to him aureng-zebe and morad-bakche tyed hand and foot , to do with them what he should think fit . and without expecting any longer , he began at that very hour to put his army in battel array . he placed in the front all his cannon , causing them to be tyed the one to the other with chains , to shut the passage to the cavalry . behind these peeces of cannon , he placed also front-wise a great number of light camels , on the forepart of the bodies whereof they fasten a small peece , of the bigness of a double musquet ; a man sitting on the hind-part of the camel , being able to charge and discharge without lighting . behind these camels stood the greatest part of the musqueteers . of the rest of the army , which chiefly consisted in cavalry , furnish'd with bows and arrows , ( as ordinarily are the mogols , that is , at present , white men , mahumetans , strangers , as persians , turks , arabians , and usbecks ; ) or with a sword , and a kind of half-pike , as commonly are the ragipous : of all these , i say , there were made three different bodies . the right wing was committed to calil-ullah-kan , with thirty thousand mogols under his command ; for he was made great bakchis , that is , great master of the cavalry , in the place of danechmend-kan , that was afterwards my agah , who voluntarily resigned this office , seeing that he was not well beloved of dara , for having always highly maintained against him the interest and authority of chah-jehan . the left wing was given to rustam-kan dakny , a very renowned and very valiant captain , together with the raja chatresale , and the raja ramseigne routlé . on the other side , aureng-zebe and morad-bakche put also their army almost into the same order ; except that in the midst of the troops of some omrahs , they had hid some small field-peeces , which was , as was said , after the way and art of emir-jemla , and with no ill effect . they hardly made use of any more art , than what hath been now related ; only they placed here and there some men casting bannes , which is a kind of granado fastened to a stick , that may be cast very far through the cavalry , and which extremely terrifieth horses , and even hurts and kills sometimes . all this cavalry turns about very easily , and they draw their arrows with marvellous swiftness ; one man being able to draw six of them , before a musqueteer can twice discharge his musquet . the same cavalry keeps also very close in several troops under their respective officers , especially when they are going to fight hand to hand . but after all , i see not , that this way of putting an army in array , is any great matter , in comparison of our armies , when in good order . all things being thus disposed , the artillery began to play on both sides ; for 't is always the cannon that makes the prelude amongst them ; and the arrows were now seen to fly through the air , when unexpectedly there happen'd to fall a storm of rain , so violent , that it interrupted the combat . the rain ceasing , the cannon began afresh to roar ; and then it was that dara appeared , who being mounted upon a proud elephant of ceilau , commanded that an onset should be made on all sides ; and himself advanced into the midst of the body of the cavalry , directly towards the enemies artillery , who received him warmly , kill'd store of men about him , and put into disorder , not only the main body which he commanded , but also the other bodies of the cavalry that followed him . yet notwithstanding , because he was seen to keep firm upon his elephant , without any appearance of giving back , and was observed to look every where about him with an undaunted look , and to make signs with his hands to advance and to follow him , this disorder soon ceased , every one resuming his rank , and advancing in the same pace with dara . but he could not reach the enemy , without receiving another volley of cannon-shot , which caused a second and great disorder in his men , and made a good part of them recoyl ; yet he , without any change in his countenance , stood to it , encouraging his troops , and gave still signs , that they should follow him , and advance with speed without any loss of time . thus pressing vigorously forward , he forced the enemies artillery , broke the chains , entred into their camp , and made a rout in their camels and infantry , and in every thing he met with on that side ; opening also a good passage to the cavalry that followed him . then it was , that the enemies cavalry facing him , a sore combat began . a showre of arrows fill'd the air from both sides , dara himself putting his hand to that work : but , to say truth , these arrows do but little execution ; more of them are lost in the air , or broken on the ground , than hit . the first discharges of arrows being made , they fought hand to hand with their sables , pesle mesle , and the combat was stoutly maintain'd on both sides . dara is still seen to continue firm on his elephant , encouraging , making a noise , and giving signs on all sides ; and at last advancing with so much resolution and force , against all that opposed him in his march , that he overthrew the cavalry , and made them to retire and run away . aureng-zebe , who was not far from thence , and mounted also on an elephant , seeing this great disorder , was in great trouble , and laboured with all his might to remedy it ; but to no purpose . he made the main body of his best cavalry advance , to try whether he could make head against dara ; but it was not long before this body also was forced to give back , and to retreat in great disorder , whatever aureng-zebe could say or do to hinder it . mean time let us take notice of his courage and resolution : he saw that almost the whole body of his army was disordered , and in a flying posture , in so much that he had not a thousand men about him that kept their standing ; ( some told me , that there were scarce five hundred : ) he saw , that dara , notwithstanding the difficulty of the way , which was uneven , and full of holes in divers places , made as if he would rush in upon him : yet , for all this , he lost no courage , and was so far from being struck with fear , or from retreating , that he stood firmly to it , and called by name most of his captains that were about him , crying out to them , delirane kodahé , ( these are his own words , ) that is , courage my old friends , god is : what hope is there in flying ? know you not , where is our decan ? kodahé , kodahé , god is , god is . and that none might doubt of his being undaunted , and that he thought on nothing less than running away , he commanded before them all ( oh strange extremity ! ) that forthwith chains should be fastened to the feet of his elephant ; and was going to fasten them in good earnest , but that they all declared their courage and resolution , to live and dye with him . dara in the interim endeavoured to advance upon aureng-zebe , though he was yet at a good distance from him , and though the difficulty of the way embarassed and retarded him much ; he meeting also with some resistance , even from those disordered horse of the enemy , that cover'd all high and low places where he was to march. and this encounter with aureng-zebe was looked upon as the thing , that was to assure dara of the victory , and to decide the battel . and doubtless , he would have overcome all these difficulties , and aureng-zebe , with the small number left him , would not have been able to bid head to this victorious army , if dara had known how to profit of the prise he had in his hands . but here he failed ; of which i shall now shew the occasion , and how thereby the scale was turned to aureng-zebe's advantage . dara perceived that his left wing was in great disorder , and he was informed , that rustam-kan and chatresale were killed ; that ramseigne routlé had too far advanced , that he had indeed forced the enemy , and made way through the midst of them ; but that now he was surrounded every way , and in very great danger . this it was , which made dara desist from his design of making directly towards aureng-zebe , that he might go to succour his left wing . there at first the battel was also very sharp , but dara at last carried it , forcing and routing all , yet so , as that there still remained something that resisted and stopped him . mean time , ramseigne routlé fought with so much courage and vigour as was possible . he wounded morad-bakche , and came so near him , that he began to cut the girdles of his elephant , to make him fall down ; but the valour and good fortune of morad-bakche gave not time enough for it . in short , never any man fought and defended himself more bravely , than morad-bakche did on this occasion : all wounded as he was , and pressed by the ragipous of ramseigne routlé , who were round about him ▪ he was not daunted , nor gave way in the least , but knew so well to take his time , that , although he was , besides defending himself , to cover with his shield a son of his , but of seven or eight years of age , who was sitting on his side , he made an arrow shot so luckily at ramseigne routlé , that it made him fall dead to the ground . dara soon heard the sad news of this accident ; but at the same time he understood also , that morad-bakche was in very great danger ; the ragipous fighting furiously , and like lions , to revenge the death of their master . and though he saw , on that side the way was very difficult , and that he still found some small body opposing and retarding him ; yet he was determined to rush through to morad-bakche : and doubtless this was the best he could do , and that , which was capable to repair the fault he had committed in not doing his business thoroughly with aureng-zebe . but his bad fortune kept him from it , or rather , one of the blackest treacheries that ever was imagined , and the greatest oversight that was ever committed , did cause the entire loss and ruin of dara . calil-ullah-kan ( he that commanded the thirty thousand mogols , which made the right wing , and were alone able to defeat the whole army of aureng-zebe ) did , whilst dara and his left wing fought with so much courage and success , keep off , as idle as if he were not concerned in the fray , not permitting any one of his horsemen to shoot an arrow , with a pretence , that they were for a reserve , and that he had express order not to fight but in the last extremity . but the true cause was , that he reserved in his breast the rancour of an old affront , done him by dara , when he commanded him to be struck . but after all , this treachery would have done no great mischief , if this infamous man had contented himself with this first effect of his resentment : behold , how far he carried his rage , and revengefulness ! he cut himself off from his main body , and taking only a few men with him , rid with all possible speed towards dara , at the same time when he was turning to fall on morad-bakche , and being come so near as to make himself be heard , cryed out with all his force ; mohbareck-bad , hazaret , salamet , elhamd-ul-ellah ; god save your majesty , you have obtained the victory ; what will you do any longer upon your elephant ? is it not enough , that you have exposed your self so long ? if the least of those shots , that have been made into your dais , had reached your person , what would have become of us are there traitors wanting in this army ? in the name of god come down quickly and take horse . what remains more to be done , than to pursue those run-aways ▪ let us do so , nor let us suffer , that they should escape our hands ! if dara had had wit enough to discover the cheat , and to consider upon a sudden the consequences of his not appearing any more upon the elephant , and being no more seen by the whole army , always eying him , or rather , if he had presently commanded to cut off the head of this parasitical traitor , he had been master of all . but the good prince suffered himself to be blinded by these sweet words : he hearkened to this advice , as if it had been very true and very sincere ; he descended from his elephant , and took horse . but i know not , whether there passed one quarter of an hour , but he perceived the treachery of calil-ullah-kan , and repented himself extremely of the great fault he had committed . he looks about him , he seeketh , he asketh where he is ; he saith , he is a traitor , he will kill him . but the perfidious villain is by this time at a good distance ; the occasion is lost . would it be believed , that as soon as the army perceived dara to be no more upon the elephant , they imagined that there was treason , that dara was killed ; and all were struck with such a terrour , that every one thought on nothing , but how to escape the hands of aureng-zebe , and to save himself . what shall i say ? all the army disbands and flyeth . a sudden and strange revolution ! he that saw himself just now victorious , finds himself in a few moments vanquished , abandoned , and obliged to sly himself to save his life , aureng-zebe , by holding out firm a quarter of an hour upon his elephant , seeth the crown of indostan upon his head ; and dara , for having come down a little too soon , seeth himself precipitated from the throne , and the most unfortunate prince of the world. thus fortune taketh pleasure , to make the gain or loss of a battel , and the decision of a great empire , depend upon a nothing . these great and prodigious armies , 't is true , do sometimes great things ; but when once terrour seizeth , and disorder comes among them , what means of stopping the commotion ? 't is like a great river broke through its dams ; it must over-run all , without a remedy . whence it is , that as often as i consider the condition of sueh armies , destitute of good order , and marching like flocks of sheep , i perswade my self , that , if in these parts one might see an army of five and twenty thousand men , of those old troops of flandres , under the conduct of monsieur le prince , or of monsieur de turenne , i doubt not at all , but they would trample under foot all those armies , how numerous soever they were . and this it is , that now maketh me not find it any longer strange or incredible , what we are told of ten thousand greeks ; and of fifty thousand men of alexander , overcoming six or seven hundred thousand men of darius ; ( if it be true , that there were so many , and that the historian did not reckon the servants , and all those numbers of men , which were to follow the army , to furnish it with forage , cattel , corn , and all other necessaries . ) bear only the first brunt , which would be no very difficult thing for us to do ; and behold , they are all astonish'd : or , do like alexander , set vigorously upon one place , if that hold not out , ( which will be very hard of them to do ) you may be sure the work is done ; all the rest presently take fright and flight together . aureng-zebe , encouraged by such a wonderful success , is not wanting to turn every stone , to employ skill , dexterity , subtilty , craft , courage , to profit by all the advantages , which so favourable an occasion puts into his hands . calil-ullah-kan is presently with him , offering him his service , and all the troops he could be master of . he , on his side , wants not words of thanks and acknowledgments , nor a thousand fair promises : but he was very cautious to receive him in his own name ; he carried him presently and presented him to morad-bakche , who , as we may easily think , received him with open arms ; aureng-zebe in the mean time congratulating and praising morad-bakche , for having fought so valiantly , and ascribing to him all the honour of the victory ; treating him with the title of king and majesty before calil-uttah-kan , giving him uncommon respect , and doing submissions to him becoming a subject and servant . in the interim , he labours night and day for himself , he writeth round about to all the omrahs , making sure to day of one , and next day of another . chah-hest-kan , his uncle , the great and old enemy of dara , by reason of an affront he had received from him , did the same for him on his part ; and as he is the person who writeth best and subtillest of the empire of indostan , so he contributed not a little by his cabals to the advancement of the affairs of aureng-zebe , making strong parties every where against dara . in the mean time let us still observe the artifice and dissimulation of aureng-zebe : nothing of what he doth , treateth , promiseth , is for himself , or in his own name ; he hath still ( forsooth ) the design of living as a fakire : all is for morad-bakche , 't is he that commands ; aureng-zebe doth nothing ; 't is morad-bakche that doth all , 't is he that is designed to be king. as for the unhappy dara , he comes with all speed to agra , in a desperate condition , and not daring to go see chah-jehan , remembring , doubtless , those severe words which he let fall , when he took leave of him before the battel , viz. that he should remember not to come before him , if he were overcome . yet , for all that , the good old father sent secretly a trusty eunuch to him , to comfort him , to assure him of the continuance of his affection , to declare to him his trouble for his misfortune , and to remonstrate to him , that the case was not yet desperate , considering that there was a good army with soliman chekouh , his son , that he should go to dehli , where he should find a thousand horse in the royal stables ; and that the governour of the fortress had order to furnish him with money and elephants ; for the rest , that he should not go further than he needs must ; that he would often write to him : and lastly , that he very well knew how to find out and chastise aureng-zebe . i have been informed , that dara was then in such a confusion , and sunk so low , that he had not the power to answer a word to the eunuch , nor the courage to send any one to chah-jehan ; but that , after having sent several times to begum-saheb , his sister ▪ he went away at mid-night , taking with him his wife , his daughters , and his grand-child sepe-chekouh ; and that ( which is almost incredible ) he was attended with not above three or four hundred persons . let us leave him in his voyage to dehli , and stay at agra , to consider the dexterity and craft , wherewith aureng-zebe proceeded to manage affairs . he well knew , that dara , and those of his party , could yet place some hopes in the victorious army of soliman chekouh , and therefore he resolved to take it from him , or to make it useless to him . to this end , he wrote letters upon letters to the raja jesseigne , and to delil-kan , who were the chief heads of the army of soliman chekouh , telling them , that there was no hope left for dara and his party ▪ that he had lost the battel ; that his whole army had submitted to him ; that all had abandon'd him ; that he was fled alone towards dehli ; that he could never escape him , and that orders were distributed every where to seize on him . and as for chah-jehan , that he was in a condition hopeless of recovery ; that they should take good care of what they had to do ; and if they were men of understanding , and would follow his fortune , and be his friends , they should seize on soliman chekouh , and bring him to him . jesseigne found himself perplex'd enough , what he should do , still much apprehending chah-jehan and dara , and more , to lay hands upon a royal person , well knowing , that some mischief might therefore fall on him , sooner or later , even from aureng-zebe himself . besides , he knew that soliman chekouh had too much courage to let himself be taken after that manner , and that he would rather dye in defending himself . behold therefore , what he at last resolved ! after having taken counsel with delil-kan , his great friend , and after they had renew'd to one another the oath of mutual fidelity , he went directly to the tent of soliman chekouh , who with great impatience expected him , ( for he also had heard the news of the defeat of dara his father ) and had already divers times sent for him . to him he frankly discover'd all things , shew'd him the letter of aureng-zebe , told him what course was best for him to take , represented to him the danger he was in ; that there was no reason he should trust in delil-kan , or in daoud-kan , or in the rest of his army ; but that , as soon as he could , he should gain the mountains of serenaguer ; that that was the best expedient he could take ; that the raja of that countrey being in unaccessible places , and not apprehending aureng-zebe , would doubtless receive him gladly ; and , for the rest , he would soon see how things would go , and be always in a condition to come down from the mountains , when he should think good . the young prince understood well enough by this kind of discourse , that there was no ground to trust henceforth in this raja , and that there was no more safety for his person ; and that the rather , because he knew that delil-kan was altogether devoted to him , and he saw well enough , that there was a necessity to take this course suggested . whereupon he soon commanded , that his baggage should be put up to march towards the mountains . some of his most affectionate friends , as a good number of manseb-dars , of sajeds , and others , put themselves in order to attend him ; the rest of the army , altogether astonish'd , remain'd with the raja . but that , which was very mean for a great raja , and a very sordid barbarousness , was , that he and delil-kan sent under hand some to fall upon his baggage , who also took other things , and among them an elephant laden with rupies of gold , which caused a great disorder among those small troops that follow'd him ; and which was an occasion , that many of them return'd and abandon'd him ; and invited also the countrey-people to set upon his men , pillaging them , and even killing some of them ▪ yet he made a shift to gain the mountains , with his wife and children , where the raja of serenaguer received him with all the honour and civilities he could desire , assuring him , that he was in safety , as much as if he were king of that countrey , and that he would protect and assist him with all his forces . in the mean time , behold what happened on agra's side . three or four days after the battel of samonguer , the victorious aureng-zebe , together with morad-bakche , came directly to the gate of the town into a garden , which may be a little league distant from the fortress , and sent from thence an able eunuch , and one of those whom he most confided in , to chah-jehan , to salute him with a thousand fair protestations of his affection and submission ; that he was exceedingly sorry for what had passed , and for having been obliged , by reason of the ambition and evil designs of dara , to proceed to all those extremities ; that , for the rest , he rejoyced extremely to hear , that he began to find himself better , and that he was come thither for no other end than to receive his commands . chah-jehan was not wanting to express to the eunuch much satisfaction , as to the proceedings of aureng-zebe , and to receive the submissions of this son with all possible appearances of joy ; though he saw very well , that matters had been carried too far , and sufficiently knew the reserved and crafty humour of aureng-zebe , and his secret passion for reigning ; and that therefore he was not much to be trusted , for all his fair words . and yet notwithstanding he suffers himself to be circumvented , and in stead of playing the surest chart , by using his utmost power , by stirring , by appearing , by causing himself to be carried through the town , and by assembling all his omrahs , ( for it was yet time to do all this ) he goes about to out-wit aureng-zebe , him that was his crafts-master , and attempts to draw him into a snare , wherein he will be found taken himself . he then sends also an eunuch to this son , to let him know , that he well understood the ill conduct , and even the incapacity of dara ; that he could not but call to mind the particular inclination he always had and expressed towards him , that he could not doubt of his affection ; and lastly , that he should come to see him , and to advise with him what was fit to be done in these disorders ; and that he passionately wished to embrace him . aureng-zebe , on his side , saw also well enough , that he was not to trust too much to the words of chah-jehan , knowing especially , that begum-saheb , his enemy as well as sister , was night and day about him , and that 't was very probable , he acted nothing but by her motion . and he apprehended , that if he should come into the fortress , he might be seized on , and ill treated ; as it was said , that the resolution was indeed taken to do so , and several of those lusty tartarian women , which serve in the seraglio , were armed to set upon him as soon as he should enter . whatever it be , he would never hazard himself , and yet spread a rumour abroad , that the next day he would go to see his father chah-jehan . but when the day was come , he put it off 'till another , and so he delayed it from day to day , without ever making the visit . in the mean time he continued his secret negotiations and cabals , and sounded the mind of all the greatest omrahs , so far , that at last , after he had well and closely laid his design , and politickly disposed all things for the success thereof , all were amazed to see , that one day , when he had sent sultan mahmoud , his eldest son , to the fortress , under a pretence of seeing chah-jehan in his name ; this young prince , bold and undertaking , falls presently upon the guards that were at the gate , and vigorously driveth all before him , whilst a great number of men appointed , who were there all ready , did enter with fury , and made themselves masters of the walls . if ever a man was astonish'd , chah-jehan was , seeing that he was fallen the snare which he had prepared for others , that himself was imprison'd and aureng-zebe master of the fortress . 't is said , that he presently sent to sound the mind of sultan mahmoud , promising him upon his crown and upon the alcoran , that if he would be faithful to him , and serve him in this conjuncture , he would make him king ; that he should come presently to see him within , and not lose this occasion : besides , that it would be an action that would accumulate on him the blessings of heaven , and an immortal glory ; in regard it would be said forever , that sultan mahmoud had deliver'd chah-jehan his grandfather out of prison . and certainly , if sultan mahmoud had been resolute enough to give this stroke , and chah-jehan could have come abroad to shew himself to the town , and to take the field , no man doubts , but all his great omrahs would have followed him ; nor would aureng-zebe himself have had the boldness nor the savageness to sight against his own father in person , especially since he must have apprehended , that all the world would have abandon'd him , and possibly morad-bakche himself . and 't is indeed the great fault which chah-jehan is observed to have committed after the battel , and the flight of dara , not to have come out of the fortress . but yet i have conversed with many , who maintained , that chah-jehan did prudently in it . for this hath been a question much agitated among the politicians , and there are no reasons wanting to countenance the sentiment of the latter sort ; who also add , that men almost always judge of things by the event ; that often very foolish enterprises have been observed to succeed , and which therefore are approv'd by all ; that if chah-jehan had prosper'd in his design , he would have been esteem'd the most prudent and the most able man in the world ; but now being taken , he was nothing but a good old man , that suffer'd himself to be led by a woman , his daughter begum , which was blinded by her passion , and had the vanity to believe , that aureng-zebe would come to see her that the bird of it self would fly into the cage , or at least , that he would never be so bold as to attempt the seizure of the fortress , nor have the power to do so . these same reasoners maintaining also ftifly , that the greatest fault that sultan mahmoud could possibly commit , was , that he knew not how to take the occasion to assure himself of the crown , by the rarest and the most generous action that ever was , to put his grandfather at liberty , and thus to do himself right and justice , as the soveraign umpire of affairs ; whereas , as things now stand , he must one day go and dye in goualeor . but sultan mahmoud ( whether it was that he fear'd his grandfather would not keep his word with him , or that he should be himself detain'd within , or that he durst not play tricks with his father aureng-zebe ) would never hearken to any thing , nor enter into the apartment of chah-jehan , answering very closely , that he had no order from his father to go and see him , but that he was by him commanded not to return , without bringing him the keys of all the gates of the fortress , that so he might come with all safety to kiss the feet of his majesty . there passed almost two whole days before he could resolve to surrender the keys ; during which time , sultan mahmoud staid there , unalterable in his resolutions , keeping himself upon his guard night and day , with all his troops about him ; 'till at length chah-jehan , seeing that all his people that were upon the guard at the little gate , little by little disbanded , and that there was no more safety on his side , gave him the keys , with an order to tell aureng-zebe , that he should come presently if he were wise , and that he had most important things to discourse with him about . but aureng-zebe was too cunning to commit so gross a fault : on the contrary , he made his eunuch etbarkan governour of the fortress , who presently shut up chah-jehan , together with begum-saheb , and all his women ; causing divers gates to be walled up , that so he might not be able to write or speak to any body , nor go forth out of his apartment without permission . aureng-zebe in the mean time writ to him a little note , which he shew'd to every body before he sealed it ; in which , among other things , he told him with dry expressions , that he knew from good hands , that notwithstanding those great protestations of esteem and affection he made to him , and of contempt he made of dara , he had , for all that , sent to dara two elephants charged with rupies of gold , to raise him again , and to recommence the war ; and that therefore , in truth , it was not he that imprisoned him , but dara , and that he might thank him for it , as the cause of all these misfortunes ; and if it had not been for him , he would have come the very first day to him , and paid him all the most dutiful respects he could have looked for from a good son : that , for the rest , he begged his pardon , and a little patience ; as soon as he should have disenabled dara from executing his evil designs , he would come himself and open the gates to him . i have heard it said concerning this note , that chah-jehan in very deed , the same night that dara departed , had sent to him these elephants laden with rupies of gold , and that it was rauchenara-begum that found a way to discover it to aureng-zebe ; as she also had detected to him that plot which was laid against him with those tartarian women ; and that aureng-zebe himself had intercepted some letters of chah-jehan to dara . i have conversed with others , that maintain there is no such thing , and that this writing , which aureng-zebe shew'd to all , was only to cast sand into the eyes of the people , and to labour , in some degree , to justifie himself in so strange an action , and to devolve the cause of it upon chah-jehan and dara , as if he had been forced to such proceedings . they are things , which are difficult enough well to discover . however it be , as soon as chah-jehan was shut up , almost all the omrahs were in a manner necessitated to go and make their court to aureng-zebe and morad-bakche ; and ( which is almost incredible ) there was not one that had the courage to stir , or to attempt the least in the behalf of his king , and for him that had made them what they were , and raised them from the dust , and perhaps from slavery it self ( which is ordinary enough in that court ) to advance them to riches and honour . yet some few there are , as danechmend-kan , and some others , that took no side ; but all the rest declared for aureng-zebe . 't is notwithstanding to be noted what i said , that they were necessitated to do what they did . for 't is not in the indies , as in france , or other states of christendom , where the grandees and nobles have large possessions of land , and great revenues , which enables them for a while to subsist of themselves . there they have nothing but pensions ( as i have already touch'd above ) which the king can take away from them at all hours , and thus ruin them in an instant ; so that they shall be considered no more than if they never had been , nor have any credit to borrow a farthing . aureng-zebe therefore having thus assured himself of chah-jehan , and of all the omrahs , took what sums of money he thought fit out of the treasury ; and then having left chah-hest-kan , his uncle , governour of the town , he went away with morad-bakche to pursue dara . the day that the army was to march out of agra , the particular friends of morad-bakche , especially his eunuch chah-abas , who knew , that the excess of civility and respect is ordinarily a sign of imposture , counselled him , that since he was king , and every body treated him with the title of majesty , and aureng-zebe himself acknowledged him for such , he should let him go to pursue dara , and stay himself with his troops about agra and dehli . if he had followed this counsel , 't is certain , that he would have embarassed aureng-zebe not a little ; but 't was fatal , that he should neglect so good advice : aureng-zebe is too fortunate ; morad-bakche entirely confideth in his promises , and in the oaths of fidelity they had sworn to one another upon the alcoran . they went away together , and went with the same pace towards dehli . when they were come to maturas , three or four small days journeys from agra , the friends of morad-bakche , who perceived something , endeavour'd again to perswade him , that he should beware ; assuring him , that aureng-zebe had evil designs , and that beyond all doubt some mischief was upon the anvil ; that they had notice of it from all parts , and that by no means , for that day at least , he should go to see him ; that it would be much better to prevent the stroke the soonest it might be ; that he was only to forbear going to visit him that day , excusing himself with some indisposition . but whatsoever could be said to him , he believed nothing of it , his ears were stopp'd to all the good advice that was given him , and as if he had been enchanted by the friendship of aureng-zebe , he could not hold to go to him that very night , and to stay at supper with him . as soon as he was come , aureng-zebe , who expected him , and had already prepared all things with mirkan , and three or four of his most intimate captains , was not wanting in embracements , and in redoubling his courtship , civilities and submissions , in so much as gently to pass his handkerchief over his face , and to wipe off his sweat and dust , treating him still with the title of king and majesty . in the mean time , the table is served , they sup , the conversation grows warm , they discourse of various things as they use to do ▪ and at last there is brought a huge bottle of excellent chiras wine , and some other bottles of caboul wine , for a debauch . then aureng-zebe , as a grave serious man , and one that would appear a great mahumetan , and very regular , nimbly riseth from table , and having with much kindness invited morad-bakche , who loved a glass of wine very well , and who relish'd the wine that was served , scrupled not to drink of it to excess . in a word , he made himself drunk , and fell asleep . this was the thing that was wished ; for presently some servants of his that were there , were commanded away , under a pretence , to let him sleep without making any noise ; and then his zable and ponyard were taken from about him : but aureng-zebe was not long , but came himself and waken'd him . he entred into the chamber , and roughly hit him with his foot , and when he began to open a little his eyes , he made to him this short and surprising reprimand : what means this , said he , what shame and what ignominy is this , that such a king as you are , should have so little temper , as thus to make himself drunk ? what will be said both of you and me ? take this infamous man , this drunkard , tye him hand and foot , and throw him into that room to sleep out his wine . no sooner said , but it was executed ; notwithstanding all his appeal and out-cry , five or six persons fall upon him , and fetter his hands and feet . the things could not be done , but some of his men that were thereabout had news of it . they made some noise , and would enter forcibly ; but allah-couly , one of his chief officers , and the master of his artillery , that had been gained long before , threatened them , and made them draw back . without any delay , men were sent through the whole army to calm this first commotion , which also might have proved dangerous ; they made them believe it was nothing , they having been present , that morad-bakche was only drunk , that in that condition he had railed at every body , and aureng-zebe himself , in so much that there had been a necessity , seeing him drunk and furious , to keep him apart ; that the next day they would see him abroad , after he had digested his wine . in the mean time , the presents walked about all night amongst the chief officers of the army , their pay was forthwith increased , they had great promises made them ; and as there was none , that had not long since apprehended some such thing , there was no great wonder to see almost all things quieted the next morning ; so that the very next night this poor prince was shut up in a little close house , such an one as is wont to be placed on elephants to carry women , and he was carried directly to dehli into slimager , which is a little old fortress in the midst of the river . after that all was thus appeased , except the eunuch chah-abas , who caused difficulty enough , aureng-zebe received the whole army of morad-bakche into his service , and went after dara , who marched apace towards lahor , with an intention well to fortifie himself in that place , and thither to draw his friends . but aureng-zebe followed him with so much speed , that he had not time to do any great matter , finding himself necessitated to retreat , and to take the way of multan , where also he could do nothing considerable , because that aureng-zebe , notwithstanding the great heat , marched night and day ; in so much , that to encourage all to make haste , he sometimes advanced almost all alone two or three leagues before the whole army , finding himself often obliged to drink ill water like others , to be content with a crust of dry bread , and to sleep under a tree , staying for his army in the midst of the high-way , laying his head on his shield like a common souldier . so that dara found himself constrained to abandon multan also , that he might avoid being near aureng-zebe , whom he was not able to encounter . here 't is that the statesmen of this country have reasoned very diversly : for 't is said , that if dara , when he went out of lahor , had cast himself into the kingdom of caboul , as he was advised , he would there have found above ten thousand warlike men , designed against the augans , the persians , and the usbecs , and for a guard to that country , the governour whereof was mohabet-kan , one of the most potent and the most ancient of indostan , and that had never been aureng-zebe's friend ; that , besides , he would have been there at the gate of persia and usbec ; that it was likely , that there being no want of money , all that militia , and mohabet-kan himself , would have embraced his party , and that further he might have drawn assistance , not only from usbec , but also from persia , as well as from houmayon , whom the persians had restored to his country against zaher-kan , king of the patans , who had driven him thence . but dara was too unfortunate to follow so good advice . instead of that he went towards scimdy , to cast himself into the fortress of tatabakar , that strong and famous place , seated in the midst of the river indus . aureng-zebe seeing him take this way , found it not fit to follow him further off , being extremely glad that he had not taken the way to caboul . he contented himself to send after him seven or eight thousand men , under the conduct of mir-baba , his foster-brother , and turned back with the same expedition to the place whence he was come , much apprehending left any thing should fall out about agra ; lest some or other of those potent raja's , as jesseigne , or jessomseigne , should make an attempt in his absence , to free chah-jehan out of prison ; or lest soliman chekouh , together with the raja of serenaguer , should descend from the hills ; or lest also sultan sujah should approach too near agra . behold a little accident , which one day befel him , for too great precipitation . when he thus returned from multan towards lahor , and marched his ordinary swift pace , he saw the raja jesseigne come against him , accompanied with four or five thousand of his ragipous , in a very good equipage ; aureng-zebe , who had left his army behind , and who also knew that this raja was very affectionate to chah-jehan , was sufficiently surprised , as may easily be imagined , fearing left this raja should make use of this occasion , and do a master-piece of state , by seizing on him , to draw chah-jehan out of prison , which at that time was very easie to do . neither is it known , whether this raja had not some such design ; for he had marched with extraordinary speed , in so much that aureng-zebe had no news of it , believing him yet to be at dehli . but what may not resolution and presence of mind do ? aureng-zebe , without any alteration of his countenance , marched directly towards the raja , and as far off as he could see him , maketh signs to him with his hands , importing that he should make hast to a nearer approach , crying out to him with a loud voice , salamed bached rajagi , salamed bached babagi , treating him with the titles of lord raja and lord father . when the raja was come to him ; i expected you , said he , with great impatience ; the work is done , dara is lost , he is all alone ; i have sent mir-baba after him , from whom he cannot escape : and for an excess of kindness to him , he took off his necklace of pearls , and put it about the neck of this raja : and the sooner to rid himself handsomely of him , ( for he wish'd him far enough ) go , saith he , with all the expedition you can to lahor , my army is somewhat tyred ; go quickly to attend me there ; i apprehend that else something sinister might fall out there ; i make you governour of that place , and put all things into your hands . for the rest , i am exceedingly obliged to you for what you have done with soliman chekouh : where have you left delil-kan ? i shall find my revenge of him . make all possible dispatch , salamed bached , farewell . dara being arrived at tata-bakar , made governour of that place a very understanding , gallant , and generous eunuch , with a very good garrison of patans and sayeds ; and for cannoneers , a good number of franguis , portugals , english , french , and germans , who had follow'd him out of great hopes he had given them , ( for , if his affairs had prospered , and he were become king , we must all have resolved to be omrahs , as many franguis as we were . ) he there left also the greatest part of his treasure ; he wanted as yet no gold nor silver ; and staying there but a very few days , he marched away with two or three thousand men only , descending along the river indus towards scindy , and from thence crossing with an incredible celerity all those territories of the raja katche , he arrived in guzaratte , and came to the gates of amadevat . the father-in-law of aureng-zebe , called chah-navaze-kan , was governour there , with a very good garrison , able to resist . yet notwithstanding , whether it was that he was surprised , or that he wanted courage , ( for although he was of those ancient princes of machate , yet he was no great souldier , though a man of a very obliging and civil conversation ) he did not oppose dara , but rather received him very honourably , and even managed him afterwards with so much dexterity , that dara was so simple as to trust himself with him , and to communicate to him his designs ; in so much as that he shew'd him the letters which he received from the raja jessomseigne , and of many other of his friends , which prepared themselves to come to him ; although it proved too true , what every body told him , and his friends confirmed by letters , that certainly this chah-navaze-kan would betray him . never was any man more surprised than aureng-zebe , when he heard that dara was in amadevat : for he well knew , that he ▪ wanted no money , and that all his friends , and all the discontented party , which was numerous , would not fail to betake themselves by little and little to him : and on the other side , he found it not safe to go and find him out himself in that place , by removing himself so far from agra and chah-jehan , to go and embarass himself in all those countries of the raja's , jesseigne , jessomseigne , and others , that are in those provinces . besides he apprehended , lest sultan sujah should advance with a strong army , which was already about elabas , and lest the raja of serenaguer should descend from the hills with soliman chekouh : so that he was sufficiently perplexed and troubled , not knowing which way to turn . at last he believed it best , to leave dara for a time quiet where he was , and to go thither where his presence and army was most necessary , which was towards sultan sujah , who had already passed the river ganges at elabas . this sultan sujah was come to encamp in a little village called kadjoue , and had conveniently seized himself of a great talab , or reservatory of water , which is there in the way ; and aureng-zebe came to place himself on the side of a small torrent , at the distance of a mile and an half from thence , on agra's side . between both was a very fair campagne , very proper for a battel . aureng-zebe was no sooner arrived , but being impatient to end this war , at break of day he went to face sujah , leaving his baggage on the other side of the torrent . he fell upon sujah with an effort unimaginable . emir-jemla , prisoner of of decan , and who arrived just on the day of the combat , fearing dara no more , because his family was more in safety , did there also lay out all his force , courage , and dexterity . but seeing that sultan sujah had well fortified himself , and was accompanied with a very good artillery , advantagiously placed , it was not possible for aureng-zebe to force him , nor to make him retreat from thence , so as to make him lose those waters . on the contrary , he was obliged himself to draw back several times , so vigorously was he repulsed , in so much that he found himself in great perplexity . sultan sujah not being willing to advance too far into the campagne , nor to remove from that advantagious place where he was , pretending only to defend himself ; which was very prudently done . for he foresaw , that aureng-zebe could not stay there long , and that in that hot season he would be absolutely obliged to turn back towards the torrent for the water ; and that , when he should do so , he would fall upon his rear . aureng-zebe also foresaw well enough the same thing , and that was the reason why he was so forward and pressing ; but behold another more troublesome accident . in this very time he receiveth intelligence , that the raja jessomseigne , who in appearance had accommodated himself with him , was fallen upon his rear , and plunder'd his baggage and treasure . this news astonished him much , and the more , because he perceived that his army which had heard of it was thereby frighted , and fallen into disorder . yet he loses not his judgment for all this ; and being well aware , that to turn back was to hazard all , he resolved , as in the battel of dara , to bear up the best he could , and to expect with a steady foot all events . in the mean time , the disorder grew worse and worse in his army : sujah , who was resolved to profit of the occasion , taketh his time , and presseth him vigorously . he that led aureng-zebe's elephant is killed with the shot of an arrow ; he leads the beast as well as he can himself , 'till another could be had in that leaders place . arrows rain upon him ; he returns many himself , his elephant begins to be frighted , and to go back . behold him now in great extremity , and brought to that point , that one foot of his was out of the seat , as if he meant to cast himself to the ground ; and no man knows what in that trouble he had not done , if emir-jemla , being nigh , and performing , like a great man as he was , beyond imagination , called to him , in holding up his hand , decan-kou , decan-kou , where is decan ? this seems to have been the greatest extremity , to which aureng-zebe could be reduced . one would have said , 't was now and here that fortune had abandon'd him , and there is almost no appearance of a possibility to escape . but his good fortune is stronger than all that : sultan sujah must be routed , and take flight , like dara , to save his life : aureng-zebe must remain victorious , carry away the bell , and be king of the indies . we are to remember the battel of samonguer , and that , in appearance , slight accident which ruined dara : 't is the same over-sight , or rather the same treason , which is now destroying sultan sujah . one of his chief captains , allah-verdi-kan , who ( as some say ) had been gained , useth the same artifice that calil-ullah-kan had employ'd towards dara ; though there were some who believed , that there was no malice in the case , and that it was a meer piece of flattery . for seeing that the whole army of aureng-zebe was in disorder , he ran towards sultan sujah , telling him the same thing , that calil-ullah-kan did to dara , and begging of him with folded hands , that he would stay no longer in so great danger upon his elephant . come down , said he , in the name of god , mount on horse-back , god hath made you soveraign of the indies , let us pursue those fugitives , let not aureng-zebe escape us . but not to stay long from declaring the strange fortune of aureng-zebe , and the incredible conjuncture that recovers his desperate condition ; sultan sujah , not more considerate than dara , commits the same fault ; and he was no sooner come down from his elephant , but his army seeing him no more , was struck with a terrour , believing there was treason , and that he was either taken or slain . whereupon they disbanded without any more ado , as dara's army did in the battel of samonguer ; and the defeat was so great , that the sultan was fortunate in that he could save himself . jessomseigne hearing this unexpected news , and perceiving it was not very safe for him to tarry there , contented himself with the spoil he had got , and with all diligence marched streight to agra , thence to pass to his countrey . the noise was already in agra , that aureng-zebe had lost the battel , that he was taken , together with emir-jemla , and that sultan sujah brought them both prisoners . in so much , that chah-hest-kan , who was governour of the town , and uncle to aureng-zebe , seeing jessomseigne , whose treachery he had heard of , at the gates , and despairing of his life , had taken into his hand a cup of poyson to make himself away , and had , as they say , in very deed swallowed it , if his women had not fallen upon him and hindred him : so that 't is thought , if jessomseigne had had the wit and courage to stay longer in agra , if he had threatened boldly , and promised and acted vigorously for the freedom of chah-jehan , he might have drawn him out of prison ; so much the more easily , because all agra was for two whole days in that belief , that aureng-zebe was overcome . but jessomseigne , who knew how all things went , and who durst not long stay there , nor attempt any thing , did nothing but pass , returning with all speed homewards . aureng-zebe , who apprehended mischief from agra , and fear'd left jessomseigne should undertake something for chah-jehan , was not long in the pursuit after sultan sujah ; he turn'd short for agra with his whole army , where he staid a good while , giving order for all things . mean time he received intelligence , that sultan sujah had not lost many men in his being routed , for want of farther pursuit ; that also from the lands of the raja's , which are in those quarters , on the right and left of ganges , he raised great forces , upon the score of the reputation he had of being very rich , and very liberal , and that he fortified himself in elabas , that important and famous passage of ganges , which with its fortress is the first in-let into bengale . and then he considered also , that he had about him two persons , which indeed were very capable to serve him , sultan mahmoud his eldest son , and emir-jemla ; but he well knew , that those who have done good service to their prince , grow often insolent , in the belief , that all is due to them , and that they cannot be recompenced enough . he perceived already , that the former of them began very much to emancipate himself , and that every day he became more arrogant , for having seized on the fortress of agra , and by that means had broken all the designs which chah-jehan could have formed . and as to the latter , he knew indeed the force of his understanding , his conduct , and valour ; but that was the very thing which made him apprehend him the more : for knowing that he was very rich , that his reputation was great , that he passed for the first mover in affairs , and for the ablest man in all the indies , he doubted not , but that after the example of sultan mahmoud , he entertain'd himself with big hopes . all this certainly would have been able to perplex an ordinary spirit , but aureng-zebe found a remedy to all . he knew to remove them both with so much prudence , and even with so much handsomness , that neither of them found any cause to complain of it . he sent them both against sultan sujah with a puissant army , letting emir secretly know , that the government of bengale , which is the best quarter of indostan , was design'd for him , to hold it during his life , and for his son after his decease ; and that thereby he would begin to express to him his acknowledgments for the great services he had done him ; and that therefore it belonged only to him to defeat sujah , and that as soon as he should have compassed it , he would make him mir-ul omrahs , which is the first and the most honourable place of indostan , and no less than the prince of the omrahs . to sultan mahmoud , his son , he said only these few words : remember that thou art the eldest of my children , that 't is for thy self thou goest forth to fight ; that thou hast done much , but yet nothing , if thou overcomest not sujah , who is our greatest and powerfullest enemy ; i hope , god assisting me , to be soon master of the rest . with these words he dismissed them both , with ordinary honours , that is , with rich vests , some horses and elephants gallantly harnessed ; making in the mean time emir-jemla to consent , that his only son , mahmet-emir-kan , should stay with him for a good education , or rather for a pledge of his fidelity ; and sultan mahmoud , that his wife should remain in agra ( which was the daughter of the above-mention'd king of golkonda ) as too troublesome a thing in an army , and in such an expedition . sultan sujah , who was always in the apprehension , lest the raja's of the lower bengale , which he had ill treated , should be raised against him , and who feared nothing more than to have to do with emir-jemla , had no sooner received this news , but apprehending that the passage to bengale would be obstructed , and that emir would pass in some other place the river ganges , either lower or higher than elabas , raised his camp , and went down to benares and patna , whence he betook himself to mogiere , a small town seated upon the ganges , a place commonly call'd the key of the kingdom of bengale , being a kind of streight between the mountains and the woods , which are not far from thence . he thought fit to stay in that place , and there to fortifie himself ; and for greater safety , he caused a great trench to be made , which i have seen , passing that way some years after , from the town and river unto the mountain , being well resolved there to attend emir-jemla , and to dispute that passage with him . but he was sufficiently astonish'd , when he was told , that the troops of emir , which slowly descended along the river ganges , were certainly for nothing but to amuse him ; that himself was not there ; that he had gained the raja's of those mountains , which are on the right hand of the river ; and that he and sultan mahmoud marched apace over their lands with all the flower of the army , drawing straight to rage-mehalle , to intercept him : so that he was constrained to quit , as soon as he could , his fortifications ; yet notwithstanding he made so much haste , that though he was obliged to follow those windings , which the river ganges on that side maketh toward the left hand , he prevented emir by some days , and arrived first at rage-mehalle , where he had time to fortifie himself ; because emir having heard this news , took his march to the left hand towards ganges , through very ill ways , there to expect his troops , which came down with the body of the artillery and the baggage along the river . as soon as all was come , he went to attaque sultan sujah , who defended himself very well for five or six days ; but seeing that the artillery of emir , which played incessantly , ruined all his fortifications , which were made but of sandy earth and faggots , and that he could not but with much difficulty make resistance in that place , besides that the season of the rain began , he retired himself , at the favour of the night , leaving behind two great peeces of cannon . emir durst not follow him in the night , for fear of some ambush , putting off the pursuit 'till the next morning : but sujah had the good luck , that at the break of day there began to fall a rain , which lasted above three days ; so that emir could not only not stir out of rage-mehalle , but saw himself obliged to pass the winter there , by reason of the excessive rains in that country , which render the ways so troublesome for more than four months , viz. july , august , september , and october , that the armies cannot possibly march . and hereby sultan sujah had the means to retire himself , and to chuse what place he would , having time enough to fortifie his army , and to send out of the inferiour bengale for many peeces of cannon , and a good number of portugals , that were retired thither , because of the great fertility of the countrey : for he much courted all those portugal fathers , missionaries , that are in that province , promising them no less than that he would make them all rich , and build churches for them wheresoever they would . and they were indeed capable to serve him , it being certain , that in the kingdom of bengale there are to be found no less than eight or nine thousand families of franguis , portugals , and these either natives or mesticks . but sultan mahmoud , who for the reason above-mentioned was grown fierce , and aspired perhaps to greater things than at that time he ought , did pretend to command the army absolutely , and that emir-jemla should follow his orders , letting also from time to time fall insolent words in reference to his father aureng-zebe , as if he were obliged to him for the crown , and uttering expressions of contempt and threat against emir-jemla ; which caused great coldness betwixt them two , which lasted a pretty while , until sultan mahmoud understood , that his father was very much dissatisfied with his conduct : and apprehending , lest emir had order to seize on his person , he went away to sultan sujah , accompanied with a very small number , and to him he made great promises , and swore fidelity . but sujah , who feared aureng-zebe and emir-jemla's snares , could not trust him , having always an eye upon his actions , without giving him any considerable command ; which he so disgusted , that some months after , not knowing what would become of him , he left sultan sujah , and returned to emir , who received him well enough , assuring him , that he would write in his behalf to aureng-zebe , and do his utmost to make him forget that fault . i think fit here to take notice , on the by , of what many have told me , viz. that this escape of sultan mahmoud was altogether made by the artifices of aureng-zebe , who cared not much to hazard this son of his to try to destroy sujah , and who was glad enough , that whatever the event were , he might have a specious pretence to put him in a place of surety . however it be , he afterwards shew'd himself much dissatisfied with him , and wrote to him a severe letter , in which he enjoyn'd him to return to dehli , but giving order in the mean time , that he should not come so far : for he no sooner had passed the river ganges , but he met with troops that stopp'd him , and put him up in a small chair , ( as was done to morad-bakche ) and carried him to goualeor , whence 't is thought he will never be set at liberty : aureng-zebe by this means freeing himself from great perplexity ; who then also let his second son , sultan mazum , know , that the point of reigning is so delicate a thing , that kings must be jealous even of their own shadow ; adding , that if he be not discreet , the like may befall him what had befallen his brother , and that he ought to think aureng-zebe was not a man , that would suffer that to be done to himself , what chah-jehan did to his father jehan-guyre , and what he had also lately seen done to chah-jehan . and indeed we may on this occasion say , that if this son continue to behave himself as he hath done hitherto , aureng-zebe will have no cause to suspect him , and to be dissatisfied with him : for no slave can be more tractable , and aureng-zebe himself never appear'd more careless of greatness , nor more given to devotion than he : yet i have known men of parts , who believed , that he is not so in good earnest , but by superlative policy and craft , like that of his father , which we may have the proof of in time . whilst all these things were thus transacted in bengale , and that sultan sujah resisted the best he could the forces of emir-jemla , passing now on one side of the river ganges , of a channel , or some other river , ( for that countrey is full of them ) then on the other ; aureng-zebe kept himself about agra , going to and fro ; and at length , after he had also sent morad-bakche to goualeor , he came to dehli , where in good earnest he took upon him publickly to act the king , giving order for all affairs of the kingdom , and especially thinking on means to catch dara , and to get him out of guzaratte , which was a very hard thing , for the reasons already mentioned . but the great good fortune , and the singular dexterity of aureng-zebe soon drew him thence ; which now follows next to be related . jessomseigne , who had retired himself to his countrey , and made the best of what he had taken in the battel of kadjoue , raised a strong army , and wrote to dara , that he should come to agra as soon as he could , and that he would joyn with his forces . dara , who had by this time set on foot a pretty numerous army ( though it consisted , for the most part , but of gathered people ) and who hoped , that approaching to agra , many of his old friends , seeing him with jessomseigne , would not fail to joyn with him also , immediately leaveth amadevad , and marcheth with great speed to asmire , seven or eight days journey from agra . but jessomseigne kept not his word with him : the raja jesseigne interposed to make his peace with aureng-zebe , and to fasten him to his party ; or , at least , to hinder his design , which was capable to ruin himself , and to make all the raja's rise ; and wrote to him several letters , giving him to understand the great danger he went to expose himself to , by espousing a party in that extremity , as that of dara's was ; that he should well consider what he was going to do ; that he went about wholly to destroy himself , and all his whole family ; that aureng-zebe would never forgive him ; that he was a raja as himself ; that he should think on sparing the blood of the ragipous ; that if he thought to draw the raja's to his party , he would find those that would hinder him from it . in a word , that it was a business which concern'd all the gentry of indostan , and exposed them to danger , if way were given to kindle a fire , which would not be extinguish'd at pleasure . and lastly , if he would leave dara to himself , aureng-zebe would forget all that had passed , and present him with all he had taken , and give him that very instant the government of guzaratte , which would be very convenient for him , that countrey being near his lands ; that he could be there in full liberty and safety , and as long as he pleased , and that himself would be caution for all . in a word , this raja acted his part so well , that he made jessomseigne return to his land , whilst aureng-zebe approached with his whole army to asmire , and encamped in the sight of that of dara . and now what could this poor prince dara do ? he seeth himself abandoned , and frustrated of his hopes . he considers , that to turn back safe to amadevad was impossible , in regard that it was a march of thirty and five days ; that it was in the heart of summer ; that water would fail him ; that they were all the lands of raja's , friends or allies of jesseigne or jessomseigne ; that the army of aureng-zebe , which was not harassed like his , would not fail to follow him . 't is as good , saith he , to perish here ; and although the match be altogether unequal , let us venture all , and give battel once more . but alas ! what does he mean to do ? he is not only abandoned by all , but he hath yet with him chab-navaze-kan , whom he trusts , and who betrays him , and discovers all his designs to aureng-zebe . 't is true , that chah-navaze-kan was punish'd for his perfidiousness , and killed in the battel , whether it was by the hands of dara himself , as many told me , or ( which is more probable ) by some of aureng-zebe's army , who being secret partisans of dara , found means to get to him , and to dispatch him , fearing lest he should discover them , and have some knowledge of the letters they had written to dara . but what did it benefit him at that time , that chah-navaze-kan was dead ? dara should have sooner follow'd the advice of his friends , and never have confided in him . the fight began between nine and ten of the clock in the morning ▪ dara's artillery , which was very well placed on a little eminency , was loud enough ; but , as was said , most of the peeces without bullets ; so was he betray'd by all ! 't is needless to relate the other particulars of this battel ; it was properly not a battel , but a rout. i shall only say , that hardly the onset was begun , but jesseigna was near and in sight of dara , to whom he sent word , that he should fly presently , unless he would be taken . so that this poor prince , being altogether surprised , was constrained to run away instantly , and with so much disorder and precipitation , that he had not leisure to put up his baggage . it was no small matter , that he was able to get away with his wife , and the rest of his family . and 't is eertain , that if the raja jesseigne would have done what he could , he could never have escaped ; but he always had a respect to the royal family ; or rather , he was too crafty and politick , and had too great forecast , to venture to lay hands on a prince of the blood. this unfortunate prince , deserted by almost all , and finding himself accompanied but of two thousand men at most , was forced in the hottest of summer to cross , without tents or baggage , all those countries of the raja's , that are almost from asmire to amadevad . mean time the koullis , which are the countrey people , and the worst of all the indies , and the greatest robbers , follow him night and day , rifle and kill his souldiers , with so much cruelty , that no man could stay two hundred paces behind the body , but he was presently stripp'd naked , or butcher'd upon the least resistance . yet notwithstanding , dara made shift to get near amadevad , when he hoped , that the next day , or soon after , he should enter into the town to refresh himself , and to try once more to gather again some forces : but all things fall out contrary to vanquished and unfortunate men. the governour , whom he had left in the castle of amadevad , had already received both menacing and promising letters from aureng-zebe , which made him lose courage , and incline to that side ; in so much that he wrote to dara , forbidding him to come nearer , if he did , he would find the gates shut , and all in arms. three days before i met this unhappy prince , by a strange accident , when he obliged me to follow him ; having no physitian about him ; and the night before that he received this news from the governour of amadevad , he did me the favour to make me come into the karavan-serrak where he was , fearing lest the koullis should assassinate me ; and ( what is hard enough to believe in indostan , where the crandees especially are so jealous of their wives ) i was so near to the wife of this prince , that the cords of the kanates , or wind-screen , which enclosed them ( for they had not so much as a poor tent ) were fastened to the wheels of my chariot . i relate this circumstance by the by only , to shew the extremity dara was reduced to . when these women heard this sad news ( which was at the break of day , as i well remember ) they broke out upon a sudden into such strange cryes and lamentations , that they forced tears from ones eyes . and now behold all was in an unexpressible confusion : every one looks upon his neighbour , and no body knows what to do , or what will become of him . soon after we saw dara come forth , half dead , now speaking to one , then another , even to the meanest souldiers . he seeth all astonish'd , and ready to abandon him . what counsel ? whither can be go ? he must be gone instantly . you may judge of the extremity he must needs be in , by this small accident i am going to mention . of three great oxen of guzaratte , which i had for my chariot , one died the night before , another was dying , and the third was tyred out ( for we had been forced to march for three days together , almost night and day , in an intolerable heat and dust : ) whatever dara could say or command , whether he alledged it was for himself , or for one of his women that was hurt in her leg , or for me ; he could not possibly procure for me , whether oxe , or camel , or horse : so that he was obliged , to my good fortune , to leave me there . i saw him march away , and that with tears in his eyes , accompanied with four or five hundred cavaliers at most , and with two elephants , that were said to be laden with gold and silver ; and i heard them say , that they were to take their march towards tatabakar ; for he had no other game to play , though even that seem'd in a manner impossible , considering the small number of people left him , and the great sandy desarts to be waded through in the hottest season , most of them without water fit to drink . and indeed most of those that follow'd him , and even divers of his women , did there perish , either of drought , or the nnwholesome waters , or the tiresome ways and ill food , or lastly , because stripped by the koullis above-mention'd . yet notwithstanding all this , dara made hard shift to get to the raja katche ; unhappy even herein , that he perish'd not himself in this march. this raja at first gave him a very good reception , even so far as to promise him assistance with all his forces , provided he would give his daughter in marriage to his son. but jesseigne soon wrought as much with this raja , as he had done with ●essomseigne . so that dara one day seeing the kindness of this barbarian cooled upon a sudden , and that consequently his person was in danger there , he betakes himself to the pursuit of his expedition to tatabakar . to relate how i got away from those robbers , the koullis , in what manner i moved them to compassion , how i saved the best part of my small treasure , how we became good friends by the means of my profession of physick , my servants ( perplexed as well as my self ) swearing that i was the greatest physitian of the world , and that the people of dara , at their going away , had ill treated me , and taken from me all my best things : how , after having kept me with them seven or eight days , they had so much kindness and generosity , as to lend me an oxe , and to conduct me so far , that i was in sight of amadevad : and lastly , how from thence after some days i returned to dehli , having lighted on an occasion to go with a certain omrah passing thither ; in which journey i met from time to time , on the way , with carkasses of men , elephants , oxen , horses , and camels , the remainder of that unfortunate army of dara . these are things , i say , i must not insist upon to describe them . whilst dara advanced towards tatabakar , the war continues in bengale , and much longer than was believed , sultan sujah putting forth his utmost , and playing his last game against emir-jemla : yet this did not much trouble aureng-zebe , who knew 't was a great way between bengale and agra , and was sufficiently convinced of the prudence and valour of emir-jemla . that which disquieted him much more was , that he saw soliman chekouh so near ( for from agra to the mountains 't is but eight days journey ) whom he could not master , and who perpetually allarmd him by the rumours that went continually about , as if he were coming down the mountains with the raja . 't is certainly very hard to draw him thence : but behold how he manages the matter to compass it . he maketh the raja jesseigne write one letter after another to the raja of serenaguer , promising him very great things , if he would surrender soliman chekouh to him , and menacing war at the same time , if he should obstinately keep him . the raja answers , that he would rather lose his estate , than do so unworthy an action . and aureng-zebe , seeing his resolution , taketh the field , and marcheth directly to the foot of the hills , and with an infinite number of pike-men causeth the rocks to be cut , and the passage to be widen'd . but the raja laughs at all that ; neither hath he much cause to fear on that side . aureng-zebe may cut long enough , they are mountains inaccessible to an army , and stones would be sufficient to stop the forces of four indostans ; so that he was constrained to turn back again . dara in the mean time approacheth to the fortress of tatabakar , and when he was but two or three days journey off , he received news , that mir-baba , who had long held it besieged , had at length reduced it to extremity : as i afterwards learned of our french , and other franguis that were there , a pound of rice and meat having cost there above a crown , and so of other victuals in proportion : yet the governour held out ; made sallies , which extremely incommoded the enemy ; and shew'd all possible prudence , courage , and fidelity ; deriding the endeavours of the general , mir-baba , and all the menaces and promises of aureng-zebe . and this also i learned afterwards of my countrey-men , the french , and of all those other franguis that were with him ; who added , that when he heard that dara was not far off , he redoubled his liberalities , and knew so well to gain the hearts of all his souldiers , and to encourage them to do bravely , that there was not one of them , that was not resolved to sally out upon the enemy , and to hazard all to raise the siege , and to make dara enter ; and that he also knew so well to cast fear and terrour into the camp of mir-baba , by sending spies about very cunningly to assure , that they had seen dara approach with great resolution , and very good forces ; that if he had come , as was believed he would do every moment , the army of the enemy was for disbanding upon his appearance , and even in part to go over to him . but he is still too unfortunate , to undertake any thing prosperously . believing therefore , that to raise the siege with such an handful of men as he had was impossible , he did deliberate to pass the river indus , and to endeavour to get into persia ; although that also would have had mighty difficulties and inconveniencies , by reason of the desarts , and the small quantity of good waters in those parts ; besides , that upon those frontiers there are but mean rajas and patans , who acknowledge neither the persian nor the mogol . but his wife did very much diswade him from it , for this weak reason , that he must , if he did so , expect to see his wife and daughter slaves of the king of persia ; that that was a thing altogether unworthy of the grandeur of his family , and 't was better to dye , than to undergo this infamy . dara , being in great perplexity , remembred , that there was thereabout a certain patan , powerful enough , called gion-kan , whose life he had formerly saved twice , when chah-jehan had commanded he should be cast under the feet of an elephant , for having rebelled divers times : he resolved to go to him , hoping that he could give him sufficient succours to raise the siege of tatabakar ; making account , that thence he would take his treasure , and that going from thence , and gaining kandahar , he could cast himself into the kingdom of caboul , having great hopes of mohabet-kan , who was governour of it , because he was both potent and valiant , well beloved of his countrey , and had obtained this government by his ( dara's ) favour . but his grandchild , sepe-chekouh , yet but very young , seeing his design , cast himself at his feet , intreating him for god's sake , not to enter into the countrey of that patan . his wife and daughter did the same , remonstrating to him , that he was a robber , a revolted governour , that he would infallibly betray him ; that he ought not to stand upon the raising of the siege , but rather endeavour to gain caboul , that the thing was not impossible , forasmuch as mir-baba was not like to quit the siege to follow him , and to hinder him from getting thither . dara , being carried head-long by the force of his unhappy destiny , rejected this counsel , and would hearken to nothing of what was proposed to him , saying , as was true , that the march would be very difficult , and very dangerous ; and maintaining always , that gion-kan would not be so mean , as to betray him , after all the good he had done him . he departed , notwithstanding all that could be said to him , and went to prove , at the price of his life , that no trust is to be given to a wicked man. this robber , who at first believed that he had numerous troops following him , gave him the fairest reception that could be , and entertained him with very great kindness and civility in appearance , placing his souldiers here and there among his subjects , with a strict order to treat them well , and to give them what refreshments the countrey afforded : but when he found that he had not above two or three hundred men in all , he quickly show'd what he was . it is not known , whether he had not received some letters from aureng zebe , or whether his avarice had not been tempted by some mules said to be laden with gold ; which was all that could be saved hitherto , as well from the hands of robbers , as of those that conveyed it . whatever it be , on a certain morning , when no body looked for any such thing , all being taken up with the care of refreshing themselves , and believing all to be safe ; behold this traitor , who had bestirr'd himself all night to get armed men from all parts , fell upon dara and sepe-chekouh , killed some of their men that stood up to defend themselves ; forgot not to seize on the loads of the mules , and of all the jewels of the women ; made dara to be tyed fast upon an elephant , commanding the executioner to sit behind , and to cut off his head upon the least sign given , in case he should be seen to resist , or that any one should attempt to deliver him . and in this strange posture he was carried to the army before tatabakar , where he put him into the hands of mir-baba , the general , who caused him to be conducted in the company of this same traitor to lahor , and thence to dehli . when he was at the gates of dehli , it was deliberated by aureng-zebe , whether he should be made to pass through the midst of the city , or no , to carry him thence to goualeor . many did advise , that that was by no means to be done ; that some disorder might arise ; that some might come to save him ; and besides , that it would be a great dishonour to the family royal. others maintained the contrary , viz. that it was absolutely necessary he should pass through the town , to astonish the world , and to shew the absolute power of aureng-zebe , and to disabuse the people , that might still doubt , whether it were himself , as indeed many omrahs did doubt ; and to take away all hopes from those , who still preserved some affection for him . the opinion of these last was followed ; he was put on an elephant , his grand-child , sepe-chekouh , at his side ; and behind them was placed bhadur-kan , as an executioner . this was none of those brave elephants of ceilan or pegu , which he was wont to ride on , with gilt harness and embroidered covers , and seats with canopies very handsomely painted and gilt , to defend themselves from the sun : it was an old caitiff animal , very dirty and nasty , with an old torn cover , and a pitiful seat , all open . there was no more seen about him , that necklace of big pearls , which those princes are wont to wear , nor those rich turbants and vests embroider'd . all his dress was a vest of course linnen , all dirty , and a turbant of the same , with a wretched scarf of kachimere over his head , like a varlet ; his grand-son , sepe-chekouh , being in the same equipage . in this miserable posture he was made to enter into the town , and to pass through the greatest merchant-streets , to the end that all the people might see him , and entertain no doubt any more whether it was he . as for me , i fancied we went to see some strange massacre , and was astonish'd at the boldness of making him thus pass through the town ; and that the more , because i knew that he was very ill guarded , neither was i ignorant , that he was very much beloved by the lower sort of people , who at that time exclaimed highly against the cruelty and tyranny of aureng-zebe , as one that kept his father in prison , as also his own son sultan mahmoud , and his brother morad-bakche . i was well prepar'd for it , and with a good horse and two good men i went , together with two others of my friends , to place my self in the greatest street , where he was to pass . but not one man had the boldness to draw his sword , only there were some of the fakires , and with them some poor people , who seeing that infamous gion-kan ride by his side , began to rail and throw stones at him , and to call him traitor . all the shops were ready to break for the crowd of spectators , that wept bitterly ; and there was heard nothing but loud out-cryes and lamentations , invectives , and curses , heaped on gion-kan . in a word , men and women , great and small ( such is the tenderness of the hearts of the indians ) were ready to melt into tears for compassion ; but not one there was that durst stir to rescue him . now after he had thus passed through the town , he was put into a garden called heider-abad . there were not wanting to tell aureng-zebe , how the people at this sight had lamented dara , and cursed the patan , that had deliver'd him ▪ and how the same was in danger to have been stoned to death , as also that there had been a great apprehension of some sedition and mischief . hereupon another council was held , whether he should indeed be carried to goualeor , as had been concluded before ; or whether it were not more expedient to put him to death , without more ado ? some were of opinion , that he should go to goualeor with a strong guard , that that would be enough ; danechmend-kan , though dara's old enemy , insisting much upon that . but rauchenara-begum , in pursuance of her hatred against this brother of hers , pushed aureng-zebe to make him away , without running the danger there was in sending him to goualeor ; as also did all his old enemies , calil-ullah-kan , and chah-hest-kan , and especially a certain flatterer , a physitian , who was fled out of persia , first called hakim-daoud , and afterwards being become a great omrah named takarrub-kan : this villain boldly rose up in a full assembly , and cryed out , that it was expedient for the safety of the state to put him to death immediately , and that the rather , because he was no mussulman ; that long since he was turn'd kafire , idolater , without religion , and that he would charge the sin of it upon his own head : of which imprecation he soon after felt the smart ; for within a short time he fell into disgrace , and was treated like an infamous fellow , and dyed miserably . but aureng-zebe , carried away by these instances and motives , commanded that he should be put to death , and that sepe-chekouh , his grandchild , should be sent to goualeor . the charge of this tragical execution was given to a certain slave , call'd nazer , that had been bred by chah-jehan , and was known to have been formerly ill treated by dara . this executioner , accompanied with three or four parricides more , went to dara , who was then himself dressing some lentils with sepe-chekouh his grandchild . he no sooner saw nazer , but cryed out to sepe-chekouh , my dear son , behold those that come to kill us ! laying hold at the same time of a small knife , which was all the arms that were left him . one of these butchers immediately fell upon sepe-chekouh ; the others , upon the arms and legs of dara , throwing him to the ground , and holding him under , 'till nazer cut his throat . his head was forthwith carried to the fortress to aureng-zebe , who presently commanded it to be put in a dish , and that water should be fetch'd ; which when brought , he wiped it off with an handkerchief , and after he had caused the face to be washed clean , and the blood done away , and was fully satisfied that it was the very head of dara , he fell a weeping , and said these words ; ah bed-bakt ! ah unfortunate man ! take it away , and bury it in the sepulchre of houmayon . at night , the daughter of dara was brought into the seraglio , but afterwards sent to chah-jehan , and begum-saheb , who asked her of aureng-zebe . concerning dara's wife , she had ended her days before at lahor : she had poyson'd her self , foreseeing the extremities she was falling into , together with her husband . sepe-chekouh was sent to goualeor . and after a few days , gion-kan was sent for , to come before aureng-zebe in the assembly : to him were given some presents , and so he was sent away ; but being near his lands , he was rewarded according to his desert , being killed in a wood. this barbarous man not knowing , or not considering , that if kings do sometimes permit such actions for their interest , yet they abhor them , and sooner or later revenge them . in the mean time , the governour of tatabakar , by the same orders that had been required of dara , was obliged to surrender the fortress . it was indeed upon such a composition as he would have , but it was also with an intention not to keep word with him . for the poor eunuch , arriving at lahor , was cut in pieces , together with those few men he had then with him , by kalil-ullah-kan , who was governour thereof . but the reason of the non-observance of the capitulation was , that there was come intelligence , that he secretly prepar'd himself to go directly to soliman-chekouh , sparing no gold , which under-hand he conveyed into the hands of our franguis , and to all those that were come with him out of the fortress to follow him , under pretext of accompanying him as far as dehli to aureng-zebe , who had often said , that he should be very glad to see so gallant a man , and who had so valiantly defended himself . there remained therefore none of the family of dara , but soliman-chekouh , who could not easily be drawn away from serenaguer , if the raja had been steady to his first declarations . but the secret practises of the raja jesseigne , the promises and threats of aureng-zebe , the death of dara , and the other rajas his neighbours that had been gain'd , and were prepared by the orders , and at the cost of aureng-zebe , to make war against him , did at last shake the faith of this perfidious protector , and made him consent to their demands . sepe-chekouh , who was advertised of it , fled through the midst of those horrid countries and fearful desarts , towards the great tibet . but the son of the raja , soon pursuing and overtaking him , caused him to be assaulted with stones . the poor prince was hurt , seized , and carried to dehli , where he was imprison'd in serenguer , that little fortress , where at first they had put morad-bakche . aureng-zebe , to observe what he had practised towards dara , and that no body might doubt it was soliman-chekouh himself , commanded him to be brought before him in the presence of all the grandees of the court. at the entry of the gate , the chains were taken from his feet , leaving those he had about his hands , which seemed gilt . when this proper young man , so handsome and gallant , was seen to enter , there was a good number of omrahs that could not hold their tears ; and , as i was informed , all the great ladies of the court , that had leave to see him come in , fell a weeping . aureng-zebe , who appear'd himself to be touched at his misfortunes , began to speak very kindly to him , and to comfort him ; telling him amongst other things , that he should fear nothing , that no hurt should be done to him ; on the contrary , that he should be well treated , and therefore be of good courage ; that he had caused his father to be put to death for no other reason , than that he was turn'd kafer , and a man without religion . whereupon this young prince return'd him the salem , and blessed him , abasing his hands to the earth , and lifting them , as well as he could , up to his head , after the custom of the countrey ; and told him with resolution enough , that if he were to drink the poust , he intreated him that he might dye presently , being very willing to submit to his fate . but aureng-zebe promised him publickly , that he should drink none of it ; that he should rest satisfied as to that , and not entertain any sad thoughts about it . this being said , he once more repeated the salem : and after they had asked him several questions , in the name of aureng-zebe , touching that elephant which was charged with roupies of gold , taken from him when he went to serenaguer , he was sent to goualeor to the rest . this poust is nothing else but poppy expressed , and infused a night in water . and 't is that potion , which those that are kept at goualeor , are commonly made to drink ; i mean those princes , whose heads they think not fit to cut off : this is the first thing that is brought them in the morning , and they have nothing given them to eat 'till they have drunk a great cup full of it ; they would rather let them starve . this emaciates them exceedingly , and maketh them dye insensibly , they losing little by little their strength and understanding , and growing torpid and senseless . and by this very means 't is said , that sepe-chekouh , and the grandchild of morad-bakche , and soliman-chekouh , were dispach'd . as to morad-bakche , he was made away by a more violent death . for aureng-zebe seeing , that though he was in prison , yet the generality had an inclination to him , and that many verses were spread in the praise of his valour and courage , thought himself not safe enough by putting him to death in private , by giving him poust like others ; apprehending , that his death would be still doubted of , and that that might one time or other occasion some commotion , and therefore devised the following charge against him . the children of a certain sayed , very rich , whom he had caused to be put to death in amadevad , to get his estate , when he there made his preparations for war , and borrowed or took by force great sums of money from all the rich merchants , appeared in full assembly , making their complaints , and demanding justice , and the head of morad-bakche , for the blood of their father . not one of the omrahs durst contradict it , both because he was a sayed , that is , one of mahomet's kindred , to whom great veneration was paid ; and that every body sufficiently understood the design of aureng-zebe , taking this for a pretence to rid himself openly of morad-bakche , under a shew of justice . so that the head of him , that had killed the father of the plaintiffs , was granted them without any other form of process . whereupon they went , with necessary orders issued out for that purpose , to cut it off in goualeor . there remained no other thorn in the foot of aureng-zebe but sultan sujah , who kept himself still in bengale ; but he also was forced to yield at last to the power and fortune of aureng-zebe . there were sent so many troops of all sorts to emir-femla , that at last he was encompassed on all sides , both on this and that side of the river ganges ; so that he was necessitated to flye to dake , which is the last town of bengale on the sea side ; and here comes the conclusion of this whole tragedy . this prince being destitute of ships to put to sea , and not knowing whither to flye , sent his eldest son , sultan banque , to the king of racan or moy , a heathen or idolatrous king , to know whether he would give him leave to make his countrey his place of refuge only for some time , and do him the favour , when the mousons or the season-winds should come , to furnish him with a vessel for mecha , from thence to pass into some part of turky or persia . that king sent answer , that he should be very welcome , and have all possible assistance . so sultan banque returned to dake with some galeasses , manned with franguis ( i mean , with those fugitive portugals , and other straggling christians , that had put themselves in service to that king , driving no other trade than to ravage all this lower bengale ; ) upon which sultan sujah embarked , with his whole family , viz. his wife , his three sons , and daughters . they were well enough received ; whatever was necessary for their subsistence , such as that countrey would afford , was provided for them , in the name of that king. some months pass , the season of the favourable winds come in , but not a word of the vessel , though he demanded it no otherwise than for his money ; for as yet he wanted not rupies of gold , nor silver , nor gems : he had too great a plenty of them ; his riches were , in all appearance , the cause of his ruin , or at least contributed much to it . those barbarous kings have no true generosity , and are not much refrained by the faith they have given , regarding nothing but their present interests , without so much as considering the mischiefs that may befall them for their perfidiousness and brutality . to get out of their hands , one must either be the stronger , or have nothing that may tempt their avarice . sultan sujah may long enough sollicit for a vessel ; all is in vain , he effects nothing : on the contrary , the king begins to shew much coldness , and to complain of his not coming to see him . i know not , whether sultan sujah thought it unworthy of himself , and too mean a thing to give him a visit ; or rather , whether he fear'd , that being in the kings house he might not there be seized on , to take away all his treasure , and then be deliver'd into the hands of emir-jemla , who for that purpose promised , in the name of aureng-zebe , great sums of money , and many other considerable advantages . whatever the matter was , he would not go thither himself , but sent his son sultan banque , who being near the kings house , began to shew liberality to the people , throwing out to them a good quantity of half rupies , and whole rupies , of gold and silver . and being come before the king , he presented him with store of embroideries , and of rare pieces of goldsmiths-work , set with precious stones of great value , excusing his father , sultan sujah , as being indisposed , and beseeching him in his name , that he would remember the vessel , and the promise made to him thereof . but all that did not advance his business ; on the contrary , five or six days after , this king sent to sultan sujah , to ask of him one of his daughters in marriage ; which he could never resolve to grant him , whereat this barbarous prince was highly offended . what then could he do in this case ? the season passeth away . what shall become of him ? what other resolution can he take , but to do a desperate action ? behold a strange undertaking , which may give a great example of what despair can do ! although this king of racan be an heathen , yet there is in his dominions store of mahumetans mingled with the people , that are retired thither , or have been , for the most part , taken slaves , here and there , by those franguis above-mention'd . sultan sujah did under-hand gain these mahumetans ; and with two or three hundred men , whom he yet had remaining of those that had follow'd him from bengale , he resolved , one day to fall unexpectedly upon the house of this barbarian , to kill all , and to make himself proclaim'd king of racan . this was a very bold enterprise , and such a one , as had more of a desperado in it , than of a prudent man. yet notwithstanding , as i was inform'd , and by what i could learn from many mahumetans , and portugals , and hollanders , that then were there present , the thing was feasible enough . but the day before the stroke was to be given , the design was discover'd ; which did altogether overthrow the affairs of sultan sujah , and was soon after the cause of his ruin . for not finding hereafter any way more to recover himself , he attempted to flye towards pegu ; which was a thing in a manner impossible , by reason of the vast mountains and forrests to be passed . besides , he was immediately pursued so close , that he was overtaken the same day he fled . it may well be thought , that he defended himself with as much courage as was possible . he killed so many of those barbarians , that it will scarce be believed , but he was so overpow'red by the multitude of pursuers , that he was obliged to quit the combat . sultan banque , who was not so far advanced as his father , defended himself also like a lion ; but at length , being all bloody of the wounds , by stones poured upon him from all sides , he was seized on , and carried away , with his two little brothers , his sisters , and mother . as to the person of sultan sujah himself , all what could be learnt of it , is this : that he , with one woman , one eunuch , and two other persons , got up to the top of the mountain ; that he received a wound in his head by a stone , which struck him down , but yet he rose again , the eunuch having wound his head about with his turbant , and that they escaped through the midst of the woods . i have heard the relation three or four other manner of ways , even by those persons that were upon the place . some did assure , that he had been found among the dead , but was not well known : and i have seen a letter of the chief of the dutch factory , confirming this . so that 't is difficult enough to know aright what is become of him . and this it is , which hath administred ground to those so frequent allarms , given us afterwards at dehli : for at one time it was rumored , that he was arrived at maslipatan , to joyn with the kings of golkonda and visapour ; another time it was related for certain , that he had passed in sight of suratte with two ships , bearing the red colours , which the king of pegu or the king of siam had given him ; by and by , that he was in persia , and had been seen in chiras , and soon after in kandahar , ready to enter into the kingdom of caboul it self . aureng-zebe one day said smiling , that sultan sujah was at last become an agy or pilgrim . and at this very day there are abundance of petsons who maintain , that he is in persia , returned from constantinople , whence he is said to have brought with him much money . but that which confirms more than enough , that there is no ground for any of these reports , is that letter of the hollanders ; and that an eunuch of his , with whom i travelled from bengale to maslipatan , as also the great master of his artillery , whom i saw in the service of the king of golkonda , have assured me , that he is no more in being , though they made difficulty to say any more concerning him ; as also , that our french merchants , that lately came out of persia and from hispahan , when i was yet at dehli , had in those parts heard no news at all of him ; besides that , i have heard that a while after his defeat , his sword and poynard had been found : so that 't is credible , that if he was not killed upon the place , he soon dyed afterwards , and was the prey of some robbers , or tygers , or elephants , of which the forrests of that countrey are full . however it be , after this last action his whole family was put in prison , wives and children , where they were treated rudely enough ; yet some time after they were set at more liberty , and they received a milder entertainment : and then the king called for the eldest daughter , whom he married . whilst this was doing , some servants of sultan banque , joyned with divers of those mahumetans which i have mentioned , went to plot another conspiracy like the first . but the day appointed for it being come , one of the conspirators , being half drunk , began too soon to break out . concerning this also i have heard forty different relations , so that 't is very hard to know the truth of it . that which is undoubted is this , that the king was at length so exasperated against this unfortunate family of sujah , that he commanded it should be quite rooted out . neither did there remain any one of it , that was not put to death , save that daughter which the king had made his wife . sultan banque , and his brothers , had their heads cut off with blunt axes ; and the women were mured up , where they dyed of hunger and misery . and thus endeth this war , which the lust of reigning had kindled among those four brothers , after it had lasted five or six years , from 1655 , or thereabout , to 1660 or 1661 ; which left aureng-zebe in the peaceable possession of this puissant empire . the end of the first tome . particular events : or , the most considerable passages after the war , of 5 years , or thereabout , in the empire of the great mogol . together with a letter concerning the extent of indostan , the circulation of the gold and silver at last swallow'd up there ; the riches , forces , justice , and the principal cause of the decay of the states of asia . tom . ii. london , printed by william godbid , and are to be sold by moses pitt . 1676. particular events : or , the most considerable passages after the war for five years , or thereabout , in the empire of the great mogol . the war being ended , the tartars of usbec entertained thoughts of sending ambassadors to aureng-zebe . they had seen him fight in their countrey , when he was yet a young prince ; chah-jehan having sent him to command the succours , which the kan of samarkand had desired of him against the kan of balk . they had experienced his conduct and valour on many occasions , and they consider'd with themselves , that he could not but remember the affront they did him , when he was just taking balk , the capital town of the enemy : for the two kans agreed together , and obliged him to retreat , alledging , that they apprehended he might render himself master of their whole state , just as ekbar had formerly done of the kingdom of kachimere . besides , they had certain intelligence of all he had done in indostan , of his battels , fortune , and advantages ; whence they might sufficiently estimate , that though chah-jehan was yet living , yet aureng-zebe was master , and the only person that was to be owned king of the indies . whether then they feared his just resentments , or whether it was , that their inbred avarice and sordidness made them hope for some considerable present , the two kans sent to him their ambassadors to offer him their service , and to congratulate him upon the happy beginning of his reign . aureng-zebe saw very well , that the war being at an end , this offer was out of season , and that it was nothing but fear or hope , as we said , that had brought them . yet for all this , he received them honourably ; and , since i was present at their audience , i can relate the particulars of it with certainty . they made their reverence at a considerable distance from him , after the indian custom , putting thrice their hands upon their heads , and as often letting them down to the ground . then they approached so near , that aureng-zebe himself might very well have taken their letters immediately from their hands ; but yet it was an omrah that took and open'd them , and gave them to him . he forthwith read them with a very grave countenance ; and afterwards commanded , there should be given to each of them an embroider'd vest , a turbant , and a girdle of silk in embroidery , which is that which they call ser-apah , that is , an habit from head to foot . after this , their presents were call'd for , which consisted in some boxes of choice lapis lazulus , divers camels with long hair , several gallant horses , some camel-loads of fresh fruit , as apples , pears , raisins and melons ; ( for 't is chiefly usbec that furnishes these sorts of fruit , eaten at dehli all the winter long ; ) and in many loads of dry fruit , as prunes of bokara , aprecocks , raisins without any stones that appeared , and two other sorts of raisins , black and white , very large and very good . aureng-zebe was not wanting to declare , how much he was satisfied with the generosity of the kans , and much commended the beauty and rarity of the fruit , horses , and camels ; and after he had a little entertain'd them of the state of the academy of samarkand , and of the fertility of their countrey , abounding in so many rare and excellent things , he desired them to go and repose themselves , intimating withall , that he should be very glad to see them often . they came away from their audience full of contentment and joy , not being much troubled , that they had been obliged to make their reverence after the indian custome , though it have something of slavish in it ; nor much resenting it , that the king had not taken their letters from their own hands . i believe if they had been required to kiss the ground , and even to do something of a lower nature , they would have complied with it . 't is true , it would have been in vain , if they had desired to make no other salute , but that of their own countrey , and to deliver to the king their letters with their own hands ; for that belongs only to the ambassadors of persia , nor have these this favour granted them , but with much difficulty . they stay'd above four months at dehli , what diligence soever they could use to be dispatch'd , which did incommode them very much ; for they fell almost all sick , and even some of them dyed , because they were not accustomed to such heats as are in indostan , or rather because they were sordid , and kept a very ill diet. i know not whether there be a more avaricious and uncleanly nation than they are . they laid up the money , which the king had appointed them for their maintenance , and lived a very miserable life , altogether unworthy of ambassadors : yet they were dismissed with great honour : the king , in the presence of all the omrahs , presented each of them with two rich ser-apahs , and gave order , that eight thousand rupies should be carried to their lodgings , which amounted to near two thousand crowns each . he also gave them , for presents to the kans their masters , very handsom ser-apahs , store of the richest and best wrought embroideries , a good quantity of fine cloth , and silk stuffs , wrought with gold and silver , and some tapestries , and two poynards set about with precious stones . during their stay , i went thrice to see them , being presented to them as a physitian by one of my friends , that was son of an usbec , that had made his fortune in that court. i had a design to have learned something in particular of their countrey , but i found them so ignorant , that they knew not so much as the confines of their state , much less could they inform me of any thing concerning the tartars that have conquer'd china of late years : in short , they told me nothing that i knew not before . i had once the curiosity to dine with them , which liberty i obtained easily enough . they are not men of much ceremony ; it was a very extraordinary meal for such a one as i , it being meer horse-flesh ; yet for all this i got my dinner with them ; there was a certain ragou , which i thought passable : and i was obliged to express a liking of so exquisit a dish , which they so much lust after . during dinner there was a strange silence ; they were very busie in carrying in with their whole hands , for they know not what a spoon is ; but after that this horse-flesh had wrought in their stomachs , they began to talk , and then they would perswade me , they were the most dextrous at bows and arrows , and the strongest men in the world. they call'd for bows , which are much bigger than those of indostan , and would lay a wager , to pierce an oxe or my horse through and through . then they proceeded to commend the strength and valour of their women , which they described to me quite otherwise than the amazons ; telling me very wonderful stories of them , especially one , which would be admirable indeed , if i could relate it with a tartarian eloquence , as they did : they told me , that at the time when aureng-zebe made war in their countrey , a party of twenty five or thirty indian horsemen came to fall upon a small village ; whilst they plundred , and tyed all those whom they met with to make them slaves , an old woman said to them : children , be not so mischievous , my daughter is not far off , she will be here very shortly , retreat if you be wise , you are undone if she light upon you . they laughed at the old woman , and her advice , and continued to load , to tye , and to carry away her self ; but they were not gone half a mile , but this old woman , looking often backward , made a great out-cry of joy , perceiving her daughter coming after her on horse-back ; and presently this generous she tartar , mounted on a furious horse , her bow and arrows hanging at her side , called to them at a distance , that she was yet willing to give them their lives , if they would carry back to the village all they had taken , and then withdraw without any noise . the advice of this young woman affected them as little as that of her old mother ; but they were soon astonish'd , when they found her let fly at them in a moment three or four great arrows , which struck as many of their men to the ground , which forced them to fall to their quivers also . but she kept her self at that distance from them , that none of them could reach her . she laughed at all their effort , and at all their arrows , knowing how to attack them at the length of her bow , and to take her measure from the strength of her arm , which was of another temper than theirs : so that after she had killed half of them with her arrows , and put them into disorder , she came and fell upon the rest with the zable in her hand , and cut them all in pieces . the ambassadors of tartary were not yet gone away from dehli , when aureng-zebe fell exceeding sick ; a violent and continued fever made him sometimes lose his understanding : his tongue was seized with such a palsie , that he lost almost his speech , and the physitians despaired of his recovery ; nothing was heard for the time , than that he was gone , and that his sister rauchenara-begum concealed his death out of design . it was already bruited , that the raja jessomseigne , governour of guzaratte , was on the way to deliver chah-jehan ; that mohabet-kan ( who had at length obeyed the orders of aureng-zebe ) quitting the government of caboul , and being already on this side lahor to come back , made hast also with three or four thousand horse for the same end ; and that the eunuch etbar-kan , who kept chah-jehan in the fortress of agra , would have the honour of his delivery . on one side we see sultan mazum bestir himself exceedingly with bribes , endeavouring by promises to assure himself of the omrahs , so far as that one night he went disguized to the raja jesseigne , entreating him with expressions of deep respect , that he would engage himself for his interest . we knew from other hands , that rauchenara-begum , together with teday-kan , the great master of artillery , and many omrahs , declared for the young prince sultan ekbar , the third son of aureng-zebe , though he was but seven or eight years old ; both parties in the mean time pretending , they had no other design than to deliver chah-jehan : so that the people believed , that now he was going to be set at liberty , though none of the grandees had any such thing in their thoughts , spreading this rumour only to gain credit and concourse , and because they feared , least by the means of etbar-kan , or some other secret intrigue , he should one day appear in the field . and indeed of all the parties , there was not one that had reason to wish for his liberty and restoration to the throne , except jessomseigne , mohabet-kan , and some others , that as yet had done no great matter to his disadvantage . the rest had been all against him , at least they had vilely abandon'd him . they knew very well he would be like an unchain'd lyon , if he came abroad : who then could trust him ? and what could etbar-kan hope for , who had kept him up so close ? i know not , if by some adventure or other , he should have come out of prison , whether he would not have stood single , and been alone of his party . but though aureng-zebe was very sick , yet for all this he gave order for all things , and particularly for the sure custody of chah-jehan his father ; and though he had advised sultan mazum to go and open the gates to chah-jehan , in case he should die , yet he omitted not to have etbar-kan incessantly writ to . and the fifth day , in the height of his sickness , he caused himself to be carried into the assembly of the omrahs to shew himself , and to disabuse those who might believe him to be dead , and to obviate popular tumults , or such accident as might have caused chah-jehan to be set at liberty . the seventh , ninth , and tenth day , he made himself to be carried again into the said assembly for the same reason ; and , what is almost incredible , the thirteenth , after he had recollected himself from a fit of swounding , which accasioned a rumor through the whole town of his being dead , he called for two or three of the greatest omrahs , and the raja jesseigne , to let them see that he was alive ; made himself to be raised in his bed , called for ink and paper to write to etbar-kan , and sent for the great seal ; which he had trusted with rauchenara-bagum , and commonly enclosed in a small bag , sealed with a seal he always wore about his arm , fearing lest she had already made use of it for her designs . i was nigh my agah , when all this news was told him , and i understood , that lifting up his hands to heaven he said , what a soul is this ? a matchless fortitude and courage of spirit ! god preserve thee aureng-zebe , for greater things ; certainly he will not that thou shouldest yet die . and indeed after this fit he recover'd by little and little . he had no sooner recover'd his health , but he sought to get out of the hands of chah-jehan , and begum-saheb , the daughter of dara , to secure the marriage of sultan-ekbar , his third son , with this princess ; on purpose thereby to gain him authority , and to give him the greater right to the empire ; for he it is , who is thought to be by him designed for it . he is yet very young , but he hath many near and powerful relations at the court , and is born of the daughter of chah-navaze-kan , and consequently of the bloud of the antient soveraigns of machate ; whereas sultan mahmoud and sultan mazum are only sons of ragipontnis , or daughters of raja's . these kings , though mahumetans , do , for all that , marry of the daughters of the heathen , either for state-interest , or for extraordinary beauty . but aureng-zebe , was disappointed in this design ; it will hardly be believed , with what height and fierceness of spirit chah-jehan and begum rejected the proposition , and the young princess her self , who in the fear of being carried away , was for some days desperate , and protested she would rather kill her self an hundred times over , if it were possible , than to marry the son of him that had murthered her father . he had no better satisfaction from chah-jehan about certain jewels which he asked of him , in order to finish a piece of work which he caused to be added to a famous throne , which is so highly esteemed . for he fiercely answer'd , that aureng-zebe should take no other care but to rule better then he did ; that he should let his throne alone ; that he was weary to hear of these jewels , and that the hammers were ready to beat them to dust the first time he should be importun'd again about them . the hollanders would not be the last in doing reverence to aureng-zebe ▪ they had thoughts of sending an ambassador to him . they pitched upon monsieur adrican , the commander of their factory at suratte ; and being a right honest man , and of good sense and judgment , not neglecting to take the counsel of his friends , he well acquitted himself of this employment . aureng-zebe , though he carries it very high , and affects to appear a zealous mahumetan , and consequently to dispise the franguis or christians , yet thought fit to receive them with much respect and civility . he even was desirous , that this ambassador should complement him in the mode of the franguis , after he had been made to do it the indian way . 't is true , he received his letters by the hand of an omrah ; but that was not to be taken for any contempt , he having shew'd no more honour to the ambassadors of usbec . after this , he intimated to him , that he might produce his present ; and at the same time he caused him , and some of his train , to be dressed with a ser-apah embroider'd . the present ●osisted of store of very fine scarlet , some large looking-glasses , and divers excellent pieces of chinese and japonese work , among which there was a paleky , and a tackravan , or a field-throne of admirable workmanship . this ambassadour was not so soon dispatch't as he wish'd , it being the custom of the kings of mogol to detain ambassodours as long as they well can , from a belief they have , that 't is the interest of their greatness , to oblige strangers to give long attendance at their court ; yet he was not kept so long as the ambassadours of usbec . mean time he had the misfortune , that his secretary died there , and the rest of his retinue began to grow sick . when the king dismissed him , he gave him such another ser-apah embroider'd , as the first was for himself ; and another , a very rich one , for the general of batavia , together with a poynard , set about with jewels , all accompanied with a very obliging letter . the chief aim of the hollanders in this embassy was , to make themselves immediately known to the king , thereby to gain credit , and to intimidate the governours of the sea-ports , and other places , where they have their factories ; that so they may not attempt , when they please , to insult over them , or to trouble them in their trade ; thereby letting them know , that they had to do with a potent nation , and that hath a door open to address themselves , and to complain immediately to the king. their end also was , to make it appear , what interest the king had in their commerce ; and therefore they shew'd long rolls of commodities , bought up by them through the whole kingdom , and lists of considerable sums of gold and silver , every year brought thither by them ; but saying not a word of those which they draw thence , from the copper , lead , cinamon , cloves , muscadin , pepper , wood of aloes , elephants , and other commodities which they vend there . about this time , one of the most considerable omrah's of aureng-zebe addressed himself to him , and represented , that this multitude and variety of perplexing affairs , and this perpetual attention of mind in him , might soon cause a great alteration in his temper , and a dangerous inconvenience in his health . but aureng-zebe , seeming to take almost no notice of what that omrah said , turn'd himself another way , and approaching to another of the prime omrah's of the court , a person of great knowledge and judgment , spoke to him in this purpose ( as i was informed by the son of this lord , who was my friend . ) you other sages , are you not all of the mind , that there are times and conjunctions so urgent , that a king ought to hazard his life for his subjects , and sacrifice himself for their defence with arms in his hands ? and yet this effeminate man would disswade me from taking pains , and dehort me from watching and sollicitude for the publick ; and carry me by pretences of health , to the thoughts of an easie life , by abandoning the government of my people , and the management of affairs , to some visir or other . doth he not know , that providence having given me a royal extraction , and raised me to the crown of indostan , hath not made me for my self alone , but for the good and safety of the publick , and for the procurement of tranquility and happiness to my subjects , as far as that nay be obtained by justice and power ? he seeth not the consequence of his counsels , and what mischiefs do attend visirships . doth he think it to be without reason what out grand sady hath so generously pronounced ; o kings , cease , cease to be kings , or govern your kingdoms your selves ? go tell thy country-man , that i shall well like of the care he is constantly to take of the faithful discharge of his place ; but advise him also , not any more to run out himself so far as he hath done . we have natural inclination enough to a long , easie , and careless life , and there need no counsellors to shake off business and trouble . our wives , that lye in our bosom , do too often , besides our own genius , incline us that way . at the same time there happen'd an accident , that made a great noise at dehli , especially in the seraglio , and disabused a great many , that could as hardly believe as my self , that eunuchs , though they had their genitals quite cut away , could become amorous as other men . didar-kan , one of the chief eunuchs of the seraglio , who had built an house , where he came often to divert himself , fell in love with a very beautiful woman , the sister of a neighbour of his , that was an heathen scrivener . these amours lasted a good while before any body blamed them , since it was but an eunuch that made them , which sort of men have the priviledge to go where they please ; but the familiarity grew so great , and so extraordinary betwixt the two lovers , that the neighbours began to suspect something , and to rally the scrivener , which did so touch him , that he threatned both his sisters and the eunuch to kill them if they should continue their commerce . and soon after , finding them in the night lying together , he stabbed the eunuch out-right , and left his sister for dead . the whole seraglio , women and eunuchs , made a league together against him to make him away ; but aureng-zebe dissipated all these machinations , and was content to have him turn mahumetan . mean time 't is thought , he cannot long avoid the malice and power of the eunuchs ; for 't is not , as is the common saying , with men as with bruits ; these latter become gentler and more tractable when they are castrated ; but men more vicious , and commonly very insolent , though sometimes it turneth to an admirable fidelity and gallantry . it was also about the same time , that aureng-zebe was somewhat discontented with rauchenara-begum , because she was suspected to have given access to two young gallants into the seraglio , who were discover'd and brought before aureng-zebe . yet this being but a suspicion , he expressed to her no great resentment of it ; nor did he make use of so great rigour and cruelty against those poor men , as chah-jehan had done against the person above spoken of . the matter was related to me by an old portuguese woman ( that had a long while been slave to the seraglio , and went out and in at pleasure ) as followeth : she told me that rauchenara-begum , after she had drawn from a young man , hidden by her , all his abillty , deliver'd him to some women to convey him away in the night thorough some gardens , and so to save him : but whether they were discover'd , or whether they feared they should be so , or what else might be the cause , they fled , and left him there wandring in the midst of those gardens , not knowing which way to get out : and being at last met with , and brought before aureng-zebe , who examined him strictly , but could draw nothing else from him , than that he was come in over the walls , he was commanded to get out the same way by which he entred : but it seems , the eunuchs did more than aureng-zebe had given order for , for they cast him down from the top of the walls to the bottom . as for the other young gallant , this same woman assured me , that he was found wandring in the garden like the first , and having confessed that he was come in by the gate , aureng-zebe commanded likewise , that he also should pass away again by the same gate ; yet reserving to himself a severe chastisement for the eunuchs , since not only the honour of the royal house , but also the safety of the kings person is herein concerned . some months after , there arrived at dehli several ambassadours , almost at the same time . the first was xerif of meccha , whose present did consist in some arabian horses : the second and third ambassador were , he of the king of hyeman , or happy arabia , and he of the prince of bassora , who likewise presented arabian horses . the two remaining ambassadors were sent from the king of ethiopia . to the three first no great regard was given ; they appear'd in so miserable and confused an equipage , that it was perceived they came only to get some money by the means of their present , and of the many horses and other merchandise , which under the pretence of ambassadors , entred without paying any duty into the kingdom , there to be sold , and to buy for the money a quantity of indian stuffs , and so to return without paying likewise any impost at all . but as to the ethiopian embassy , that deserves to be otherwise taken notice of ; the king of ethiopia having received the news of the revolution of the indies , had a design to spread his name in those parts , and there to make known his grandeur and magnificence by a splendid embassy ; or , as malice will have it , or rather as the very truth is , to reap some advantage by a present as well as the rest . behold therefore this great embassy ! he chose for his ambassadors two persons , that one would think were the most considerable in his court , and the most capable to make such a design prosper . and who were they ? the one was a mahumetan merchant , whom i had seen some years ago at moka , when i passed there coming out of egypt over the red-sea , where he was to sell some slaves for that prince , and to buy of the money , raised thence , some indian commodities . and this is the fine trade of that great christian king of africa . the other was a christian merchant of armenia , born and married in aleppo , known in ethiopia by the name of murat . i had seen him also at moka , where he had accomodated me with the half of his chamber , and assisted me with very good advice , whereof i have spoken in the beginning of this history , as a thing taking me off from passing into ethiopia , according to my first design . he also came every year to that place , in that kings name , for the same end that the mahumetan did , and brought the present which the king made every year , to the gentlemen of the english and dutch company of the east-indies , and carried away theirs . now the king of ethiopia , sutably to his design , and the desire he had of making his ambassadors appear with great splendour , put himself to great expences for this embassie : he gave them thirty two young slaves , of both sexes , to sell them at moka , and thence to make a sum of money to bear their charges . a wonderful largess ! slaves are commonly sold there for twenty five or thirty crowns a piece , one with another . a considerable sum . besides , he gave them for a present to the great mogol five and twenty choice slaves , among which there were nine or ten very young , proper to make eunuchs of . a very worthy present for a king , and he a christian , to a mahumetan prince ! it seems the christianity of the ethiopians is very different from ours . he added to that present , twelve horses , esteem'd as much as those of arabia , and a kind of little mule , of which i saw the skin , which was a very great rarity , there being no tyger so handsomely speckled , nor silken stuff of india so finely , so variously , and so orderly streaked , as that was . moreover , there were for a part of the present , two elephants teeth , so prodigious , that they assured it was all that a very able-bodied man could do to lift up one of them from the ground . lastly , an horn of an oxe full of civett , and so big , that the aperture of it being measur'd by me , when it came to dehli , it had a diameter of half a foot , and somewhat better . all things being thus prepared , the ambassadors depart from gondez , the capital of ethiopia , situated in the province of dambea , and came through a very troublesome countrey to beiloul , which is a dispeopled sea-port over against moka , nigh to babel-mandel , not daring to come ( for reasons elswhere to be alledged ) the ordinary way of the caravans , which is made with ease in forty dayes to arkiko , and thence to pass to the isle of masoua . during their stay at beiloul , and expecting a bark of moka , to waft over the red sea , there died some of their slaves , because the vessel tarried , and they found not in that place those refreshments that were necessary for them . when they came to moka , they soon sold their merchandise to raise a stock of money according to order , but they had this ill luck , that that year the slaves were very cheap ; because the market was glutted by many other merchants ; yet they raised a sum to pursue their voyage : they embark'd upon an indian vessel to pass to suratte : their passage was pretty good ; they were not above five and twenty daies at sea ; but whether it was that they had made no good provision , for want of stock , or what else the cause might be , many of their slaves and horses , as also the mule , whereof they saved the skin , died . they were no sooner arrived at suratte , but a certain rebel of visapour , called seva-gi , came and ranscked and burned the town , and in it their house , so that they could save nothing but their letters , some slaves that were sick , or which seva-gi could not light on , their ethiopian habits which he cared not for , and the mules skin , and the oxes horn , which was already emptied of the civett . they did very much exaggerate their misfortune ; but those malicious indians that had seen them arrive in such a wretched condition , without provisions , without habits , without money , or bills of exchange , said , that they were very happy , and should reckon the plunder of suratte for a piece of their best fortune , forasmuch as seva-gi had saved them the labour of bringing their miserable present to dehli , and had furnisht them with a very specious pretence for their beggarly condition , and for the sale they had made of their civet and of some of their slaves , and for demanding of the governour of suratte provisions for their subsistance ; as also some money and chariots to continue their voyage to dehli . monsieur adrican , chief of the dutch factory , my friend , had given to the armenian murat a letter of recommendation to me , which he deliver'd himself at dehli , not remembring that i had been his host at moka . it was a very pleasant meeting when we came to know one another , after the space of five or six years . i embraced him affectionately , and promised him that i would serve him in whatever i could ; but that , though i had acquaintance at the court , it was impossible for me to do them any considerable good office there : for since they had not brought with them any valuable present , but only the mules skin , and the empty oxes horn , and that they were seen going upon the streets without any paleky or horses , save that of our father missionary , and mine ( which they had almost killed ) cloathed like beggars , and followed with seven or eight slaves , bare-headed and bare-foot , having nothing but an ugly sharse tyed between their legs ▪ with a ragged cloth over their left shoulder , passing under their left arm like a summer-cloak ; since , i said , they were in such a posture , whatever i could say for them was insignificant ; they were taken for beggars , and no body took other notice of them . yet notwithstanding i said so much of the grandeur of their king to my agah danechmendkan , who had cause to hearken to me , as managing all forreign affairs there , that aureng-zebe gave them audience , received their letters , presented them each with an embroider'd vest , a silken embroider'd girdle , and a turbant of the same , gave order for their entertainment , and dispatched them in a little time , and that with more honour than there was ground to expect : for in dismissing them , he presented them each with an other such vest , and with 6000 rupies for them all , which amounteth to about 3000 crowns , of which the mahumetan had four thousand , and murat , because a christian , but two thousand . he also gave them for a present to their master a very rich ser-apah or vest , two great silver and guilt trumpets , two silver tymbals , a poynard cover'd with jewels , and the value of about twenty thousand francs in golden and silver rupies , to let their king see money coyned , as a rarity he had not in his countrey : but aureng-zebe knew very well that these rupies would not go out of the kingdom , and that they were like to buy commodities for them : and it fell out so ; for they laid them out , partly in fine cotton cloth , to make shirts of for their king , queen , and their only lawful son that is to be the successor ; partly in filken stuffs streaked with gold or silver , to make vests and summer-drawers of ; partly in english scarlet , to make two arabian vests of for their king also ; and lastly , in spices , and in store of courser cloth , for divers ladies of his seraglio , and for the children he had by them ; all without paying any duty . for all my friendship with murat , there were three things that made me almost repent to have served them . the first , because murat having promised me to leave with me for 50 rupies , a little son of his , that was very pretty , of a delicate black , and without such a swelled nose , or such thick lips as commonly the ethiopians have , broke his word with me , and let me know , that he should take no less for him than 300 rupies . for all this , i had thoughts of buying him , for rarities sake , and that i might say , a father had sold me his son. the second , because i found , that murat , as well as the mahumetan , had obliged themselves to aureng-zebe , that they would employ their interest with their king , that he might permit in ethiopia to rebuild an old mosquee ruined in the time of the portugals , and which had been built for a tomb of a great dervich , which went from mecha into ethiopia for the propagation of mahumetanism , and there made great progress . they received of aureng-zebe two thousand rupies for this engagement . this mosquee had been pulled down by the portugals , when they came with their succors into ethiopia , which the then king , who turn'd catholick , had asked of them against a mahumetan prince , invading his kingdom . the third , because they desired aureng-zebe , in the name of their king , to give them an alcoran , and eight other books , which i well remember , were of the most reputed in the mahumetan religion : which proceeding seemed to me very unworthy of a christian embassadour , and christian king , and confirmed to me what i had been told at moka , that the christianity of ethiopia must needs be some odd thing ; that it savours much of mahumetanisme , and that the mahumetans increase exceedingly in that empire , especially since the portugals , that came in there for the reason lately expressed , were either killed , upon the death of the king , by the cabal of the queen mother , or expelled together , with the patriarch jesuite , whom they had brought along from goa . during the time that the ambassadors were at dehli , my agah , who is more than ordinary curious , made them often come to him , when i was present , to inform himself of the state and government of their country , and principally to learn something of the source of the nile , which they call ababile , of which they discoursed to us as a thing so well known , that no body doubted of it . murat himself , and a mogol , who was returned out of ethiopia with him , had been there , and told us very near the same particulars with those i had received of it at moka ; viz. that the nile had its origine in the country of agaus ; that it issued out of the earth by two springs bubling up , near to one another , which did form a little lake of about thirty or forty paces long ; that coming out of this lake , it did make a considerable river : and that from space to space it received small rivers increasing it . they added , that it went on circling , and making as 't were a great isle ; and that afterwards it tumbled down from steep rocks into a great lake , in which there were divers fruitfuls isles , store of crocodiles , and ( which would be remarkable enough , if true ) abundance of sea-calves , that have no other vent for their excrements than that , by which they take in their food ; this lake being in the country of dambea , three small daies journey from gondar , and four or five dayes journey from the source of the nile : and lastly , that this river did break out of this lake , being augmented with many river-waters , and with several torrents falling into it , especially in the rainy season ( which do regularly begin there , as in the indies about july , which is very considerable and convincing for the inundation of the nile ) and so runs away through sonnar , the capital city of the king of fungi , tributary to the king of ethiopia , and from thence passeth to the plains of mesre , which is egypt . the ambassadors were not wanting to say more than was liked on the subject of their kings greatness , and of the strength of his army ; but the mogolian did not over-much agree with them in it ; and in their absence represented to us this army , which he had seen twice in the field , with the ethiopian king on the head of it , as the most wretched thing in the world. they also related to us divers particulars of that country , which i have put in my journal , one day perhaps to be digested and copied : in the mean time i shall insert here three or four things which murat told me , because i esteem them very extravagant for a christian kingdom . he said then , that there were few men in ethiopia , who besides their lawful wife , had not many others , and himself owned that he had two , without reckoning her which he had left at aleppo : that the ethiopian women did not so hide themselves , as they do in the indies among the mahumetans , nor even as among the gentils : that those of the meaner sort of people ▪ maids or married women , slaves or free , were often together pell-mell , night and day , in the same chamber ▪ without those jealousies so common in other countries : that the women of lords did not stick much to go into the house of a simple cavalier , whom they knew to be a man of execution : that if i had gone into ethiopia , they would soon have obliged me to marry , as they had done , a few years since , to a certain european , who named himself a greek physician : that an ancient man , of about fourscore years of age , did one day present to the king fourscore sons , all of age , and able to bear arms ; and that the king asked him , whether he had no more but them ? to whom having answer'd , no , but only some daughters , the king sent him away with this reproach ; begone , thou calf , and be ashamed for having no more children at that age , as if women were wanting in my dominions ! that the king himself had at least fourscore sons and daughters running about pell-mell in the seraglio , for whom he had caused to be made a number of round vernished sticks , made like a little maze ; those children being fond of having that in their hand like a scepter , distinguishing them from those that were children of slaves , or from others living in that place . aureng-zebe sent also twice for these ambassadors , for the same reason that my agah did , and especially to enquire after the state of mahumetanisns in that country . he had also the curiosity of viewing the skin of the mule , which remained , i know not how , in the fortress amongst the officers ; which was to me a great mortification , because they had designed it for me for the good services i had done them . i made account to have one day presented it to some very curious person in europe . i urged often , that together with the mules skin , they should carry the great horn to aureng-zebe , to shew it him ; but they fear'd , least he should make a question , which would have perplexed them ; viz. how it came to pass , that they had saved the horn from the plunder of suratte , and lost the civet ? whilst these ambassadors of ethiopia were at dehli , it came to pass that aureng-zebe called together his privy councel , and the most learn'd persons of his court , to chuse a new master for his third son , sultan eckbar , whom he design'd for his successor . in this councel he shew'd the passion he hath to have this young prince well educated , and to make him a great man. aureng-zebe is not ignorant of what importance it is , and how much 't is to be wished , that as much as kings surmount others in greatness , they may also exceed them in virtue and knowledge . he also well knows , that one of the principal sources of the misery , of the mis-goverment , of the un-peopling , and the decay of the empires of asia proceeds from thence , that the children of the kings thereof are brought up only by women and eunuchs , which often are no other than wrecthed slaves of russia , circassia , mingrelia , gurgistan and ethiopia ; mean and servile , ignorant and insolent souls . these prince become kings , when they are of age , without being instructed , and without knowing what 't is to be a king ; amazed when they begin to come abroad out of the seraglio , as persons coming out of another world , or let out of some subterraneous cave , where they had lived all their life time ; wondring at every thing they meet , like so many innocents ; believing all , and fearing all , like children , or nothing at all , as if they were stupid : and all this , according to their nature , and sutable to the first images imprinted upon them ; commonly high and proud , and seemingly grave , but of that kind of pride and gravity , which is so flat and distasteful , and so unbecoming them , that one may plainly see , 't is noehing but brutality or barbarousness , and the effect of some ill-studied and ill-digested documents ; or else they fall into some childish civilities , yet more unsavoury ; or into such cruelties , as are blind and brutal ; or into that mean and gross vice of drunkenness , or into an excessive and altogether unreasonable luxury , either ruining their bodies and understandings with their concubines , or altogether abandoning themselves to the pleasures of hunting , like some carniverous animals , preferring a pack of dogs before the life of so many poor people , whom they force to follow them in the pursuit of their game , and suffer to perish of hunger , heat , cold , and misery . in a word , they alwayes run into some extreme or other , being altogether irrational and extravagant , according as they are carried by their natural temper , or by the first impressions that are given them ; thus remaining , almost all , in a strange ignorance of what concerns the state of the kingdom ; the reins of the government being abandoned to some visir , who entertains them in their ignorance and in their passions , which are the two strongest supports he can have to rule alwayes according to his own mind , with most assurance , and the least contradiction ; and given over also to those slaves their mothers , and to their eunuchs , who often know nothing but to continue plots of cruelty , whereby they strangle and banish one another , and sometimes the visirs , and even the grand signors themselves ; so that no man whatsoever , that hath any estate , can be in safety of his life . but to return ; after all these ambassadors , which we have spoken of , there came at last news , that the ambassador of persia was upon the frontiers . the persian omrah's , that are at the service of the mogol , spred a rumor that he came for affairs of great importance ; though intelligent persons much doubted of a commission of that nature , considering that the time of great conjunctures was passed , and that those omrahs , and the other persians did what they did , rather to make a show , than for any thing else . mean time , on the day of the entry , this ambassador was received with all possible respect : the bazars , through which he passed , were all new-painted , and the cavalry attending on the way for above the length of a whole league . many omrah's accompanied him with musick , tymbals and trumpets , and when he entred into the fortress , or the palace of the king , the guns went off . aureng-zebe received him with much civility , and was content he should make his address to him after the persian mode , receiving also , without any scruple , immediately from his hands the letters of his king ; which , out of respect , he lifted up even to his head , and afterwards read them with a grave and serious countenance : which done , he caused an embroider'd vest to be brought , together with a rich . turbant and girdle , commanding it to be put on him in his presence . a little after , it was intimated to him , that he might order his present to be brought in , which consisted of five and twenty as handsome horses as ever i saw , led , and cover'd with embroider'd trappings ; and of twenty very stately and lusty camels , as big as elephants : moreover , of a good number of boxes , said to be full of most excellent rose-water ; and of a certain distilled water , very precious , and esteemed highly cordial ; besides , there were displayed five or six very rich and very large tapisseries , and some embroider'd pieces exceeding noble , wrought in small flowers , so fine and delicate , that i know not whether in all europe any such can be met with . to all this were added four damaskin'd swords , with as many poynards , all cover'd with jewels ; as also five or six harnasses of horses , which were much esteem'd , being also very fine and rich , the stuff being raised with rich embroidery set with small pearls , and very fair turcoises of the old rock . it was observ'd , that aureng-zebe beheld this present very attentively ; that he admired the beanty and rarity of every piece , and that several times he extolled the generosity of the king of persia ; assigning to the ambassador a place among his chief omrahs . and after he had entertained him a while with a discourse about the inconveniencies and hardships of his voyage , he dismist him , and made instance , that he should come every day to see him . during the four or five months that the ambassador staid at dehli , he was always splendidly treated at aureng-zebe's charge ; and the greatest omrahs presented him one after another ; and at last he was very honourably dismissed : for aureng-zebe had him apparell'd with another rich serapah or vest , to which he added considerable presents for himself , reserving those he intended for his king , 'till he should send an ambassador expresly ; which sometime after he did . notwithstanding all these testimonies of honour and respect which aureng-zebe had shew'd to this ambassador , the same persians , above-spoken of , gave out , that their king had sensibly reproached him in his letters , with the death of dara , and the imprisonment of chah-jehan , as actions unworthy of a brother , and a son , and a musulman ; and that he had also hit him with the word a●m-guire , or conquerour of the world , which aureng-zebe had caused to be engraven on his coyn. but 't is hard to believe , that the king of persia should do any such thing to provoke such a victorious prince , since persia is not in a condition to enter into a war with indostan ; i am rather apt to believe , that persia hath work enough to keep kandahar on the side of indostan , and the frontiers on the side of turky : its forces and riches are known ; it produceth not always such great kings as the chah-abbas , valiant , intelligent , and politick , knowing to make use of every thing , and to do much with small expences . if it were in a condition of undertaking any thing against indostan , or really sensible of piety and the musal-man faith , why was it that in these last troubles and civil wars , which continued so long in indostan , the persians sat still and looked on , when dara , chan-jehan , sultan sujah , and perhaps the governour of caboul desired their assistance ; and they might with no very great army , nor great expences have seized on the fairest part of india , beginning from the kingdom of caboul , unto the river indus , and beyond it , and so made themselves umpires of all things ? yet notwithstanding there must needs have been some offensive expressions in those persian letters , or else the ambassador must have done or said something that displeased aureng-zebe ; because two or three daies after he had dismissed him , he made a rumour to be spread-abroad , that the ambassador had caused the ham-strings of the presented horses to be cut ; and the ambassador being yet upon the frontiers , he made him return all the indian slaves which he carried along with him , of which he had a prodigious number . mean while , aureng-zebe was not so much concern'd , nor troubled himself so much with this ambassador , as chah-jehan , upon a like occasion , did with him , that was sent to him from the great chah-abbas . when the persians are in the humor of rallying against the indians , they relate these three or four little stories of them : they say , that chah-jehan seeing that the courtship and promises made to their ambassador were not able to prevail with him , so as to make him perform his salute after the indian mode , he devised this artifice ; he commanded to shut the great gate of the court of the am-kas , where he was to receive him , and to leave only open the wicket , through which one man could not pass but very difficultly , by stooping and holding down his head , as the fashion is when one maketh an indian reverence , to the end that it might be said , he had made the ambassador put himself in a posture which was something lower than the indian salam or salute ; but that that ambassador being aware of this trick , came in with his back fore-most : and that chah-jehan , out of indignation to see himself catch'd , told him , eh-bed-bakt , thou wretch , dost thou think thou comest into a stable of asses , such as thou art ? and that the ambassador , without any alteration , answered ; who would not think so , seeing such a little door ? another story is this ; that at a certain time chah-jehan taking ill some course and fierce answers return'd to him by the persian ambassador , could not hold to tell him ; what , hath chah-abbas no other men at his court , that he must send to me such a fool as thy self ? and that the ambassador answer'd ; he hath many better and wiser men than me , but to such a king , such an ambassador : they add , that on a certain day chah-jehan , who had made the ambassador to dine in his presence , and sought some occasion to affront him , seeing that he was busie in picking and gnawing of bones , asked him smiling , eh eltchy-gi , my lord ambassador , what shall the dogs eat ? and that he answer'd readily , kichery , that is , a dish of pulse , which is the food of the meaner sort of people , and which he saw chah-jehan eat , because he loved it . they say also , that chah-jehan once asked him , what he thought of his new dehli ( which he was building ) in comparison of hispahan ? and that he answer'd aloud , and with an oath , billah , billah , hispahan doth not come near the dust of dehli ; which chah-jehan took for a high commendation , though the ambassador mocked him , because the dust is so troublesome at dehli . lastly , they relate that chah-jehan one day pressing him to tell him , what he thought of the grandeur of the kings of indostan , compared to that of the kings of persia ? he answer'd , that , in his opinion , one could not better compare the kings of india than to a large moon of 15 or 16 daies old , and those of persia , to a small moon of 2 or 3 dayes . and that this answer did at first please chah-jehan ; but that soon after he perceived , that that comparison did him but little honour , the ambassadors sense being , that the kings of indostan were decreasing , and those of persia increasing . whether these points are so commendable , and such marks of wit , every one is free to judge , as he seeth cause . my opinion is , that a discreet and respectful gravity is much more becoming ambassadors , than rallery and roughness , especially , when they have to do with kings , who will not be rallied with , witness an accident that befell this very ambassador ; for chah-jehan was at length so weary of him , and his freedom , that he called him no otherwise than fool ; and one day gave secret order , that when he should enter into a pretty long and narrow stree , that is near the fortress , to come to the hall of the assembly , they should let loose upon him an ill-conditioned and fierce elephant ; and certainly , if the ambassador had not nimbly lept out of his paleky , and , together with his dextrous attendants , shot some arrows into the trump of the elephant , which forced him to turn back , he had been utterly spoiled . it was at this time , upon the departure of the persian ambassador , that aureng-zebe received with that admirable wisdome his tutor mallah-sale , the history of which is rare and considerable . this old man , who long since had retired himself towards caboul , and setled himself on some lands , which chah-jehan had given him , had no sooner heard of the great fortune of aureng-zebe his discipline , who had overcome dara and all his other brothers , and was now king of indostan , but he came in hast to the court , swelled with hopes of being presently advanced to no less than the dignity of an omrah . he maketh his court , and endeavours to engage all his friends , and rauchenara-begum , the kings sister employs her self for him . but yet there pass three whole months , that aureng-zebe does not so much as seem to look upon him ; till at length wearied to have him always at his elbow , and before his face , he sent for him to a plaee apart , where there was no body but hakim-lul-mouluk , danech-mend-kan , and three or four of those omr ahs , that pretend to science , and then spoke to him to this effect ( as i was informed by my agah . ) what is it you would have of me doctor ? can you reasonably desire i should make you one of the chief omrahs of my court ? let me tell you , if you had instructed me as you should have done , nothing would be more just : for i am of this perswasion , that a child well educated and instructed , is as much , at least , obliged to his master as to his father : but where are those good documents you have given me ? in the first place you have taught me , that all that frangistan ( so it seems they call europe ) was nothing , but i know not what little island , of which the greatest king was he of portugal , and next to him he of holland , and after him he of england ; and as to the other kings , as those of france and andalusia , you have represented them to me as our petty raja's ; telling me , that the kings of indostan were far above them all together , and that they were the true and only houmajons , the ekbars , the jehan-guyres , the chah-jehans , the fortunate ones , the great ones , the conquerors and kings of the world ; and that persia and usbec , kach-guer , tatar and catay , pegu , china , and matchina did tremble at the name of the kings of indostan : admirable geography ! you should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish all those different states of the world , and well to understand their strength , their way of fighting , their customs , religions , governments & interests ; and by the perusal of solid history , to observe their rise , progress , decay , and whence , how , and by what accidents and errors , those great changes and revolutions of empires and kingdoms have happened . i have scarce learnt of you the name of my grandsires , the famous founders of this empire ; so far were you from having taught me the history of their life , and what course they took to make such great conquests . you had a mind to teach me the arabian tongue , to read and to write , i am much obliged to you ( forsooth ) for baving made me lose so much time upon a language , that requires ten or twelve years to attaein to its perfection ; as if the son of a king should think it to be an honour to him , to be a grammarian or some doctor of the law , and to learn other languages than those of his neighbors , when he cannot well be without them ; he , to whom time is so precious for so many weighty tbings , which he ought by times to learn. as if there were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy , and even with a kind of debasement , employ it self in so sad and dry an exercise , so longsom and tedious , as is that of learning words . thus did aureng-zebe resent the pedantick instructions of his tutor ; to which 't is affirmed in that court , that after some entertainment which he had with others , he further added the following reproof . know you not , that childhood well govern'd , being a state which is ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory , is capable of thousands of good preceps and instructions , which remain deeply impressed the whole remainder of a mans life , and keep the mind alwayes raised for great actions ? the law , prayers , and sciences , may they not as well be learned in our mother-tongue , as in arabick ? you told my father chah-jehan , that you would teach me philosophy . 't is true , i remember very well , that you have entertain'd me for many years with airy questions , of things that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind , and are of no use in humane society , empty notions , and meer phancies , that have only this in them , that they are very hard to understand , and very easie to forget , which are only capable to tire and spoil a good understanding , and to breed an opinion that is insupportable . i still remember , that after you had thus amused me , i know not how long , with your fine philosophy , all i retained of it , was a multitude of barbarous and dark words , proper to bewilder , perplex , and tire out the best wits , and only invented , the better to cover the vanity and ignorance of men like your self , that would make us believe , that they know all and that under those obscure and ambiguous words , are hid great mysteries , which they alone are capable to understand : if you had season'd me with that philosophy , which formeth the mind to ratiocination , and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with nothing but solid reasons ; if you had given me those excellent precepts and doctrines , which raise the soul above the assaults of fortune , and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper , and permit her not to be lifted up by prosperity , nor debased by adversity ; if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are , and what are the first principles of things ; and had assisted me in forming in my mind a fit idea of the greatness of the universe , and of the admirable order and motion of the parts thereof ; if , i say , you had instilled into me this kind of philosophy , i should think my self incomparably more obliged to you than alexander was to his aristotle ; and believe it my duty to recompence you otherwise , than he did him . should not you , instead of your flattery , have taught me somewhat of that point so important to a king , which is , what the reciprocal duties are of a soveraign to his subjects , and those of subjects , to their soveraign ? and ought not you to have consider'd , that one day i should be obliged with the sword to dispute my life and the crown with my brothers ? is not that the destiny almost of all the sons of indostan ? have you ever taken any care to make me learn , what 't is to besiege a town , or to set an army in array ? for these things i am obliged to others , not at all to you . go , and retire to the village , whence you are come , and let `no body know who you are , or what `is become of you . at that time there arose a kind of tempest against astrologers , which did not displeaie me . most people of asia are so infatuated by judiciary astrology , that they believe there is nothing done here below , but 't is written above ( for so they speak . ) in all their undertakings therefore they consult astrologers . when two armies are ready to give battel , they beware of falling on , till the astrologer hath taken and determined the moment he fancies propitious for the beginning of the combat . and so , when the matter is about electing a captain-general of an army , of dispatching an ambassador , of concluding a marriage , of beginning a voyage , and of doing any other thing , as buying a slave , putting on new apparel , &c. nothing of all that is done without the sentence of mr. star-gazer ; which is an incredible vexation , and a custom drawing after it such important consequences , that i know not how it can subsist so long . for the astrologer must needs have knowledge of all that passeth , and of all that is undertaken from the greatest affairs to the least . but behold , it happen'd , that the prime astrologer of the king was drown'd , which occasioned a great noise at court , and was a great discredit to astrology : for he being the person that determined the moments of all enterprizes and actions for the king , and the omrahs , every one wondred , how a man so experienced , and that for so long time had dispensed good adventures to others , could not foresee his own misfortune . there were not wanting those , who pretended to be wiser than others , and said , that in frangistan , where sciences did flourish , the grandees do suspect all such kind of people , and that some hold them even no better than mountebanks , that 't is much doubted , whether this knowledge is grounded upon good and solid reasons , and that it may very well be some fancy of astrologers , or rather an artifice to make themselves necessary to the great ones , and to make them in some measure to depend on them . all these discourses very much displeased the astrologers ; but nothing angred them so much as this story , become very famous , viz. that the great chah-abas king of persia , commanded to be digged and prepared a little place in his seraglio to make a garden ; that the young trees were all ready , and that the gardner made account to plant them the next day . mean time the astrologer taking upon him , said , that a good nick of time was to be observed for planting them , to make them prosper . chah-abas being content it should be so , the star-gazer took his instruments , turned over his books , made his calculation , and concluded , that by reason of such and such a conjunction and aspect of the planets , it was necessary they should be set presently . the master-gardner , who minded nothing less than this astrologer , was not then at hand ; yet for all that , they fell to work immediately , making holes , and planting the trees , chah-abas himself setting them , that it might be said , that they were trees set with chah-abas's own hands . the gardner returning at night , was sufficiently amazed when he saw the work done ; and finding that the right place and order designed by him , was not taken ; that , for example , an apricock-tree stood where an apple-tree should stand , and a pear-tree where all almond-tree ; being heartily angry with the astrologer , caused all the trees to be plucked up again ▪ and laid them down , with some earth about them , for next morning , the time chosen by himself . the news hereof came soon to the ears of the astrologer , who presently told chah-abas of it : he forthwith sent for the gardner , and with some indignation asked him ; what had made him so bold as to pull up those young trees he had planted with his own hand ; that the time had been so exactly taken for them , that so good an one would never be had again ▪ and that so he had marred all . the rude gardner , who had a cup of chiras-wine in his head , look'd aside upon the astrologer , and grumbling and swearing , said to him these words , billah , billah , that must needs be an admirable point of time which thou hast taken for these trees ; unhappy astrologer ! they were planted this day noon , and this evening they have been plucked up again . when chah-abas heard this , he fell a laughing , turned his back upon the astrologer , and went away . i shall here add two particulars , though hapned in the time of chah-jehan , because such things fall out often enough , and do withal give occasion to observe that ancient and barbarous custom , which makes the kings of india heirs of the goods of those that die in their service : the first was of ne●knamkan , one of the most ancient omrahs of the court , and who for the space of 40 or 50 years , wherein had alwayes been employ'd in confiderable offices , had heaped up great store of gold and silver . this lord seeing himself near his end , and thinking upon this unreasonable custom , which often renders the wife of a great man , upon his decease , poor and miserable in an instant , and necessitates her to present a petition begging some small pension for her subsistence and for that of her children , who are constrained to list themselves for common souldiers under some omrah ; who , i say , considering this with himself , secretly distributed all his treasure to indigent knights and poor widows , filled his trunks with old pieces of iron , old shoes , rags and bones , and locked and sealed them , telling every body that they were goods belonging to chah-jehan the king. these trunks , after his death , were brought before chah-jehan , when he was in the assembly , and by his command instantly opened in the presence of all the omrahs , that saw all this fine stuff , which so provoand discomposed chah-jehan , that he rose in great fury , and went away . the other is only a piece of gallantry . a rich banean , or heathen merchant , being a great usurer ( as most of them are ) who had alwayes been in employment , and in the pay of the king , came to die . some years after his death , his son did extremely importune the widow , his mother , to let him have some money : she finding him to be a prodigal and debauched youth , gave him as little as she could . this young fool , by the perswasion of others like himself , made his complaints to chah-jehan , and was so silly , as to discover to him all the goods his father had left , which amounted to two hundred thousand crowns . chah-jehan , who soon got an itch for this treasure , sent for the widow , and commanded her in the open assembly to send him an hundred thousand rupies , and to give fifty thousand to her son , giving order at the same time to put her away . the old woman , though surprized at this command , and perplext enough , that she was so suddenly thrust out , without the liberty of speaking yet lost not her judgment , but with a loud voice gave out , that the had something of moment to discover to his majesty : whereupon being brought in again , she said , god save your majesty ; i find that my son hath some reason to demand of me the goods of his father , as being of his and my flesh and blood , and therefore our heir ; but i would gladly know , what kindred your majesty is to my deceased husband ▪ to be his heir . when chah-jehan heard so plain a piece of rallery , and a discourse of parentage of the king of the indies with a she-banian or idolatrous she-merchant , he could not hold laughing , and commanded she should be gone , and that nothing should be asked of her . but to return , i shall not relate all the other considerable things that have happened since the end of the war , that is , since 1660 , unto my departure , which was above six years after ; though doubtless that would tend much to the design i had in relating the other particulars , which is , to make known the genius and temper of the mogols and indians . this i may do in another place : here i shall only give an account of five of six particulars , which those that shall have read this relation , will doubtless be curious of . the first , that though aureng-zebe made chah-jehan his father , to be kept in the fortress of agra with all imaginable care and caution ; yet notwithstanding he still left him in his old apartment with begum-saheb , his eldest daughter , his other women , singers , dancers , cooks , and others ; nothing of that kind was wanting to him . there were also certain mullahs , that were permitted to come and to read the alceran to him ( for he was become very devout . ) and when he thought fit , there were brought before him brave horses , and tamed gazelles ( which is a kind of goat ) to make them fight with one another ; as also divers sorts of birds of prey , and several other rare animals , to divert him as formerly . aureng-zebe himself used an art to overcome at last his fierceness and obstinacy , which he had hitherto kept , though a prisoner . and this was the effect of the obliging letters , full of respect and submission , which he often wrote to his father , consulting him often as his oracle , and expressing a thousand cares for him ; sending him also uncessantly some pretty present or other ; whereby chah-jehan was so much gained , that he also wrote very often to aureng-zebe touching the government and state-affairs , and of his own accord sent him some of those jewels , which before he had told him of , that hummers were ready to beat them to powder the first time he should again ask for them . besides , he consented that the daughter of dara , which he had so peremptorily denied , should be deliver'd to him ; and granted him at length that pardon and paternal blessing which he had so often desired without obtaining it . yet , under all this , aureng-zebe did not alwayes flatter him ; on the contrary , he sometimes return'd sharp answers , when he met with strains in his fathers letters that were pregnant , or expressed something of his former height and authority . of this we may judge by the letter , which i know from a very good hand was once written to him by aureng-zebe , to this effect : sir , you would have me indispensably follow those ancient customs , and make my self heir to all those that are in my pay with the wonted rigour : an omrah , and even a merchant can no sooner die , and sometimes even before his death , but we seal up his trunks , and seize on his goods , and make a strict enquiry into his estate , imprisoning and ill-treating the officers of the house to discover to us all he hath , even to the least jewels . i will believe that there is some policy in doing so , but it cannot be denied , that 't is very rigorous , and sometimes very unjust ; and to speak the very truth , we may deserve well enough , that the same should befal us every day , what hapned to you from your neikman kan , and from the widow of your rich indian merchant . moreover ( said he ) it seems , i am by you reputed proud and haughty now i am king : as if you knew not by the experience of more than forty years of your reign , how heavy an ornament a crown is , and how many sad and restless nights it passeth through : as if i could forget that excellent passage of mir-timur ( commonly called tamberlan ) which is so seriously delivered to us by that great granfather of ours , ekbar , to the end that we might the more weigh the importance and value of it , and consider , whether we have cause to pride our selves so much in a crown . you well know , that he said , that the same day when timur took bajazet , he made him come before him , and having fixed his eyes on him , fell a laughing ; at which bajazet being highly offended , fiercely said to him , laugh not at my fortune , timur ; know that 't is god that is the dispenser of kingdoms and empires ; and that the same can befal you to morrow , that hath befallen me to day . whereupon timur made this serious and brave answer ; i know as well as you , bajazet , that 't is god that distributeth kingdomes and empires ; i laugh not at your ill fortune ; god forbid i should do so : but beholding your face , i smiled , and had this thought , that certainly these kingdomes and empires must in themselves be very little and contemptible things in the eyes of god , since he giveth them to persons so ill made as you and i both are ; a deformed one-eyed man , as you ; and a lame wretch , as my self . you require also , that abandoning all my other employments , which i believe very necessary for the establishment and happiness of this state , i should think on nothing but conquests , and the enlargement of the empire . i must confess that this is indeed the business of a great monarch , and of a soul truly royal , and that i should not deserve to be of the blood of the great timur , if i were not of that mind , and had not such inclinations . mean time , i think i sit not idle , and my armies are not useless in the kingdoms of decan and bengale : but we must also aver , that the greatest conquerors are not alwayes the greatest kings ; that we too often see a barbarian making conquests , and that those great bodies of conquests do ordinarily fall of themselves , and by their own weight . he is a great king , that knows to acquit himself worthily of that great and august employment and charge of kings , which is to dispence justice to their subjects , &c. the rest is not come to my hands . the second is in regard of the emir-jemla . it were to injure this great man , to pass by with silence his deportment to aureng-zebe after the war , and the manner of ending his dayes . this eminent person after he had dispatched the affair of bengala , with sultan-sujah ( the second of these four brothers ) not like gionkan , that infamous patan with dara ; nor like the raja of serenaguer with soliman-chekouh ; but like a great captain and dextrous polititian , pursuing him as far as the sea-side , and necessitating him to fly and to escape out of his hands ; after , i say , he had done these things , he sent an eunuch to aureng-zebe , intreating him , that he would give him leave to transport his family to bengale ; that now that the war was at an end and he broken with age , he hoped he would grant him the advantage of ending his life in the company of his wife and children . but aureng-zebe is too sharp-sighted , not to pierce into the designs of emir . he seeth him triumphing over sujah ; he knows his great credit and reputation , and that he hath the esteem of a very wise , undertaking , valiant and rich man ; and that the kingdom of bengale is not only the best of all indostan , but strong of it self , and further , that this emir is in the head of a well disciplin'd army , which both honours and fears him . besides , he is not ignorant of his ambition , and foreseeth well enough , that if he should have with him his son mahmet-emir-kan , he would aspire to the crown , and at least take full possession of bengale , if he should not be able to advance vance things further . at the same time he is also well aware , that there is danger in refusing him , and that he may possibly prove such a man , as in case of denial , may run into some dangerous extream , as he had done in golkonda . how then , think ye , did he carry himself in this conjuncture ? he sends to him his wife and daughter , and all the children of his son : he maketh the emir a mir-ul omrah , which is in that empire the greatest degree of honour that a favourite can be raised to : and as to mahmet-emir-kan , he maketh him the great bakchis , which is a dignity and charge like that of our great master of the horse , the second or third office in the state , but such an one as absolutely obligeth the possessor of it to be alwayes at the court , not suffering him , but very difficultly , to be absent from the person of the king. the emir soon perceived , that aureng-zebe had skilfully put by the stroke , that it would be in vain the second time to ask of him his son ; that he could not do it without offending him ; and that therefore the safest way would be to rest contented with all the testimonies of friendship , and with all the honours , together with the government of bengale ; being in the mean time alwayes upon his guard , and in such a posture , that since he could attempt nothing against aureng-zebe , aureng-zebe should not be able to attempt any thing against him . thus have we seen these two great men carry themselves to one another : and in this condition did affairs remain for almost a year ; till aureng-zebe , too well knowing that a great captain cannot be long at rest , and that , if he be not employed in a forreign war , he will at length raise a domestick one ; proposed to him to make war upon that rich and potent raja of acham , whose territories are on the north of dake , upon the gulf of bengale . the emir , who in all appearance had already designed this same thing of himself , and who believed , that the conquest of this countrey , would make way for his immortal honour , and be an occasion of carrying his arms as far as china , declared himself ready for this enterprize . he embarked at dake with a puissant army , upon a river which comes from those parts ; upon which having gone about an hundred leagues north-eastward , he arrived at a castle called azo , which the raja of acham had usurped from the kingdom of bengale , and possessed for many years . he attacked this place , and took it by force in less than fifteen dayes ; thence marching over land towards chamdara , which is the inlet into the countrey of that raja ; he entred into it after 26 dayes journey , still northward : there a battel was fought , in which the raja of acham was worsted , and obliged to retreat to guerguon , the metropolis of his kingdom , four miles distant from chamdara . the emir pursued him so close , that he gave him no time to fortifie himself in guerguon : for he arrived in sight of that town in five dayes , which constrained the raja , seeing the emir's army , to fly towards the mountains of the kingdom of lassa , and to abandon guerguon , which was pillaged , as had been chamdara . they found there vast riches , it being a great , very fair and merchant-like town , and where the women are extraordinarily beautiful . mean time , the season of the rains came in sooner than usually ; and they being excessive in those parts , and overflowing all the countrey , except such villages as stand on raised ground , the emir was much embarassed . for the raja made his people of the mountains come down from all parts thereabout , and to carry away all the provisions of the field ; whereby the emir's army ( as rich as 't was ) before the end of the rains fell into great streights , without being able to go forward or backward . it could not advance , by reason of the mountains very difficult to pass , and continually pester'd with great rains ; nor retreat , because of the like rains and deep wayes ; the raja also having caused the way to be digged up as far as to chamdara : so that the emir was forced to remain in that wretched condition during the whole time of the rain ; after which , when he found his army distasted , tired out , and half starved , he was necessitated to give over the design he had of advancing , and to return the same way he was come . but this retreat was made with so much pains , and so great inconveniencies , by reason of the dirt , the want of victuals , and the pursuit of the raja falling on the rear , that every body ( but he ) that had not known how to remedy the disorder of such a march , nor had the patience to be sometimes five or six hours at one passage to make the souldiery get over it withont confusion , would have utterly perish'd , himself , army , and all ; yet he , notwithstanding all these difficulties and obstacles , made a shift to come back with great honour and vast riches . he design'd to return thither again the next year , and to pursue his undertaking , supposing that azo , which he had fortified , and where he left a strong garrison , would be able to hold out the rest of the year against the raja . but he was no sooner arrived there , but fluxes began to rage in his army : neither had himself a body of steel more than the rest ; he fell sick and died , whereby fortune ended the just apprehensions of aureng-zebe . i say , the just apprehensions ; for there was none of those that knew this great man , and the state of the affairs of indostan , who did not say , 't is this day that aureng-zebe is king of bengale . and himself could not forbear to express some such thing ; for he publickly said to mahmet-emir-kan ; you have lost your father , and i the greatest and the most dangerous friend i had ; yet notwithstanding he comforted this son , and withal assured him , that he would ever be a father to him . and whereas 't was thought , that he would at least cut off his salary , and make inquisition into his treasury , he confirmed him in his office of bakehis , augmented his pension to a thousand rupies a moneth , and left him heir of all the estate of his father , although the custom of the country empowred him to seize on all . the third is concerning chah-hest-kan , whom aureng-zebe made first governour of agra , when he went out to the battel of kadjoue against sultan sujah ; and afterward , governour and general of the army in decan ; and at last , after the death of emir-jemla , governour and general of the army in bengale ▪ together with the charge of mirul ▪ omrah which emir-jemla had possessed . this chah-hest-kan is he , whom in our history we have mention'd as uncle to aureng-zebe , and one that hath so much contributed to his happiness by his eloquent and skilful pen , as well as by his intrigues and counsels . it would be injurious to his renown also , to be silent of the important enterprise , which he undertook presently when he entred upon his government ; and that the rather , because emir-jemla , whether out of policy , or for another cause , had no mind to tempt him ; as also , because the particularities , which i am going to relate , will shew not only the passed and present state of the kingdoms of bengale and rakan , which hitherto hath not been well described to us by any ; but also some other things that are worth knowing . to the end therefore that the importance of chah-hest-kan's attempt may be well understood , and a good idea be had of what passeth about the gulf of bengale , we are to know , that the e many years there have always been in the kingdom of rakan or moy , some portugueses , and with them a great number of their christian slaves , and other franguis , gather'd from all parts . that was the refuge of the run-aways from goa , ceilan , cochin , malague , and all those other places , which the portugueses formerly held in the indies ; and they were such as had abandoned their monasteries , men that had been twice or thrice married , murtherers : in a word , such as had deserved the rope , were most welcome and most esteem'd there , leading in that country a life that was very detestable , and altogether unworthy of christians , insomuch that they impunely butchered and poysoned one another , and assassinated their own priests , who sometimes were not better than themselves . the king of rakan in the apprehension he hath ever had of the mogol , kept them for a guard of his frontiers , in a port-town called chategon , giving them land , and liberty to live as they pleased . their ordinary trade was robbery and piracy . with some small and light gallies they did nothing but coast about that sea , and entring into all rivers thereabout , and into the channels and arms of ganges , and between all those isles of the lower bengale , and often penetrating even so far as forty or fifty leagues up into the countrey , surprized and carried away whole towns , assemblies , markets , feasts and weddings of the poor gentiles , and others of that countrey , making women slaves , great and small , with strange cruelty ; and burning all they could not carry away . and thence it is , that at present there are seen in the mouth of ganges so many fine isles quite deserted , which were formerly well peopled , and where no other inhabitants are found but wild beasts , and especially tygers . this great number of slaves , which thus they took from all quarters , behold what use they made of . they had boldness and impudence enough , to come and sell to that very country the old people , which they knew not what to do with ; where it so fell out , that those who had escaped the danger by flight , and by hiding themselves in the woods , labour'd to redeem to day their fathers and mothers , that had been taken yesterday . the rest they kept for their service to make rowers of them ; and such christians as they were themselves , bringing them up to robbing and killing ; or else they sold them to the portugueses of goa , ceilan , st. thomas , and others ; and even to those that were remaining in bengale at ogouli , who were come thither to settle themselves there by the favour of jehan-guyre , the grandfather of aureng-zebe , who suffered them there upon the account of traffick , and of his having no aversion to christians , as also because they promised him to keep the bay of bengale clear from all pyrats . and it was towards the isle of galles , near the cape of palmes , where this fine trade was . these pyrates lay there in wait at the passage for the portugueses , who filled their ships with them at a very easie rate ; this infamous rabble impudently bragging , that they made more christians in one year , then all the missionaries of the indies in ten ; which would be a strange way of enlarging christianity . these were the pyrates that made chah-jehan , who was a more zealous mahumetan than his father jehan-guyre , to express at last his passion , not only against the reverend fathers the jesuites , missionaries of agra , in that he caused to be pulled down the best part of a very fair and large church that had been built , as well as that of lahor , by the favour of jehan-guyre , who , as i said , did not hate christianity ; and upon which there stood a great steeple with a great bell in it , whose sound might be heard over all the town ; not only , i say , against those jesuites , but also against the christians of ogouli : for being impatient to see them connive at the pyrates , to make the name of the franguis formidable , and to fill their houses with slaves that were his own subjects , he wasted and utterly ruined them , after he had both with fair words and menaces drawn from them as much money as he could : and because they were indiscreetly obstinate , in refusing what he demanded of them , he besieged them , and caused them all to be brought to agra , even their very children , their priests and friers . this was a misery and a desolation not to be parallell'd ; a kind of babilonian transmigration . there they were all made slaves : the handsom women were shut up in the seraglio ; the old women and others , were distributed among divers omrahs . the young lads were circumcised , and made pages ; and men of age renounced for the most part their faith , either terrified by the threatnings they heard daily , that they should be trampled upon by elephants , or drawn away by fair promises . 't is true , that there were some of those friers , who persisted , and that the missionaries of agra , who notwithstanding all this unhappiness , remained in their houses , found means afterwards , partly by friends , partly by money , to get many of them away , and to have them conveyed to goa , and to other places belonging to the portugueses . they were also the same pyrates , who some time before the desolation of ogouli , offered to the vice-roy of goa to put the whole kingdom of rakan into their hands for the king of portugal ; but he refused , they say , this offer , out of arrogance and jealousie , and would not send the succours , which for that end was demanded of him by a certain bastian consalve , who had made himself head of those people , and was become so potent and considerable , that he married one of the kings daughters ; being unwilling that it should be said , that a man of so mean extraction as this bastian was , had done such a master-piece . but it may be said on this occasion , that this is not much to be wondred at , considering that the portugueses in the indies by such a conduct have divers times been faulty on the like occasions , in japan , in pegu , in ethiopia , and other places ; not to mention , that by this way , and that perhaps by a just divine chastisement ( as they all frankly confess themselves ) they are become a prey to their enemies , and fallen so low in the indies , that i know not whether they will ever recover there ; whereas formerly , before they were corrupted by vice , and degenerated through pleasure , they made all others tremble in those parts ; forasmuch as then they were brave and generous men , zealous for the christian religion , considerable for gallant exploits and for riches ; all the indian kings seeking their friendship . besides this , the same pyrates seized at that time on the isle of ●ondiva , an advantageous post to command a part of the mouth of ganges : in which isle a cettain augustin frier , a very famous man , acted the king for many years , having taken a course , god knows how , to rid himself of the commander of that place . moreover , the same robbers took sultan-sujah at daka , to carry him away in their galeasses to rakan , as we related above , and found means to open his coffers , and to rob him of good store of jewels , which afterwards were secretly , and at a very cheap rate , sold in rakan , most of them being fallen into the hands of people that had no skill in them , and afterwards into the hands of the hollanders , and others , who knew how to buy them up quickly , making those fellows believe , that they were soft diamonds , and that they would pay them according to the degrees of their hardness . lastly , they are they that for many years have given exercise to the great mogol in bengale ; having obliged him there to keep alwayes garrisons every where upon the passes , and a great militia , and a fleet also of galeasses to oppose their courses , and who , notwithstanding all this , have made shift to make strange devastations , and often to enter far into the country , and to laugh at all the souldiery of the mogols ; in regard they were become so bold , and so dextrous at their weapons , and so skilful in piloting their galeasses , that four or five of them stuck not to set upon fourteen or fifteen mogolians , which they ▪ also actually worsted , and took , or run aground . and upon these pyrates chah-hest-kan cast his eyes as soon as he came into bengale , taking a resolution to deliver the countrey of this plague of people , that had so long wasted it ; and designing afterwards to pass on , and to attack the king of rakan , according to the order of aureng-zebe , who at any price had a mind to revenge the blood of sultan-sujah , and all his family , that had been so cruelly handled , and to teach that barbarian , how the blood royal was to be regarded and esteemed on any occasion whatsoever , behold now with what dexterity chah-hest-kan carrieth on his design ! knowing that 't is impossible to pass any cavalry by land , no not so much as any infantry , from bengale into rakan , because of the many channels and rivers upon the frontiers ; and also that on the other side , those pyrates of chatigon , whom we just now were speaking of , would be powerful enough to hinder him from transporting them by sea ; he thought upon this experiment , viz. to engage the hollanders in his design . he therefore sent a kind of ambassador to batavia , empowering him to treat upon certain conditions , with the general of that company , joyntly to subdue the whole kingdom of rakan ; as formerly chah-abbas subdued that of ormus , in conjunction with the english . the general of batavia seeing the thing to be possible , and that it was a means more and more to break the portugueses in the indies , and that it would turn to a very good account to the company , dispatcht away two men of war for bengale , to favour the transportation of the mogolian troops in spight of those pyrates . but observe what chah-hest-kan did before these men of war arrived : he equipped a great number of galeasses , and many large vessels to transport the army ; threatned the pyrates , utterly to spoil and ruine them ; acquainted them with the design of aureng-zebe upon rakan ; that a potent army of the dutch was near ; that they should think on themselves and their families , if they were wise ; and in a word , if they would abandon the service of the king of rakan and take that of aureng-zebe , he would procure very good conditions for them , distribute amongst them as much land in bengale as they desired , and pay them the double of what they had now . 't is doubtful , whether these menaces and promises made impression upon them , or whether it was not an accident that moved them ; they having about that time assassinated one of the chief officers of the king of rakan , and apprehending a punishment for that crime : however it be , they were caught , and they were one day struck with such a panick terror , that they shipp'd themselves all at once in forty or fifty of their galeasses , and wafted over to bengale to chah-hest-kan , and that with so much precipitation , that they hardly took time to embark their wives and children , and what else was most precious to them . chah-hest-kan received them with open arms , courted them exceedingly , gave them very considerable pay , and without letting them cool , made them , joyntly with his whole army , to attack and take the isle of sondiva , which was fallen into the hands of the king of rakan ; and thence to pass with all his horse and foot to chatigon . about this time the two holland-vessels arrived ; but chah-hest-kan , who thought that henceforth it would be easie for him to compass his design , thanked them . i saw these ships in bengale , and their commanders , who were but little contented with such thanks and liberalities of chah-hest-kan . as to the pyrates , since now he holds them fast , and hopeless of ever returning to chatigon , and hath no more need of them , he makes nothing of all those large promises he made them , and treats them not as he should , but as they deserve , leaving them whole moneths without pay , and not looking upon them otherwise than traitors and infamous men , unfit to be trusted , after they have so vilely deserted him , whose salt they had eaten so many years . after this manner did chah-hest-kan put an end to this rabble , which , as i said , have ruined and dispoiled all the lower bengale . time will shew whether he will be as happy in the remainder of his enterprize against the king of rakan . the fourth particular is concerning the two sons of aureng-zebe , viz. sultan mahmoud , and sultan mazum . he still keeps the first of them in goualeor , but ( if one may believe the common report ) without making him take the poust , which is the ordinary drink of those that are put into that place . as to the other , though he hath alwayes been a pattern of reservedness and moderation , yet one knows not whether he was not too forward in making a party , when his father was so extreamly sick ; or whether aureng-zebe have not upon other occasions perceived something that might give him cause of jealousie ; or whether he had not a mind to make an authentick proof of both his obedience and courage . however it be , one day he commanded him in an unconcerned manner , in a full assembly of the omrahs , to go and kill a lyon , that was come down the mountains , and had made great havock and waste in the countrey ; and this he did without giving order to furnish him with those strong and large nets , which they are wont to employ in this dangerous kind of hunting in a real mood ; telling the great hunting-master , who presently called for those nets , that when he was prince , he did not look for such formalities . it was the good fortune of sultan mazum , that he prosper'd in this attempt , not losing any more than two or three men , and some horses that were wounded , although , on the other hand , the matter went not off so pleasantly , the wounded lyon having leapt up to the head of the sultan's elephant . since that time , aureng-zebe hath not been backward to express much affection to him ; he hath given him even the government of decan , though with so little power and treasure , that there is no great cause to apprehend any thing upon that account . the fifth thing toucheth mohabet-kan , the governour of kaboul , whom aureng-zebe took from his government , and generously pardoned ; not willing , as he said , to lose so brave a captain , and that had stuck so close to his benefactor chah-jehan . he made him even governour of guzuratte , in the place of ●essemseignue , whom he sent to make war in decan . it may very well be , that some considerable presents he made to rauchenara-begum , and a good number of excellent persian horse and camels , wherewith he presented aureng-zebe , together with fifteen or sixteen thousand rupies of gold , did contribute to make his peace . on this occasion of mentioning the government of kaboul , which borders upon the kingdom of kandahar , which is now in the hands of the persians , i shall here briefly add some particulars , that serve to this history , and will still more discover that country , and declare the interests between indostan and persia , which no body , that i know of , hath explained hitherto . kandahar , that strong and important place , which is the capital and the swaying city of this noble and rich kingdom of the same name , hath in these latter ages been the subject of grievous wars between the mogols and persians , each of them pretending a right thereto . ekbar , that great king of the indies , took it by force from the persians , and kept it during his life . and chah-abbas , that famous king of persia , retook it from jean-guyre , the son of ekbar . afterwards it return'd to chah-jehan , son of john guyre , not by the sword , but by the means of the governour aly-merdan-kan , who surrendred it to him , and went over to live at his court , apprehending the artifices of his enemies , who had brought him into disfavour with the king of persia , that sent for him to make him give an accompt , and to deliver up his government . the same city was besieged and retaken afterwards by the son of chah-abbas , and since that besieged twice again , yet without being taken , by chah-jehan . the first time it was saved from being taken by the ill understanding and jealousie between the persian omrahs , that are pensioners of the great mogol , and the most powerful of his court , as also by the respect they bear to their natural king : for they all behaved themselves very effeminately in the siege , and would not follow the raja roup , who had already planted his standards upon the wall on the side of the mountain . the second time it was saved by the jealousie of aureng-zebe , who would not fall into the breach of the wall , that our franguis , the english , portugueses , germans , and french had made by their canon , though it was a large one ; being unwilling to have it said , that in the time of dara , who was in a manner the first mover of that enterprise , and was then in the city of caboul , with his father chah-jehan , the fortress of kandahar was taken . chah-jehan , some years before the late trouble , was also ready to besiege it the third time , had not emir-jemla diverted him from it , advising him to turn his forces towards decan , ( as hath been said ; ) with whom aly-merdan-kan himself concurred , who was so earnest in his disswading him from it , as to say to him these words , which i shall punctually relate , as having something extravagant in them : your majesty will never take kandahar , unless you had such a traytor there as my self ; except you were resolved never to bring a persian into it , and to make the bazars or markets wholly free , that is , to lay no impost on those that furnish the army with provision . at length , aureng-zebe , like the others , had prepared himself in these latter years to besiege it also ; whether it was that he was offended at the tart letters , written to him by the king of persia , or by reason of the affronts and ill treatment which he had offered to tarbiet-kan his ambassador ; that hearing of the king of persia's death , he turned back , saying , ( which yet is not very credible ) that he would not meddle with a child , a new king ; although chah-soliman , who hath succeeded his father , is , in my opinion , about 25 years of age . the sixth particular we purposed to speak of , concerns those that have faithfully served aureng-z be . those he hath almost all raised to great places . for first , as we have already related , he made chah-hest-kan , his uncle , governour and general of the army of decan , and afterwards , governour of bengale . next , he made mir-kan governour of kaboul ; then kalilullah-kan , of lahor ; and mirhaba , of elubas ; and lasker-kan , of patna . the son of that allah-verdi-kan of sultan sujah , he appointed governour of scimdy ; and fazel-kan , who had considerably served him both by his counsels and dexterity , he made kane-saman , that is , great steward of the house royal : and danechmend-kan , governour of dehli , with this particular grace and priviledge , that since he is perpetually employed in studies and forreign affairs , he so dispenseth with him for not coming twice a day ( after the ancient custom ) to wait on the king in the assembly , as not to retrench any thing of his pension for his absence , as he doth to the other omrahs , if they fail . he hath given to dianet-kan the government of kachmire ( aliàs cassimere ) that little , and in a manner inaccessible kingdom , which ekbar seized on by craft , that earthly paradise of the indies ; which hath its histories written in its peculiar language ; whereof i have an abridgement in the persian tongue , made by the command of jehan guyre , containing a large catalogue of many very ancient kings , that often were so powerful , that they subdued the indies as far as china . 't is true , that aureng-zebe dismissed nejabat-kan , who did very well in the two battels of samonguer and kadjoue , but then 't is not fit at all , that a subject should ever reproach his king , as he did , with the services done him . as to those infamous men , gion-kan and nazer , 't is known , that the former hath been recompenced as he deserved ; but the other no man knows what is become of him . what concerns jessomseigne and jesseigne , there is something as to them that is intricate , which i shall endeavour to unfold . there is a certain heathen revolted from the king of visapour , who knew how to possess himself of many important fortresses , and of some sea-ports of that king. his name is seva-gi , that is , lord seva . he is a stout man , vigilant , bold , and undertaking in the highest degree , who gave chah-hest-kan more work and trouble in decan , than the king of visapour with all his forces , and all his raja's joyned with him for their common defence : insomuch that having designed to take away chah-hest-kan and his treasures out of the midst of his army and of the town aurenge-abad , he carried on his design so far , that he had effected it , if he had not been discovered a little too soon ; for one night , accompanied with a number of resolute fellows he hath about him , he was got into the very apartment of chah-hest-kan , where his son , who was forward in the defence , was killed , and himself grievously wounded ; seva-gi in the mean time getting away as well as he came : who for all this was so far from being daunted , that he undertook another very bold and very dangerous enterprise , which succeeded much better . he took two or three thousand chosen men of his army , with whom he took the field without noise , spreading a report by the way , that it was a raja going to the court. when he was near suratte , that famous and rich port of the indies , instead of marching further ( as he made the great provost of that country , whom he met , believe ) he fell into that town , where he staid about three dayes , cutting off the arms and legs of the inhabitants , to make them confess where were the treasures ; searching , digging , and loading away , or burning what he could not carry with him . which done , he returned , none opposing his return , loaden with millions of gold , silver , pearls , silken stuffs , fine linnen , and other rich merchandise . jessomseigne was suspected to have had since intelligence with this seva-gi , which was the cause that aureng zebe called him away from decan ; but he , instead of going to dehli , went to his own territory . i forgot to mention , that in the plunder of suratte , that ring-leader seva-gi , like a saint , had so much respect to the house of the reverend father ambrose , a missionary capucian , that he gave order it should not be plundered ; because , said he , i know that the fathers franguis are good men . he had also regard to the house of the deceased de lale , because he understood that he had been great almoner . he also consider'd the houses of the english and dutch , not from devotino , as he did the former , but because they were in a good posture of defence ; especially the english , who having had time to send for assistance from some of their ships that lay near the town , behaved themselves gallantly , and saved , besides their own , several other houses near them . but a certain jew of constantinople , who had brought rubies of a very great value , to sell them to aureng-zebe , carried away the bell from all , by saving himself from the hands of seva-gi ; for , rather than to confess that he had any jewels , he was brought thrice upon his knees , and the knife held up to cut his throat : but it became none save a jew , hardned in avarice , to escape in such a manner . touching jesseigne , king aureng-zebe made him content to go general of the army in decan , sending sultan-mazum with him , without any power . he presently and vigorously besieged the principal fortress of seva-gi , and knowing more than all the rest in matter of negotiation and treaty , he so ordered the business , that seva-gi surrendred rendred before it came to extremity ; and then he drew him to aureng-zebe's party against visapour , king aureng-zebe declaring him a raja , taking him under his protection , and giving the pension of a very considerable omrah to his son. some time after , aureng-zebe designing to make war against persia , wrote to seva-gi such obliging letters touching his generosity , ability and conduct , that he made him resolve , upon the faith of jesseigne , to come to him to dehli . there a kinswoman of aureng-zebe , the wife of chah-hest-kan ( who was then at court ) by the influence she had upon the spirit of aureng-zebe , perswaded him to arrest him that had murdered her son , wounded her husband , and sacked suratte : so that one evening seva-gi saw his pavilions beset with three or four omrahs ; but he made shift to get away in the night . this escape made a great noise at court , every one accusing the eldest son of the raja jesseigne to have assisted him in it . jesseigne , who presently had news that aureng-zebe was very angry with him and his son , and was advised no more to go to the court , was day and night upon his guard , apprehending lest aureng-zebe should take this for a pretence to fall upon his lands , and possess himself of them . whereupon he also soon left decan to secure his estate ; but when he was at brampour , he died . yet notwithstanding aureng-zebe was so far from expressing any coldness or resentment to the son of jesseigne , that he sent to condole with him for the death of his father , and continued to him his pension ; which confirms what many say , that it was by the consent of aureng-zebe himself , that seva-gi escaped , forasmuch as he could retain him no longer at court , because all the women there had too great a spleen against him , and looked upon him as a man that had embroiled his hands in the blood of his kinsmen . but to return to decan , we are to consider , that that is a kingdom , which these forty years hath constantly been the theater of war , and upon the score whereof the mogol hath much to do with the kings of golkonda , and of visapour , and divers little soveraigns ; which is not to be understood , unless it be known , what considerable things have passed in those parts , and the condition of the princes that govern them . all this great peninsule of indostan , cutting it from the bay of cambaja unto that of bengale , near jaganrate , and passing thence to cape comori , was searce two hundred years since entirely ( some mountanous parts excepted ) under the dominion of one only prince , who consequently was a very great and very potent monarch : but now it is divided among many different soveraigns , that are also of different religions . the cause of this division was , that the king ramras , the last of those that have possessed this mighty state entirely , did imprudently raise three slaves , gurgis , he had about him too high , so as to make them all three governors of places : the first , of the greatest part of those countries , which at present are possessed by the mogol in decan , about daulet-abad , from bider , paranda , suratte , unto narbadar : the second , of all the other lands , now comprehended under the kingdom of visapour : and the third , of all that is contained under the kingdom of golkonda . these three slaves grew very rich , and found themselves supported by a good number of the mogols , that were in the service of ramras , because they were all three mahumetans , of the sect chyas , like the persians . and at length they all revolted together with one accord , killed king ramras , and returned to their government , each taking upon him the title of chah or king. the issue of ramras , not finding themselves strong enough for them , were content to keep themselves in a corner , viz. in that countrey which is commonly called karnatek , in our maps , bisnaguer , where they are still raja's to this very day . all the rest of the state was also at the same time divided into all those rajas naiques and petty kings , such as we see there ▪ these three slaves and their posterity have alwayes defended themselves very well in their kingdoms , whilst they kept a good mutual correspondence , and assisted one another in their grievous wars against the mogols . but when they once came to think every one to defend their lands apart , they soon found the effects of their division . for the mogol so well knew to take his time upon that occasion ( which is now about thirty five or forty years since ) that he possessed himself within a little time of all the countrey of nejam-chah , or king nejam , the fifth or sixth of the family of the first slave , and at last took him prisoner in daulet-abud , the capital , where he died . after that time , the kings of golkonda have maintained themselves well enough ; not as if they could compare with the power of the mogol , but because the mogol hath alwayes been employed against the two others ; from whom he was to take amber , paranda , bider , and some other places , before he could conveniently march towards golkonda . and because they have always been so politick , being very opulent , as to furnish under hand the king of visapour with money , and thereby to help him to maintain a war against the mogol : besides that , they ever have a considerable army on foot , which is alwayes ready , and never fails to take the field , and to approach to the frontiers , at the time when there is news that that of the mogol marches against visapour ; to let the mogol see , not only that they are alwayes ready to defend themselves , but also that they could easily assist the king of visapour , in case he should be reduced to any extremity . next , which is very considerable , they know also how to convey money under hand to the chieftains of the mogolian army ; who thereupon advise the court , that it is more to purpose to attack visapour , as being nearer to daulet-abad . further , they send every year very considerable presents to the great mogol , by way of tribute ; which consist partly in some rare manufactures of the countrey ; partly in elephants , which they send for from pegu , siam , and ceilan , partly in fair ready money . lastly , the mogol considers that kingdom as his own , not only because he looks upon the king thereof as his tributary , but chiefly since that agrement heretofore spoken of , which the present king made with aureng-zebe , when he besieged golkonda ; and there being also no place able to resist , even from daulet-abad unto golkonda , he judgeth , that when he shall think fit to push for it , he may take in the whole kingdom in one campagne ; which in my opinion , he would certainly have done , if he did not apprehend , lest sending his forces towards golkonda , the king of visapour should enter into decan ; as , no doubt , he would do , knowing it to be very important to his conservation , that that kingdom may alwayes subsist as now it is . from all which , something may be understood of the interests and government of the king of golkonda with the mogol , and what way he taketh to support himself against him . yet notwithstanding all this , i find this state much shaken , in regard that the king that now is , since that unhappy affair of aureng-zebe and emir-jemla , seems to have lost heart , and as 't were abandoned the reins of the kingdom , not daring any more to go forth of this fortress of golkonda , nor so much as appear in publick to give audience to his people , and to render justice according to the custom of the country : which discomposeth things very much , and occasions the grandees to tyrannize over the meaner sort of people , and to lose even their respect to the king , often slighting his commands , and considering him no more than a woman ; and the people , weary of the injustice and ill treatment , breathing after nothing but aureng-zebe . 't is easie to judge of the streights this poor king is in , by four or five particulars i am about to relate . the first , that an. 1667. when i was at golkonda , king aureng-zebe having sent an ambassador extraordinary to declare war to that king , unless he would furnish him with 10000 horse against visapour , he did extraordinary honour , and give excessive presents to that ambassador , as well for him in particular , as for aureng-zebe , and made an agreement with him , to send him , not 10000 horse , but as much money as is necessary to maintain so many ; which was all that aureng-zebe looked for . the second is , that aureng-zebe's ambassador in ordinary , that is constantly at golkonda , commands , threatens , striketh , gives pass-ports , and saith and doth whatsoever he will , no man daring with the least word to cross him . the third is , that mahmet-emir-kan , the son of emir-jemla , though he be no more than a simple omrah of aureng-zebe , is yet so much respected through that whole kingdom , and especially in maslipatan , that the taptata , his commissioner , is as 't were master thereof , buying and selling , bringing in and sending abroad his merchants ships , no body daring to contradict him in any thing , not to demand any customs . so great was once the power of emir-jemla his father in this kingdom , which time hath not yet been able to root out . the fourth is , that the hollanders scruple not to threaten him sometimes , to lay an embargo upon all the merchants ships of the country that are in that port , and not to let them go out , untill their demands be granted ; as also to put in protestations against him : which i have seen actually done , upon the account of an english vessel , which they had a mind to take by force in the port of maslipatan it self , the governour having hindred it , by arming the whole town against them , and threatning to put fire to their factory , and to put them all to death . a fifth is , that the portugueses , as poor , and miserable , and decayed as they are in the indies , yet stick not to threaten that king also with war ; and that they will come and sack maslipatan , and all that coast , if he will not render them that place of st. thomas , which some years ago they chose to put into his hands , rather than to be constrained to yield it up to the dutch. yet for all this , i have been informed in golkonda , by very intelligent persons , that this king is a prince of very great judgment , and that whatever he so does and suffers , is only in policy , to the end to provoke no body , and principally to remove all suspition from aureng-zebe , and to give him to understand , that he hath in a manner no share any more in the kingdom : but that in the mean time a son of his , that is kept hid , grows up , the father watching for a fit time to declare him king , and so to laugh at the agreement made with aureng-zebe . of this , time will shew us more ; in the mean time , let us consider somewhat of the interests of visapour . the kingdom of visapour hath also not been wanting to support it self , though the mogol do almost continually make war against it ; not so much as if he of visapour were able to bid head to the mogolian forces , but because there is never any great effort used against him . for it is not very frequent there , no more than 't is elsewhere , for generals of armies to desire the end of a war ; there being nothing so charming , as to be in the head of an army , commanding like little kings , remote from the court. it is also grown to a proverb , that decan is the bread and life of the souldiers of indostan . besides , the countrey of visapour is on the side of the mogol's dominions of a very difficult access , upon the account of the searcity of good waters , forrage , and victuals ; and because visapour , the capital city , is very strong , and situate in a dry and steril countrey , there being almost no good water but in the town . and lastly , because there are many fortresses in that countrey , seated on hills hard to climb . yet notwithstanding all this , that state is much shaken , if considering that the mogol hath taken paranda , the key , as 't were , of that kingdom ; as also that fair and strong town bider , and some other very important places : but principally because the last king of visapour died without heirs males , and he that now calls himself king , is a youth , whom the queen , sister of the king of golkonda , hath raised , and taken for her son ( a favour for which he hath made an ill return , having shew'd no esteem for this queen after her return from mecca , under the pretext of some ill demeanour in her on a dutch vessel that carried her to moka : ) lastly , because that in the disorders of that kingdom , the heathen rebel , seva-gi , above discoursed of , found means to seize on many strong holds , mostly seated on steep mountains , where he now acteth the king , laughing at the visapour and the mogol , and ravaging the countrey every where , from suratte even to the gates of goa . this notwithstanding , if he wrongs visapour one way , he helps to support it another , forasmuch as he is resolutely bent against the mogol , preparing alwayes some ambush , and cutting so much work for his army , that there is no discourse , no apprehension but of seva-gi ; insomuch that he hath come and sacked suratte , and pillaged the isle of burdes , which belongs to the portuguese , and is near the gates of goa . the seventh particular , which i learn'd at golkonda , when i was come away from dehli , is the death of chah-jehan ; and that aureng-zebe had been exceedingly affected therewith , having discover'd all the marks of grief , that a son can express for the loss of his father : that at the very hour of receiving that news , he went towards agra ; that begum-saheb caused the mosquee , and a certain place , where he was at first to stop , before he entred the fortress , to be hung with richly embroider'd tapisseries : that at his entring into the seraglio , she presented him with a great golden bason , wherein were all her jewels , and all those of chah-jehan ; and in short , that she knew to receive him with so much magnificence , and to entertain him with that dexterity and craft , that she obtained his pardon , gain'd his favour , and grew very confident with him . to conclude , i doubt not , but most of those , who shall have read my history , will judge the wayes taken by aureng-zebe , for getting the empire , very violent and horrid . i pretend not at all to plead for him , but desire only , that before he be altogether condemned , reflexion be made on that unhappy custom of this state , which leaving the succession of the crown undecided , for want of good laws , setling it , as amongst us , upon the eldest son , exposeth it to the con quest of the strongest , and the most fortunate , subjecting at the same time all the princes born in the royal family , by the condition of their birth , to the cruel necessity either to overcome , or to reign , by destroying all the rest , for the assurance of their power and life , or to perish themselves , for the security of that of others : for i am apt to believe , that upon this consideration the reader wil not find aureng-zebe's conduct so strange as at first it appear'd . however i am perswaded , that those who shall a little weigh this whole history , will not take aureng-zebe for a barbarian , but for a great and rare genius , a great states-man , and a great king. a letter to the lord colbert , of the extent of indostan ; the circulation of gold and silver , coming at length to be swallowed up , there , as in an abyss ; the riches , forces , justice , and the principal cause of the decay of the states of asia . my lord , since it is the custom of asia , never to approach great persons with empty hands , when i had the honour to kiss the vest of the great mogol aureng-zebe , i presented him with eight roupies as an expression of respect ; and the illustrious fazel-kan , the prime minister of state , and he that was to establish my pension as physitian , with a case of knives garnished with amber . my lord , though i intend not to introduce new customs in france , yet i cannot forget this upon my return from those parts ; being perswaded , that i ought not to appear before the king , for whom i have a far deeper veneration than for aureng-zebe , nor before you , my lord , for whom i have a much higher esteem than for fazel-kan , without some little present to both , which is rare , at least for its novelty , though it be not so upon the account of the presenting hand . the revolution of indostan by reason of its extraordinary occurrences and events , hath to me seemed worthy of the greatness of our monarch , and this discourse , for the quality of the matters therein contained , sutable to the rank you hold in his counsels ; to that conduct , which at my return appeared to me so admirable in the order , which i found setled in so many things , that i thought incapable of it ; and to the passion you entertain to make it known to the ends of the earth , what a monarch we have , and that the french are fit to undertake , and with honour to atchieve , whatsoever you shall have designed for their honour and advantage . 't is in the indies , my lord ( whence i am lately return'd after twelve years absence ) where i learn'd the felicity of france , and how much this kingdom is obliged to your cares ; and where your name is so diffused , and so well known . this were a fair theme for me to enlarge upon ; but my design being no other than to discourse of things new , i must forbear to speak of those that are already so notorious to all the world . i shall doubtless please you better , by endeavouring to give you some idea of the state of the indies , which i have engaged my self to give you an account of . my lord , you may have seen before this , by the maps of asia , how great every way is the extent of the empire of the great mogol , which is commonly call'd india or indostan . i have not measur'd it mathematically ; but to speak of it according to the ordinary journeys of the country , after the rate of three whole months march , traversing from the frontiers of the kingdom of golkonda , as far as beyond kazni near kandahar , which is the first town of persia , i cannot perswade my self otherwise , but that it is at least five times as far as from paris to lyons , that is , about five hundred common leagues . next , you may please to take notice , that of that vast extent of land , there are large countries that are very fertil , and some of them to that degree ( for example , that whole great kingdom of bengale ) that they exceed those of egypt , not only upon the account of the abundance of rice , corn , and all other things necessary for life , but also upon the score of all those commodities so considerable , which egypt is destitute of , as silks , cottons , indigo , and so many others , sufficiently related by authors . moreover , that of these same countries there are many that are well enough peopled and cultivated , and where trades-men , though naturally very lazy there , are not wanting , either from necessity or other causes , to apply themselves to work , as to tapisseries , embroideries , cloth of gold and silver , and to all those kinds of silk and cotton manufactures , that are used in the countrey , or transported to other parts . you may further observe , how that gold and silver circulating as it were upon the earth , comes at last in part to be swallowed up in this indostan . for of that which comes out of america , and is dispersed through the several kingdoms of our europe , we know , that one part is carried into turky many wayes , for the commodities drawn thence ; and that another part is conveyed into persia , by the way of smyrna , for the silks afforded there : that all turky generally needs coffee , which comes out of hyeman or happy arabia , and is the common drink of the turks : that the same turky as well as hyeman and persia cannot be without the commodities of india ; and that thus all those countries are obliged to carry to moka over the red-sea , near babelmandel ; and to bassora the utmost part of the persian-gulf ; and to bandar-abbasi , or gomoron near to ormus , a part of that gold and silver , that had been brought into their country , to be thence transported into indostan , in vessels , that yearly , in the season of the mounsons , come purposely to those three famous parts : that on the other hand , all those ships of india , whether they be indian ones , or dutch , or english , or portuguese , that every year transport merchandise out of indostan to pegu , tanasseri , siam , ceilan , achem , macasser , the maldives , mosambic , and other places , bring back also much gold and silver from all those countries , which meets with the same destiny , that the other doth : that of that quantity of gold and silver which the hollanders draw from japan ( which is stored with mines ) a part also comes to be at length discharged in this indostan ; and that lastly what is carried thither directly by sea , whether from portugal , england , or france , seldom comes back from thence but in merchandise , the rest remaining there , as the former . i very well know , that it may be said , that this indostan needs copper , cloves , nutmegs , cinamon , elephants , and sundry other things , which the hollanders carry thither from japan , the molucques , ceilan , and europe ; as also that it hath occasion for lead , which in part , it is furnish'd with out of england ; likewise for scarlet , which it hath from france ; moreover , that it stands in need of a good number of horses , it being certain , that from the side of usbec it receives yearly more than 2500. that out of persia also it is furnished with abundance of the same ; as also out of ethiopia , arabia , the ports of moka , bassora , and bander-abbasy : besides that it needs that store of fresh fruit , which comes thither from samarkand , ball-bocara , and persia , as melons , apples , pears , and grapes , that are spent at dehli , and bought at great rates , almost all the winter long ; as well as dry fruit , which are had there all the year long , and come from the same countries , as almonds , pistaches , nuts , prunes , abricots , raisins , and the like : and that lastly , it wants those little sea-cockles of the maldives , which serve for common coyn in bengale , and in some other places ; as also ambergriece , carried thither from the said maldives and mosambic , rhinoceros-horns , elephants-teeth , musk , china-dishes , pearls of baharen , and tutucoury near ceilan ; and , i know not of how many other things of this kind . but all this makes not the gold and silver to go out of that empire , because the merchants at their return freight their ships with the commodities of the country , finding a better account by so doing , than if they should bring back money , so that that hinders not , but that indostan proves , as we have said , a kind of abyss for a great part of the gold and silver of the world , which finds many ways to enter there , and almost none to issue thence . in a word , you may take notice , that this great mogol makes himself heir of the omrahs or lords , and of the manseb-dars , or petty lords , that are in his pay ; and ( which is of very great consequence ) that all the lands of that expire are his propriety , excepting some houses and gardens , which he giveth leave to his subjects to sell , divide , or buy amongst them , as they shall think fit . these are the things , which sufficiently show , both that there must needs be a very great store of gold and silver in indostan , though there be no mines ; and also that the great mogol , the soveraign of the same , at least , of the best part of it , hath immense revenues and riches . but on the other hand , there are also many things to be observed , which are a poise to these riches . the first , that among those vast tracts of land there is much , which is nothing but sand and sterill mountains , little tilled or peopled : that even of those that would be fertile , there is much , that is not used for want of workmen , some of which have perish'd by the too evil treatment of the governours , who often take from them their necessary lively-hood , and sometimes their very children whom they make slaves when they are not able , or are unwilling to pay : others have abandoned the field for the same reason , and desponding out of the consideration that they labour'd only for others , have cast themselves into towns or into armies , to serve there for porters , or waiting men , and many have fled to the lands of the rajas , because there they found less tyranny , and more kindness . the second is , that in this same extent of country there are sundry nations , which the mogol is not full master of , most of them retaining yet their particular sovereigns and lords , that obey him not , nor pay him tribute but from constraint ; many , that do little ; some that do nothing at all ; and some also , that receive tribute from him , as we shall see anon . such are those petty sovereigns , that are seated on the frontiers of persia , who almost never pay him any thing , no more than they do to the king of persia : as also the balouches and augans , and other mountineers , of whom also the greatest part pay him but a small matter , and even care but very little for him : witness the affront they did him , when they stopp'd his whole army by cutting off the water , which they kept back within the mountains , when he passed from atek on the river indus to caboul , to lay siege to kandahar ; not suffering the water to run down into the fields , where was the high-way , 'till they had received presents , although they asked them by way of alms. such are also the patans , a mahumetan people , issued from the side of the river ganges towards bengale ; who before the invasion of the mogols in india , had taken their time to make themselves potent in many places , and chiefly at dehli , and to render many rajas thereabout their tributaries . these patans are fierce and warlike , and even the meanest of them , though they be waiting men and porters , are still of a very high spirit , being often heard to say by way of swearing ; let me never be king of dehli , if it be not so : a people that despise the indians , heathen , and mogols , and mortally hate the last , still remembring what they were formerly , before they were by them driven away from their large principalities , and constrained to retire hither and thither , far from dehli , and agra , into the mountains , where now they are setled , and where some of them have made themselves petty sovereigns , like rajas , but of small strength . such an one also is the king of visapour , who pays to the magol nothing , and is always in war with him ; maintaining himself in his country , partly by his own forces , partly because he is very remote from agra and dehli , the ordinary places of residence of the great mogol ; partly also because his capital city visapour is strong and of difficult access to an army , by reason of the ill waters and the want of forrage on the way ; and partly because many rajas joyn with him for their common defence , as did the famous seva-gi , who not long since came pillaging and burning that rich sea-port , suratte , and who sometimes will pay little or no tribute . such is likwise that potent and rich king of golkonda , who under-hand gives money to the king of visapour , and hath always an army ready on the frontiers for his own defence , and for the assistance of visapour , in case he find him too much pressed . of the like sort are more than an hundred rajas , or considerable heathen sovereigns , dispersed through the whole empire , some near to , others remote from agra and dehli : amongst whom there are about fifteen or sixteen that are very rich and puissant ; such as is rana ( who formerly was , as 't were , emperour of the rajas ; and who is said to be of the progeny of king porus ; ) jesseignae and jessom seignae , which are so great and powerful , that if they three alone should combine , they would hold him tack ; each of them being able , in a very short time to raise and bring into the field twenty five thousand horse , better troops than the mogols . these caveliers are called ragipouts , or the children of rajas . they are men , who , as i have elsewhere said , carry swords from father to son , and to whom the rajas allot land , on condition to be always ready to appear on horseback , when the raja commands . they can endure much hardship , and they want nothing to make them good souldiers , but good order and discipline . the third thing to be noted is , that the mogol is a mahumetan , not of the sect called chias , who follow aly and his off-spring , ( such as the persians are , and consequently the greatest part of his court ; ) but of that , which follows osman , and thence are called osmanlys , such as the turks are . besides , that he is a stranger , being of the race of tamerlan , who was the head of those mogols , that about the year 1401 , over-ran india ; where they made themselves masters : so that he is in a country , almost all hostile ; and that the more , because not only for one mogol , but in general , for one mahumetan , there are hundreds of gentiles or heathen ; which obligeth him , constantly to entertain ( for his defence among so many domestick and potent enemies , and against the persians and usbecks , his neighbours ) very great armies , whether in time of peace or war , as well about his person as in the field ; as well of the people of the countrey , ( rajas and patans , ) as chiefly mogolians , or at least esteemed such because they are white , and mahumetans ; which sufficeth at present ; his court being no more now as 't was at first , consisting altogether of true mogols ; but a mixture of all sorts of strangers , usbecks , persians , arabians , and turks , or their children ; but with this distinction , that the children of the third or fourth generation , and that have taken the brown colour , and the soft humour of the countrey , are not so much esteem'd as the new comers ; being also seldom raised to publick offices ; but counting themselves happy , if they may serve as simple horsemen or foot. of these armies i am now going to give you some description , that thereby knowing the great expences , which the grand mogol is obliged to be at , you may the better judge of his true riches ; let us first take a view of the field militia , he is necessitated to maintain . the chief thereof are the rajas , such as jesseignae , jessomseignae , and many others , to whom he allows very great pensions to have them always ready with a certain number of ragipouts , esteeming them like omrahs , that is , like other strangers , and mahumetan lords ; both in the army , that is always about his person , and in those also , that are in the field . these rajas are generally obliged to the same things , that the omrahs are , even to the point of keeping guard ; yet with this distinction , that they keep not the guard within the fortress , as those , but without , under their tents ; they not liking to be shut up twenty four hours in a fortress , nor so much as ever to go thither but well attended with men resolute to be cut in pieces for their service ; as hath appeared , when they have been ill dealt withal . the mogol is obliged to keep these rajas in his service for sundry reasons . the first , because the militia of the rajas is very good ( as was said above , ) and because there are rajas , ( as was intimated also ) one of whom can bring into the field above 25000 men . the second , the better to bridle the other rajas , and to reduce them to reason , when they cantonize , or when they refuse to pay tribute , or when out of fear or other cause they will not go out of their country to the army , when the mogol requireth it . the third , the better to nourish jealousies and keenness amongst them , by favouring and caressing the one more than the other , which is done to that degree , that they proceed to fight with one another very frequently . the fourth , to employ them against the patans , or against his own omrahs and governours , in case any of them should rise . the fifth , to employ them against the king of golkonda , when he refuseth to pay his tribute , or when he will defend the king of visapour , or some rajas his neighbours , which the mogol hath a mind of rifle , or to make his tributaries ; the mogol in the those cases not daring to trust his omrahs overmuch , who most are persians , and not of the same religion with him , but chias , like the kings of persia and golkonda . the sixth , and the most considerable of all , is , to employ them against the persians upon occasion ; not daring then also to confide in his omrahs , who for the greatest part , as was just now said , are persians , and consequently have no stomach to fight against their natural king ; and the less , because they believe him to be their imam , their caliph or high priest , descended from aly , and against whom therefore they believe they cannot make war without a crime or a great sin . the mogol is farther obliged to entertain some patans for the same , or somewhat like reasons , that he doth the rajas . at last he must entertain that stranger militia of the mogols , that we have taken notice of : and as this is the main strength of his state , and which obliges him to incredible charges , me thinks it will not be amiss to describe to you , of what nature it is , though i should be somewhat long in doing it . let us therefore consider , if you please , this stranger militia , both cavalry and infantry , as divided into two ; the one being always near the mogol's person ; the other , dispersed up and down in the several provinces . and in the cavalry that is about his person , let us first take notice of the omrahs ; then , of the mansebdars ; next , of the rousindars ; last of all , of the simple horsemen . from thence let us proceed to the infantry , in which we shall consider the musquetiers , and all those men on foot that attend the ordnance ; where something will occur to be said of their artillery . it is not to be thought , that the omrahs or lords of the mogol's court are sons of great families , as in france ; all the lands of that empire being the mogol's propriety , it follows , that there are neither dutchies , nor marquisats , nor any family rich in land , and subsisting of its own income and patrimony . and often enough they are not so much as omrahs sons , because the king being heir of all their estates , it is consequent that the houses cannot subsist long in their greatness ; on the contrary , they often fall and that on a sudden , insomuch that the sons , or at least the grandsons of a potent omrah are frequently , after the death of their father , reduced in a manner to beggery , and obliged to list themselves under some omrah for simple horsemen . 't is true , that ordinarily the mogol leaves some small pension to the widow , and often also to the children ; or , if the father liveth too long , he may by particular favour advance them sooner , especially if they be proper men , white of face , having as yet not too much of the indian complexion and temper , and so passing yet for true mogols : though this advancement by favour do always proceed in a slow pace ; it being almost a general custom , that a man must pass from small pays and small places to great ones . these omrahs then are commonly but adventurers and strangers of all sorts of nations , such as i have said ; which draw one another to this court ; men of a mean descent , some of them slaves ; most of them without instruction , which the mogol thus raiseth to dignities as he thinks good , and degrades them again , as he pleaseth . amongst these omrahs , some are hazary , others dou hazary , others penge , hecht , and deh hazary , and even ( such as was the the kings eldest son ) dovazdeh hazary , that is to say , lord of a thousand horse , of two thousand , five thousand , seven , ten , and tweive thousand ; their pay being less or more in proportion to the number of horses ; i say , of horses , because they are not paid in respect of the horsemen , but of the horse ; the omrahs having power to entertain horsemen of two horses a man , to be the better able to serve in the hot countrys , where 't is a common saying , that the horseman that hath but one horse , is more than half a footman . yet we must not think , that they are obliged to entertain , or that the king effectively pays so many horse , as these great names of dovazdeh or hecht hazary do impart , that is , 12000 or 8000 horse . these are specious names , to amuse and attract strangers ; the king determines the number of horses in actual service , which they are bound to entertain , pays them according to this number ; and besides that , he payes them a certain number which they are not bound to entertain ; and this is that which ordinarily makes the principal part of their pensions ; not to speak of what they finger out of the pay of every horseman , and of the number of the horses ; which certainly amounts to very considerable pensions ; especially if they can obtain good jah-ghirs , that is , good lands for their pension . for i saw , that the lord , under whom i was , that was a penge-hazary , or one of five thousand horse , and who was only obliged to entertain five hundred in effect , had , after all his cavalry was paid , remaining for his pension near five thousand crowns a month ; though he was nagdy , that is , paid in money drawn out of the treasury , as all those are , that have not lands . yet notwithstanding all these great pensions , i see none but very few that are rich , but many that are uneasie and indebted : not that they are ruined by keeping too plentiful tables , as elsewhere great lords frequently are ; but that which exhausteth them , are the great presents which they are obliged to make to the king at certain festivals of the year , every one after the rate of his pay ; next , the vast expences they must be at for entertaining their wives , servants , camels , and many horses of great value , which they keep in their particular stables . the number of the omrahs , as well of those , that are in the field in the provinces and armies , as of those that are at the court , is very great . i i never could precifely learn it ; nor is it determined : but i have never seen less of them at court , than twenty five or thirty , that are thus pensionaries according to a greater or lesser number of horses to be entertain'd by them , from 12000 downward to 1000. these are the omrahs , that arrive to the governments and principal offices of the court and armies ; that are , as they speak , the pillars of the empire , and that keep up the splendor of the court ; never going abroad , but richly deck'd , sometimes riding on elephants , sometimes on horseback , sometimes carried in a paleky or chair , commonly attended by a good number of horsemen , to wit , of those that have the guard at that time , as also by many foot-men , marching before and on his sides , to make way , to drive away the flies , to take off the dust with peacocks-tails , to carry water for drink , and sometimes books of accounts , or other papers . all those that are at court , are obliged , under a considerable penalty , to come twice every day to salute the king in the assembly , once about ten or eleven a clock in the morning , when he renders justice ; and the second time , about six hours at night . they are also obliged by turns to keep the guard in the castle once a week , during twenty four hours . thither they carry at that time their beds , tapisseries and other moveables , the king furnishing them with nothing but provisions of meat and drink , which they receive with great reverence ; making a treble obeisance , with their face turned to his apartment , their hands down to the ground , and then lifted up upon their heads . besides , they are obliged on horseback to follow the king whithersoever he marcheth in any weather , rainy or dusty , whether he be carried in his chair , or on an elephant , or a field-throne , which last is done by eight men carrying him on their shoulders , eight others marching on his side , to relieve the others ; himself being in all marches well cover'd from the inconveniencies of the weather , whether he go to war , or to hunt , or to exercise his souldiery . and this attendance those omrahs are to give , except some of them be exempted by the mogol because of their peculiar offices , or upon the account of sickness or old age , or to avoid embarasment , as commonly 't is practised , when he goeth only to some neighbouring town to hunt , or to some house of pleasure , or to the mosquee , there being then seldom any about him but those that keep the guard that day . mansebdars are cavaliers of manseb , which is particular and honourable pay ; not so great indeed as that of the omrahs , but much greater than that of the others ; they being esteemed as little omrahs , and of the rank of those , that are raised to that dignity . these acknowledge also none for their head but the king , and they are generally obliged to whatever we have said the omrahs are . in a word , they would be true omrahs , if they had , as divers heretofore have had , some horsemen under them ; whereas they have ordinarily but two , four , or six horses having the kings mark , and their pay goes no higher than from 200 , to 600 or 700 roupies a month. their number also is not fixed , but much exceeds that of the omrahs , there being of them at the court always two or three hundred , besides those that are in the provinces and armies . rouzindars are also a sort of cavaliers , but such as have their pay by the day , ( as the word it self imports ) which yet sometimes is greater than that of many mansebdars , but not so honourable ; but then they are not bound , as the mansebdars , to take at a set price ( which someties is not too reasonable ) of those tapisseries and other house-hold-stuff , that hath served for the kings pallace . their number is very great ; they enter into the meaner offices , many of them being clerks , under-clerks , signet-men , and the like . simple cavaliers , are those , that are under the omrahs ; amongst whom the most considerable and having most pay are those , that have two horses marked on the leg with the mark of their omrah . their pay is not absolutely fixed , but depends chiefly from the generosity of the omrah , who may favour whom he pleaseth . yet the mogol's intention is , that the pay of a simple cavalier or horseman be no less than twenty five roupies or thereabout a month , stating his accound with the omrahs upon that foot. the pay of the foot is the least ; and their musquetiers are pitiful men , unless they discharge when their musket leans on that small woodden fork hanging to it ; yet even then they are afraid of singeing their great beards , and of burning their eyes , but most of all , least some dgen or evil spirit burst their musket . some of these have 20 roupies a month , some 15 , some 10. but yet there are some gunners , that have great pay , especially those of the franguis or christians , as portugueses , english , dutch , germans , french , that retire thither from goa , flying from english and dutch companies . heretofore when the mogols did not yet know how to manage artillery , their pay was very great . and there are yet some of that time , who have 200 roupies a month ; but now they will recieve none for more than thirty two . their artillery is of two sorts ; the one is the great and heavy artillery ; the other the light . as for the former , i remember , that when the king after his sickness went with his whole army abroad into the country , diverting himself every day in hunting , sometimes of cranes , sometimes of the gray oxen ( a kind of elks ) sometimes of gazels , leopards and lions , and making his progress towards lahor and kachemire ( that little paradise of india ) there to pass the summer , the army had seventy pieces of cannon , most of them cast , not counting the two ▪ or three hundred camels , carrying each a small field-piece of the bigness of a good double musket , fastned to those animals . the other light artillery is very brave and well order'd , consisting of fifty or sixty small field-pieces all of brass , each mounted on a little chariot , very fine and well painted , with a small coffer before and behind for the powder , drawn by two very fair horses , driven by a coachman like a caleche , adorned with a number of small red streamers , each having a third horse , led by the chariot for relief . the great artillery could not alwayes follow the king , who often left the high-way , and turn'd sometimes to the right , sometimes to the left hand , crossing the fields , to find the true places for game , and to follow the course of the rivers . that therefore was to keep the high way to go the more easily , and to avoid the embarasments , which it would have met with in the ill passages , especially in those boat-bridges made to pass rivers . the light artillery is inseparable from the person of the king , it marcheth away in the morning , when the king comes out of his tent , and whereas he commonly goes a little aside into the places for game , this artillery passeth on straight with all possible speed , to be in time at the rendez-vous , and there to appear before the kings tent , which is there made ready the day before ; as are also the tents of the great omrahs : and this whole artillery giveth a volley just when the kihg enters into his tent , thereby to give notice to the army of his arrival . the militia of the field is not different from that which is about the king : there are every where omrahs , mansebdars , rousindars , simple horsemen , and foot and artillery where-ever any war is made . the difference is only in the number , which is much greater in the field-army , than in the other . for that army alone , which the mogol is constrained perpetually to maintain in decan , to bridle the potent king of golkonda , and to make war upon the king of visapour , and upon all the raja's that joyn with him , must consist at least of twenty or twenty five thousand horse , sometimes of thirty . the kingdom of kaboul , for its ordinary guard against the persians , augans , balouches , and i know not how many mounteniers , requireth at least fifteen thousand . the kingdom of kachmire , more than four thousand ; and the kingdom of bengale , much more ; not counting those that are employed in the war , which must almost alwayes be maintained on that side ; nor those which the governors of the several provinces do need for their defence , according to the particular extent and situation of their governments ; which maketh an incredible number . not to mention the infantry ( which is inconsiderable ) i am apt to believe with many others , well informed of these matters , that the number of the horse in actual service about the kings person , comprehending the cavalry of the raja's and patans , mounteth to thirty five or forty thousand ; and that this number , joyned to those that is abroad in the field , may make two hundred thousand , and better . i say , that the infantry is inconsiderable ; for i can hardly believe , that in the army which is about the king , comprising the musquetiers , and all the gunners and their mates , and whatever serves in this artillery , can amount to much more than fifteen thousand ; whence you may make a near guess , what the number of the foot must be in the field . so that i know not whence to take that prodigious number of foot , which some do reckon in the armies of the great mogol , unless it be , that with this true souldiery they confound all the serving-men and victualers , that follow the army ; for in that sence i should easily believe , that they had reason to reckon two or three hundred thousand men in that army alone which is with the king , and sometimes more ; especially when 't is certain , that he is to be long absent from the capital city : which will not seem so strange to him , that considers the multitude and confusion of tents , kitchens , baggage , women , elephants , camels , oxen , horses , waiting-men , porters , forragers , victualers , merchants of all sorts , that must follow the army ; nor to him , that knows the state and particular government of that countrey , wherein the king is the sole proprietor of all the lands of the kingdom ; whence it necessarily follows , that a whole metropolitan city , such as dehly and agra , liveth of almost nothing but of the souldiery , and is consequently obliged to follow the king when he taketh the field ; those towns being nothing less than paris , but indeed no otherwise governed than a camp of armies a little better and more conveniently lodged than in the open field . besides all these things , you may also consider , if you please , that generally all this militia , which i have been representing to you , from the greatest omrah , to the meanest souldier , is indispensably paid every two months ; the kings pay being its sole refuge and relief ; nor can its pay be deferred there , as 't is sometimes with us ▪ where , when there are pressing occasions of the state , a gentleman , an officer , and even a simple cavalier , can stay a while , and maintain himself of his own stock , rents and the incomes of his land. but in the mogol's countrey , all must be paid at the time prefix'd , or all disbands and starves , after they have sold that little they have ; as i saw in this last war , that many were going to do , if it had not soon ceased . and this the more , because that in all this militia there is almost no souldier that hath not wife and children , servants and slaves , that look for this pay , and have no other hope of relief . and hence it is , that many wonder , considering the huge number of persons living of pay ( which amounts to millions ) whence such vast revenues can be had for such excessive charges : although this need not to be so much wondred at , considering the riches of the empire , the peculiar government of the state , and the said universal propriety of the sovereign . you may add to all this , that the grand mogol keeps nigh him at dehly and agra , and thereabout , two or three thousand brave horses , to be always ready upon occasion ; as also eight or nine hundred elephants , and a vast number of mules , horses , and porters , to carry all the great tents and their cabinets , to carry his wives , kitchens , houshold-stuff , ganges-water , and all the other necessaries for the field , which he hath always about him as if he were at home ; things not absolutely necessary in our kingdoms . to this may be added those incredible expences upon the seraglio , more indispensable than will be easily believed ; that vast store of fine linnen , cloth of gold , embroideries , silks , musk , amber , pearls , sweet essences , &c. consumed there . all these charges being put together , and compared with the revenues the mogol may be thought to have , it will be easie to judge , whether he be indeed so very rich , as he is made to be . as for me , i very well know , that it cannot be denied , that he hath very great revenues ; i believe , he hath more alone than the grand seignior and the king of persia both together : but then , to believe all those extravagant stories made of the vastness of his revenues , is a thing i could never do : and if i should believe the best part of them , yet should i not believe him in effect and truly so rich , as the world rings of him ; unless a man would say , that a treasurer , who receiveth great sums of money from one hand at the same time when he is obliged to disburse them to another , were therefore truly rich . for my part , i should count that king rich indeed , who , without oppressing and impoverishing his people too much , should have a revenue sufficient to keep a great and gallant court ( after the manner of that of ours , or otherwise ) and a militia sufficient both to guard his kingdom , and to make an important war for divers years against his neighbours ; as also to shew liberality , to build some royal edifices , and to make those other expences which kings are wont to make according to their particular inclinations ; and who , besides all this , should be able to put up in his treasury , for a reserve , sums big enough to undertake and maintain a good war for some years . now i am apt enough to believe , that the great mogol enjoyeth very near these advantages , but i cannot perswade my self , that he hath them in that excess , as is thought and pretended . those vast and unevitable expences , that i have taken notice of , will certainly incline you to my opinion without any other consideration ; but you will doubtless be altogether of my mind , when i shall have represented to you these two things , which i am very well informed of . the one is , that the great mogol , now reigning , about the end of this last revolution , though the kingdom was every where in peace ( except in bengale , where sultan-sujah yet held out ) was much perplexed where to find means for the subsistence of his armies , though they were not so well paid as at other times , and the war lasted no longer than five years or thereabout , and though also he had laid hold of a good part of the treasury of his father chah-jehan . the other is , that all this treasure of chah-jehan , who was very frugal , and had reigned above forty years without considerable wars , never mounted to six kourours of roupies . a roupy is about twenty nine pence . an hundred thousand of them make a lecque , and an hundred lecques make one kourour . 't is true , i do not comprehend in this great treasure that great abundance of gold-smiths work , so variously wrought in gold and silver ; nor that vast store of precious stones and pearls of a very high value . i doubt , whether there be any king in the world that hath more . the throne alone , cover'd with them , is valued at least three kourours , if i remember aright ; but then , it is to be consider'd also , that they are the spoils of those ancient princes , the patans and rajas , gathered and piled up from immemorial times , and still increasing from one king to another , by the presents which the omrahs are obliged yearly at certain festival-days to make him ; and which are esteemed to be the jewels of the crown , which it would be criminal to touch , and upon which a king of mogol in case of necessity would find it very hard to procure the least sum. but before i conclude , i shall take notice , whence it may proceed , that though this empire of mogol be thus an abyss of gold and silver , ( as hath been said , ) yet notwithstanding there appears no more of it among the people , than elsewhere ; yea , rather that the people is there less monied than in other places . the first reason is , that much of it is consumed in melting over and over all those nose and ear-rings , chains , finger-rings , bracelets of hands and feet , which the women wear , but chiefly in that incredible quantity of manufactures , wherein so much is spent , which is lost , as in all those embroideries , silk-stuffs , enterwoven with gold and silver , cloath , scarf , turbants , &c. of the same : for generally all that militia loveth to be guided from the omrahs to the meanest souldiers with their wives and children , though they should starve at home . the second , that all the lands of the kingdom being the kings propriety , they are given either as benefices , which they call jah-ghirs , or , as in turky , timars , to men of the militia for their pay or pension ( as the word jah-ghir imports : ) or else they are given to the governours for their pension , and the entertainment of their troops , on condition that of the surplus of those land-revenues they give yearly a certain sum to the king , as farmers ; or , lastly , the king reserveth them for himself as a particular domaine of his house , which never or very seldom are given as jah-ghirs , and upon which he keeps farmers , who also must give him a yearly sum ; which is to say , that the timariots , governours and farmers have an absolute authority over the country-men , and even a very great one over the trades-men and merchants of the towns , boroughs , and villages , depending from them : so that in those parts there are neither great lords nor parliaments , nor presidial courts , as amongst us , to keep these people in awe ; nor kadis or judges powerful enough to hinder and repress their violence ; nor , in a word , any person ; to whom a country-man , trades-man , or merchant , can make his complaints to , in cases of extortion and tyranny , often practised upon them , by the souldiery and governours , who every where do impunely abuse the authority royal , which they have in hand , unless it be perhaps a little in those places that are near to capital cities , as dehly and agra , and in great towns , and considerable sea-ports of the provinces , whence they know that the complaints can be more easily conveyed to the court. whence it is , that all and every one stand in continual fear of these people , especially of the governours more than any slave doth of his master : that ordinarily they affect to appear poor and money-less , very mean in their apparel , lodging , houshold-stuff , and yet more in meat and drink ; that often they apprehend even to meddle with trade , lest they should be thought rich , and so fall into the danger of being ruined : so that at last they find no other remedy to secure their wealth , than to hide and dig their money deep under ground , thus getting out of the ordinary commerce of men , and so dying , neither the king nor the state having any benefit by it . which is a thing not only happens among the peasants and artizans , but ( which is far more considerable ) amongst all sorts of merchants , whether mahumetans or heathens , except some that are in the kings , or some omrahs pay , or that have some particular patron and support in power : but principally among the heathen , which are almost the only masters of the trade and money , infatuated with the belief , that the gold and silver , which they hide in their life-time , shall serve them after death . and this , in my opinion , is the true reason , why there appears so little money in trade among the people . but thence ariseth a question very considerable , viz. whether it were not more expedient , not only for the subjects , but for the state it self , and for the sovereign , not to have the prince such a proprietor of the lands of the kingdom , as to take away the meum and tuum amongst private persons ; as 't is with us ? for my part , after a strict comparing the state of our kingdoms , where that meum and tuum holds , with that of those other kingdoms , where it is not , i am thoroughly perswaded , that it is much better and more beneficial for the sovereign himself , to have it so as 't is in our parts . because that in those parts where 't is otherwise , the gold and silver is lost , as i was just now observing : there is almost no person secure from the violences of those timariots , governours , and farmers : the kings , how well soever they be disposed toward their people , are never almost in a condition ( as i lately noted ) to get justice administred to them , and to hinder tyrannies ; especially in those great dominions , and in the provinces remote from the capital towns ; which yet ought to be , as doubtless it is , one of the chief employments and considerarations of a king. besides , this tyranny often grows to that excess , that it takes away what is necessary to the life of a peasant or trades-man , who is starved for hunger and misery , who gets no children , or if he does , sees them die young for want of food ; or that abandons his land , and turns some cavalier's man , or flies whither he may to his neighbours , in hopes of finding a better condition . in a word , the land is not tilled but almost by force , and consequently very ill , and much of it is quite spoiled and ruined , there being none to be found , that can or will be at the charge of entertaining the ditches and channels for the course of waters to be conveyed to necessary places ; nor any body that care to build houses , or to repair those that are ruinous ; the peasant reasoning thus with himself : why should i toil so much for a tyrant that may come to morrow to take all away from me , or at least all the best of what i have , and not leave , if the fancy taketh him , so much as to sustain my life even very poorly ? and the timariot , the governour and the farmer , will reason thus with himself ; why should i bestow money and take pains of bettering or maintaining this land , since i must every hour expect to have it taken from me , or exchanged for another ? i labour neither for my self nor for my children ; and that place which i have this year , i may perhaps have no more the next . let us draw from it what we can , whilst we possess it , though the peasant should break or starve , though the land should become a desert , when i am gone ! and for this very reason it is , that we see those vast estates in asia go so wretchedly and palpably to ruin . thence it is , that throughout those parts we see almost no other towns but made up of earth and dirt ; nothing but ruin'd and deserted towns and villages , or such as are going to ruin . even thence it is , that we see ( for example ) those mesopotamia's , anatolia's , palestina's , those admirable plains of antioch , and so many other lands , anciently so well tilled , so fertile , and so well peopled , at the present half deserted , untill'd , and bandon'd , or become pestilent and uninhabitable bogs . thence it is also , that of those incomparable lands of egypt it is observed , that within less than four-score years , more than the tenth part of it is lost , no people being to be found , that will expend what is necessary to maintain all the channels , and to restrain the river nile from violently overflowing on one hand , and so drowning too much the low lands , or from covering them with sand , which cannot be removed from thence but with great pains and charges . from the same root it comes , that arts are languishing in those countries , or at least flourish much less than else they would do , or do with us. for what heart and spirit can an artizan have to study well , and to apply his mind to his work , when he sees , that among the people , which is for the most part beggerly or will appear so , there is none that considers the goodness and neatness of his work , every body looking for what is cheap ? and that the grandees pay them but very ill and when they please ? the poor tradesmen often thinking himself happy , that he can get clear from them without the korrah , which is that terrible whip , that hangs nigh the gate of the omrahs : further , when he seeth that there is no help at all ever to come to any thing , as to buy an office , or some land for himself and children , and that even he dares not appear to have a peny in cash , or to wear good cloaths , or to eat a good meal , for fear he should be thought rich . and indeed the beauty and exactness of arts had been quite lost in those parts long ago , if it were not that the kings and grandees there did give wages to certain workmen , that work in their houses , and there teach their children , and endeavour to make themselves able in order to be a little more considered , and to escape the korrah ; and if also it were not , that those great and rich merchants of towns , who are protected by good and powerful patrons , pay'd those workmen a little better : i say , a little better ; for , what fine stuffs soever we see come from those countreys , we must not imagine , that the workman is there in any honour , or comes to any thing ; 't is nothing but meer necessity or the cudgel , that makes him work , he never grows rich ; it is no small matter , when he hath wherewith to live and to cloath himself narrowly . if their be any money to gain of the work , that is not for him , but for those great merchants of towns , i was just now speaking of ; and even these themselves find it often difficult enough to maintain themselves , and to prevent extorsion . 't is from the same cause also , that a gross and profound ignorance reigns in those states . for how is it possible , there should be academies and colleges well founded , where are such founders to be met with ? and if there were any , whence were the schollars to be had ? where are those that have means sufficient to maintain their children in colleges ? and if there were , who would appear to be so rich ? and if they would , where are those benefices , preferments and dignities that require knowledge and abilities , and that may animate young men to study ? thence it is likewise , that traffick languishes in all that country , in comparison of ours . for how many are there , that care to take pains , to run up and down , to write much , and to run danger for another , for a governour , that shall extort , if he be not in league with some considerable sword-man , whose slave he in a manner is , and that makes his own conditions with him ? it is not there , that the kings find for their service , princes , lords , gentlemen , sons of rich and good families , officers , citizens , merchants and even trades-men well-born , well-educated , and well-instructed ; men of courage , that have a true affection and respect for their king , that often live a great while at the court and in the army at their own expences , entertaining themselves with good hopes , and content with the favourable aspect of the prince ; and who upon occasion fight manfully , covetous to uphold the honour of their ancestors and families . those kings , i say , never see about them but men of nothing , slaves , ignorants , brutes , and such courtizans as are raised from the dust to dignities , and that for want of good education and instruction almost always retain somewhat of their off-spring , of the temper of beggars , enriched , proud , unsufferable , heartless , insensible of honour , dis-ingenuous , and void of affection and regard for the honour of their king & countrey . here it is , where those kings must ruine all , to find means to defray all those prodigious charges , which they cannot avoid for entertaining their great court , which hath no other source to subsist but their coffers and treasure , and for maintaining constantly the vast number of souldiers , necessary for them to keep the people in subjection , to prevent their running away , to make them work , and to get what is exacted from them , they being so many desperado's , for being perpetually under hatches , and for labouring only for others . thence it is also , that in an important war that may happen ( which may be almost at all times ) they must almost of necessity sell the government for ready money and immense sums ; whence chiefly that ruine and desolation comes to pass which we see . for the governour , which is the buyer , must not he be re-imbursed of all those great sums of money , which he hath taken up , perhaps the third or fourth part , at high interest ? must not a governour also , whether he have bought the government or not , find means as well as a timariot and a farmer , to make every year great presents to a visir , an eunuch , a lady of the seraglio , and to those other persons , that support him at court ? must he not pay to the king his usual tributes , and withal enrich himself , that wretched slave , half famish'd and deeply indebted when he first appeared , without goods , lands , and revenues of his house ; such as they all are ? do not they ruin all , and lay all waste ; i mean those , that in the provinces are like so many small tyrants with a boundless and unmeasured authority , there being no body there , as hath been already said , that can restrain them , or to whom a subject can have refuge , to save himself from their tyranny and to obtain justice ? 't is true , that in the empire of the mogol the vakea-nevis , that is , those persons , whom he sends into the provinces to write to him whatever passeth there , do a little keep the officers in awe , provided they do not collude together ( as it almost always happens ) to devour all ; as also that the governments are not there so often sold , nor so openly as in turky ; i say , not so openly ( for those great presents , they are from time to time obliged to make , are almost equivalent to sales ) and that the governors ordinarily remain longer in their governments ; which maketh them not so hungry , so beggarly , and so deep in debt , as those new comers , and that consequently they do not always tyrannize over the people with so much cruelty ; even apprehending , lest they should run away to the raja's ; which yet falls out very often . 't is also true , that in persia the governments are not so frequently nor so publickly sold as in turky ; the sons of the governors also succeding often enough to their fathers ; which is also the cause , that the people there is often not so ill treated as in turky , and occasions withal , that there is more politeness , and that even some there are that addict themselves to study . but all that is really but a slight matter ; those three states of turky , persia and indostan , forasmuch as they have all three taken away the meum and tuum as to land and propriety of possessions ( which is the foundation of whatever is good and regular in the world ) cannot but very near resemble one another : they have the same defect , they must at last , sooner or later , needs fall into the same inconveniencies , which are the necessary consequences of it , viz , tyranny , ruine , and desolation . far be it therefore , that our monarchs of europe should thus be proprietors of all the lands which their subjects possess . their kingdoms would be very far from being so well cultivated and peopled , so well built , so rich , so polite and flourishing as we see them . our kings are otherwise rich and powerful ; and we must avow that we are much better and more royally served . there would be kings of desarts and solitudes , of beggars and barbarians , such as those are whom i have been representing ; who , because they will have all , at last lose all ; and who , because they will make themselves too rich , at length find themselves without riches , or , at least , very far from that which they covet after , out of their blind ambition and passion of being more absolute than the laws of god and nature do permit . for , where would be those princes , those prelates , those nobles , those rich citizens and great merchants , and those famous artizans , those towns of paris , lyons , thoulouse , rouën , london , and so many others ? where would be that infinite number of burroughs and villages , all those fair countrey-houses , and fields , and hillocks tilled and maintained with so much industry , care and labour ? and where would consequently be all those vast revenues drawn thence , which at last enrich the subjects and the sovereign both ? we should find the great cities , and the great burroughs rendred inhabitable because of the ill air , and to fall to ruine without any bodies taking care of repairing them ; the hillocks abandoned , and the fields overspred with the bushes , or filled with pestilential marishes , as hath been already intimated . a word to our dear and experienc'd travellers : they would not find those fair conveniencies of travelling ; they would be obliged to carry all things with them , like the bohemians ; and all those good inns , for example , that are found between paris and lyons , would be like ten or twelve wretched caravans-serrahs , that is , great barns , raised and paved , such as our pont-neuf is , where hundreds of men are found pel-mel together with their horses , mules and camels , where one is stifled with heat in summer , and starved of cold in winter , if it were not for the breathing of those animals , that warm the place a little . but it will be said , we see some states , where the meum and tuum is not ( as for example , that of the grand seignor , which we know better than any , without going so far as the indies ) that do not only subsist , but are also very powerful , and encrease daily . 't is true , that that state of the grand seignor , of such a prodigious extent as it is , having so vast a quantity of lands , the soil of which is so excellent , that it cannot be destroyed but very difficultly , and in a long time , is yet rich and populous ; but it is certain also , that if it were cultivated and peopled proportionably to ours ( which it would be , if there were propriety among the subjects throughout ) it would be a quite different thing ; it would have people enough to raise such prodigious armies as in old times , and rich enough to maintain them . we have travelled through almost all the parts of it ; we have seen how strangely it is ruin'd and unpeopled ; and how in the capital city there now need three whole months to raise five or six thousand men . we know also , what it would have come to ere this , if it had not been for the great number of christian slaves , that are brought into it from all parts . and no doubt but that , if the same government were continued there for a number of years , that state would destroy it self , and at last , fall by its own weakness , as it seems that already it is hardly maintained but only by that means , i mean , by the frequent change of governors ; there being not one governor , nor any one man in the whole empire , that hath a penny to enable him to maintain the least thing , or that can almost find any men , if he had money . a strange manner to make states to subsist ! there would need no more for making an end of the seditions , than a brama of pegu , who killed the half of the kingdom with hunger , and turned it into forests , hindring for some years the lands from being tilled , though yet he hath not succeeded in his design , and the state have afterwards been divided , and that even lately ava , the capital town , was upon the point of being taken by an handful of china-fugitives . mean time we must confess , that we are not like to see in our dayes that total ruine and destruction of this empire we are speaking of ( if so be we see not something worse ) because it hath neighbors , that are so far from being able to undertake any thing against him , that they are not so much as in a condition to resist him , unless it be by those succours of strangers , which the remoteness and jealousie would make slow , small , and suspect . but it might be yet further objected , that it appears not , why such states as these might not have good laws , and why the people in the provinces might not be enabled to come and make their complaints to a grand visir , or to the king himself . 't is true , that they are not altogether destitute of good laws , and that , if those which are amongst them were observed , there would be as good living there , as in any part of the world . but what are those laws good for , if they be not observed , and if there be no means to make them to be executed ? is it not the grand visir , or the king that appoints for the people such beggarly tyrants , and that hath no others to set over them ? is it not he that sells those governments ? hath a poor peasant or tradesman means to make great journeys , and to come and seek for justice in the capital city , remote perhaps 150 or 200 leagues from the place of his abode ? will not the governour cause him to be made away in his journey ( as it hath often hapned ) or catch him sooner or later ? and will he not provide his friends at court , to support him there , and to represent things quite otherwise than they are ? in a word , this governour , hungry as well as the timariots and farmers ( that are all men for drawing oyl out of sand , as the persian speaks , and for ruining a world , with their heap of women-harpies , children and slaves ) this governor , i say , is he not the absolute master , the super-intendant of justice , the parliament , the receiver , and all ? it may perhaps be added , that the lands , which our kings hold in domaine , are no less well tilled and peopled , than other land. but there is a great difference between the having in propriety some lands here and there in a great kingdom ( which changes not the constitution of the state and government ) and the having them all in propriety , which would alter it altogether . and then we in these parts have laws so rational , which our kings are willing to be the first to observe , and according to which they will that their particular lands shall be governed as those of their subjects are , so as to give way , that actions of law may be laid against their own farmers and officers , so that a peasant or tradesman may have means to obtain justice , and to find remedy against the unjust violence of those that would oppress him : whereas in those parts of asia , i see almost not any refuge for those poor people ; the cudgel and the hammer of the governour being in a manner the only law that rules , and decides all controversies there . lastly , it may be said , that 't is at least certain , that in such states there is not such a multitude of long-lasting sutes of law , as in these parts , nor so many lawyers of all sorts , as amongst us . it is in my opinion , very true , that one cannot too much applaud that old persian saing , na-hac kouta beter-ez hac deraz , that is , short injustice is better than long justice ; and that the length of law-sutes is unsufferable in a state , and that it is the indispensable duty of the sovereign , by all good means to endeavour a remedy against them . and 't is certain , that by taking away this meum and tuum , the root would be cut of an infinite number of law-processes , and especially of almost all those , that are of importance , and long and perplexed ; and consequently there would not need so great a number of magistrates , which our sovereigns do employ to administer justice to their subjects , nor that swarm of men , which subsist only by that way . but 't is also manifest , that the remedy would be an hundred times worse than the disease , considering those great inconveniences that would follow thereupon , and that in all probability the magistrates would become such as those of the asiatick states , who deserve not that name ; for in a word , our kings have yet cause to glory upon the account of good magistracy under them . in those parts , some merchants excepted , justice is only among the meanest sort of people , that are poor and of an unequal condition , who have not the means of corrupting the judges , and to buy false witnesses , that are there in great numbers , and very cheap , and never punished . and this i have learn'd every where by the experience of many years , and by my solicitous enquiries made among the people of the country , and our old merchants that are in those parts , as also of ambassadors , consuls and interpreters ; whatever our common travellers may say , who , upon their having seen by chance , when they passed by , two or porters , or others of the like gang , about a kady , quickly dispatching one or other of the parties , and sometimes both , with some lashes under the sole of their feet , or with a maybalé baba , some mild words , when there is no wool to sheer ; who , i say , upon sight of this , come hither , and cry out , o the good and short justice ! o what honest judges are those in respect of ours ! not considering in the mean time , that if one of those wretches , that is in the wrong , had a couple of crowns to corrupt the kady , or his clerks , and as much to buy two false witnesses , he might either win his process , or prolong it as long as he pleased . in conclusion , to be short , i say , that the taking away this propriety of lands among private men , would be infallibly to intoduce at the same time tyranny , slavery , injustice , beggery , barbarism , desolation , and to open a high way for the ruine and destruction of mankind , and even of kings and states : aud that on the contrary ; this meum and tuum , accompanied with the hopes that every one shall keep , what he works and labours for , for himself and his children , as his own , is the main foundation of whatever is regular and good in the world : insomuch that whosoever shall cast his eyes upon the different countries and kingdoms , and taketh good notice of what follows upon this propriety of sovereigns , or that of the people , will soon find the true source and chief cause of that great difference we see in the several states and empires of the world , and avow , that this is in a manner that which changes and diversifieth the face of the whole earth . finis . the relation of a voyage into mauritania in africk , by roland frejus of marseilles , by the french king's order , 1666. to muley arxid , king of tafiletta , &c. for the establishment of a commerce in the kingdom of fez , and all his other conquests : with a letter in answer to divers curious questions concerning the religion , manners and customs of his countries : also their trading to tombutum for gold , and divers other particulars ; by one who lived five and twenty years in the kingdom of sus and morocco . printed at paris , 1670. englished , 1671. 8 ▪ , price 1 s 6 d. sold by m. pitt , at the angel near the little north-door of st paul. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27515-e30380 a roupy is about half a crown , so that the six kourours would make about seven millions and an half english money .