transcriber's note: obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all other inconsistencies are as in the original. author's spelling has been maintained. missing page numbers correspond to blank pages. page numbers are in format {p.xx}.] the jefferson-lemen compact the relations of thomas jefferson and james lemen in the exclusion of slavery from illinois and the northwest territory with related documents 1781-1818 a paper read before the chicago historical society february 16, 1915 by willard c. macnaul [illustration: arms] the university of chicago press 1915 copyright by chicago historical society 1915 contents {p.03} introduction 1. sketch of james lemen.................................. 7 2. lemen's relations with jefferson in virginia........... 9 3. lemen's anti-slavery mission in illinois- slavery in illinois until 1787...................... 11 prohibition of slavery by ordinance of 1787......... 11 the slavery conflict under gov. st. clair (1787-1800)....................................... 12 the slavery conflict under gov. harrison (1801-1809)....................................... 13 slavery question in the movement for division of indiana territory in 1808-9.................... 16 james lemen's anti-slavery influence in the baptist churches until 1809....................... 16 slavery under gov. ninian edwards (1809-1818)....... 19 slavery in the campaign for statehood in 1818....... 19 4. available materials relating to the subject........... 23 5. account of the "lemen family notes"................... 24 documents i. diary of james lemen, sr.............................. 26 ii. history of the relations of james lemen and thos. jefferson, by j. m. peck.................. 32 iii. how illinois got chicago, by jos. b. lemen............ 37 iv. address to the friends of freedom..................... 38 v. recollections of a centennarian, by dr. w. f. boyakin................................... 39 vi. in memory of rev. jas. lemen, sr...................... 41 vii. statement by editor of _belleville advocate_.......... 41 viii. letter of rev. j. m. peck on the old lemen family notes........................................ 42 pioneer letters {p.04} ix. letter of senator douglas to rev. jas. lemen, sr...... 46 x. announcement by j. b. lemen........................... 48 xl. letter of gov. ninian edwards to jas. lemen, jr....... 49 xii. letter of a. w. snyder to jas. lemen, sr.............. 49 xiii. letter of abraham lincoln to jas. lemen, jr........... 50 xiv. the lemen monument--lemen's war record................ 51 xv. sketch of rev. james lemen, sr., by j. m. peck........ 52 xvi. old lemen family notes, statement by jos. b. lemen.... 56 references............................................ 59 note {p.05} the materials here presented were collected in connection with the preparation of a history of the first generation of illinois baptists. the narrative introduction is printed substantially as delivered at a special meeting of the chicago historical society, and, with the collection of documents, is published in response to inquiries concerning the so-called "lemen family notes," and in compliance with the request for a contribution to the publications of this society. it is hoped that the publication may serve to elicit further information concerning the alleged "notes," the existence of which has become a subject of more or less interest to historians. the compiler merely presents the materials at their face value, without assuming to pass critical judgment upon them. w. c. m. introduction {p.07} relations of james lemen and thomas jefferson in the exclusion of slavery from illinois and the northwest territory in view of the approaching centennary of statehood in illinois, the name of james lemen takes on a timely interest because of his services--social, religious, and political--in the making of the commonwealth. he was a native of virginia, born and reared in the vicinity of harper's ferry. he served a two-years' enlistment in the revolutionary war under washington, and afterwards returned to his regiment during the siege of yorktown. his "yorktown notes" in his diary give some interesting glimpses of his participation in that campaign.[1] his scotch ancestors had served in a similar cause under cromwell, whose wedding gift to one of their number is still cherished as a family heirloom. upon leaving the army james lemen married catherine ogle, daughter of captain joseph ogle, whose name is perpetuated in that of ogle county, illinois. the ogles were of old english stock, some of whom at least were found on the side of cromwell and the commonwealth. catherine's family at one time lived on the south branch of the potomac, although at the time of her marriage her home was near wheeling. captain ogle's commission, signed by gov. patrick henry, is now a valued possession of one of mrs. lemen's descendants. james and catherine lemen were well fitted by nature and training for braving the hardships and brightening the privations of life on the frontier, far removed from home and friends, or even the abodes of their nearest white kinsmen. during, and even before the war, young lemen is reputed to have been the protégé of thomas jefferson, through whose influence he became a civil and religious leader in the pioneer period of illinois history. gov. reynolds, in his writings relating to this period,[2] gives various sketches of the man and his family, and his name occurs frequently in {p.08} the records of the times. he was among the first to follow col. clark's men to the illinois country, where he established the settlement of new design, one of the earliest american colonies in what was, previous to his arrival, the "illinois county" of the old dominion. here he served, first as a justice of the peace, and then as a judge of the court of the original county of st. clair, and thus acquired the title of "judge lemen."[3] here, too, he became the progenitor of the numerous illinois branch of the lemen family, whose genealogy and family history was recently published by messrs. frank and joseph b. lemen--a volume of some four hundred and fifty pages, and embracing some five hundred members of the family. true to his avowed purpose in coming to illinois, young lemen became a leader of anti-slavery sentiment in the new territory, and, undoubtedly, deserves to be called one of the fathers of the free state constitution, which was framed in 1818 and preserved in 1824. his homestead, the "old lemen fort" at new design, which is still the comfortable home of the present owner, is the birthplace of the baptist denomination in illinois; and he himself is commemorated as the recognized founder of that faith in this state, by a granite shaft in the family burial plot directly in front of the old home. this memorial was dedicated in 1909 by col. william jennings bryan, whose father, judge bryan, of salem, illinois, was the first to suggest it as a well-deserved honor. james lemen, sr., also became the father and leader of the noted "lemen family preachers," consisting of himself and six stalwart sons, all but one of whom were regularly ordained baptist ministers. the eldest son, robert, although never ordained, was quite as active and efficient in the cause as any of the family. this remarkable family eventually became the nucleus of a group of anti-slavery baptist churches in illinois which had a very important influence upon the issue of that question in the state. rev. james lemen, jr., who is said to have been the second american boy born in the illinois country, succeeded to his father's position of leadership in the anti-slavery movement of the times, and served as the representative of st. clair county in the territorial legislature, the constitutional convention, and the state senate. the younger james lemen was on terms of intimacy with abraham lincoln at springfield, and {p.09} his cousin, ward lamon, was lincoln's early associate in the law, and also his first biographer. various representatives of the family in later generations have attained success as farmers, physicians, teachers, ministers, and lawyers throughout southern illinois and other sections of the country.[4] the elder james lemen was himself an interesting character, and, entirely apart from his relations with jefferson, he is a significant factor in early illinois history. his fight for free versus slave labor in illinois and the northwest derives a peculiar interest, however, from its association with the great name of jefferson. the principles for which the latter stood--but not necessarily his policies--have a present-day interest for us greater than those of his contemporaries, because those principles are the "live issues" of our own times. jefferson is to that extent our contemporary, and hence his name lends a living interest to otherwise obscure persons and remote events. the problem of free labor versus slave labor we have with us still, and in a much more complex and widespread form than in jefferson's day. according to the current tradition, a warm personal friendship sprang up between jefferson and young lemen, who was seventeen years the junior of his distinguished patron and friend. in a letter to robert, brother of james lemen, attributed to jefferson, he writes: "among all my friends who are near, he is still a little nearer. i discovered his worth when he was but a child, and i freely confess that in some of my most important achievements his example, wish, and advice, though then but a very young man, largely influenced my action." in a sketch of the relations of the two men by dr. john m. peck we are told that "after jefferson became president of the united states, he retained all of his early affection for mr. lemen"; and upon the occasion of a visit of a mutual friend to the president, in 1808, "he inquired after him with all the fondness of a father."[5] their early relations in virginia, so far as we have any account of them, concerned their mutual anti-slavery interests. peck tells us that "mr. lemen was a born anti-slavery leader, and had proved himself such in virginia by inducing scores of masters to free their slaves through his prevailing kindness of manner and christian arguments." concerning {p.10} the cession of virginia's claims to the northwest territory, jefferson is thus quoted, from his letter to robert lemen: "before any one had even mentioned the matter, james lemen, by reason of his devotion to anti-slavery principles, suggested to me that we (virginia) make the transfer, and that slavery be excluded; and it so impressed and influenced me that whatever is due me as credit for my share in the matter, is largely, if not wholly, due to james lemen's advice and most righteous counsel."[5] before this transfer was effected, it appears that jefferson had entered into negotiations with his young protégé with a view to inducing him to locate in the "illinois country" as his agent, in order to co-operate with himself in the effort to exclude slavery from the entire northwest territory. mr. lemen makes record of an interview with jefferson under date of december 11, 1782, as follows: "thomas jefferson had me to visit him again a short time ago, as he wanted me to go to the illinois country in the northwest after a year or two, in order to try to lead and direct the new settlers in the best way, and also to oppose the introduction of slavery into that country at a later day, as i am known as an opponent of that evil; and he says he will give me some help. it is all because of his great kindness and affection for me, for which i am very grateful; but i have not yet fully decided to do so, but have agreed to consider the case." in may, 1784, they had another interview, on the eve of jefferson's departure on his prolonged mission to france. mr. lemen's memorandum reads: "i saw jefferson at annapolis, maryland, to-day, and had a very pleasant visit with him. i have consented to go to illinois on his mission, and he intends helping me some; but i did not ask nor wish it. we had a full agreement and understanding as to all terms and duties. the agreement is strictly private between us, but all his purposes are perfectly honorable and praiseworthy."[6] thus the mission was undertaken which proved to be his life-work. he had intended starting with his father-in-law, captain ogle, in 1785, but was detained by illness in his family. december 28, 1785, he records: "jefferson's confidential agent gave me one hundred dollars of his funds to use for my family, if need be, and if not, to go to good causes; and i will go to illinois on his mission next spring and take my wife and children." such {p.11} was the origin and nature of the so-called "jefferson-lemen secret anti-slavery compact," the available evidence concerning which will be given at the conclusion of this paper.[7] the anti-slavery propaganda of james lemen and his circle constituted a determining factor in the history of the first generation of illinois baptists. to what extent lemen co-operated with jefferson in his movements will appear as we proceed with the story of his efforts to make illinois a free state. the "old dominion" ceded her "county of illinois" to the national domain in 1784. jefferson's effort to provide for the exclusion of slavery from the new territory at that date proved abortive. consequently, when james lemen arrived at the old french village of kaskaskia in july, 1786, he found slavery legally entrenched in all the former french possessions in the "illinois country." it had been introduced by renault, in 1719, who brought 500 negroes from santo domingo (then a french possession) to work the mines which he expected to develop in this section of the french colonial empire.[8] it is a noteworthy fact that slavery was established on the soil of illinois just a century after its introduction on the shores of virginia. when the french possessions were taken over by great britain at the close of the colonial struggle in 1763, that country guaranteed the french inhabitants the possession of all their property, including slaves. when col. clark, of virginia, took possession of this region in 1778, the state likewise guaranteed the inhabitants the full enjoyment of all their property rights. by the terms of the virginia cession of 1784 to the national government, all the rights and privileges of the former citizens of virginia were assured to them in the ceded district. thus, at the time of lemen's arrival, slavery had been sanctioned on the illinois prairies for sixty-seven years. one year from the date of his arrival, however, the territorial ordinance of 1787 was passed, with the prohibition of slavery, as originally proposed by jefferson in 1784.[9] thus it would seem that the desired object had already been attained. by the terms of the famous "sixth article of compact," contained in that ordinance, it was declared that "there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the accused shall have been duly convicted." this looks like a sweeping and final disposition of {p.12} the matter, but it was not accepted as such until the lapse of another fifty-seven years. but neither jefferson nor his agents on the ground had anticipated so easy a victory. indeed, they had foreseen that a determined effort would be made by the friends of slavery to legalize that institution in the territory. almost at once, in fact, the conflict commenced, which was to continue actively for thirty-seven years. like the nation itself, the illinois country was to be for a large part of its history "half slave and half free"--both in sentiment and in practice. two attempts against the integrity of the "sixth article" were made during gov. st. clair's administration. the trouble began with the appeals of the french slave-holders against the loss of their slaves.[10] as civil administration under the territorial government was not established among the illinois settlements until 1790, both the old french inhabitants and the new american colonists suffered all manner of disabilities and distresses in the interval between 1784 and 1790, while just across the mississippi there was a settled and prosperous community under the spanish government of louisiana. when, therefore, the french masters appealed to gen. st. clair, in 1787, to protect them against the loss of the principal part of their wealth, represented by their slaves, he had to face the alternative of the loss of these substantial citizens by migration with their slaves to the spanish side of the river. and, in order to pacify these petitioners, st. clair gave it as his opinion that the prohibition of slavery in the ordinance was not retroactive, and hence did not affect the rights of the french masters in their previously acquired slave property. as this view accorded with the "compact" contained in the virginia deed of cession, it was sanctioned by the old congress, and was later upheld by the new federal government; and this construction of the ordinance of 1787 continued to prevail in illinois until 1845, when the state supreme court decreed that the prohibition was absolute, and that, consequently, slavery in any form had never had any legal sanction in illinois since 1787.[11] it does not appear that mr. lemen took any active measures against this construction of the anti-slavery ordinance at the time. he was, indeed, himself a petitioner, with other american settlers on the "congress lands" in illinois, for the recognition of their claims, which were menaced {p.13} by the general prohibition of settlement then in effect.[12] conditions in every respect were so insecure prior to the organization of st. clair county in 1790, that it was hardly to be expected that any vigorous measure could be taken against previously existing slavery in the colony, especially as the americans were then living in station forts for protection against the hostile indians. moreover, jefferson was not in the country in 1787, and hence there was no opportunity for co-operation with him at this time. mr. lemen was, however, improving the opportunity "to try to lead and direct the new settlers in the best way"; for we find him, although not as yet himself a "professor" of religion, engaged in promoting the religious observance of the sabbath on the part of the "godfearing" element in the station fort where, with his father-in-law, he resided (fort piggott). in 1789 jefferson returned from france to become secretary of state in president washington's cabinet, under the new federal government. he had not forgotten his friend lemen, as dr. peck assures us that "he lost no time in sending him a message of love and confidence by a friend who was then coming to the west." st. clair's construction of the prohibition of slavery unfortunately served to weaken even its preventive force and emboldened the pro-slavery advocates to seek persistently for the repeal, or, at least, the "suspension" of the obnoxious sixth article. a second effort was made under his administration in 1796, when a memorial, headed by gen. john edgar, was sent to congress praying for the suspension of the article. the committee of reference, of which the hon. joshua coit of connecticut was chairman, reported adversely upon this memorial, may 12, 1796.[13] it is not possible to state positively lemen's influence, if any, in the defeat of this appeal of the leading citizens of the old french villages. but, as it was in this same year that the first protestant church in the bounds of illinois was organized in his house, and, as we are informed that he endeavored to persuade the constituent members of the new design church to oppose slavery, we may suppose that he was already taking an active part in opposition to the further encroachments of slavery, especially in his own community. the effort to remove the prohibition was renewed under gov. wm. henry harrison, during the connection of the illinois {p.14} settlements with the indiana territory, from 1800 to 1809. five separate attempts were made during these years, which coincide with the term of president jefferson, who had removed st. clair to make room for gen. harrison. harrison, however, yielded to the pressure of the pro-slavery element in the territory to use his power and influence for their side of the question. although their proposals were thrice favorably reported from committee, the question never came to a vote in congress. the first attempt during the indiana period was that of a pro-slavery convention, called at the instigation of the illinois contingent, which met at vincennes, in 1803, under the chairmanship of gov. harrison. their memorial to congress, requesting merely a temporary suspension of the prohibition, was adversely reported from committee in view of the evident prosperity of ohio under the same restriction, and because "the committee deem it highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a provision wisely calculated to promote the happiness and prosperity of the northwestern country, and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier." referring to this attempt of "the extreme southern slave advocates ... for the introduction of slavery," mr. lemen writes, under date of may 3, 1803, that "steps must soon be taken to prevent that curse from being fastened on our people." the same memorial was again introduced in congress in february, 1804, with the provisos of a ten-year limit to the suspension and the introduction of native born slaves only, which, of course, would mean those of the border-state breeders. even this modified proposal, although approved in committee, failed to move congress to action. harrison and his supporters continued nevertheless to press the matter, and he even urged judge lemen, in a personal interview, to lend his influence to the movement for the introduction of slavery. to this suggestion lemen replied that "the evil attempt would encounter his most active opposition, in every possible and honorable manner that his mind could suggest or his means accomplish."[14] it was about this time that the governor and judges took matters in their own hands and introduced a form of indentured service, which, although technically within the prohibition of _involuntary_ servitude, amounted practically to actual slavery. soon after, in order to give this institution a more secure legal sanction, by legislative enactment, the {p.15} second grade of territorial government was hastily and high-handedly forced upon the people for this purpose. it was probably in view of these measures that mr. lemen recorded his belief that president jefferson "will find means to overreach the evil attempts of the pro-slavery party." early in the year 1806 the vincennes memorial was introduced into congress for the third time and again favorably reported from committee, but to no avail. it was about this time, as we learn from his diary, that mr. lemen "sent a messenger to indiana to ask the churches and people there to get up and sign a counter petition, to uphold freedom in the territory," circulating a similar petition in illinois himself.[15] a fourth attempt to bring the proposal before congress was made in january, 1807, in a formal communication from the governor and territorial legislature. the proposal was a third time favorably reported by the committee of reference, but still without action by the house. finally, in november of the same year, president jefferson transmitted to congress similar communications from the indiana government. this time the committee reported that "the citizens of clark county [in which was located the first baptist church organized in indiana], in their remonstrance, express their sense of the impropriety of the measure"; and that they also requested congress not to act upon the subject until the people had an opportunity to formulate a state constitution[16]. commenting upon the whole proceedings, dr. peck quotes gov. harrison to the effect that, though he and lemen were firm friends, the latter "had set his iron will against slavery, and indirectly made his influence felt so strongly at washington and before congress, that all the efforts to suspend the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787 failed."[17] peck adds that president jefferson "quietly directed his leading confidential friends in congress steadily to defeat gen. harrison's petitions for the repeal."[17] it was about this time, september 10, 1807, that president jefferson thus expressed his estimate of james lemen's services, in his letter to robert lemen: "his record in the new country has fully justified my course in inducing him to settle there with the view of properly shaping events in the best interest of the people."[18] it was during this period of the indiana agitation for the introduction of slavery, {p.16} as we learn from an entry in his diary dated september 10, 1806, that mr. lemen received a call from an agent of aaron burr to solicit his aid and sympathy in burr's scheme for a southwestern empire, with illinois as a province, and an offer to make him governor. "but i denounced the conspiracy as high treason," he says, "and gave him a few hours to leave the territory on pain of arrest."[19] it should be noted that at this date he was not himself a magistrate, which, perhaps, accounts for his apparent leniency towards what he regarded as a treasonable proposal. the year 1809, the date of the separation of illinois from the indiana territory, marks a crisis in the lemen anti-slavery campaign in illinois.[20] the agitation under the indiana government for the further recognition of slavery in the territory was mainly instigated by the illinois slave-holders and their sympathizers among the american settlers from the slave states. the people of indiana proper, except those of the old french inhabitants of vincennes, who were possessed of slaves, were either indifferent or hostile towards slavery. its partisans in the illinois counties of the territory, in the hope of promoting their object thereby, now sought division of the indiana territory and the erection of a separate government for illinois at kaskaskia. this movement aroused a bitter political struggle in the illinois settlements, one result of which was the murder of young rice jones in the streets of kaskaskia. the division was advocated on the ground of convenience and opposed on the score of expense. the divisionists, however, seem to have been animated mainly by the desire to secure the introduction of slavery as soon as statehood could be attained for their section. the division was achieved in 1809, and with it the prompt adoption of the system of indentured service already in vogue under the indiana government. and from that time forth the fight was on between the free-state and slave-state parties in the new territory. throughout the independent territorial history of illinois, slavery was sanctioned partly by law and still further by custom. gov. ninian edwards, whose religious affiliations were with the baptists, not only sanctioned slavery, but, as is well known, was himself the owner of slaves during the territorial period. it was in view of this evident determination to make of illinois territory a slave state, that james lemen, with jefferson's approval, took the radical step of organizing a {p.17} distinctively anti-slavery church as a means of promoting the free-state cause.[21] from the first, indeed, he had sought to promote the cause of temperance and of anti-slavery in and through the church. he tells us in his diary, in fact, that he "hoped to employ the churches as a means of opposition to the institution of slavery."[21] he was reared in the presbyterian faith, his stepfather being a minister of that persuasion; but at twenty years of age he embraced baptist principles, apparently under the influence of a baptist minister in virginia, whose practice it was to bar from membership all who upheld the institution of slavery. he thus identified himself with the struggles for civil, religious, and industrial liberty, all of which were then actively going on in his own state. the name of "new design," which became attached to the settlement which he established on the upland prairies beyond the bluffs of the "american bottom," is said to have originated from a quaint remark of his that he "had a 'new design' to locate a settlement south of bellefontaine" near the present town of waterloo.[22] the name "new design," however, became significant of his anti-slavery mission; and when, after ten years of pioneer struggles, he organized the baptist church of christ at new design, in 1796, he soon afterwards induced that body--the first protestant church in the bounds of the present state--to adopt what were known as "tarrant's rules against slavery." the author of these rules, the rev. james tarrant, of virginia, later of kentucky, one of the "emancipating preachers," eventually organized the fraternity of anti-slavery baptist churches in kentucky, who called themselves "friends to humanity." from 1796 to 1809 judge lemen was active in the promotion of baptist churches and a baptist association. he labored to induce all these organizations to adopt his anti-slavery principles, and in this he was largely successful; but, with the increase of immigrant baptists from the slave states, it became increasingly difficult to maintain these principles in their integrity. and when, in the course of the campaign for the division of the territory in 1808, it became apparent that the lines between the free-state and the slave-state forces were being decisively drawn, lemen prepared to take a more radical stand in the struggle. with this design in view he asked and obtained the formal sanction of {p.18} his church as a licensed preacher. in the course of the same year, 1808, he is said to have received a confidential message from jefferson "suggesting a division of the churches on the question of slavery, and the organization of a church on a strictly anti-slavery basis, for the purpose of heading a movement to make illinois a free state."[21] according to another, and more probable, version of this story, when jefferson learned, through a mutual friend (mr. s. h. biggs), of lemen's determination to force the issue in the church to the point of division, if necessary, he sent him a message of approval of his proposed course and accompanied it with a contribution of $20 for the contemplated anti-slavery church. the division of the territory was effected early in the year 1809, and in the summer of that year, after vainly trying to hold all the churches to their avowed anti-slavery principles, elder lemen, in a sermon at richland creek baptist church, threw down the gauntlet to his pro-slavery brethren and declared that he could no longer maintain church fellowship with them. his action caused a division in the church, which was carried into the association at its ensuing meeting, in october, 1809, and resulted in the disruption of that body into three parties on the slavery question--the conservatives, the liberals, and the radicals. the latter element, headed by "the lemen party," as it now came to be called, held to the principles of the friends to humanity, and proposed to organize a branch of that order of baptists. when it came to the test, however, the new church was reduced to a constituent membership consisting of some seven or eight members of the lemen family. such was the beginning of what is now the oldest surviving baptist church in the state, which then took the name of "the baptized church of christ, friends to humanity, on cantine (quentin) creek." it is located in the neighborhood of the old cahokia mound. its building, when it came to have one, was called "bethel meeting house," and in time the church itself became known as "bethel baptist church." the distinctive basis of this church is proclaimed in its simple constitution, to which every member was required to subscribe: "denying union and communion with all persons holding the doctrine of perpetual, involuntary, hereditary slavery." this church began its career as "a family church," in the literal sense of the word; but it prospered nevertheless, {p.19} until it became a numerically strong and vigorous organization which has had an active and honorable career of a hundred years' duration. churches of the same name and principles multiplied and maintained their uncompromising but discriminating opposition to slavery so long as slavery remained a local issue; after which time they were gradually absorbed into the general body of ordinary baptist churches. during the period of the illinois territory, 1809 to 1818, elder lemen kept up a most energetic campaign of opposition to slavery, by preaching and rigorous church discipline in the application of the rules against slavery. he himself was regularly ordained soon after the organization of his anti-slavery church. his sons, james and joseph, and his brother-in-law, benjamin ogle, were equally active in the ministry during this period, and, before its close, they had two churches firmly established in illinois, with others of the same order in missouri. "the church, properly speaking, never entered politics," dr. peck informs us, "but presently, when it became strong, the members all formed what they called the 'illinois anti-slavery league,' and it was this body that conducted the anti-slavery contest."[23] the contest culminated in the campaign for statehood in 1818. at the beginning of that year the territorial legislature petitioned congress for an enabling act, which was presented by the illinois delegate, hon. nathaniel pope. as chairman of the committee to which this petition was referred, he drew up a bill for such an act early in the year. in the course of its progress through the house, he presented an amendment to his own bill, which provided for the extension of the northern boundary of the new state. according to the provisions of the ordinance of 1787, the line would have been drawn through the southern border of lake michigan. pope's amendment proposed to extend it so as to include some sixty miles of frontage on lake michigan, thereby adding fourteen counties, naturally tributary to the lake region, to counterbalance the southern portion of the state, which was connected by the river system with the southern slave states. gov. thomas ford states explicitly that pope made this change "upon his own responsibility, ... no one at that time having suggested or requested it." this statement is directly contradicted in {p.20} dr. peck's sketch of james lemen, sr., written in 1857. he therein states that this extension was first suggested by judge lemen, who had a government surveyor make a plat of the proposed extension, with the advantages to the anti-slavery cause to be gained thereby noted on the document, which he gave to pope with the request to have it embodied in the enabling act.[24] this statement was repeated and amplified by mr. joseph b. lemen in an article in _the chicago tribune_.[25] it is a well-known fact that the vote of these fourteen northern counties secured the state to the anti-slavery party in 1856; but as this section of the state was not settled until long after its admission into the union, the measure, whatever its origin, had no effect upon the constitutional convention. however, john messinger, of new design, who surveyed the military tract and, later, also the northern boundary line, may very well have made such a plat, either on his own motion or at the suggestion of the zealous anti-slavery leader, with whom he was well acquainted. as messinger was later associated with peck in the rock spring seminary, and in the publication of a sectional map of illinois, it would seem that peck was in a position to know the facts as well as ford. in the campaign for the election of delegates to the constitutional convention, slavery was the only question seriously agitated. the lemen churches and their sympathizers were so well organized and so determined in purpose that they made a very energetic and effective campaign for delegates. their organization for political purposes, as peck informs us, "always kept one of its members and several of its friends in the territorial legislature; and five years before the constitutional election in 1818, it had fifty resident agents--men of like sympathies--quietly at work in the several settlements; and the masterly manner in which they did their duty was shown by a poll which they made of the voters some few weeks before the election, which, on their side, varied only a few votes from the official count after the election."[23] it is difficult to determine from the meager records of the proceedings, even including the journal of the convention recently published, just what the complexion of the body was on the slavery question. mr. w. kitchell, a descendant of one of the delegates, states that there were twelve delegates that favored the recognition of slavery by a {p.21} specific article in the constitution, and twenty-one that opposed such action. gov. coles, who was present as a visitor and learned the sentiments of the prominent members, says that many, but not a majority of the convention, were in favor of making illinois a slave state.[26] during the session of the convention an address to the friends of freedom was published by a company of thirteen leading men, including james lemen, sr., to the effect that a determined effort was to be made in the convention to give sanction to slavery, and urging concerted action "to defeat the plans of those who wish either a temporary or an unlimited slavery."[27] a majority of the signers of this address were lemen's baptist friends, and its phraseology points to him as its author. james lemen, jr., was a delegate from st. clair county and a member of the committee which drafted the constitution. in the original draft of that instrument, slavery was prohibited in the identical terms of the ordinance of 1787, as we learn from the recently published journal of the convention. in the final draft this was changed to read: "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall hereafter be introduced," and the existing system of indentured service was also incorporated. these changes were the result of compromise, and lemen consistently voted against them. he was nevertheless one of the committee of three appointed to revise and engross the completed instrument. the result was a substantial victory for the free-state party; and had the convention actually overridden the prohibition contained in the original territorial ordinance, as it was then interpreted, it is evident, from the tone of the address to the friends of freedom, that the lemen circle would have made a determined effort to defeat the measure in congress.[27] dr. peck, who, like gov. coles, was a visitor to the convention, and who had every opportunity to know all the facts, in summing up the evidence in regard to the matter, declares it to be "conclusive that mr. lemen created and organized the forces which confirmed illinois, if not the northwest territory, to freedom." speaking of the current impression that the question of slavery was not much agitated in illinois prior to the constitutional convention, gov. coles says: "on the contrary, at a very early period of the settlement of illinois, the question was warmly agitated by zealous {p.22} advocates and opponents of slavery," and that, although during the period of the independent illinois territory the agitation was lulled, it was not extinguished, "as was seen [from] its mingling itself so actively both in the election and the conduct of the members of the convention, in 1818."[26] senator douglas, in a letter to james lemen, jr., is credited with full knowledge of the "jefferson-lemen anti-slavery compact" and a high estimate of its significance in the history of the slavery contest in illinois and the northwest territory. "this matter assumes a phase of personal interest with me," he says, "and i find myself, politically, in the good company of jefferson and your father. with them everything turned on whether the people of the territory wanted slavery or not, ... and that appears to me to be the correct doctrine."[28] lincoln, too, in a letter to the younger james lemen, is quoted as having a personal knowledge of the facts and great respect for the senior lemen in the conflict for a free state in illinois. "both your father and lovejoy," he remarks, "were pioneer leaders in the cause of freedom, and it has always been difficult for me to see why your father, who was a resolute, uncompromising, and aggressive leader, who boldly proclaimed his purpose to make both the territory and the state free, never aroused nor encountered any of that mob violence which, both in st. louis and in alton, confronted and pursued lovejoy."[29] of the latter he says: "his letters, among your old family notes, were of more interest to me than even those of thomas jefferson to your father." jefferson's connection with lemen's anti-slavery mission in illinois was never made public, apparently, until the facts were published by mr. joseph b. lemen, of the third generation, in the later years of his life, in connection with the centennary anniversaries of the events involved. however, the "compact" was a matter of family tradition, based upon a collection of letters and notes handed down from father to son. jefferson's reasons for keeping the matter secret, as dr. peck explains, were, first, to prevent giving the impression that he was seeking his own interests in the territories, and, second, to avoid arousing the opposition of his southern friends who desired the extension of slavery. lemen, on the other hand, did not wish to have it thought that his actions were controlled by political considerations, or subject {p.23} to the will of another. moreover, when he learned that jefferson was regarded as "an unbeliever," he is said to have wept bitterly lest it should be thought that, in his work for the church and humanity, he had been influenced by an "infidel"; and, sometime before his death, he exacted a promise of his sons and the few friends who were acquainted with the nature of his compact with jefferson that they would not make it known while he lived.[30] under the influence of this feeling on the part of their father, the family kept the facts to themselves and a few confidential friends until after the lapse of a century, when the time came to commemorate the achievements of their ancestor. how much of the current tradition is fact and how much fiction is hard to determine, as so little of the original documentary material is now available. the collection of materials herewith presented consists of what purport to be authentic copies of the original documents in question. they are put in this form in the belief that their significance warrants it, and in the hope that their publication may elicit further light on the subject. these materials consist of three sorts, viz.; a transcript of the diary of james lemen, sr., a manuscript history of the confidential relations of lemen and jefferson, prepared by rev. john m. peck, and a series of letters from various public men to rev. james lemen, jr. the diary and manuscript "history" were located by the compiler of this collection among the papers of the late dr. edward b. lemen, of alton, illinois. these documents are now in the possession of his son-in-law, mr. wykoff, who keeps them in his bank vault. the collection of letters was published at various times by mr. joseph b. lemen, of collinsville, illinois, in _the belleville advocate_, of belleville, illinois. the diary is a transcript of the original, attested by rev. james lemen, jr. the "history" is a brief sketch, in two chapters, prepared from the original documents by dr. peck while he was pastor of the bethel church, in june, 1851, and written at his dictation by the hand of an assistant, as the document itself expressly states. mr. joseph lemen, who is responsible for the letters, is the son of rev. james lemen, jr., and one of the editors of the lemen family history. the editor of _the belleville advocate_ states that mr. lemen has contributed to various metropolitan newspapers in the political campaigns of his party, from those of lincoln to those of mckinley.[31] he also {p.24} contributed extended sketches of the baptist churches of st. clair county for one of the early histories of that county. he took an active part in promoting the movement to commemorate his grandfather, james lemen, sr., in connection with the centennary anniversaries of the churches founded at new design and quentin creek (bethel). the originals of these materials are said to have composed part of a collection of letters and documents known as the "lemen family notes," which has aroused considerable interest and inquiry among historians throughout the country. the history of this collection is somewhat uncertain. it was begun by james lemen, sr., whose diary, containing his "yorktown notes" and other memoranda, is perhaps its most interesting survival. while residing in the station fort on the mississippi bottom during the indian troubles of his early years in the illinois country, he made a rude walnut chest in which to keep his books and papers. this chest, which long continued to be used as the depository of the family papers, is still preserved, in the illinois baptist historical collection, at the carnegie library, alton, illinois. it is said that abraham lincoln once borrowed it from rev. james lemen, jr., for the sake of its historical associations, and used it for a week as a receptacle for his own papers. upon the death of the elder lemen the family notes and papers passed to james, jr., who added to it many letters from public men of his wide circle of acquaintance. as the older portions of the collection were being worn and lost, by loaning them to relatives and friends, copies were made of all the more important documents, and the remaining originals were then placed in the hands of dr. j. m. peck, who was at the time pastor of the bethel church, to be deposited in the private safe of a friend of his in st. louis. as the slavery question was then (1851) at white heat, it is not surprising that dr. peck advised the family to carefully preserve all the facts and documents relating to their father's anti-slavery efforts "until some future time," lest their premature publication should disturb the peace of his church. as late as 1857 he writes of "that dangerous element in many of the old letters bearing on the anti-slavery contest of 1818," and adds, "with some of those interested in that contest, in fifty years from this time, the publication of these letters would create trouble between the descendants of many of our old pioneer families."[6] a {p.25} man by the name of j. m. smith is suggested by dr. peck as the custodian of the originals. when this gentleman died, the documents in his care are supposed to have been either lost or appropriated by parties unknown to the lemen family. mr. joseph b. lemen relates that a certain party at one time represented to the family that he had located the papers and offered, for a suitable consideration, to recover them. this proved to be merely a scheme to obtain money under false pretenses.[6] various other accounts are current of the disposition of the original papers; but as yet none of them have been located. the transcripts of the collection, made by james lemen, jr., came into the hands of his son, joseph bowler lemen, who is responsible for the publication of various portions of the story, including some of the letters entire. even these copies, however, are not accessible at the present time, except that of the lemen diary, as located by the present writer. joseph lemen's account of the fate of the elusive documents is given in full at the end of this publication. he there states that every paper of any value was copied and preserved, but even these copies were dissipated to a large extent. he also claims that all the facts contained in these documents have been published in one form or another, "except a very few, including rev. james lemen's interviews with lincoln, as written up by mr. lemen on ten pages of legal cap paper." this joseph b. lemen is now far advanced in years, has long been a recluse, and has the reputation of being "peculiar." in a personal interview with him, the present writer could elicit no further facts regarding the whereabouts of the "lemen family notes." nevertheless, the discovery of the copy of the lemen diary and the manuscript of dr. peck's "history" gives encouragement to hope for further discoveries, which should be reported to the chicago historical society. documents {p.26} i. diary of rev. james lemen, sr. ridge prairie, ill. june 4, 1867. the within notes are a true copy of the notes kept by the rev. james lemen, sr., when in the siege at yorktown. the original notes were fading out. by his son, rev. james lemen, jr. * * * * * near yorktown, va. sep. 26, 1781. my enlistment of two years expired some time ago, but i joined my regiment to-day and will serve in this siege. quarters, near yorktown, sept. 27, 1781. i was on one of the french ships to-day with my captain. there is a great fleet of them to help us, it is said, if we fight soon. sept. 30, 1781, near yorktown. our regiment has orders to move forward this morning, and the main army is moving. near yorktown. oct. 3, 1781. i was detailed with four other soldiers to return an insane british soldier who had come into our lines, as we don't want such prisoners. near yorktown. oct. 4, 1781. i carried a message from my colonel to gen. washington to-day. he recognized me and talked very kindly and said the war would soon be over, he thought. i knew washington before the war commenced. near {p.27} yorktown. oct. 4, 1781. i saw washington and la fayette looking at a french soldier and an american soldier wrestling, and the american threw the frenchman so hard he limped off, and la fayette said that was the way washington must do to cornwallis. near yorktown. oct. 5, 1781. brother robert is sick to-day, but was on duty. there was considerable firing to-day. there will be a great fight soon. near yorktown. oct. 15, 1781. i was in the assault which la fayette led yesterday evening against the british redoubt, which we captured. our loss was nine killed and thirty-four wounded. near yorktown. oct. 15, 1781. firing was very heavy along our lines on oct. 9th and 10th. and with great effect, but this redoubt and another was in our way and we americans under la fayette captured one easily, but the french soldiers who captured the other suffered heavily. they were also led by a frenchman. yorktown. oct. 19, 1781. our victory is great and complete. i saw the surrender to-day. our officers think this will probably end the war. * * * * * ridge prairie, ill. june 4, 1867. i have examined the within notes and find them to be correct copies of notes kept by rev. james lemen, sr., which were fading out. he originally kept his confidential notes, as to his agreement with thomas jefferson, in a private book, but as this is intended for publication at some future time, they are all copied together. by his son, rev. james lemen, jr. harper's ferry, va. dec. 11, 1782. [5]thomas jefferson had me to visit him again a short time ago, as he wanted me to go to the illinois country in the north west, after a year or two, in order to try to lead and {p.28} direct the new settlers in the best way and also to oppose the introduction of slavery in that country at a later day, as i am known as an opponent of that evil, and he says he will give me some help. it is all because of his great kindness and affection for me, for which i am very grateful, but i have not yet fully decided to do so, but have agreed to consider the case. dec. 20, 1782. during the war, i served a two years' enlistment under washington. i do not believe in war except to defend one's country and home and in this case i was willing to serve as faithfully as i could. after my enlistment expired i served again in the army in my regiment under washington, during the siege of yorktown, but did not again enlist, as the officers thought the war would soon end. may 2, 1784. [6]i saw jefferson at annapolis, maryland, to-day and had a very pleasant visit with him. i have consented to go to illinois on his mission and he intends helping me some, but i did not ask nor wish it. we had a full agreement and understanding as to all terms and duties. the agreement is strictly private between us, but all his purposes are perfectly honorable and praiseworthy. dec. 28, 1785. jefferson's confidential agent gave me one hundred dollars of his funds to use for my family, if need be, and if not to go to good causes, and i will go to illinois on his mission next spring and take my wife and children. sept. 4, 1786. in the past summer, with my wife and children i arrived at kaskaskia, illinois, and we are now living in the bottom settlement. on the ohio river my boat partly turned over and we lost a part of our goods and our son robert came near drowning. may 10, 1787. i am very well impressed with this new country, but we are still living in the bottom, as the indians are unsafe. we prefer living on the high lands and we shall get us a place there soon. people are coming into this new country in increasing numbers. new {p.29} design, ill. feb. 26, 1794. my wife and i were baptized with several others to-day in fountain creek by rev. josiah dodge. the ice had to be cut and removed first. new design, may 28, 1796. yesterday and to-day, my neighbors at my invitation, gathered at my home and were constituted into a baptist church, by rev. david badgley and joseph chance. new design, jan. 4, 1797. we settled here some time ago and are well pleased with our place. it is more healthy than the bottom country. a fine sugar grove is near us and a large lake with fine fish, and soil good, but the indians are not yet to be trusted. we have been here now a number of years and have quite a farm in cultivation and fairly good improvements. new design, jan. 6, 1798. i have just returned with six of my neighbors from a hunt and land inspection upon what is called richland country and creek. we had made our camp near that creek before. on the first sunday morning in december held religious services and on monday went out to see the land. we found fine prairie lands some miles north, south and east and some timber lands along the water streams mostly. game is plentiful and we killed several deer and turkeys. it is a fine country. new design, may 3, 1803. as thomas jefferson predicted they would do, the extreme southern slave advocates are making their influence felt in the new territory for the introduction of slavery and they are pressing gov. william henry harrison to use his power and influence for that end. steps must soon be taken to prevent that curse from being fastened on our people. new design, may 4, 1805. at our last meeting, as i expected he would do, gov. harrison asked and insisted that i should cast my influence for the introduction of slavery here, but i not only denied the request, but i informed him that the evil attempt would encounter my most active opposition in every possible and honorable manner that my mind could suggest or my means accomplish. new {p.30} design, may 10, 1805. knowing president jefferson's hostility against the introduction of slavery here and the mission he sent me on to oppose it, i do not believe the pro-slavery petitions with which gov. harrison and his council are pressing congress for slavery here can prevail while he is president, as he is very popular with congress and will find means to overreach the evil attempt of the pro-slavery power. jan. 20th 1806. [15]as gov. william henry harrison and his legislative council have had their petitions before congress at several sessions asking for slavery here, i sent a messenger to indiana to ask the churches and people there to get up and sign a counter petition to congress to uphold freedom in the territory and i have circulated one here and we will send it on to that body at next session or as soon as the work is done. new design. sept. 10, 1806. [19]a confidential agent of aaron burr called yesterday to ask my aid and sympathy in burr's scheme for a southwestern empire with illinois as a province and an offer to make me governor. but i denounced the conspiracy as high treason and gave him a few hours to leave the territory on pain of arrest. new design. jan 10, 1809 [1810]. [20]i received jefferson's confidential message on oct. 10, 1808, suggesting a division of the churches on the question of slavery and the organization of a church on a strictly anti-slavery basis, for the purpose of heading a movement to finally make illinois a free state, and after first trying in vain for some months to bring all the churches over to such a basis, i acted on jefferson's plan and dec. 10, 1809, the anti-slavery element formed a baptist church at cantine creek, on an anti-slavery basis. new design. mar. 3, 1819. i was reared in the presbyterian faith, but at 20 years of age i embraced baptist principles and after settlement in illinois i was baptized into that faith and finally became a minister of the gospel of that church, but some years before i was licensed to preach, i was active in collecting and inducing {p.31} communities to organize churches, as i thought that the most certain plan to control and improve the new settlements, and i also hoped to employ the churches as a means of opposition to the institution of slavery, but this only became possible when we organized a leading church on a strictly anti-slavery basis, an event which finally was marked with great success, as jefferson suggested it would be. new design. jan 10, 1820. my six sons all are naturally industrious and they all enjoy the sports. robert and josiah excel in fishing, moses in hunting, william in boating and swimming and james and joseph in running and jumping. either one of them can jump over a line held at his own height, a little over six feet. new design. jan. 12, 1820. a full account of my indian fights will be found among my papers. new design. dec. 10, 1820. looking back at this time, 1820, to 1809, when we organized the canteen creek baptist church on a strictly anti-slavery basis as jefferson had suggested as a [center] from which the anti-slavery movement to finally save the state to freedom could be directed, it is now clear that the move was a wise one as there is no doubt but that it more than anything else was what made illinois a free state. new design, ill. jan. 4, 1821. among my papers my family will find a full and connected statement as to all the churches i have caused to be formed since my settlement in illinois. * * * * * there were many of our family notes which were faded out and rev. j. m. peck retained some when he made father's history and many were misplaced by other friends, but we have had all copied [that] are now in our possession which are of interest. rev. james lemen, jr., (son of rev. james lemen, sr.). ridge prairie, ill. june 4, 1867. my father's account of his indian fights and statement of all the churches he caused to be founded in illinois, above mentioned, {p.32} were loaned to rev. john m. peck a short time before his death and have not been returned, but the information contained has already been published except a few confidential facts as to his relations with jefferson in the formation of the canteen creek baptist ch., now the bethel baptist church. rev. james lemen, jr. (son of james lemen, sr.) ii. peck's history of the jefferson-lemen compact rock spring, ill., june 4, 1851. the history of the confidential relation of rev. james lemen, senior, and thomas jefferson, and lemen's mission under him, which i have prepared for his son, rev. james lemen, junior, at his request from the family notes and diaries. j. m. peck, per a. m. w. chapter i. the leading purpose of thomas jefferson in selecting james lemen, of virginia, afterwards james lemen, senior, to go to illinois as his agent, was no doubt prompted by his great affection for mr. lemen and his impression that a young man of such aptitude as a natural leader would soon impress himself on the community, and as the advantages in the territory were soon to be great, jefferson was desirous to send him out, and with the help of a few friends he provided a small fund to give him, and also his friend who was going to indiana on a like mission, to be used by their families if need be, and if not to go to good causes. there was also another motive with jefferson; he looked forward to a great pro-slavery contest to finally try to make illinois and indiana slave states, and as mr. lemen was a natural born anti-slavery leader and had proved himself such in virginia by inducing scores of masters to free their slaves through his prevailing kindness of manner and christian arguments, he was just jefferson's ideal of a man who could safely be trusted with his anti-slavery mission in illinois, and this was an important factor in his appointment. the last meeting between mr. lemen and jefferson was at annapolis, maryland, on may 2, 1784, a short time before he {p.33} sailed as envoy to france, and all the terms between them were fully agreed upon, and on dec. 28, 1785, jefferson's confidential agent gave mr. lemen one hundred dollars of his funds, and in the summer of 1786 with his wife and children he removed and settled in illinois, at new design, in what is now monroe county. a few years after his settlement in illinois mr. lemen was baptized into the baptist church, and he finally became a minister of the people of that faith. he eventually became a great organizer of churches and by that fact, reinforced by his other wonderful traits as a natural leader, he fully realized jefferson's fondest dreams and became a noted leader. in 1789 jefferson returned from his mission to france and his first thought was of mr. lemen, his friend in illinois, and he lost no time in sending him a message of love and confidence by a friend who was then coming to the west. [5]after jefferson became president of the united states he retained all of his early affection for mr. lemen, and when s. h. biggs, a resident of illinois, who was in virginia on business and who was a warm friend of both jefferson and mr. lemen, called on him in 1808, when president, he inquired after him with all the fondness of a father, and when told of mr. lemen's purpose to soon organize a new church on a strictly anti-slavery basis jefferson sent him a message to proceed at once to form the new church and he sent it a twenty-dollar contribution. acting on jefferson's suggestion, mr. lemen promptly took the preliminary steps for the final formation of the new church and when constituted it was called the baptist church of canteen creek and jefferson's contribution, with other funds, were given to it. this church is now called the bethel baptist church, and it has a very interesting history. but in view of the facts and circumstances the church might properly have been called the "thomas jefferson church," and what volumes these facts speak for the beneficent and marvelous influence which mr. lemen had over jefferson, who was a reputed unbeliever. the great love he had for james lemen not only induced him to tolerate his churches but he became an active adviser for their multiplication. [30]the original agreement between jefferson and mr. lemen was strictly confidential; on the part of jefferson, because, had it been known, his opponents would have said {p.34} he sent paid emissaries to illinois and indiana to shape matters to his own interests, and the extreme south might have opposed his future preferment, if it were known that he had made an anti-slavery pact with his territorial agents; and it was secret on the part of mr. lemen because he never wished jefferson to give him any help and his singularly independent nature made him feel that he would enjoy a greater liberty of action, or feeling at least, if it were never known that his plans and purposes to some extent were dictated and controlled by another, not even by his great and good friend jefferson; so the agreement between them was strictly private. [30]and there was another circumstance which finally determined mr. lemen to always preserve the secrecy, and that was that some of mr. jefferson's opponents shortly before mr. lemen's death informed him that he had become an absolute unbeliever, and this so impressed his mind that he wept bitterly for fear, if the fact should ever be known that he had an agreement with jefferson, that they would say that he was in alliance with an unbeliever in the great life work he had performed, and he exacted a promise from his sons, his brother-in-law, rev. benjamin ogle, and mr. biggs, the only persons who then knew of the agreement, that they would never divulge it during his lifetime, a pledge they all religiously kept, and in later years they told no one but the writer and a few other trusted friends who have not, and never will, betray them. but the writer advised them to carefully preserve all the facts and histories we are now writing and to tell some of their families and let them publish them at some future time, as much of the information is of public interest. as to jefferson's being an absolute unbeliever, his critics were mistaken. he held to the doctrine that the mind and the reason are the only guides we have to judge of the authenticity and credibility of all things, natural and divine, and this appears to have been the chief basis on which jefferson's critics based their charges against him. but while these harsh criticisms in some measure misled mr. lemen he never lost his great love for jefferson and to the latest day of his life he always mentioned his name with tenderness and affection. i had hoped to complete this history in one chapter, but there appear to be notes and materials enough for another. by oversight the notes of mr. lemen's war record were not given me, but he honorably served an enlistment of {p.35} two years under washington, and returned to his regiment at the siege of yorktown and served until the surrender of cornwallis, but did not re-enlist. chapter ii. at their last meeting at annapolis, maryland, on may 2, 1784, when the final terms in their agreement as to mr. lemen's mission in illinois were made, both he and jefferson agreed that sooner or later, there would be a great contest to try to fasten slavery on the northwestern territory, and this prophesy was fully verified in spite of the fact that congress, at a later period, passed the ordinance of 1787 forever forbidding slavery; two contests arose in illinois, the first to confirm the territory and the second to confirm the state to freedom. [17]from 1803 for several successive congresses gen. william henry harrison, then governor of the northwestern territory, with his legislative council petitioned that body to repeal the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787 and to establish slavery in the territory, but without avail, and finally recognizing that the influence of rev. james lemen, sr., was paramount with the people of illinois, he made persistent overtures for his approval of his pro-slavery petitions, but he declined to act and promptly sent a messenger to indiana, paying him thirty dollars of the jefferson fund given him in virginia to have the church and people there sign a counter petition, meanwhile circulating one in illinois among the baptists and others; and at the next session of congress gen. harrison's pro-slavery petitions for the first time encountered the anti-slavery petitions of the baptist people and others, and the senate, before which the matter went at that time, voted to sustain the anti-slavery petitions and against the repeal of the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787, and for the time the contest ended. [21]the next anti-slavery contest was in the narrower limits of the territory of illinois, and it began with the events which called the bethel baptist church into existence. when mr. lemen received president jefferson's message in 1808 to proceed at once to organize the next church on an anti-slavery basis and make it the center from which the anti-slavery forces should act to finally make illinois a free state, he decided to act on it; but as he knew it would create a {p.36} division in the churches and association, to disarm criticism he labored several months to bring them over to the anti-slavery cause, but finding that impossible he adopted jefferson's advice and prepared to open the contest. the first act was on july 8, 1809, in regular session of the richland creek baptist church, where the people had assembled from all quarters to see the opening of the anti-slavery contest, when rev. james lemen, sr., arose and in a firm but friendly christian spirit declared it would be better for both sides to separate, as the contest for and against slavery must now open and not close until illinois should become a state. a division of both the association and the churches followed, but finally at a great meeting at the richland creek baptist church in a peaceful and christian manner, as being the better policy for both sides, separation was adopted by unanimous vote and a number of members withdrew, and on dec. 10, 1809, they formed the "baptist church at canteen creek," (now bethel baptist church). their articles of faith were brief. they simply declared the bible to be the pillar of their faith, and proclaimed their good will for the brotherhood of humanity by declaring their church to be "the baptist church of christ, friends to humanity, denying union and communion with all persons holding the doctrine of perpetual, involuntary, hereditary slavery." [23]the church, properly speaking, never entered politics, but presently, when it became strong, the members all formed what they called "the illinois anti-slavery league," and it was this body that conducted the anti-slavery contest. it always kept one of its members and several of its friends in the territorial legislature, and five years before the constitutional election in 1818 it had fifty resident agents--men of like sympathies--in the several settlements throughout the territory quietly at work, and the masterly manner in which they did their duty was shown by a poll which they made of the voters some few weeks before the election, which, on their side only varied a few votes from the official count after the election. [17]with people familiar with all the circumstances there is no divergence of views but that the organization of the bethel church and its masterly anti-slavery contest saved illinois to freedom; but much of the credit of the freedom of illinois, as well as for the balance of the territory, was due to thomas jefferson's faithful and efficient aid. true to his promise to mr. lemen that slavery should {p.37} never prevail in the northwestern territory or any part of it, he quietly directed his leading confidential friends in congress to steadily defeat gen. harrison's pro-slavery petitions for the repeal of the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787, and his friendly aid to rev. james lemen, sr., and friends made the anti-slavery contest of bethel church a success in saving the state to freedom. in the preparation of this history, to insure perfect reliability and a well-connected statement, i have examined, selected, and read the numerous family notes myself, dictating, while my secretary has done the writing, and after all was completed we made another critical comparison with all the notes to insure perfect accuracy and trustworthiness. i have had one copy prepared for rev. james lemen, jr., and one for myself. i should have added that of the one hundred dollars of the jefferson funds given him rev. james lemen, sr., used none for his family, but it was all used for other good causes, as it was not mr. lemen's intention to appropriate any of it for his own uses when he accepted it from jefferson's confidential agent in virginia. iii. "how illinois got chicago" (communication from joseph b. lemen, under head of "voice of the people," in _the chicago tribune_ some time in december, 1908.) o'fallon, ill., dec. 21, 1908. editor of the tribune:--in october, 1817, the rev. james lemen, sr., had a government surveyor make a map showing how the boundary of illinois could be extended northward so as to give a growing state more territory and a better shape and include the watercourses by which lake michigan might be connected with the mississippi river. with these advantages marked in the margin of the map, he gave his plan and map to nathaniel pope, our territorial delegate in congress, to secure the adoption of the plan by that body, which he did. the facts were noted in the rev. j. m. peck's pioneer papers and others, and in commenting on them some of our newspapers have recently charged nathaniel pope with carelessness in not publishing mr. lemen's share in the matter, but unjustly. mr. lemen and mr. pope were ardent friends, and as the former was a preacher and desired no office, and he wished and sought for no private preferment and {p.38} promotion, he expressly declared that as mr. pope had carried the measure through congress with such splendid skill he preferred that he should have the credit and not mention where he got the map and plan. rev. benjamin ogle, mr. lemen's brother-in-law, and others mentioned this fact in some of their papers and notes. the omission was no fault of mr. pope's and was contrary to his wish. the present site of chicago was included in the territory added, and that is how illinois got chicago. pioneer. iv. address to the friends of freedom (from _the illinois intelligencer_, august 5, 1818.) the undersigned, happening to meet at the st. clair circuit court, have united in submitting the following address to the friends of freedom in the state of illinois. feeling it a duty in those who are sincere in their opposition to the toleration of slavery in this territory to use all fair and laudable means to effect that object, we therefore beg leave to present to our fellow-citizens at large the sentiments which prevail in this section of our country on that subject. in the counties of madison and st. clair, the most populous counties in the territory, a sentiment approaching unanimity seems to prevail against it. in the counties of bond, washington, and monroe a similar sentiment also prevails. we are informed that strong exertions will be made in the convention to give sanction to that deplorable evil in our state; and lest such should be the result at too late a period for anything like concert to take place among the friends of freedom in trying to defeat it, we therefore earnestly solicit all true friends to freedom in every section of the territory to unite in opposing it, both by the election of a delegate to congress who will oppose it and by forming meetings and preparing remonstrances against it. indeed, so important is this question considered that no exertions of a fair character should be omitted to defeat the plan of those who wish either a temporary or unlimited slavery. let us also select men to the legislature who will unite in remonstrating to the general government against ratifying such a constitution. at a crisis like this thinking will not do, _acting_ is necessary. from {p.39} st. clair county--risdon moore, benjamin watts, jacob ogle, joshua oglesby, william scott, sr., william biggs, geo. blair, charles r. matheny, james garretson, and [34]william kinney. from madison county--wm. b. whiteside. from monroe county--james lemen, sr. from washington--wm. h. bradsby. v. recollections of a centennarian by dr. williamson f. boyakin, blue rapids, kansas (1807-1907) (_the standard_, chicago, november 9, 1907.) the lemen family was of irish [scotch] descent. they were friends and associates of thomas jefferson. it was through his influence that they migrated west. when the lemen family arrived at what they designated as new design, in the vicinity of the present town of waterloo, in monroe county, twenty-five miles southeast of the city of st. louis, illinois was a portion of the state of virginia. [ceded to u. s. two years previous.] thomas jefferson gave them a kind of carte blanche for all the then unoccupied territory of virginia, and gave them $30 in gold to be paid to the man who should build the first meeting house on the western frontier.[32] this rudely-constructed house of worship was built on a little creek named canteen [quentin], just a mile or two south of what is now called collinsville, madison county, illinois. in the mountains of virginia there lived a baptist minister by the name of torrence. this torrence, at an association in virginia, introduced a resolution against slavery. in a speech in favor of the resolution he said, "all friends of humanity should support the resolution." the elder james lemen being present voted for it and adopted it for his motto, inscribed it on a rude flag, and planted it on the rudely-constructed flatboat on which the family floated down the ohio river, in the summer of 1790 [1786], to the new design location.[33] the distinguishing characteristic of the churches and associations that subsequently grew up in illinois [under the lemen influence] was the name "the baptized church of christ, friends to humanity." one {p.40} of these lemen brothers, joseph, married a kinney, sister to him who was afterwards governor [lieutenant governor] of the state. this kinney was also a baptist preacher, a kentuckian, and a pro-slavery man.[34] when the canvass opened in 1816, 17, and 18 to organize illinois into a state, the lemens and the kinneys were leaders in the canvass. the canvass was strong, long, bitter. the friends to humanity party won. the lemen brothers made illinois what it is, a free state. the lemens were personally fine specimens of the genus homo--tall, straight, large, handsome men--magnetic, emotional, fine speakers. james lemen [junior] was considered the most eloquent speaker of the day of the baptist people. our present educated preachers have lost the hold they should have upon the age in the cultivation of the intellectual instead of the emotional. religion is the motive power in the intellectual guidance of humanity. these lemens were well balanced in the cultivation of the intellect and the control of the emotions. they were well educated for their day, self-educated, great lovers of poetry, hymnal poetry, having no taste for the religious debates now so prevalent in some localities. they attended no college commencements [?]. james lemen, however, at whose grave the monument is to be erected, was for fourteen consecutive years in the senate of the state legislature, and would have been elected united states senator, but he would not accept the position when offered. [this was james, jr., not his father.] personally of fine taste, always well and even elegantly dressed, they rode fine horses, owned fine farms, well cultivated. they lived in rich, elegant style [?]. they were brimful and overflowing with spontaneous hospitality. all were married, with several sisters, and were blessed with large families. almost all of them, parents and descendants, have passed away. old bethel, the church house, and the graveyard, in sight of the old mound, are yet there. note.--dr. boyakin was a physician, baptist minister, and newspaper editor for many years in illinois. he delivered the g. a. r. address at blue rapids, kansas, on his one hundredth birthday. he has confused some things in these "recollections," especially the story concerning the origin of the name "friends to humanity," but for his years his statements are unusually in accord with the facts. vi. {p.41} in memory of rev. james lemen, sr. by a well-wisher (_the standard_, chicago, november 16, 1907) when james lemen's early anti-slavery baptist churches went over to the cause of slavery, it looked as if all were lost and his anti-slavery mission in illinois had failed. at that crisis mr. lemen could have formed another sect, but in his splendid loyalty to the baptist cause he simply formed another baptist church on the broader, higher grounds for both god and humanity, and on this high plane he unfurled the banner of freedom. in god's good time the churches and state and nation came up to that grand level of right, light, and progress. of james lemen's sons, under his training, robert was an eminent baptist layman, and joseph, james, moses, and josiah were able baptist preachers. [william, the "wayward" son, also became a useful minister in his later years.] altogether they were as faithful a band of men as ever stood for any cause. this is the rating which history places upon them. the country owes james lemen another debt of gratitude for his services to history. he and his sons were the only family that ever kept a written and authentic set of notes of early illinois; and the early historians, ford, reynolds, and peck, drew many of their facts from that source. these notes embraced the only correct histories of both the early methodist and the early baptist churches in illinois and much other early matter.[35] note.--this communication was probably from dr. w. f. boyakin. vii. statement regarding joseph b. lemen "joseph b. lemen has written editorially for _the new york sun_, _the new york tribune_, _the chicago tribune_, _and the belleville advocate_. "during the mckinley campaign of 1896 he wrote editorials from the farmers' standpoint for a number of the metropolitan newspapers of the country at the personal request of mark hanna. "he also wrote editorials for the metropolitan newspapers during the first lincoln campaign." --editor, _belleville advocate_. december, 1912. viii. {p.42} historic letter of rev. j. m. peck on the old lemen family notes (from _belleville advocate_, january, 1908) (clipping in i.b.h.c., k11) to the editor of the belleville advocate: we herewith send the advocate a copy of a letter of the eminent historian and great baptist divine, the late rev. j. m. peck, to his old ministerial associate, the late rev. james lemen, concerning the anti-slavery labors of his father, rev. james lemen, sr., and also his views as to the old lemen family notes, which will perhaps interest your readers. it seems quite appropriate for the advocate to print these old pioneer matters, as it is one of the old pioneer landmarks. rev. james lemen took the paper when it started, under its first name, and it has come to his family or family members at his old home ever since. by order of the family. [joseph b. lemen.] rev. james lemen, sr., and his anti-slavery labors rev. james lemen, ridge prairie, illinois dear brother: at my recent very enjoyable visit at your house you made two important requests, which i will now answer. the first was as to my estimate or judgment of your father's anti-slavery labors, and the second was as to what disposition you had better make of your vast stock of old family notes and papers. considering your questions in the order named, i will write this letter, or more properly, article, under the above heading of "rev. james lemen, sr., and his anti-slavery labors," as the first question is the most important, and then in conclusion i will notice the second. in considering your father's anti-slavery labors, i will proceed upon the facts and evidence obtained outside your old family notes, as it might be presumed that the trend of the notes on that matter would be partial. not that the facts i would use are not found in your family notes, for they appear to cover about every event in our early state and church history; but that i would look for the facts elsewhere to prove the matter, and indeed i can draw largely from my own {p.43} knowledge of the facts upon which your father's success as an anti-slavery leader rested. not only from my own personal observation, but scores of the old pioneers, your father's followers and helpers, have given me facts that fully establish the claim that he was the chief leader that saved illinois to freedom. not only the state, but on a wider basis the evidence is very strong that rev. james lemen, sr., largely shared in saving the northwestern territory for free states. this was the estimate that general [governor] william henry harrison placed on his labors in his letter to captain joseph ogle after his term of the governorship had expired. [17]in his letter to captain ogle he said that, though he and mr. lemen were ardent friends, he [lemen] set his iron will against slavery here and indirectly made his influence felt so strongly at washington and before congress, that all efforts to suspend the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787 failed. but james lemen was not only a factor which saved the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787, but there is no doubt, after putting all the facts together, ... that his anti-slavery mission to the northwestern territory was inspired by the same cause which finally placed the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance, and that lemen's mission and that clause were closely connected. douglas, trumbull, and lincoln thought so, and every other capable person who had [been] or has been made familiar with the facts. many of the old pioneers to whom the facts were known have informed me that all the statements as to rev. james lemen's anti-slavery teaching and preaching and forming his anti-slavery churches, and conducting the anti-slavery contest, and sending a paid agent to indiana to assist the anti-slavery cause, were all true in every particular; and so the evidence outside and independently of that in the lemen family notes is conclusive that mr. lemen created and organized the forces which finally confirmed illinois, if not the northwestern territory, to freedom. but there was just one fact that made it possible for the old pioneer leader practically single handed and alone to accomplish such results; and that was because president jefferson's great power was behind him, and through his secret influence congress worked for the very purpose that jefferson, more than twenty years before, had sent lemen to illinois, or the northwestern territory, to secure, namely, the freedom of the new {p.44} country. the claim that mr. lemen encompassed these great results would, of course, be ridiculous were it not known that the power of the government through jefferson stood behind him. hence douglas, trumbull, and others are correct, and i quite agree with them, that when you publish the old family notes on the matter, if, for reasons you state, you do not wish to publish jefferson's letters to your father which concern the subject, it will be sufficient just to say he acted by and under his advice and aid, and people will accept it, as it is self-evident, because it is preposterous to hold that mr. lemen could have accomplished such results without some great power behind him. in conclusion, it is my judgment that your father's anti-slavery labors were the chief factor leading up to the free state constitution for illinois. now as to your old family notes. they are valuable. in their respective fields, they embrace by far the most trustworthy history in our state. they ought to be preserved, but your generous nature will not permit you to say no; and your friends, as you say, are carrying them off, and they will all be lost, and presently the vast and priceless collection will have disappeared, which will be an unspeakable loss. like your friends, dr. b. f. edwards and j. m. smith, i would advise you to make copies of all to keep for use, and then give smith the old collection to keep and hold in st. louis in his safe, and leave them there for good. this will save you an infinite amount of worry, as people will not trouble you to see the mere copies. it would be a good disposition to make of them, and thus bury that dangerous element in many of the old letters bearing on the anti-slavery contest of 1818. with some of those interested in that contest, in fifty years from this time, the publication of these letters would create trouble between the descendants of many of our old pioneer families. there is a danger lurking in many of these old collections where you would not suspect it. in 1851, when i wrote the first or preliminary part of the bethel church history from your old family notes, now generally referred to as the history of the "jefferson-lemen anti-slavery pact," and part second as the history proper of the church in the letter which was simply the history from its organization in 1809 to my pastorate of 1851, i carefully omitted all mention of the anti-slavery contest which gave the church its origin. i {p.45} did this so that that part of its history could then be recorded in the church book, which could not have been done had i mentioned the anti-slavery contest; because the bitterness of that period had not yet fully disappeared; and the full history of the church, with the causes creating, and the results flowing from its organization, if recorded or published then, would have aroused considerable ill feeling against the church in some parts of the state. so part second, or the history proper, was only recorded at that time. but having lately completed part third of the bethel church history, showing the results of its organization, i sent it with a copy of part first, or the history of the jefferson lemen anti-slavery pact, to our worthy and noble christian brother, the bethel church clerk, james h. lemen, and the other brother whose name you suggested, and they can place them in safe keeping somewhere until after your old family notes are published, and then they should be recorded in the church book with the church history proper and all the papers be placed with the other church papers. i shall also send them a copy of this letter to be finally placed with the church papers, as it is in part the history of the founder of that church, all parties agreeing that your father created, though of course he did not formally constitute, it. the old church, when all the facts become known, will become noted in history, as it stands as the monument of the contest which began by putting the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787, and which concluded by making illinois and her neighboring sisters free states. as to the more valuable letters in your family notes and collections, i have kept them securely for you. douglas' and lincoln's letters take very correct views as to your father's anti-slavery labors, and jefferson's two letters to your father disclose his great friendship for him, and show that he placed the greatest confidence and trust in him. poor lovejoy's letter reads as if he had a presentment of his coming doom. there is no more interesting feature in all your old family notes than lincoln's views at your many meetings with him, and your copy of his prayer is beautiful. some of his views on bible themes are very profound; but then he is a very profound thinker. it now looks as if he would become a national leader. would not he and your father have enjoyed a meeting on the slavery question? i put all the letters with the other papers you gave me in a safe {p.46} in st. louis, in a friend's care, where i sometimes put my papers. your son, moses, was with me and the check is given in his name. this will enable you to tell your friends that the papers are not now in your custody, and they will not bother you to see them. hoping to see you soon, i remain as ever. fraternally yours, rock spring, ill. july 17, 1857. j. m. peck. pioneer letters ix. senator douglas's letter (from _belleville advocate_, april 10, 1908. clipping, i.b.h.c.,--k11) springfield, illinois. mar. 10, 1857 rev. james lemen, collinsville, illinois, dear sir:--in a former letter i wrote you fully as to my views as to the "jefferson-lemen anti-slavery pact," and that there is no doubt but that the anti-slavery contest of your father, rev. james lemen, sr., and the organizing of bethel church as one of the results, eventually led to our free state constitution. i also thank you again for the privilege of reading jefferson's letters to your father, and other papers in connection with the matter, but desire to add a thought or two, or more properly expound [expand] some points in my recent letter. the anti-slavery pact or agreement between the two men and its far reaching results comprise one of the most intensely interesting chapters in our national and state histories. its profound secrecy and the splendid loyalty of jefferson's friends which preserved it, were alike necessary to the success of the scheme as well as for his future preferment; for had it been known that jefferson had sent lemen as his special agent on an anti-slavery mission to shape matters in the territories to his own ends, it would have wrecked his popularity in the south and rendered lemen's mission worse than useless. it has always been a mystery why the pressing demands of governor harrison and his council for the repeal of the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787 which excluded slavery {p.47} from the northwest territory, could make no headway before a encession [?] of pro-slavery congress; but the matter is now clear. the great jefferson, through his confidential leaders in congress [held that body back, until mr. lemen, under his orders], had rallied his friends and sent in anti-slavery petitions demanding the maintenance of the clause, when the senate, where harrison's demands were then pending, denied them. so a part of the honor of saving that grand clause which dedicated the territory to freedom, belongs to your father. indeed, considering jefferson's ardent friendship for him and his admiration and approval of his early anti-slavery labors in virginia, which antedated the ordinance of 1787 by several years, there is but little doubt but that your father's labors were a factor of influence which quickened if it did not suggest to jefferson the original purpose which finally resulted in putting the original clause in the ordinance. this matter assumes a phase of personal interest with me, and i find myself, politically, in the good company of jefferson and your father. with them, everything turned on whether the people of the territory wanted slavery or not. harrison and his council had informed congress that the people desired it; but jefferson and lemen doubted it, and when the latter assisted in sending in great anti-slavery petitions, jefferson's friends in congress granted the people their wish, and denied harrison's pro-slavery demands. that is, the voice and wishes of the people in the territory were heard and respected, and that appears to me to be the correct doctrine. should you or your family approve it, i would suggest that the facts of the "jefferson-lemen anti-slavery pact" be fully written up and arranged for publication, since they embrace some exceedingly important state and national history, and, in fact, will necessitate a new or larger personal history of jefferson, as these facts will add another splendid chapter to the great story of his marvellous career. if you think the publication of jefferson's letters and suggestions to your father would rather tend to dwarf the legitimate importance of his great religious movement in the formation of our early churches, on account of the wonderful political results of the "anti-slavery pact" it would be sufficient to command belief everywhere just to simply state that in his anti-slavery mission and contest he acted under jefferson's advice {p.48} and help; because the consequences were so important and far reaching that it is self-evident he must have had some great and all-prevailing power behind him. i was greatly pained to learn of your illness, in your last letter, but hope this will find you comfortable. yours in confidence, s. a. douglas. i wrote this letter in springfield, but by an over-sight neglected to mail it there. but if you write me in a fortnight, direct to springfield, as i expect to be there then. yours secv. [_sic_] d. x. announcement by j. b. lemen (from _belleville advocate_, april 17, 1908. clipping, i.b.h.c.,--k11) it was our purpose in this letter [communication] to send the advocate a copy of one of abraham lincoln's letters, and some other matter from him and douglas, from the old family notes of rev. james lemen never yet published; but increased illness, and their greater length, prevented making the copy. in their place, however, we send a copy each of governor edward's and congressman snyder's letters. the prophetic utterances in this letter as to what would fall on mexico's treachery and slavery's insolence, were so literally fulfilled that they emphasized anew congressman snyder's wonderful capabilities in sizing up public questions correctly and reading the coming events of the future, and prove him to have been a statesman of wonderful powers. the next, which will be the concluding article in this series, will contain the copy of lincoln's letter and the other matter above referred to. the typos made one or two slight errors in senator douglas's letter in last week's issue. for "expound" the reader should have read "expand," and at another point the letter should read that "jefferson, through his confidential leaders in congress, held that body back until mr. lemen, under his orders, had rallied his friends and sent in anti-slavery petitions, etc," [joseph b. lemen.] xi. {p.49} gov. ninian edwards to rev. james lemen. (from _belleville advocate_, april 17, 1908. clipping, i.b.h.c.,--k11) vandalia, ill., dec. 24, 1826. rev. james lemen, collinsville, illinois, dear sir:--having great respect for your influence and reposing perfect confidence in your capable judgment on public affairs, i would be very much pleased to have you call as soon as you arrive here, as i desire to have your views and advice on some important matters. it is my hope, as it will be my pride, that the term upon which i enter shall be marked with a degree of educational interest and progress not hitherto attained in our young commonwealth; and i wish to ask for your counsel and aid in assisting to impress upon the general assembly the importance of such subjects, and the necessity of some further and better legislation on our school matters; and i also wish to consult with you in regard to the matter of the proposed illinois and michigan canal. sincerely your friend, ninian edwards. xii. hon. adam w. snyder to rev. james lemen. (from _belleville advocate_, april 17, 1908. clipping, i.b.h.c.,--k11) city of washington, jan. 5, 1838. rev. james lemen, [collinsville, illinois] my dear friend:--to the letter which i wrote you a few days since i wish to add that the members of the illinois delegation in congress have read the letter you recently wrote me, and they are all willing and ready to assist in pressing the cause of the class of claimants whom you mentioned upon the attention of the government for a more liberal and generous allowance of lands. i have no further news to communicate, except that i believe mexico's treachery and insolence will sooner or later call down upon her a severe chastisement from this country; and that our southern friends in congress are growing exasperatingly and needlessly sensitive on the slavery question, claiming that jefferson's {p.50} views would sustain their positions, not knowing the splendid secret of your father's (rev. james lemen, sr.) anti-slavery mission under jefferson's orders and advice, which saved illinois and we might say the northwest territory, to freedom. in fact, the demands of slavery, if not controlled by its friends, will eventually put the country into a mood that will no longer brook its insolence and greed. yours in esteem and confidence, a. w. snyder. xiii. abraham lincoln's letter _belleville weekly advocate_, april 24, 1908 the following letter and remarks from abraham lincoln, hitherto unpublished, comprise the fifth letter of the series of old "pioneer letters" which mr. j. b. lemen of o'fallon is sending to the advocate.--ed. springfield, illinois. march 2, 1857. rev. james lemen, [o'fallon, illinois,] friend lemen: thanking you for your warm appreciation of my views in a former letter as to the importance in many features of your collection of old family notes and papers, i will add a few words more as to elijah p. lovejoy's case. his letters among your old family notes were of more interest to me than even those of thomas jefferson, written to your father. of course they [the latter] were exceedingly important as a part of the history of the "jefferson-lemen anti-slavery pact," under which your father, rev. james lemen, sr., as jefferson's anti-slavery agent in illinois, founded his anti-slavery churches, among which was the present bethel church, which set in motion the forces which finally made illinois a free state, all of which was splendid; but lovejoy's tragic death for freedom in every sense marked his sad ending as the most important single event that ever happened in the new world. both your father and lovejoy were pioneer leaders in the cause of freedom, and it has always been difficult for me to see why your father, who was a resolute, uncompromising, and aggressive leader, who boldly proclaimed his purpose to make both the territory and the state free, never aroused nor encountered any of that mob violence which both in st. {p.51} louis and alton confronted or pursued lovejoy, and which finally doomed him to a felon's death and a martyr's crown. perhaps the two cases are a little parallel with those of john and peter. john was bold and fearless at the scene of the crucifixion, standing near the cross receiving the savior's request to care for his mother, but was not annoyed; while peter, whose disposition to shrink from public view, seemed to catch the attention of members of the mob on every hand, until finally to throw public attention off, he denied his master with an oath; though later the grand old apostle redeemed himself grandly, and like lovejoy, died a martyr to his faith. of course, there was no similarity between peter's treachery at the temple and lovejoy's splendid courage when the pitiless mob were closing around him. but in the cases of the two apostles at the scene mentioned, john was more prominent or loyal in his presence and attention to the great master than peter was, but the latter seemed to catch the attention of the mob; and as lovejoy, one of the most inoffensive of men, for merely printing a small paper, devoted to the freedom of the body and mind of man, was pursued to his death; while his older comrade in the cause of freedom, rev. james lemen, sr., who boldly and aggressively proclaimed his purpose to make both the territory and the state free, was never molested a moment by the minions of violence. the madness and pitiless determination with which the mob steadily pursued lovejoy to his doom, marks it as one of the most unreasoning and unreasonable in all time, except that which doomed the savior to the cross. if ever you should come to springfield again, do not fail to call. the memory of our many "evening sittings" here and elsewhere, as we called them, suggests many a pleasant hour, both pleasant and helpful. truly yours, a. lincoln. xiv. the lemen monument and rev. lemen's part in early illinois history (from _belleville advocate_, tuesday, april 6, 1909. clipping in i.b.h.c.,--k11) the monument to be erected by the baptist people of illinois and others at the grave of rev. james lemen, sr., near waterloo in monroe county, is not only to honor his memory {p.52} as a revolutionary soldier, territorial leader, indian fighter, and founder of the baptist cause in illinois, but it is also in remembrance of the fact that he was the companion and co-worker with thomas jefferson in setting in motion the forces which finally recorded the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787, which dedicated the great northwest territory to freedom and later gave illinois a free state constitution. only recently the society of the sons of the revolution in chicago, after a critical examination of james lemen's military and civil record, by unanimous vote, appropriated twenty-five dollars for his monument fund; and we give below a copy of the papers which they used and which will interest our readers, the first being gen. ainsworth's letter: war department adjutant general's office washington, feb. 13, 1908. the records show that james lemen served as private in captain george wall's company of the fourth virginia regiment, commanded at various times by major isaac beall and colonels james wood and john neville in the revolutionary war. term of enlistment, one year from march 3, 1778. f. c. ainsworth, adjt. gen. ("in january 1779, james lemen had his term of enlistment extended for two years and was transferred to another regiment. after his term expired he rejoined his old regiment and served through the siege at yorktown. he was in several engagements.") [j. b. l.] xv. rev. james lemen, sr. (written by rev. john m. peck, in 1857. published in _belleville advocate_, april 6, 1909. clipping in i.b.h.c.,--k11) rev. james lemen, sr., a son of nicholas lemen and christian lemen, his wife, was born at the family home near harper's ferry, virginia, on november 20, 1760. he acquired a practical education and in early manhood married miss katherine ogle, of virginia, and they reared a family. he enlisted for a year as a soldier of the revolutionary war, on march 3, 1778, but had his term extended to two years, and {p.53} was in several engagements. sometime after his enlistment expired he rejoined his old comrades and served through the siege at yorktown. from childhood, in a singular manner, james lemen was the special favorite and idol of thomas jefferson, who was a warm friend of his father's family. almost before mr. lemen had reached manhood, jefferson would consult him on all matters, even on great state affairs, and afterwards stated that mr. lemen's advice always proved to be surprisingly reliable. our subject was a born anti-slavery leader, and by his christian and friendly arguments he induced scores of masters in virginia to free their slaves; this quickly caught jefferson's attention and he freely confessed that mr. lemen's influence on him had redoubled his dislike for slavery and, though himself a slaveholder, he most earnestly denounced the institution. the following paragraphs from a letter he wrote to james lemen's brother, robert, who then lived near harper's ferry, virginia, on september 10, 1807, will disclose that mr. lemen's influence was largely concerned in connection with jefferson's share in the ordinance of 1787, in its anti-slavery clause. the paragraph is as follows:-"if your brother, james lemen, should visit virginia soon, as i learn he possibly may, do not let him return until he makes me a visit. i will also write him to be sure and see me. [5]among all my friends who are near, he is still a little nearer. i discovered his worth when he was but a child and i freely confess that in some of my most important achievements his example, wish, and advice, though then but a very young man, largely influenced my action. this was particularly true as to whatever share i may have had in the transfer of our great northwestern territory to the united states, and especially for the fact that i was so well pleased with the anti-slavery clause inserted later in the ordinance of 1787. before any one had ever mentioned the matter, james lemen, by reason of his devotion to anti-slavery principles, suggested to me that we (virginia) make the transfer and that slavery be excluded; and it so impressed and influenced me that whatever is due me as credit for my share in the matter is largely, if not wholly, due to james lemen's advice and most righteous counsel. [18]his record in the new country has fully justified my course in inducing him {p.54} to settle there with the view of properly shaping events in the best interest of the people. if he comes to virginia, see that he calls on me." james lemen did not visit virginia and president jefferson did not get to see him, but his letters to him showed what a great affection he had for his friend and agent. on may 2, 1778 [1784], at annapolis, md., thomas jefferson and james lemen made their final agreement under which he was to settle in illinois to shape matters after jefferson's wishes, but always in the people's interest and for freedom, and particularly, to uphold the anti-slavery policy promised by jefferson and later confirmed by the anti-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787 which principle both jefferson and mr. lemen expected would finally be assailed by the pro-slavery power, and the facts confirmed their judgment. in 1786 mr. lemen with his wife and young family settled finally at new design, now in monroe county. [3]he was a judge under the early territorial law. he finally united with the baptist church and immediately set about collecting the baptists into churches, having the first church constituted at his house. mr. lemen created the first eight baptist churches in illinois, having them especially declare against slavery and intemperance. when general william henry harrison became governor, he and his territorial council went over to pro-slavery influences and demands, and carried mr. lemen's seven churches, which he had then created, with them. for some months he labored to call them to anti-slavery grounds, but failing, he declared for a division and created his eighth church, now bethel church, near collinsville, on strictly anti-slavery grounds; and this event opened the anti-slavery contest in 1809 which finally in 1818 led to the election of an anti-slavery convention which gave illinois a free state constitution. [32]jefferson warmly approved mr. lemen's movement and sent his new church twenty dollars, which, with a fund the members collected and gave, was finally transferred to the church treasury without disclosing jefferson's identity. this was done in order not to disturb his friendly relations with the extreme south. but jefferson made no secret of his antipathy for slavery, though unwilling that the fact should be known that he sent james lemen to the new country especially to defend it against slavery, as he knew it would arouse the {p.55} resentment of the extreme pro-slavery element against both him and his agent and probably defeat their movement. [24]james lemen also first suggested the plan to extend the boundary of illinois northward to give more territory and better shape, and had a government surveyor make a map showing the great advantages and gave them to nathaniel pope, our territorial delegate, asking him to present the matter, which he did, and congress adopted the plan. the extension gave the additional territory for fourteen counties and chicago is included. james lemen was a noted indian fighter in illinois, ever ready with his trusty rifle to defend the homes of the early settlers against the savage foe, and in every way he fully justified jefferson's judgment in sending him to look after the best interests of the people in the new territory. mr. lemen possessed every moral and mental attribute in a high degree, and if any one was more marked than another it was his incomparable instinct against oppression, which his wonderful anti-slavery record accentuated as his chief endowment, though in all respects he was well equipped for a leader among men. that instinct, it might be said, fixed his destiny. at jefferson's request he settled in the new territory to finally oppose slavery. that was before the ordinance of 1787 with its anti-slavery clause, but mr. lemen had jefferson's assurance beforehand that the territory should be dedicated to freedom; though they both believed the pro-slavery power would finally press for its demands before stated, and the facts proved they were right. the reasons which necessitated the secrecy of the jefferson-lemen anti-slavery pact of may 2, 1784, under which mr. lemen came to illinois on his anti-slavery mission at jefferson's wish, and which was absolutely necessary to its success at first, no longer exists; and the fear of james lemen's sons that its publication would so overshadow his great church work in illinois with jefferson's wonderful personality, as to dwarf his merits, is largely groundless. senator douglas, who with others is familiar with all the facts, says that when the matter is fully published and well known, it will give to both mr. lemen and jefferson their proper shares of credit and fame; and, while it will add a new star to jefferson's splendid fame, it will carry james lemen along with him as his worthy co-worker and companion. the {p.56} subject of our sketch died at his home near waterloo, monroe county, on january 8th, 1823, and was buried in the family cemetery near by. xvi. old lemen family notes, james lemen history, and some related facts (ms. document in i.b.h.c.,--c102. by jos. b. lemen) in 1857, to save the old "lemen family notes" from loss by careless but persistent borrowers, dr. b. f. edwards, of st. louis, and rev. j. m. peck, advised rev. james lemen, jr., to make copies of all and then give the original stock to a friend whom they named to keep as his own in a safe vault in st. louis, if he would pay all storage charges. but at that time he only gave the most important ones to rev. j. m. peck to place temporarily in a safe in st. louis where he sometimes kept his own papers; though some years later he acted on their advice and making copies of all papers and letters of any value, gave the whole original stock to the party mentioned (we do not recall his name, but it is among our papers) [possibly the j. m. smith mentioned in dr. peck's communication to james lemen, jr., july 17, 1857] and he placed them in the safe. shortly after this their holder died, and they passed into the hands of others who removed them to another safe somewhere in st. louis; but having no further title in the papers, and having copies of all for use, the family finally lost all traces of the papers and the parties holding them, and have only heard from them two or three times in more than 40 years. a few years ago, when a history of rev. james lemen, jr., and his father, rev. james lemen, sr., was in contemplation, a reputed agent of the parties whom he then claimed held the old family notes, informed us that the family could have them at any time they wished; and we promised some of our friends who wished to see them that after we had used them in connection with the proposed history, the old stock of papers would be placed where they could see and copy them, if they wished. it was intended to have a few of the more important letters photographed for the james lemen history; though it was said that some years before some one had a few of them photographed and they were so indistinct as to be worthless; but we hoped for better results. but it {p.57} finally developed that the reputed agent would expect us to pay him (contrary to our first impressions) quite a round sum of money for the restoration and use of the papers before he would deliver them to us. this awakened suspicions as to his reliability and a detective, to whom we sent his name and number for investigation, informed us that no such man could be found; and undoubtedly he was some dishonest person seeking to obtain money under false pretenses. and so the family, as for many years past, now knows nothing as to the parties who hold the papers or where they are. a singular fatality seems to have awaited all the papers placed at dr. peck's disposal or advice. his own papers were generally destroyed or lost, and the old "lemen family notes" placed some years after his death, partly as he had advised, cannot be found. but while dr. peck's lost papers are a distinct and irreparable loss, no loss is sustained in the misplacement of the old lemen notes, as every line or fact of any value in them was copied and the copies are all preserved; and nearly all the more important ones have been published, except a very few, including rev. james lemen's interviews with lincoln, as written up by mr. lemen on ten pages of legal cap paper, and that paper will probably be published soon, if it is not held specially for the james lemen history. as to that history, it will be delayed for some time, as the writer, who was expected to see to its preparation, was named by the state baptist convention as a member of the baptist state committee to assist with the james lemen monument; and much of the matter intended for the history was published in connection with the labors of the state committee. one object of the history was to secure or to influence that degree of recognition of the importance of the services of rev. james lemen, sr. and his sons, with a few co-workers of the latter, in the early history and interests of both the baptist cause and the state, on the part of the baptists, to which the family thought them entitled. but since the baptists, the "sons of the revolution," and others have placed a monument at the grave of the old state leader and baptist pioneer, the rev. james lemen, sr., it is felt that the object for making the history has already been in part realized. another circumstance which has delayed it, is the poor health of the writer; so the prospect is that the making of the history will be delayed for some time. this {p.58} is written entirely from memory, as the papers and dates to which we refer are not before me, but we will retain a copy and if there proves to be any errors in this one, we will have them corrected. there was such a demand for them that some of dr. peck's, lovejoy's, douglas's, lincoln's and some other letters were published, and some of them are included in the papers we send. some years ago some one claimed that the old family notes had been found, which led to statements in the papers that they would soon be placed where people could see and read them; but it proved to be a mistake. for the loss of the papers the family do not believe there was any fault with the parties originally holding them, as in fact they had the right to hold them where they pleased, according to the agreement; but that from sudden deaths and other circumstances, they were misplaced. it should be added that every paper of any value, which was given to the st. louis parties to hold was copied and the copies preserved, except mere personal, friendship letters, and of these there was quite a large stock; also that much of dr. peck's writings and many letters of his and others were loaned out and could not be given to the st. louis parties to keep, but all of any real value have been copied or published, except the lemen-lincoln interviews and some others, and that even some of these copies are loaned out, among them copies of letters from dr. peck, douglas, lincoln, lovejoy, if i recall correctly, and others; though the facts or information in them have already been published, except such facts as will be held for the james lemen history, and we have copies of them, so nothing will be lost. (signed) joseph b. lemen. o'fallon, illinois, january 10, 1911. [n. b. the above communication accompanied the gift of the walnut chest made by the elder james lemen at ft. piggott, which was sent to the custodian of the baptist historical collection at shurtleff college, early in the year 1913--compiler.] references {p.59} 1. see p. 26. 2. reynolds "my own times" and "pioneer history of illinois." 3. see "territorial records of illinois" (illinois state historical library, _publication_, iii.), and compare p. 54 _post_. 4. see biographical sketches in "lemen family history." 5. see pp. 33, 53. 6. see pp. 27, 28. 7. see pp. 23, 42, 56. 8. peck, j. m., "annals of the west," _in loco_. 9. see p. 54 _post_, and hinsdale, "old northwest." 10. alvord, "cahokia records," introduction. 11. reynolds, "my own times," p. 208. 12. mcmaster, "people of united states," ii: 30, 31; iii: 108; st. clair papers. 13. blake, "history of slavery," p. 431. 14. see p. 29. 15. see p. 30, and compare no. 16 below. 16. blake, "history of slavery," _in loco_. 17. see pp. 35, 36, 43. 18. see p. 53. 19. see p. 30. 20. see p. 30, and compare, patterson, "early illinois," fergus historical coll., no. 14, pp. 141-2. 21. see pp. 30, 35. 22. reynolds, "my own times," p. 170. 23. see p. 36. 24. see p. 55, and compare reference no. 19. 25. see p. 37. 26. see "centennial history of madison co.," i: 52-55. 27. see p. 38. 28. see p. 47. 29. see p. 50. 30. see p. 34. 31. see p. 41. 32. see p. 54. 33. _cf._ smith, j. a., "history of the baptists," p. 40; benedict, "history of the baptists," ii: 246-8. 34. see p. 39. 35. see pp. 42, 56 and peck, j. m., "father clark," _in loco_. great americans of history thomas jefferson a character sketch by edward s. ellis, a. m. author of "the people's standard history of the united states," "the eclectic primary history of the united states," etc. with supplementary essay by g. mercer adam late editor of "self-culture" magazine, etc., etc. with an account of the louisiana purchase together with anecdotes, characteristics, and chronology no golden eagle, warm from the stamping press of the mint, is more sharply impressed with its image and superscription than was the formative period of our government by the genius and personality of thomas jefferson. standing on the threshold of the nineteenth century, no one who attempted to peer down the shadowy vista, saw more clearly than he the possibilities, the perils, the pitfalls and the achievements that were within the grasp of the nation. none was inspired by purer patriotism. none was more sagacious, wise and prudent, and none understood his countrymen better. by birth an aristocrat, by nature he was a democrat. the most learned man that ever sat in the president's chair, his tastes were the simple ones of a farmer. surrounded by the pomp and ceremony of washington and adams' courts, his dress was homely. he despised titles, and preferred severe plainness of speech and the sober garb of the quakers. "what is the date of your birth, mr. president?" asked an admirer. "of what possible concern is that to you?" queried the president in turn. "we wish to give it fitting celebration." "for that reason, i decline to enlighten you; nothing could be more distasteful to me than what you propose, and, when you address me, i shall be obliged if you will omit the 'mr.'" if we can imagine washington doing so undignified a thing as did president lincoln, when he first met our present secretary of state, (john sherman) and compared their respective heights by standing back to back, a sheet of paper resting on the crowns of washington and jefferson would have lain horizontal and been six feet two inches from the earth, but the one was magnificent in physique, of massive frame and prodigious strength,--the other was thin, wiry, bony, active, but with muscles of steel, while both were as straight as the proverbial indian arrow. jefferson's hair was of sandy color, his cheeks ruddy, his eyes of a light hazel, his features angular, but glowing with intelligence and neither could lay any claim to the gift of oratory. washington lacked literary ability, while in the hand of jefferson, the pen was as masterful as the sword in the clutch of saladin or godfrey of bouillon. washington had only a common school education, while jefferson was a classical scholar and could express his thoughts in excellent italian, spanish and french, and both were masters of their temper. jefferson was an excellent violinist, a skilled mathematician and a profound scholar. add to all these his spotless integrity and honor, his statesmanship, and his well curbed but aggressive patriotism, and he embodied within himself all the attributes of an ideal president of the united states. in the colonial times, virginia was the south and massachusetts the north. the other colonies were only appendages. the new york dutchman dozed over his beer and pipe, and when the other new england settlements saw the narragansetts bearing down upon them with upraised tomahawks, they ran for cover and yelled to massachusetts to save them. clayborne fired popguns at lord baltimore, and the catholic and protestant marylanders enacted toleration acts, and then chased one another over the border, with some of the fugitives running all the way to the carolinas, where the settlers were perspiring over their efforts in installing new governors and thrusting them out again, in the hope that a half-fledged statesman would turn up sometime or other in the shuffle. what a roystering set those cavaliers were! fond of horse racing, cock fighting, gambling and drinking, the soul of hospitality, quick to take offense, and quicker to forgive,--duellists as brave as spartans, chivalric, proud of honor, their province, their blood and their families, they envied only one being in the world and that was he who could establish his claim to the possession of a strain from the veins of the dusky daughter of powhatan--pocahontas. could such people succeed as pioneers of the wilderness? into the snowy wastes of new england plunged the pilgrims to blaze a path for civilization in the new world. they were perfect pioneers down to the minutest detail. sturdy, grimly resolute, painfully honest, industrious, patient, moral and seeing god's hand in every affliction, they smothered their groans while writhing in the pangs of starvation and gasped in husky whispers: "he doeth all things well; praise to his name!" such people could not fail in their work. and yet of the first ten presidents, new england furnished only the two adamses, while virginia gave to the nation, washington, jefferson, madison, monroe and then tapered off with tyler. in the war for the union, the ten most prominent leaders were grant, sherman, sheridan, thomas, farragut, porter, lee, stonewall jackson, j. e. johnston and longstreet. of these, four were the products of virginia, while none came from new england, nor did she produce a real, military leader throughout the civil war, though she poured out treasure like water and sent as brave soldiers to the field as ever kept step to the drum beat, while in oratory, statesmanship and humanitarian achievement, her sons have been leaders from the foundation of the republic. thomas jefferson was born in shadwell, albemarle county, va., april 2,1743. his father was the owner of thirty slaves and of a wheat and tobacco farm of nearly two thousand acres. there were ten children, thomas being the third. his father was considered the strongest man physically in the county, and the son grew to be like him in that respect, but the elder died while the younger was a boy. entering william and mary college, thomas was shy, but his ability quickly drew attention to him. he was an irrestrainable student, sometimes studying twelve and fourteen hours out of the twenty-four. he acquired the strength to stand this terrific strain by his exercise of body. his father warned his wife just before his death not to allow their son to neglect this necessity, but the warning was superfluous. the youth was a keen hunter, a fine horseman and as fond as washington of out door sports. he was seventeen years old when he entered college and was one of the "gawkiest" students. he was tall, growing fast, raw-boned, with prominent chin and cheek bones, big hands and feet, sandy-haired and freckled. his mind broadened and expanded fast under the tutelage of dr. william small, a scotchman and the professor of mathematics, who made young jefferson his companion in his walks, and showed an interest in the talented youth, which the latter gratefully remembered throughout life. jefferson was by choice a farmer and never lost interest in the management of his estate. one day, while a student at law, he wandered into the legislature and was thrilled by the glowing speech of patrick henry who replied to an interruption: "if this be treason, make the most of it." he became a lawyer in his twenty-fourth year, and was successful from the first, his practice soon growing to nearly five hundred cases annually, which yielded an income that would be a godsend to the majority of lawyers in these days. ere long, the mutterings of the coming revolution drew jefferson aside into the service of his country. at the age of twenty-six (may 11, 1769), he took his seat in the house of burgesses, of which washington was a member. on the threshold of his public career, he made the resolution which was not once violated during his life, "never to engage, while in public office, in any kind of enterprise for the improvement of my fortune, nor to wear any other character than that of a farmer." thus, during his career of nearly half a century, he was impartial in his consideration of questions of public interest. his first important speech was in favor of the repeal of the law that compelled a master when he freed his slaves to send them out of the colony. the measure was overwhelmingly defeated, and its mover denounced as an enemy of his country. it was about this time that jefferson became interested in mrs. martha wayles skelton, a childless widow, beautiful and accomplished and a daughter of john wayles, a prominent member of the williamsburg bar. she was under twenty years of age, when she lost her first husband, rather tall, with luxuriant auburn hair and an exceedingly graceful manner. she had many suitors, but showed no haste to lay aside her weeds. the aspirants indeed were so numerous that she might well hesitate whom to choose, and more than one was hopeful of winning the prize. it so happened that one evening, two of the gentlemen called at the same time at her father's house. they were friends, and were about to pass from the hall into the drawing-room, when they paused at the sound of music. some one was playing a violin with exquisite skill, accompanied by the harpsicord, and a lady and gentleman were singing. there was no mistaking the violinist, for there was only one in the neighborhood capable of so artistic work, while mrs. skelton had no superior as a player upon the harpsicord, the fashionable instrument of those days. besides, it was easy to identify the rich, musical voice of jefferson and the sweet tones of the young widow. the gentlemen looked significantly at each other. their feelings were the same. "we are wasting our time," said one; "we may as well go home." they quietly donned their hats and departed, leaving the ground to him who had manifestly already pre-empted it. on new year's day, 1772, jefferson and mrs. skelton were married and no union was more happy. his affection was tender and romantic and they were devoted lovers throughout her life. her health and wishes were his first consideration, and he resolved to accept no post or honor that would involve their separation, while she proved one of the truest wives with which any man was ever blessed of heaven. the death of his father-in-law doubled jefferson's estate, a year after his marriage. his life as a gentleman farmer was an ideal one, and it is said that as a result of experimentation, jefferson domesticated nearly every tree and shrub, native and foreign, that was able to stand the virginia winters. jefferson's commanding ability, however, speedily thrust him into the stirring incidents that opened the revolution. in september, 1774, his "draught of instructions" for virginia's delegation to the congress in philadelphia was presented. the convention refused to adopt his radical views, but they were published in a pamphlet and copies were send to england, where edmund burke had it republished with emendations of his own. great britain viewed the paper as the extreme of insolence and punished the author by adding his name to the list of proscriptions enrolled in a bill of attainder. jefferson was present as a member of the convention, which met in the parish church at richmond, in march, 1775, to consider the course that virginia should take in the impending crisis. it was at that meeting that patrick henry electrified his hearers with the thrilling words: "gentlemen may cry, 'peace, peace!' but there is no peace! the war has actually begun! the next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! our brethren are already in the field. why stand we here idle? what is it the gentlemen wish? what would they have? is life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? forbid it, almighty god! i know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!" within the following month occurred the battle of lexington. washington, jefferson and patrick henry were members of the committee appointed to arrange a plan for preparing virginia to act her part in the struggle. when washington, june, 20, 1775, received his commission as commander-in-chief of the american army, jefferson succeeded to the vacancy thus created, and the next day took his seat in congress. a few hours later came the news of the battle of bunker hill. jefferson was an influential member of the body from the first. john adams said of him: "he was so prompt, frank, explicit and decisive upon committees that he soon seized upon every heart." virginia promptly re-elected him and the part he took in draughting the declaration of independence is known to every school boy. his associates on the committee were franklin, john adams, roger sherman and robert r. livingston. it was by their request that he prepared the document (see fac-simile, page 49,) done on the second floor of a small building, on the corner of market and seventh streets. the house and the little desk, constructed by jefferson himself, are carefully preserved. the paper was warmly debated and revised in congress on the 2nd, 3rd and 4th of july, 1776. the weather was oppressively hot, and on the last day an exasperating but providential invasion of the hall by a swarm of flies hurried the signing of the document. some days afterward, the committee of which jefferson was a member provided as a motto of the new seal, that perfect legend,--e pluribus unum. the facts connected with the adoption of the declaration of independence must always be of profound interest. the public are inclined to think that our magna charta was accepted and signed with unbounded enthusiasm and that scarcely any opposition to it appeared, but the contrary was the fact. while jefferson was the author of the instrument, john adams, more than any one man or half a dozen men brought about its adoption. when the question was afterward asked him, whether every member of congress cordially approved it, he replied, "majorities were constantly against it. for many days the majority depended on mr. hewes of north carolina. while a member one day was reading documents to prove that public opinion was in favor of the measure, mr. hewes suddenly started upright, and lifting up both hands to heaven, as if in a trance, cried out: 'it is done, and i will abide by it.' i would give more for a perfect painting of the terror and horror of the faces of the old majority at that moment than for the best piece of raphael." jefferson has given a synopsis of the arguments for and against the adoption of the declaration. it will be remembered that the hope of the colonies or new states, even after the war had continued for a considerable time, was not so much independence as to extort justice from great britain. had this been granted, the separation would have been deferred and when it came, as come it must, probably would have been peaceable. at the same time, there was a strenuous, aggressive minority who was insistent from the first for a complete severance of the ties binding us to the mother country. the debate in congress showed that new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland and south carolina were not ready to take the irrevocable step, but it was evident that they were fast approaching that mood, and the wise leaders tarried in order to take them in their company. in the vote of july 1, the pennsylvania and south carolina delegates still opposed, while those from new york did the same, contrary to their own convictions but in obedience to home instructions, which later were changed. the signs of unanimity became unmistakable on the second, and two days later, as every one knows, the adoption of the declaration took place, though it was not until the second of august that all the members, excepting john dickinson had signed. five years passed before the articles of confederation were formally adopted by the states, by which time it had become clear that they must totally fail of their purpose, for each state decided for itself whether to respond to the demands of congress. the poison of nullification thus infused into the body politic at its birth bore baleful fruit in the years that followed. on six separate occasions, there were overt acts on the part of the states. the first occurred in 1798, when virginia and kentucky passed nullification resolutions. the second was the attempt of new england in 1803 to form a northern confederacy, comprising five new england states, and new york and new jersey. the third was aaron burr's wild scheme in the southwest. the fourth, the resolution of the new england states to withhold cooperation in the war of 1812. the fifth, the nullification acts of south carolina in 1832. the sixth and last, the effort of eleven states to form the southern confederacy. this brought the burning issue to a head and settled the question for the ages to come. it seems incredible in these times that the country submitted for a month to the intolerable alien and sedition acts. should any congressman propose their reenactment to-day, he would be looked upon as a crank and be laughed out of court. they were enacted when jefferson was vice president and were the creation of the brilliant alexander hamilton, whose belief was in a monarchy rather than a republic. the sedition act made it a felony punishable with a fine of $5000 and five years imprisonment for persons to combine in order to impede the operation of any law of the united states, or to intimidate persons from taking federal office, or to commit or advise a riot or insurrection or unlawful assembly. it declared further that the writing or publishing of any scandalous, malicious or false statement against the president or either house of congress should be punishable by a fine of $2000 and imprisonment for two years. it will be noted that this law precluded all free discussion of an act of congress, or the conduct of the president. in other words, it was meant to be the death blow to freedom of speech. but bad as it was, the alien act, which congress passed at the same session, 1798, was ten fold worse. there had been much unrest caused by the intermeddling of foreigners in the states, and it was now decided that the president might drive out of the country any alien he chose thus to banish, and to do it without assigning any reason therefor. it was not necessary even to sue or to bring charges; if an alien receiving such notice from the president refused to obey, he could be imprisoned for three years. president adams afterward declared that he did not approve of this stern measure which was the work of hamilton, and boasted that it was not enforced by him in a single instance. nevertheless, the sedition act was enforced to a farcical degree. when president adams was passing through newark, n. j., he was saluted by the firing of cannon. one of the cannoneers, who was strongly opposed to him, expressed the wish that he might be struck by some of the wadding. for this remark, he was arrested and compelled to pay a fine of one hundred dollars. editor frothingham printed his belief that hamilton wished to buy the aurora for the purpose of suppressing it. for expressing that opinion he was fined and imprisoned. thomas cooper made the remark that in 1797 president adams was "hardly in the infancy of political mistakes," and these mild words cost him $400 and kept him in prison for six months. it is hard to believe that the following proceedings took place within the present hundred years in the united states of america, and yet they did. in the case against callender, judge chase denounced the accused to the jurors and forbade the marshals to place any one not a federalist on the jury. the lawyers who defended callender were threatened with corporal punishment. in otsego, n. y., judge peck obtained signers to a petition for the repeal of the obnoxious acts. for such action he was indicted and taken to new york city for trial. that was the sacred right of petition with a vengeance. matthew lyon, while canvassing his district in vermont for re-election to congress, charged the president in one of his speeches with "unbounded thirst for ridiculous pomp, foolish adulation and a selfish avarice," certainly mild expressions compared with what are heard in these times, but because of their utterance, mr. lyon spent four months in jail and paid a fine of $1000. when he had served out his term and been re-elected, a strong effort was made to prevent his taking his seat. it failed and in 1840, his fine was returned to him with interest. it can well be understood that the passage and enforcement of such iniquitous measures caused alarm and indignation throughout the country. edward livingston declared that they would "disgrace gothic barbarism." jefferson's soul was stirred with the profoundest indignation. under his inspiration, the virginia assembly adopted resolutions calling on the state to nullify within its limits the enforcement of the sedition act. the alien and sedition laws were declared unconstitutional, and the sister states were invited to unite in resisting them, "in order to maintain unimpaired the authorities, rights and liberties reserved to the states respectively or to the people." these views were not only those of jefferson, but of patrick henry, george mason and nearly all leading virginians. kentucky, the child of her loins, seconded the action of virginia, urged thereto by jefferson who moulded her resolutions. the revolt against the measures was so widespread that the alien act was repealed in 1800, and the sedition act in the following year. having been essentially federal measures, they were buried in the same grave with the federal party. having rendered these invaluable services, jefferson resigned his seat in congress, on account of the illness of his wife and the urgent need of his presence at home. moreover, he had been elected a member of the legislature of his state and was anxious to purge its statute books of a number of objectionable laws. he had hardly entered upon the work, when he was notified of his appointment as a joint commissioner with franklin and deane as representatives of the united states in france. after reflection, he declined the appointment, believing his duty at home was more important. that such was the fact was proven by his success in securing the repeal of the system of entail, thus allowing all property in the state to be held in fee simple, and by the abolishment of the connection between church and state. the latter required years in order to effect complete success, but it was reached at last. how forceful were many of the expressions he employed during that contest, such as: "compulsion makes hypocrites, not converts;" "truth stands by itself; error alone needs the support of government." jefferson's committee abolished the frightful penalties of the ancient code; he set on foot the movement for the improvement of public education; he drew the bill for the establishment of courts of law in the state, and prescribing their methods and powers; he destroyed the principle of primogeniture, and brought about the removal of the capital from williamsburg to richmond. jefferson succeeded patrick henry as governor of the state, at the opening of the year 1779. the two years were marked by incessant trial and the severest labor, for the war had reached virginia soil and the state was desolated. more than once the legislature was obliged to flee before the enemy; gates was crushed at camden; arnold the traitor scourged richmond with his raiders; monticello itself was captured by cavalry, and jefferson escaped only by a hair's breadth. his estate was trampled over, his horses stolen, his barns burned, his crops destroyed and many of his slaves run off. he declined a third election, and in the autumn of 1782, to his inconsolable sorrow, his wife died, leaving three daughters, the youngest a babe. in the following november, he took his seat in congress at annapolis, and during that session he proposed and caused the adoption of our present system of decimal currency. in may, 1784, he was again elected plenipotentiary to france to assist franklin and adams in negotiating commercial treaties with foreign nations. he arrived in paris in july, and in may, succeeding, became sole plenipotentiary to the king of france for three years from march 10, 1785. jefferson's residence in france produced a profound impression upon him and had much to do in crystallizing his ideas of the true form of government. that country was groveling under the heel of one of the most hideous systems that the baseness of man ever conceived. who has not read of the nobleman who, when his coachman ran over a child and crushed out its life, was only concerned lest its blood should soil his carriage, or of the poor peasants who were compelled to beat the bogs all night long, to prevent the frogs from croaking and thereby disturbing the slumber of their lordly masters? the condition of no people could be more horrible, than that of the lower classes in france previous to the uprising, with its excesses that horrified the world. jefferson enjoyed the music, the art and the culture of the gay capital, but could never shake off the oppression caused by the misery of the people. "they are ground to powder," he said, "by the vices of the form of government which is one of wolves over sheep, or kites over pigeons." he took many journeys through the country and made it a practice to enter the houses of the peasants and talk with them upon their affairs and manner of living. he often did this, using his eyes at the same time with the utmost assiduity. all that he learned deepened the sad impression he had formed, and he saw with unerring prevision the appalling retribution that was at hand. but jefferson was not the officer to forget or neglect his duties to his own government, during the five years spent in france. algiers, one of the pestilent barbary states, held a number of american captives which she refused to release except upon the payment of a large ransom. it had been the custom for years for the powerful christian nations to pay those savages to let their ships alone, because it was cheaper to do so than to maintain a fleet to fight them. jefferson strove to bring about a union of several nations with his own, for the purpose of pounding some sense into the heads of the barbarians and compelling them to behave themselves. one reason why he did not succeed was because our own country had no navy with which to perform her part in the compact. france, with that idiotic blindness which ruled her in those fearful days, maintained a protective system which prevented america from sending cheap food to starving people, nor was jefferson able to effect more than a slight change in the pernicious law. one thing done by him made him popular with the masses. his "notes on virginia" was published both in french and english. like everything that emanated from his master hand, it was well conceived and full of information. in addition, it glowed with republican sentiment and delighted the people. he was in paris when his state legislature enacted the act for which he had so strenuously worked, establishing the freedom of religion. he had numerous copies of it printed in french and distributed. it struck another popular chord and received the ardent praise of the advanced liberals. jefferson was too deeply interested in educational work to forget it among any surroundings. all new discoveries, inventions and scientific books were brought to the knowledge of the colleges in the united states, and he collected a vast quantity of seeds, roots and nuts for transplanting in american soil. it need hardly be said that his loved monticello was not forgotten, and, as stated elsewhere, he grew about everything of that nature that would stand the rigor of the virginia winters. no office or honor could take away jefferson's pride as a cultivator of the soil. returning to virginia on leave of absence, in the autumn of 1789, he was welcomed with official honors and the cordial respect of his fellow citizens. on the same day he learned of his appointment by washington as his secretary of state. he would have preferred to return to his former post, but yielded to the wishes of the first president, and, arriving in new york in march, 1790, entered at once upon the duties of his office. in the cabinet jefferson immediately collided with the brilliant alexander hamilton, secretary of the treasury. the two could no more agree than oil and water. jefferson was an intense republican-democrat, and was shocked and disgusted to find himself in an atmosphere of distrust of a republican system of government, with an unmistakable leaning toward monarchical methods. this feeling prevailed not only in society, but showed itself among the political leaders. jefferson's political creed may be summed up in his own words: "the will of the majority is the natural law of every society and the only sure guardian of the rights of man; though this may err, yet its errors are honest, solitary and short-lived. we are safe with that, even in its deviations, for it soon returns again to the right way." hamilton believed in a strong, centralized government, and on nearly every measure that came before the cabinet, these intellectual giants wrangled. their quarrels were so sharp that washington was often distressed. he respected both too deeply to be willing to lose either, but it required all his tact and mastering influence to hold them in check. each found the other so intolerable, that he wished to resign that he might be freed from meeting him. hamilton abhorred the french revolution, with its terrifying excesses, and jefferson declared that no horror equalled that of france's old system of government. finally jefferson could stand it no longer and withdrew from the cabinet january 1, 1794. an equally potent cause for his resignation was the meagreness of his salary of $3500. it was wholly insufficient and his estate was going to ruin. he yearned to return to his beloved pursuit, that of a farmer. the request by washington to act as special envoy to spain did not tempt him, but he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate for the presidency in 1796. john adams received 71 votes and jefferson 68, which in accordance with the law at that time made him vice-president. president adams ignored him in all political matters, and jefferson found the chair of presiding officer of the senate congenial. he presided with dignity and great acceptability, and his "manual of parliamentary practice" is still the accepted authority in nearly all of our deliberative bodies. the presidential election of 1800 will always retain its place among the most memorable in our history. the federalists had controlled the national government for twelve years, or ever since its organization, and they were determined to prevent the elevation of jefferson, the founder of the new republican party. the federal nominees were john adams for president and charles cotesworth pinckney for vice-president, while the republican vote was divided between jefferson and aaron burr. a favorite warning on the part of those who see their ideas threatened with overthrow is that our country is "trembling on the verge of revolution." how many times in the past twenty-five, ten and five years have ranting men and women proclaimed from the housetops that we were "on the verge of revolution?" according to these wild pessimists the revolution is always at hand, but somehow or other it fails to arrive. the probabilities are that it has been permanently side-tracked. during the campaign of 1800, hamilton sounded the trumpet of alarm, when he declared in response to a toast: "if mr. pinckney is not elected, a revolution will be the consequence, and within four years i will lose my head or be the leader of a triumphant army." the federalist clergy joined in denouncing jefferson on the ground that he was an atheist. the federalists said what they chose, but when the republicans grew too careless they were fined and imprisoned under the sedition law. the exciting canvas established one fact: there was no man in the united states so devotedly loved and so fiercely hated as thomas jefferson. new york had twelve electoral votes, and because of the alien and sedition laws she withheld them from adams and cast them upon the republican side. it may not be generally known that it was because of this fact that new york gained its name of the "empire state." the presidential vote was: jefferson, 73; burr, 73; john adams, 65; c. c. pinckney, 64; jay, 1. there being a tie between the leading candidates, the election was thrown into the house of representatives, which assembled on the 11th of february, 1801, to make choice between burr and jefferson. it is to the credit of hamilton that, knowing the debased character of burr, he used his utmost influence against him. a great snow storm descended upon the little town of washington and the excitement became intense. on the first ballot, eight states voted for jefferson and six for burr, while maryland and vermont were equally divided. all the federalists voted for burr with the single exception of huger of south carolina, not because of any love for burr, but because he did not hate him as much as he did jefferson. mr. nicholson of maryland was too ill to leave his bed. without his vote, his state would have been given to burr, but with it, the result in maryland would be a tie. it was a time when illness had to give way to the stern necessity of the case, and the invalid was wrapped up and brought on his bed through the driving snow storm and placed in one of the committee rooms of the house, with his wife at his side, administering medicines and stimulants night and day. on each vote the ballot box was brought to the bed side and his feeble hand deposited the powerful bit of paper. day after day, the balloting went on until thirty-five ballots had been cast. by that time, it was clear that no break could be made in the jefferson columns and it was impossible to elect burr. when the thirty-sixth ballot was cast, the federalists of maryland, delaware and south carolina threw blanks and the federalists of vermont stayed away, leaving their republican brothers to vote those states for jefferson. by this slender chance did the republic escape a calamity, and secure the election of jefferson for president with burr for vice-president. the inauguration of the third president was made a national holiday throughout the country. the church bells were rung, the military paraded, joyous orations were delivered, and many of the newspapers printed in full the declaration of independence. the closeness of the election resulted in a change in the electoral law by which the president and vice-president must of necessity belong to the same political party. jefferson had every reason to feel proud of his triumph, but one of the finest traits of his character was his magnanimity. the irascible adams made an exhibition of himself on the 4th of march, when in a fit of rage, he rose before day-light and set out in his coach for massachusetts, refusing to wait and take part in the inauguration of his successor. with the mellowness of growing years, he realized the silliness of the act, and he and jefferson became fully reconciled and kept up an affectionate correspondence to the end of their lives. jefferson did all he could to soothe the violent party feeling that had been roused during the election. this spirit ran like a golden thread through his first excellently conceived inaugural. he reminded his fellow citizens that while they differed in opinion, there was no difference in principle, and put forth the following happy thought: "we are all republicans, we are all federalists. if there be any among us, who would wish to dissolve this union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it." there can be little doubt that he had hamilton in mind when he answered, as follows, in his own forceful way the radical views of that gifted statesman. "some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong, that this government is not strong enough. i believe this, on the contrary, is the strongest government on earth. i believe it is the only one where every man, at the call of the laws, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern." it was characteristic of jefferson's nobility that one of his first efforts was to undo, so far as he could, the mischief effected by the detested sedition law. every man who was in durance because of its operation was pardoned, and he looked upon the law as "a nullity as obsolete and palpable, as if congress had ordered us to fall down and worship a golden image." he addressed friendly and affectionate letters to kosciusko and others, and invited them to be his guests at the white house. samuel adams of massachusetts had been shamefully abused during the canvas, but he felt fully compensated by the touching letter from the president. thomas paine was suffering almost the pangs of starvation in paris, and jefferson paid his passage home. everywhere that it was possible for jefferson to extend the helping hand he did so with a delicacy and a tact, that won him multitudes of friends and stamped him as one of nature's noblemen. the new president selected an able cabinet, consisting of james madison, secretary of state; albert gallatin, secretary of the treasury; henry dearborn, secretary of war; robert smith, secretary of the navy; gideon granger, postmaster-general; levi lincoln, attorney general. this household proved a veritable "happy family," all working together in harmony throughout the two terms, and jefferson declared that if he had his work to do over again, he would select the same advisers without exception. although the policy, "to the victors belong the spoils," had not been formulated at that time, its spirit quickened the body politic. jefferson's supporters expected him to turn out a part at least of the federalists, who held nearly all the offices, but he refused, on the principle that a competent and honest office holder should not be removed because of his political opinions. when he, therefore, made a removal, it was as a rule, for other and sufficient reasons. but he did not hesitate to show his dislike of the ceremony that prevailed around him. he stopped the weekly levee at the white house, and the system of precedence in force at the present time; also the appointment of fast and thanksgiving days. he dressed with severe simplicity and would not permit any attention to be paid him as president which would be refused him as a private citizen. in some respects, it must be conceded that this remarkable man carried his views to an extreme point. the story, however, that he rode his horse alone to the capitol, and, tying him to the fence, entered the building, unattended, lacks confirmation. jefferson was re-elected in 1804, by a vote of 162 to 14 for pinckney, who carried only two states out of the seventeen. the administrations of jefferson were marked not only by many important national events, but were accompanied by great changes in the people themselves. before and for some years after the revolution, the majority were content to leave the task of thinking, speaking and acting to the representatives, first of the crown and then to their influential neighbors. the property qualification abridged the right to vote, but the active, hustling nature of the americans now began to assert itself. the universal custom of wearing wigs and queues was given up and men cut their own hair short and insisted that every free man should have the right to vote. jefferson was the founder and head of the new order of things, and of the republican party, soon to take the name of democratic, which controlled all the country with the exception of new england. our commerce increased enormously, for the leading nations of europe were warring with one another; money came in fast and most of the national debt was paid. louisiana with an area exceeding all the rest of the united states, was bought from france in 1803, for $15,000,000, and from the territory were afterward carved the states of louisiana, arkansas, missouri, iowa, kansas, nebraska, the dakotas, montana, oklahoma, the indian territory and most of the states of wisconsin, minnesota, colorado and wyoming. the upper missouri river and the columbia river country to the pacific ocean were explored in 1804-6, by lewis and clarke, the first party of white men to cross the continent north of mexico. ohio was admitted to the union in 1802. fulton's steamboat, the clermont made her maiden trip from new york to albany in 1807. the first boatload of anthracite coal was shipped to philadelphia, and it was a long time before the people knew what to do with it. the tripolitan pirates were snuffed out (1801-1805). the blight of the embargo act settled upon our commerce in 1807, in which year the opening gun of the war of 1812 was fired when the leopard outraged the chesapeake. the embargo act was a grievous mistake of jefferson, though its purpose was commendable. under the plea of securing our ships against capture, its real object was to deprive england and france of the commodities which could be secured only in the united states. this measure might have been endurable for an agricultural people, but it could not be borne by a commercial and manufacturing one, like new england, whose goods must find their market abroad. under the embargo act, the new england ships were rotting and crumbling to pieces at her wharves. it was not long before she became restless. the measure was first endorsed by the massachusetts legislature, but the next session denounced it. early in 1809, congress passed an act allowing the use of the army and navy to enforce the embargo and make seizures. the boston papers printed the act in mourning and, meetings were called to memorialize the legislature. that body took strong ground, justifying the course of great britain, demanding of congress that it should repeal the embargo and declare war against france. moreover, the enforcement act was declared "not legally binding," and resistance to it was urged. this was as clear a case of nullification as that of south carolina in 1832. connecticut was as hot-headed as massachusetts. john quincy adams has stated that at that time the "essex junto" agreed upon a new england convention to consider the expediency of secession. adams denounced the plotters so violently that the massachusetts legislature censured him by vote, upon which he resigned his seat in the united states senate. the embargo act was passed by congress, december 22, 1807, at the instance of jefferson, and repealed february 28, 1809, being succeeded by the non-intercourse act, which forbade french and british vessels to enter american ports. it was mainly due to jefferson's consummate tact that war with great britain was averted after the leopard and chesapeake affair, and he always maintained that had his views been honestly carried out by the entire nation, we should have obtained all we afterward fought for, without the firing of a hostile gun. when on march 4, 1809, jefferson withdrew forever from public life, he was in danger of being arrested in washington for debt. he was in great distress, but a richmond bank helped him for a time with a loan. he returned to monticello, where he lived with his only surviving daughter martha, her husband and numerous children, and with the children of his daughter maria, who had died in 1804. he devoted hard labor and many years to the perfection of the common school system in virginia, and was so pleased with his establishment of the college at charlottesville, out of which grew the university of virginia, that he had engraved on his tombstone, "father of the university of virginia," and was prouder of the fact than of being the author of the declaration of independence. meanwhile, his lavish hospitality carried him lower and lower into poverty. there was a continual procession of curious visitors to monticello, and old women poked their umbrellas through the window panes to get a better view of the grand old man. congress in 1814, paid him $23,000 for his library which was not half its value. some time afterward a neighbor obtained his name as security on a note for $20,000 and left him to pay it all. in the last year of his life, when almost on the verge of want, $16,500 was sent to him as a present from friends in new york, philadelphia and baltimore, more than one-half being raised by mayor hone of new york. jefferson was moved to tears, and in expressing his gratitude said, he was thankful that not a penny had been wrung from taxpayers. in the serene sunset of life, the "sage of monticello" peacefully passed away on the afternoon of july 4, 1826, and a few hours later, john adams, at his home in quincy, mass., breathed his last. a reverent hush fell upon the country, at the thought of these two great men, one the author of the declaration of independence and the other the man who brought about its adoption, dying on the fiftieth anniversary of its signing, and many saw a sacred significance in the fact. horace greeley in referring to the co-incidence, said there was as much probability of a bushel of type flung into the street arranging themselves so as to print the declaration of independence, as there was of jefferson and adams expiring on the fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of that instrument; and yet one alternative of the contingency happened and the other never can happen. jefferson's liberal views have caused him to be charged with infidelity. he profoundly respected the moral character of christ, but did not believe in divine redemption through christ's work. his dearest aim was to bring down the aristocracy and elevate the masses. he regarded slavery as a great moral and political evil, and in referring to it said: "i tremble for my country when i remember that god is just." no more humane slave owner ever lived, and his servants regarded him with almost idolatrous affection, while his love of justice, his hospitality, his fairness to all and his winning personality disarmed enmity and gave him many of his truest and warmest friends from among his political opponents. a peculiar fact connected with jefferson is the difference among his portraits. this is due to the varying periods at which they were made. as we have stated, he was raw-boned, freckled and ungainly in his youth, but showed a marked improvement in middle life. when he became old, many esteemed him good looking, though it can hardly be claimed that he was handsome. when jefferson was eighty years old, daniel webster wrote the following description of the venerable "sage of monticello:" "never in my life did i see his countenance distorted by a single bad passion or unworthy feeling. i have seen the expression of suffering, bodily and mental, of grief, pain, sadness, disagreeable surprise and displeasure, but never of anger, impatience, peevishness, discontent, to say nothing of worse or more ignoble emotions. to the contrary, it was impossible to look on his face without being struck with the benevolent, intelligent, cheerful and placid expression. it was at once intellectual, good, kind and pleasant, whilst his tall, spare figure spoke of health, activity and that helpfulness, that power and will, 'never to trouble another for what he could do himself,' which marked his character." this sketch may well be closed with jefferson's own words regarding life and happiness. "perfect happiness, i believe, was never intended by the deity to be the lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he has very much put it in our power the nearness of our approach to it, is what i have steadfastly believed. "the most fortunate of us, in our journey through life, frequently meet with calamities and misfortunes, which may greatly afflict us; and to fortify our minds against the attacks of these calamities and misfortunes should be one of the principal studies and endeavors of our lives. "the only method of doing this is to assume a perfect resignation to the divine will, to consider that whatever does happen must happen, and that by our uneasiness we cannot prevent the blow before it does fall, but we may add to its force after it has fallen. "these considerations, and others such as these, may enable us in some measure to surmount the difficulties thrown in our way, to bear up with a tolerable degree of patience under this burden of life, and to proceed with a pious and unshaken resignation till we arrive at our journey's end, when we may deliver up our trust into the hands of him who gave it, and receive such reward as to him shall seem proportionate to our merits." thomas jefferson. (1743-1826), by g. mercer adam jefferson, when he penned the famous declaration of independence, which broke all hope of reconciliation with the motherland and showed england what the deeply-wronged colonies of the new world unitedly desired and would in the last resort fight for, had then just passed his thirty-third birthday. who was the man, and what were his upbringings and status in the then young community, that inspired the writing of this great historic document--a document that on its adoption gave these united states an ever-memorable national birthday, and seven years later, by the peace of versailles, wrung from britain recognition of the independence of the country and ushered it into the great sisterhood of nations? to his contemporaries and a later political age, jefferson, in spite of his culture and the aristocratic strain in his blood, is known as the advocate of popular sovereignty and the champion of democracy in matters governmental, as united states minister to france between the years 1784-89, as secretary of state under washington, and as u. s. president from 1801 to 1809. by education and bent of mind, he was, however, an idealist in politics, a thinker and writer, rather than a debater and speaker, and one who in his private letters, state papers, and public documents did much to throw light, in his era, on the origin and development of american political thought. a man of fine education and of noble, elevated character, he earned distinction among his fellows, and though opposed politically by many prominent statesmen of the day, who, like washington, hamilton, and adams, were in favor of a strong centralized government, while jefferson, in the interests of the masses, feared encroachments on state and individual liberty, he was nevertheless paid the respect, consideration, and regard of his generation, as his services have earned the gratitude and his memory the endearing commendation of posterity. the illustrious statesman was born april 13, 1743, at "shadwell," his father's home in the hill country of central virginia, about 150 miles from williamsburg, once the capital of the state, and the seat of william and mary college, where jefferson received his higher education. his father, peter jefferson, was a planter, owning an estate of about 2,000 acres, cultivated, as was usual in virginia, by slave labor. his mother was a miss randolph, and well connected; to her the future president owed his aristocratic blood and refined tastes, and with good looks a fine, manly presence. by her, thomas, who was the third of nine children, was in his childhood's days gently nurtured, though himself fond of outdoor life and invigorating physical exercise. his father died when his son was but fourteen, and to him he bequeathed the roanoke river estate, afterwards rebuilt and christened "monticello." his studies at the time were pursued under a fairly good classical scholar; and on passing to college he there made diligent use of his time in the study of history, literature, the sciences, and mathematics. when he left college jefferson took up the study of law under the direction of george wythe, afterwards chancellor, then a rising professional man of high attainments, to whom the youth seems to have been greatly indebted as mentor and warm, abiding friend. he was also fortunate in the acquaintance he was able to make among many of the best people of virginia, including some historic names, such as patrick henry, edmund randolph, and francis fauquier, the lieutenant-governor of the province, a gentleman with strong french proclivities, and a devoted student of the destructive writings of voltaire, rousseau, and diderot, that had much to do in bringing on the french revolution. by his father's death, he acquired a modest income, besides his little estate, and the former he added to by his legal practice when, in 1767, he obtained his diploma as a lawyer. in 1769, he became a member of the house of burgesses along with washington and other prominent virginians, and with the exception of brief intervals he served with distinction until the outbreak of the revolution. in 1772, he married a young widow in good circumstances, and this enabled him to add alike to his income and to his patrimony. about the time of the meeting of the colonial convention, called in 1775, to choose delegates for the continental congress at philadelphia, at which patrick henry was present, the youthful jefferson, now known as an able political writer, wrote his "summary view of the rights of british america"--a trenchant protest against english taxation of the colonies, which had considerable influence in creating public feeling favorable to american independence. the effect of this notable utterance was, later on, vastly increased by the draft he prepared of the declaration of independence, the latter immortal document being somewhat of a transcript of views set forth by jefferson in his former paper, as well as of ideas expressed by the english philosopher, john locke, in his "theory of government," and by rousseau, in his "discourse on the origin of inequality among men;" though the circumstances of the colonies at this time were of course different; while to england and the european nations the declaration was a startling revelation of the attitude now assumed by the great leaders of the movement for separation as well as for freedom and independence. in the passing of this great national charter john adams, as all know, was of much service to jefferson in the debate over it in committee, as well as in the subsequent ratification of it by the house. franklin was also of assistance in its revision in draft form; and most happy was the result, not only in the ultimate passing of the great historic document, but in its affirmation of the intelligent stand taken by the colonies against england and her monarch, and in its pointed definition of the theory of democratic government on which the new fabric of popular rule in the new world was founded and raised. in the autumn of 1776, jefferson resigned his seat in congress, or rather declined re-election to the third continental congress, and retired for a time to his virginia home. he also, at this period, declined appointment to france on the mission on which franklin had set out; nevertheless, we presently find him a member of the legislature of his own state, taking part in passing measures in which he was particularly interested. many of these measures are indicative of the breadth of mind and large, tolerant views for which jefferson was noted, viz.: the repeal in virginia of the laws of entail; the abolition of primogeniture and the substitution of equal partition of inheritance; the affirmation of the rights of conscience and the relief of the people from taxation for the support of a religion not their own; and the introduction of a general system of education, so that the people, as the author of these beneficent acts himself expressed it, "would be qualified to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to exercise with intelligence their parts in self-government." other measures included the abolition of capital punishment, save for murder and treason, and an embargo placed on the importation of slaves, though jefferson failed in his larger design of freeing all slaves, as he desired, hoping that this would be done throughout the entire country, while also beneficently extending to them white aid and protection. in 1779, jefferson succeeded patrick henry in the governorship of virginia. this was the period when the english were prosecuting their campaigns in the south, checked by general nathaniel greene--when south carolina was being overrun by cornwallis, and virginia itself was invaded by expeditions from new york under philips and arnold. as jefferson had no military abilities, indeed, was a recluse rather than a man of action, the administration of his native province, while able and efficient, was lacking in the notable incident which the then crisis of affairs would naturally call forth. even his own virginia homestead was at this time raided by the english cavalry officer, colonel tarleton, and much of his property was either desolated or stolen. this occasioned bitter resentment against the english in jefferson's mind; while the serious illness and early death of his loved wife, which occurred just then, led him to surrender office and return for a time to the seclusion of his home. meanwhile, thrice was the offer made to the fast-budding statesman to proceed to france as ambassador; and only on the post being pressed upon him for the fourth time did he accept its duties and responsibilities and set out, accompanied by a daughter whom he wished to have educated abroad, for paris in the summer of 1784. in the post now vacated by franklin, jefferson remained for five years, until the meeting of the french estates-general and the outbreak of the revolution against absolute monarchy and the theory of the state in france upon which it rested. with french society, jefferson, even more than his predecessor, was greatly enamored, and was on intimate terms with the savants of the era, including those who by their writings had precipitated the french revolution, with all its excesses and horrors. the latter, it is true, filled jefferson with dismay on his return to america, though dear to him were the principles which the apostles of revolution advocated and the wellbeing of the people, in spite of the anarchy that ensued. what diplomatic business was called for during his holding the post of minister, jefferson efficiently conducted, and with the courtesy as well as sagacity which marked all his relations as a publicist and man of the world. unlike john adams, who with franklin had been his predecessor as american envoy to france, he was on good terms with the french minister, count vergennes; while he shut his eyes, which adams could not do, to the lack of disinterestedness in french friendliness toward the colonies and remembered only the practical and timely service the nation had rendered to his country. jefferson added to his services at this era by his efforts to suppress piracy in the mediterranean, on the part of corsairs belonging to the barbary states, which he further checked, later on, by the bombardment of tripoli and the punishment administered to algiers during the tripolitan war (1801-05), for her piratical attacks on neutral commerce. after traveling considerably through europe and informing himself as to the character and condition of the people in the several countries visited, jefferson returned to america just at the time when washington was elected to the presidency. in his absence, the federal convention had met at philadelphia, the constitution of the united states had been adopted and ratified, and the government had been organized with its executive departments, then limited to five, viz.: the state department, the treasury, the war department, the department of justice, and the post-office. the judiciary had also been organized and the supreme court founded. with these organizations of the machinery of government came presently the founding of parties, especially the rise of the republican or democratic party, as it was subsequently called, in opposition to the federalist party, then led by hamilton, jay, and morris. at this juncture, on the return of jefferson from the french mission, and after a visit to his home in virginia, washington offered him the post of secretary of state, which he accepted, and entered upon the duties of that office in new york in march, 1791. his chief colleague in the cabinet, soon now to become his political opponent, was alexander hamilton, who had charge of the finances, as head of the treasury department. between these two men, as chiefs of the principal departments of government, president washington had an anxious time of it in keeping the peace, for each was insistently arrayed against the other, not only in their respective attitudes toward england and in the policy of the administration in the then threatening war with france, but also as to the powers the national government should be entrusted with in relation to the legislatures of the separate states. what jefferson specially feared, with his firmly held views as to the independence of public opinion, and especially his hatred of monarchy and all its ways, was that the conservative and aristocratic influences of the environment of new york, hardly as yet escaped from the era of royal and tory dominion and submission to the english crown, might fashion the newly federated nation upon english models and give it a complexion far removed, socially as well as politically, from republican simplicity, coupled with a disposition to aggress upon and dictate to the individual states of the union, to their nullification and practical effacement. for this apparent tendency, jefferson specially blamed hamilton, since his tastes as well as his sympathies were known to be aristocratic, as indeed were washington's, in his fondness for courtly dignity and the trappings and ceremonies of high office. but his antagonism to hamilton was specially called forth by the latter's creation of a national bank, with its tendency to aggrandize power and coerce or control votes at the expense of the separate states. he further was opposed to the great financier and aristocrat for his leanings toward england and against france, in the war that had then broken out between these nations, and for his sharp criticism of the draft of the message to congress on the relations of france and england, which jefferson had penned, and which was afterwards to influence washington in issuing the neutrality proclamation of 1793. in this attitude toward hamilton and the administration, of which both men were members, jefferson was neither selfish nor scheming, but, on the contrary, was discreet and patriotic, as well as just and high-minded. "what he desired supremely," as has been well stated by a writer, "was the triumph of democratic principles, since he saw in this triumph the welfare of the country--the interests of the many against the ascendancy of the few--the real reign of the people, instead of the reign of an aristocracy of money or birth." in this opposition to his chief and able colleague, and feeling strongly on the matters which constantly brought him into collision with the centralizing designs of the president and the preponderating influence in the cabinet hostile to his views, jefferson resigned his post in december, 1793, and retired for a time to his estate at monticello. jefferson always relished the period of his brief retirements to his virginia home, where he could enjoy his library, entertain his friends, and overlook his estates. there, too, he took a lively interest in popular and higher education, varied by outlooks on the national situation, not always pleasing to him, as in the case of jay's treaty with england (1794-95), which shortly afterwards proved fatal to that statesman's candidature for the presidential office. meanwhile, the contentions and rivalries of the political parties grew apace; and in 1797, just before the retirement of washington at the close of his second administration, the struggle between democrats and federalists became focussed on the prize of the presidency--the "father of his country" having declined to stand for a third term. the candidates, we need hardly say, were john adams, who had been vice president in washington's administration, and thomas jefferson, the former being the standard-bearer of the federalists, and the latter the candidate of the anti-federal republicans. the contest ended by adams securing the presidency by three votes (71 to 68) over jefferson, who thus, according to the usage of the time, became vice-president. the adams' administration, though checkered by divided counsels and by the machinations of party, was on the whole beneficial to the country. it had, however, to face new complications with france, then under the directory. these complications arose, in part, from soreness over the passing of the jay treaty with england, and in part because america could not be bled for money through its envoys, at the bidding of unscrupulous members of the directory. the situation was for a time so grave as to incite to war preparations in the united states, and to threatened naval demonstrations against france. nor were matters improved by the enforcement of the alien and sedition acts (1798), directed against those deemed dangerous to the peace and safety of the country, or who, like the more violent members of the press, published libels on the government. the storm which these obnoxious acts evoked led to their speedy repeal, though not before jefferson and madison had denounced them as fetters on the freedom of public speech and infringements of the rights of the people. they were moreover resented as not being in harmony with the constitution, as a compact to which the individual states of the union were parties, and which jefferson especially deemed to be in jeopardy from federalist legislation. the result of these agitations of the period, and of breaches, which had now come about, between the adams and hamilton wings of the federalist party, showed itself in the presidential campaign of 1800. washington, by this time, had passed from earthly scenes, and the coming nineteenth century was to bring such changes and developments in the young nation as few then foresaw or even dreamed of. at this era, when the adams administration was about to close, jefferson, in spite of his known liberal, democratic views, was one of the most popular of political leaders, save with the federalists, now dwindling in numbers and influence. he it was who was put forward on the republican side for the presidency, while adams, still favored by the federalists and himself desiring a second term of office, became the federalist candidate. associated with the latter in the contest was charles c. pinckney, of south carolina, who was named for the vice-presidency; while the republican candidate for the minor post was aaron burr, an able but unscrupulous politician of new york. when the electoral votes were counted, jefferson and burr, it was found, had each received seventy-three votes; while adams secured sixty-five and pinckney sixty-four votes. the tie between jefferson and burr caused the election to be thrown into the house of representatives, where the federalists were still strong, and who, in their dislike of jefferson, reckoned on finally giving the presidency to burr. to this, hamilton, however, magnanimously objected, and in the end jefferson secured the presidential prize, while to burr fell the vice-presidency. for the next eight years, until the coming of madison's administration, jefferson was at the helm of national affairs, assisted by an able cabinet, the chief members of which were james madison, secretary of state, and the swiss financier, albert gallatin, secretary of the treasury. aaron burr, as we have recorded, was vice-president, though the relations of jefferson with him were far from cordial, owing to his political intrigues, which led the president ultimately to eschew him and distrust his character. jefferson's attitude toward the man was later on shown to be well justified, as the result of burr's hateful quarrel with alexander hamilton, and his mortally wounding that eminent statesman in a duel, which doomed him to political and social ostracism. it was still further intensified by burr's treasonable attempt to seduce the west out of the union and to found with it and mexico a rival republic, with the looked-for aid of britain. these unscrupulous acts occurred in jefferson's second term; and, failing in his conspiracy, burr deservedly brought upon himself national obloquy, as well as prosecution for treason, though nothing came of the latter. some two years after jefferson's assumption of office, ohio was admitted as a state into the union. the next year (1803) saw, however, an enormous extension of the national domain, thanks to the president's far-seeing, if at the time unconstitutional, policy. this was the purchase from france, at the cost of $15,000,000, of louisiana, a vast territory lying between the mississippi, the rocky mountains, and the rio grande, which had been originally settled by the french, and by their government ceded in 1763 to spain as a set-off for florida, while the french king at the same time ceded his other possessions on this continent to england. in 1800, napoleon had forced spain to re-cede louisiana to france, as the price of the first consul's uncertain goodwill and other intangible or elusive favors. at this period, france desired to occupy the country, or at least to form a great seaport at new orleans, the entrepot of the mississippi, that might be of use to her against english warships in the region of the west indies. when news of the transfer of louisiana to france reached this side of the water, jefferson was greatly exercised over it, and had notions of off-setting it by some joint action with great britain. his inducement to this unwonted course, considering his hatred of england and love for france, was his knowledge of the fact that french occupation of louisiana meant the closing of the mississippi to american commerce. the purchase of louisiana, which at one stroke more than doubled the existing area of the nation, was at first hotly opposed, especially by the federalists. it was deemed by them an unwarrantable stretch of the constitution on jefferson's part, both in negotiating for it as a then foreign possession without authority from congress, and in pledging the country's resources in its acquisition. the president was, however, sustained in his act, not only by the senate, which ratified the purchase, but by the hearty approval and acclaim of the people. happily at this time the nation was ready for the acquisition and in good shape financially to pay for it, since the country was prospering, and its finances, thanks to the president's policy of economy and retrenchment, were adequate to assume the burden involved in the purchase. the national debt at this period was being materially reduced, and with its reduction came, of course, the saving on the interest charge; while the national income and credit were encouragingly rising. though the economical condition of the united states was thus favorable at this era, the state of trade, hampered by the policy of commercial restriction against foreign commerce, then prevailing, was not as satisfactory as the shippers of the east and the commercial classes desired. the reason of this was the unsettled relations of the united states with foreign countries, and especially with england, whose policy had been and still was to thwart the new world republic and harass its commerce and trade. to this england was incited by the bitter memories of the revolutionary war and her opposition to rivalry as mistress of the seas. hence followed, on the part of the united states, the non-importation act, the embargo act of 1807-08, and other retaliatory measures of jefferson's administration, coupled with reprisals at sea and other expedients to offset british empressment of american sailors and the right of search, so ruthlessly and annoyingly put in force against the newborn nation and her maritime people. the english people themselves, or a large proportion of them at least, were as strongly opposed to these aggressions of their government as were americans, and while their voice effected little in the way of amelioration, it brought the two peoples once more distinctly nearer to the resort to war. meanwhile, the embargo act had become so irritating to our own people that the jefferson administration was compelled to repeal it, though saving its face, for the time being, by the enforcement of the non-intercourse law, which imposed stringent restrictions upon british and french ships entering american harbors. such are the principal features of the jefferson administration and the more important questions with which it had to deal. among other matters which we have not noted were the organization of the united states courts; the removal of the seat of government from philadelphia to washington; the party complexion of jefferson's appointments to the civil service, in spite of his expressed design to be non-partisan in the selection to office; and the naming of men for the foreign embassies, such as james monroe as plenipotentiary to france, assisted at the french court by robert r. livingstone, and at the spanish court by charles c. pinckney. other matters to which jefferson gave interested attention include the dispatch of the explorers, lewis and clarke, to report on the features of the far western country, then in reality a wilderness, and to reclaim the vast unknown region for civilization. the details of this notable expedition up the missouri to its source, then on through the indian country across the rockies to the pacific, need not detain us, since the story is familiar to all. with the louisiana purchase, it opened up great tracts of the continent, later on to become habitable and settled areas, and make a great and important addition to the public domain. in the appointment of the expedition and the interest taken in it, jefferson showed his intelligent appreciation of what was to become of high value to the country, and ere long result in a land of beautiful homes to future generations of its hardy people. at the close of his second term in the presidential chair (1809) jefferson retired once more, and finally, to "monticello," after over forty years of almost continuous public service. his career in this high office was entirely worthy of the man, being that of an honorable and public-spirited, as well as an able and patriotic, statesman. if not so astute and sagacious as some who have held the presidency, especially in failing to see where his political principles, if carried out to their logical conclusions, would lead, his conscientiousness and liberality of mind prevented him from falling gravely into error or making any very fatal mistakes. though far from orthodox,--indeed, a freethinker he may be termed, in matters of religious belief, his personal life was most exemplary, and his relations with his fellowmen were ever just, honorable, and upright. he had no gifts as a speaker, but was endowed highly as a writer and thinker; and, generally, was a man of broad intelligence, unusual culture for his time, and possessed a most alert and enlightened mind. his interest in education and the liberal arts was great, and with his consideration for the deserving poor and those in class servitude, was indulged in at no inconsiderable cost to his pocket. his hospitality was almost a reproach to him, as his impoverished estates and diminished fortunes in the latter part of his life attest. his faith in democracy as a form of government was unbounded, as was his loyalty to that beneficent political creed summed up in the motto--"liberty, equality, and fraternity." "as a president," writes the lecturer, dr. john lord, "he is not to be compared with washington for dignity, for wisdom, for consistency, or executive ability. yet, on the whole, he has left a great name for giving shape to the institutions of his country, and for intense patriotism." "jefferson's manners," records the same entertaining writer, "were simple, his dress was plain, he was accessible to everybody, he was boundless in his hospitalities, he cared little for money, his opinions were liberal and progressive, he avoided quarrels, he had but few prejudices, he was kind and generous to the poor and unfortunate, he exalted agricultural life, he hated artificial splendor, and all shams and lies. in his morals he was irreproachable, unlike hamilton and burr; he never made himself ridiculous, like john adams, by egotism, vanity, and jealousy; he was the most domestic of men, worshipped by his family and admired by his guests; always ready to communicate knowledge, strong in his convictions, perpetually writing his sincere sentiments and beliefs in letters to his friends,--as upright and honest a man as ever filled a public station, and finally retiring to private life with the respect of the whole nation, over which he continued to exercise influence after he had parted with power. and when he found himself poor and embarrassed in consequence of his unwise hospitality, he sold his library, the best in the country, to pay his debts, as well as the most valuable part of his estate, yet keeping up his cheerfulness and serenity of temper, and rejoicing in the general prosperity,--which was produced by the ever-expanding energies and resources of a great country, rather than by the political theories which he advocated with so much ability." in jefferson's own mind, just what was the essence of his political gospel we ascertain from a succinct yet comprehensive passage in his able first inaugural address. in that address president jefferson sets forth instructively what he terms the essential principles of government, and those upon which, as he conceives, his own administration was founded and by which it was guided. the governing principles it affirms are:-"equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the state governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people; a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority--economy in the public expenditure, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaiden; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. these principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. the wisdom of our sages and the blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment; they should be the creed of our political faith; the text of civic instruction; the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety." jefferson had completed his sixty-sixth year when he relinquished the presidency to his friend and pupil, james madison, and retired to his loved virginia home. there he lived on for seventeen years, enjoying the esteem and respect of the nation, and taking active interest in his favorite schemes on behalf of education in his native state and his helpful work in founding the college which was afterwards expanded into the university of virginia. his interest in national affairs, up to the last, remained keen and fervid, as the vast collection of his published correspondence show, as well as his many visiting contemporaries attest. in the winter of 1825-6, his health began to fail, and in the following spring he made his will and prepared for posterity the original draft of his great historic achievement as a writer and patriot--the declaration of independence. as the year (1826) wore on, he expressed a wish to live until the fiftieth anniversary of the nation's independence, a wish that, as in the case of his distinguished contemporary, john adams, was granted by the favor of heaven, and he died on the 4th of july, mourned by the whole country. in numberless quarters, funeral honors were paid to his memory, the more memorable orations being that of daniel webster, delivered in boston. to his tomb still come annually many reverent worshippers; while, among the historic shrines of the nation, his home at monticello attracts ever-increasing hosts of loving and admiring pilgrims. thomas jefferson's first inaugural address--1801. friends and fellow-citizens:--called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, i avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled, to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that i approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire. a rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye when i contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, i shrink from the contemplation and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. utterly, indeed, should i despair, did not the presence of many whom i here see, remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our constitution, i shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties. to you then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, i look with encouragement for that guidance and support, which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world. during the contest of opinions through which we have passed, the animation of discussions and exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely, and to speak and to write as they think. but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, enounced according to the rules of the constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. all, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle that, though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate which would be oppression. let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind; let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things. let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecution. during the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonized spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some, and should divide opinion as to measures of safety. but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. we have called by different names brethren of the same principle. we are all republicans; we are all federalists. if there be any among us who wish to dissolve this union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. i know, indeed, that some honest men have feared that a republican government cannot be strong; that this government is not strong enough. but would not the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? i trust not. i believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government on earth. i believe it is the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law; would meet invasions of public order as his own personal concern. sometimes, it is said, that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. can he then be trusted with the government of others? or have we found angels in the form of kings to govern him? let history answer this question. let us, then, pursue with courage and confidence our own federal and republican principle, our attachment to union and representative government. kindly separated by nature, and a wide ocean, from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe, too high-minded to endure the degradation of the others; possessing a chosen country with room enough for all to the hundredth and thousandth generation; entertaining a dull sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisition of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them, enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude and the love of man, acknowledging and adoring an overruling providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and in his greater happiness hereafter. with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? still one thing more, fellow-citizens: a wise and frugal government which shall restrain men from injuring one another shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. this is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities. about to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what i deem the essential principles of this government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration. i will compress them in the narrowest limits they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations: equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the state governments in all their rights as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government, in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in public expense that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. these principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation: the wisdom of our sages and the blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment; they should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety. i repair then, fellow-citizens, to the post which you have assigned me. with experience enough in subordinate stations to know the difficulties of this, the greatest of all, i have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it. without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love, and had destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, i ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs. i shall often go wrong through defect of judgment; when right, i shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. i ask your indulgence for my errors, which will never be intentional; and your support against the errors of others, who may contemn what they would not, if seen in all its parts. the approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past; and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all. relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, i advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make. and may that infinite power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity. the louisiana purchase, by isidore a. zacharias. from "self-culture" magazine for jan., 1896 by kind permission of the publishers the werner co., akron, o. no surer or more lasting cause conduced to the political, financial, and national development of this country, no unforeseen or long-sought measure received more universal approbation and revealed to all its great importance, than did the louisiana purchase. its acquisition marks a political revolution,--a bloodless and tearless revolution. it gave incomputable energy to the centralization of our government. by removing the danger of foreign interference and relieving the burden of arming against hostile forces, it opened a field for the spread and growth of american institutions. it enlarged the field of freedom's action to work out the task of civilization on a basis of substantial and inspiring magnitude. it extended the jurisdiction of the united states to take in the mighty mississippi. it gave an impetus to exploration and adventure, to investment and enterprise, and fed the infantile nation with a security born of greatness. the expeditions of la salle furnished the basis of the original french claims to the vast region called by france in the new world louisiana. settlement was begun in 1699. french explorers secured the st. lawrence and mississippi rivers, the two main entrances to the heart of america. they sought to connect canada and louisiana by a chain of armed towns and fortified posts, which were sparsely though gradually erected. in 1722 new orleans was made the capital of the french possessions in the southwest. france hoped to build in this colony a kingdom rich and lucrative, and this hope the early conditions, the stretch of fertile and easily traversable country, stimulated. the french and indian wars came on. the english forces, aided by american colonists of english descent, captured the french forts, destroyed their towns, and took dominion of their territory. the seven years' war, ending in america in the capture of quebec by the immortal wolfe, completed the downfall of french-america. the treaty of paris ceded to spain the territory of louisiana. the government at madrid now assumed control of the region; settlers became more numerous, the planting of sugar was begun, the province flourished. while spain in 1782-83 occupied both sides of the mississippi from 31 north latitude to its mouth, the united states and great britian declared in the treaty of paris that the navigation of that river from its source to its outlet should be free to both nations. spain denied that such provisions were binding on her. she sought to levy a duty on merchandise transported on the river. she denied the right of our citizens to use the mississippi as a highway, and complications ensued. the americans claimed the free navigation of the river and the use of new orleans for a place of deposit as a matter of right. however, the unfriendly policy of spain continued for some years. in 1795 the spanish government became involved in a war with france. weakened by loss of forces and fearing hostilities from this country, spain consented to sign a treaty of friendship, boundaries and navigation with our envoy, thomas pinckney. its most important article was to this effect, that "his catholic majesty likewise agrees that the navigation of the said river (mississippi), in its whole breadth, from its source to the ocean, shall be free only to his subjects and to the subjects of the united states." on october 1,1800, by the secret treaty of san ildefonso, spain gave back to france that province of louisiana which in 1762 france had given her. the consideration for its retrocession was an assurance by france that the duke of palma, son-in-law of the king of spain, should be raised to the dignity of king and have his territory enlarged by the addition of tuscany. rumors of this treaty reached america in the spring of 1801, though its exact terms were not known until the latter part of that year. immediately upon the reception of this information, our government and its citizens were aroused. the united states found herself hemmed in between the two professional belligerents of europe--a perilous position for the young power. the excitement increased when, in october, 1802, the spanish intendant declared that new orleans could no longer be used as a place of deposit. nor was any other place designated for such purpose, although in the treaty of 1795 it was stipulated that in the event of a withdrawal of the right to use new orleans, some other point would be named. it was now a subject of extreme importance to the republic into whose control the highway of traffic should pass. president jefferson called the attention of congress to this retrocession. he anticipated the french designs. he justly feared that napoleon bonaparte would seek to renew the old colonial glories of france, and the warlike genius and ambitious spirit of the "first consul" augmented this fear. word came in november, 1802, of an expedition being fitted out under french command to take possession of louisiana, all protests of our minister to the transfer having proved futile. our nation then realized fully the peril of the situation. congress directed the governors of the states to call out 80,000 militia, if necessary, and it appropriated $2,000,000 for the purchase of the island of new orleans and the adjacent lands. early in january, 1803, the president decided to hasten matters by sending james monroe to france, to be associated with robert r. livingston, our minister to that country, as commissioners for the purchase of new orleans and the floridas. livingston had been previously working on the same line, but without success. instructions were given them that if france was obstinate about selling the desired territory, to open negotiations with the british government, with a view to preventing france from taking possession of louisiana. european complications, however, worked in favor of this country more than did our own efforts. ere monroe arrived at his destination disputes arose between england and france concerning the island of malta. the clouds of war began to gather. napoleon discerned that england's powerful navy would constantly menace and probably capture new orleans, if it were possessed by him, and fearing a frustration of his designs of conquest by too remote accessions, napoleon, at this juncture, made overtures for a sale to the united states not only of the island of new orleans but of the whole area of the province. the money demanded would be helpful to france, and the wily frenchman probably saw in such a transfer an opportunity of embroiling the government at washington in boundary disputes with the british and spanish sovereigns. these considerations served to precipitate french action. marbois, who had the confidence of napoleon, and who had been in the diplomatic service in america, was now at the head of the french treasury. he was put forward to negotiate with our representatives with respect to the proposed sale. on april 10, 1803, news came from london that the peace of amiens was at an end; war impended. bonaparte at once sent for marbois and ordered him to push the negotiations with livingston, without awaiting the arrival of monroe, of whose appointment the "first consul" was aware. monroe reached paris on the 12th of april, and the negotiations, already well under way, progressed rapidly. a treaty and two conventions were signed by barbe-marbois for the french, and by livingston and monroe for the united states, on april 30th, less than three weeks after the commission had begun its work. the price agreed upon for the cession of louisiana was 75,000,000 francs, and for the satisfying of french spoliation claims due to americans was estimated at $3,750,000. the treaty was ratified by bonaparte in may, 1803, and by the united states senate in the following october. the cession of the territory was contained in one paper, another fixed the amount to be paid and the mode of payment, a third arranged the method of settling the claims due to americans. the treaty did not attempt a precise description or boundary of the territory ceded. in the treaty of san ildefonso general terms only are used. it speaks of louisiana as of "the same extent that it now has in the hands of spain, and that it had when france possessed it, and such as it should be after the treaties subsequently entered into between spain and the other states." the treaty with the united states describes the land as "the said territory, with all its rights and appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as have been acquired by the french republic, in virtue of the above-mentioned treaty concluded with his catholic majesty." the court at madrid was astounded when it heard of the cession to the united states. florida was left hemmed in and an easy prey in the first hostilities. spain filed a protest against the transfer, claiming that by express provision of the articles of cession to her, france was prohibited from alienating it without spanish consent. the protest being ignored, spain began a course of unfriendly proceedings against the united states. hostile acts on her part were continued to such an extent that a declaration of war on the part of this country would have been justified. we relied upon the french to protect our title. at length, without any measures of force, the cavilling of spain ceased and she acquiesced in the transfer. upon being confronted with the proposition of sale by marbois, our ministers were dazzled. they recognized the vast importance of an acceptance, yet felt their want of authority. with a political prescience and broad patriotism they overstepped all authority and concluded the treaty for the purchase of this magnificent domain. authorized to purchase a small island and a coaling-place, they contracted for an empire. the treaty of settlement was looked upon by our representatives as a stroke of state. when the negotiations were consummated and the treaties signed and delivered, mr. livingston said: "we have lived long, and this is the fairest work of our lives. the treaty we have just signed will transform a vast wilderness into a flourishing country. from this day the united states becomes a first-class power. the articles we have signed will produce no tears, but ages of happiness for countless human beings." time has verified these expressions. at the same period, the motives and sentiment of bonaparte were bodied forth in the sentence: "i have given to england a maritime rival that will sooner or later humble her pride." the acquisition was received with merited and general applause. few objections were made. the only strenuous opposition arose from some federalists, who could see no good in any act of the jeffersonian administration, however meritorious it might be. out of the territory thus acquired have been carved louisiana, missouri, kansas, arkansas, nebraska, iowa, north dakota, south dakota, montana, and the largest portion of minnesota, wyoming, and colorado. they now form the central section of the united states, and are the homes of millions and the sources of countless wealth. it is possible here to notice but briefly the vast and permanent political and economical consequences to the united states of this purchase. the party which performed this service came into power as the maintainer of voluntary union. the soul of the strict construction party was thomas jefferson. inclined to french ideas, he had been for several years previous to the founding of our constitution imbibing their extreme doctrines. no sooner did he return than he discerned, with the keen glance of genius, what passed hamilton and adams unobserved, the key to the popular fancy. he knew precisely where the strength of the federalists lay, and by what means alone that strength could be overpowered. coming into office as the champion of "state-rights and strict construction," it was beyond his power to give theoretical affirmance to this transcendent act of his agents. his own words reveal his anomalous situation: "the constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations into our union. the executive, in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, have done an act beyond the constitution. the legislature, in casting behind metaphysical subtleties and risking themselves like faithful servants, must ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves on their country for doing for them unauthorized what we know they would have done for themselves had they been in a position to do it." "doing for them unauthorized what we know they would have done for themselves" was the policy of the federalists, and the very ground upon which mr. jefferson had denounced their policy and defeated them. the purchase was, in fact, quite within those implied powers of the constitution which had always been contended for by the federalists, and such leaders as hamilton and morris acknowledged this. under the strict construction theory, not only could there be no authority for such an acquisition of territory without the consent of the several states denominated "part of the original compact," but the manifest and necessary consequences of this accession, in its effects upon the union and upon the balance of power within the government, were overwhelming to such an extent as to amount almost to a revolution. this event may be looked upon as a revolution in the direction of unification and the impairment of the powers of the several states, brought about by the very party which had undertaken to oppose such tendencies. the territory gained stretches over a million square miles equal in area to the territory previously comprised in the union, and twice as large as that actually occupied by the original thirteen states. compared with this innovation, the plans of the federalists for strengthening the central government were inconsiderable. a new nation was engrafted on the old, and neither the people of the several states nor their immediate representatives were questioned; but by a treaty the president and the senate changed the whole structure of the territory and modified the relations of the states. thenceforth, the louisiana purchase stood as a repudiation by their own champions of the strict construction fallacies. thenceforth, the welfare of the country stands above party allegiance. the right to make purchases was thereafter, by general acquiescence of all political parties, within the powers of the federal government. indeed, it became manifest that implied as well as expressed powers accrued to the national government. the territory of louisiana proved a fruitful soil for the spread of slavery, nor was it less productive of struggles and strife over the admission of states carved therefrom. the civil war has pacified the jarring elements and left to be realized now the beneficent results of the empire gained. with louisiana the united states gained control of the entire country watered by the mississippi and its effluents. with the settlement of the western country, the mississippi river assumed its normal function in the national development, forming out of that region the backbone of the union. the atlantic and pacific states can never destroy the union while the central states remain loyal. thus do we see the basis of our governmental existence removed from the narrow strip along the atlantic to the far larger central basin; binding by natural ligaments a union far less secure on mere constitutional or artificial connections. thus have the intentions of its projectors been fulfilled, the peace of our nation secured, a spirit of confidence in our institutions diffused, and enterprise and prosperity advanced. the purchase was an exercise of patriotism unrestrained and unbiased by considerations unconnected with the public good. it curbed the impulse of state jealousies, secured to the union unwonted prestige, and discovered the latent force and broad possibilities of our national system. anecdotes and characteristics of jefferson. jefferson's bridal journey. jefferson and his young bride, after the marriage ceremony, set out for their monticello home. the road thither was a rough mountain track, upon which lay the snow to a depth of two feet. at sunset they reached the house of one of their neighbors eight miles distant from monticello. they arrived at their destination late at night thoroughly chilled with the cold. they found the fires all out, not a light burning, not a morsel of food in the larder, and not a creature in the house. the servants had all gone to their cabins for the night, not expecting their master and mistress. but the young couple, all the world to each other, made merry of this sorry welcome to a bride and bridegroom, and laughed heartily over it. would make no promises for the presidency. while the presidential election was taking place in the house of representatives, amid scenes of great excitement, strife and intrigue, which was to decide whether jefferson or burr should be the chief magistrate of the nation, jefferson was stopped one day, as he was coming out of the senate chamber, by gouverneur morris, a prominent leader of the federalists. mr. morris said, "i wish to have an earnest talk with you, mr. jefferson, on the alarming situation of things." "i am very glad," said jefferson, "to talk matters over with you." "as you well know," said mr. morris, "i have been strenuously opposing you, as have also the large minority of the states." "to be frank with you," he continued, "we are very much afraid of you." "we fear, "first--that you will turn all the federalists out of office. "second--that you will put down the navy. "third--that you will wipe off the public debt "now, if you will declare, or authorize your friends to declare that you will not take these steps, your election will be made sure." mr. jefferson replied, "gouverneur morris, i naturally want to be president, and yet i cannot make any terms to obtain the position. "i shall never go into the office by capitulation. i cannot have my hands tied by any conditions which would hinder me from pursuing the measures which i deem best for the public good. "i must be perfectly free. the world can judge my future course by that which i have hitherto followed. "i am thankful to you for your interest, but i cannot make the slightest promise." the mould-board of least resistance. mr. a. j. stansbury says: "i heard john randolph (who hated jefferson) once describe, in his own biting, caustic manner, the delight expressed by him in a new model for the mould-board of a plough. "it was called 'the mould-board of least resistance;' and the inventor had gone into a very profound mathematical demonstration, to prove that it deserved its name. "jefferson listened and was convinced; and deeming it a great discovery, recommended it, with zeal, to all his agricultural friends. "the virginia planters, accordingly (who thought every thing of their great man as a natural philosopher), agreed, many of them, to take this new 'mould-board of least resistance.' "it was accordingly cast, and forwarded to their farms; when lo! on trial, no ordinary team could draw it through the soil." jefferson as an inventor. "he sometimes figured as an inventor himself, and on that subject let me relate to you an anecdote which vividly portrays the character of his mind. you know that he had perched his country seat on a mountain height, commanding a magnificent prospect, but exposed to the sweep of wintry winds, and not very convenient of access. "not far from monticello, and within the bounds of his estate, was a solitary and lofty hill, so situated as to be exposed to the blast of two currents of wind, coming up through valleys on different sides of it. "mr. jefferson thought this would be an admirable position for a wind-mill; and having recently invented a model for a saw-mill to be moved by vertical sails, he sent for an engineer and submitted it to his judgment. "the man of professional science examined his plan, and listened with profound attention and deference to mr. jefferson's explanations of it, and to his eloquent illustration of the advantages it would secure. "he very attentively heard him through, but made no comment upon the plan. "'what do you think of my idea?' said mr. jefferson. "'i think it is a most ingenious one,' was the reply, 'and decidedly the best plan for a saw-mill i have ever seen.' "jefferson was delighted, and forthwith entered into a written agreement for the erection of such a mill on the neighboring height. "the work went bravely on; the inventor very frequently mounting his horse, and riding over to see how it proceeded. "when the frame was up, and the building approached its completion, the engineer rode over to monticello to obtain a supply of money, and to get some directions about the saws. "jefferson kept him to dinner; and when the cloth was removed and wine sat upon the table, he turned to his guest, and with an air of much satisfaction, exclaimed, "'and so, mr.----, you like my mill.' "'i do, sir, indeed, very much; it is certainly one of the greatest improvements in the construction of saw mills i ever witnessed.' "'you think the sails are so hung that it cannot fail to work?' "'certainly; it must work, it cannot help it.' "'and there's always a wind upon that hill; if it does not come up one valley, it is sure to come up the other; and the hill is so high and steep that there is nothing to interrupt the full sweep of the wind, come which way it will. you think, then, on the whole, that the thing cannot fail of complete success?' "'i should think so, sir, but for one thing.' "'ah! what's that?' "'i have been wondering in my own mind, how you are to get up your saw-logs.' "jefferson threw up his hands and eyes: 'i never thought of that!' "the mill was abandoned, of course." jefferson and the jockey. "jefferson's favorite exercise was riding. he was a judge of a horse, and rode a very good one. "one day, during his presidential term, he was riding somewhere in the neighborhood of washington, when there came up a cross road, a well-known jockey and dealer in horse-flesh, whose name we will call jones. "he did not know the president, but his professional eye was caught, in a moment, by the noble steed he rode. "coming up with an impudent boldness characteristic of the man, he accosted the rider, and forthwith began talking in the slang of his trade, about the horse, his points, his age, and his value, and expressed a readiness to 'swap' horses. "mr. jefferson gave him brief replies, and civilly declined all offers of exchange. "the fellow offered boot, and pressed and increased his bids, as the closer he looked at the stranger's steed, the better he liked him. "all his offers were refused with a coolness that nettled him. "he then became rude, but his vulgarity made as little impression as his money, for jefferson had the most perfect command of his temper, and no man could put him in a passion. "the jockey wanted him to show the animal's gait, and urged him to trot with him for a wager. but all in vain. "at length, seeing that the stranger was no customer, and utterly impracticable, he raised his whip and struck mr. jefferson's horse across the flank, setting him off in a sudden gallop, which would have brought a less accomplished rider to the ground. "at the same time he put spurs to his own beast, hoping for a race. jefferson kept his seat, reined in his restive steed, and put an equally effective rein upon his own temper. "the jockey wondered; but impudently turned it off with a laugh, and still keeping by the side of his new acquaintance, began talking politics. being a staunch federalist, he commenced to launch out against 'long tom,' and the policy of his administration. "jefferson took his part in the conversation, and urged some things in reply. "meanwhile they had ridden into the city, and were making their way along pennsylvania avenue. at length they came opposite the gate of the presidential mansion. "here mr. jefferson reined up, and courteously invited the man to enter. "the jockey raised his eye-brows, and asked-"'why, do you live here?' "'yes,' was the simple reply. "'why, stranger, what the deuce might be your name?' "'my name is thomas jefferson.' "even the jockey's brass turned pale--when, putting spurs to his nag, he exclaimed-"'and my name is richard jones, and i'm ok!' "saying which, he dashed up the avenue at double quick time, while the president looked after him with a smile, and then rode into the gate." jefferson and patrick henry. patrick henry was an early friend and companion of jefferson. he was a jovial young fellow noted for mimicry, practical jokes, fiddling and dancing. jefferson's holidays were sometimes spent with henry, and the two together would go off on hunting excursions of which each was passionately fond. both were swift of foot and sound of wind. deer, turkey, foxes and other game were eagerly pursued. jefferson looked upon patrick henry as the moving spirit of all the fun of the younger circle, and had not the faintest idea of the wonderful talents that lay latent in his companion's mind. and, henry too, did not see in the slender, freckled, sandy-haired jefferson, the coming man who was to be united with him in some of the most stirring and important events in american history. jefferson did not realize that this rustic youngster, careless of dress, and apparently thoughtless in manner, and sometimes, to all appearance, so unconcerned that he was taken by some to be an idiot, was to be the flaming tongue of a coming revolution. henry did not dream that this fiddling boy, jefferson, was to be the potent pen of a declaration which was to emancipate a hemisphere. one day in 1760, just after jefferson had entered upon his college studies at williamsburg, henry came to his room to tell him, that since their parting of a few months before, after the christmas holidays, he had studied law, and had come to williamsburg to get a license to practice. the fact was he had studied law but six weeks, and yet felt himself able to pass the examination. the examination was conducted by four examiners. three of them signed the license. the fourth, george wythe, refused his signature. but henry was now duly admitted to the bar. he went back, however, to assist his father-in-law, mr. shelton, in tending his tavern, and for four years, practicing occasionally, he waited his time. in may, 1765, henry was elected to the house of burgesses which met at williamsburg. while in attendance as a member henry was the guest of young jefferson. henry presented a rustic appearance. his dress was coarse and worn. his fame had not become fully known at williamsburg, "and he moved about the streets unrecognized though not unmarked. the very oddity of his appearance provoked comment." in the assembly were some of the most brilliant and distinguished men in the colony. among them were peyton randolph, george wythe, john robinson, richard henry lee, and edmund pendleton. dignified manners prevailed among the members. an elaborate and formal courtesy characterized them in their proceedings. they were polished and aristocratic men, not specially interested in the welfare of the common people. they were strongly desirous of perpetuating the class distinctions observed in virginia society. a very marked contrast was apparent between them and the tall, gaunt, coarse-attired, unpolished member from louisa. not being personally known to the majority of the house, little notice was taken of him, and no expectations of any particular influence to be exercised by him upon its deliberations were expected. when the news of the passage of the stamp act reached the assembly, amazement and indignation were felt by the royalist leaders, at the folly of the english ministry. but there seemed no way before them but submission to the imperial decree. but henry saw that the hour had come for meeting the issue between the king and the colonies. he rose in his seat and offered his famous five resolutions, which in substance declared that englishmen living in america had all the rights of englishmen living in england, and that all attempts to impose taxes upon them without the consent of their own representatives, had "a manifest tendency to destroy british as well as american freedom." these resolutions provoked an animated and exciting debate. there is a strong probability that jefferson knew the intentions of henry, for he was present on that ever memorable occasion in the house. no provision was made in the assembly chamber for spectators. there was no gallery from which they could look down upon the contestants. in the doorway between the lobby and the chamber jefferson took his stand, intently watching henry's attitude and actions. in a hesitating way, stammering in his utterances, he began reading his resolutions. then followed the opening sentences of the magnificent oration of this "demosthenes of the woods," as byron termed him. no promise did they give of what was to follow. very soon the transformation came. jefferson saw him draw himself to his full height and sweep with a conqueror's gaze the entire audience before and about him. no impediment now; no inarticulate utterances now. with a voice rich and full, and musical, he poured out his impassioned plea for the liberties of the people. then soaring to one of his boldest flights, he cried out in electric tones: "caesar had his brutus, charles the first his cromwell, and george the third -----." the speaker sprang to his feet, crying, "treason! treason!" the whole assembly was in an uproar, shouting with the speaker, "treason! treason!" not only the royalists, but others who were thoroughly alarmed by the orator's audacious words, joined in the cry. but never for a moment did henry flinch. fixing his eye upon the speaker, and throwing his arm forward from his dilating form, as though to hurl the words with the power of a thunderbolt, he added in a tone none but he himself could command, "may profit by their example." then, with a defiant look around the room, he said, "if this be treason, make the most of it." fifty-nine years afterwards jefferson continued to speak of that great occasion with unabated enthusiasm. he narrated anew the stirring scenes when the shouts of; "treason, treason," echoed through the hall. in his record of the debate which followed the speech of henry he described it as "most bloody." the arguments against the resolutions, he said were swept away by the "torrents of sublime eloquence" from the lips of patrick henry. with breathless interest, jefferson, standing in the doorway, watched the taking of the vote on the last resolution. it was upon this resolution that the battle had been waged the hottest. it was carried by a majority of a single vote. when the result was announced, peyton randolph, the king's attorney general, brushed by jefferson, in going out of the house, exclaiming bitterly with an oath as he went, "i would have given five hundred guineas for a single vote." the next day, in the absence of the mighty orator, the timid assembly expunged the fifth resolution and modified the others. the governor, however, dissolved the house for daring to pass at all the resolutions. but he could not dissolve the spirit of henry nor the magical effect of the resolutions which had been offered. by his intrepid action henry took the leadership of the assembly out of the hands which hitherto had controlled it. the resolutions as originally passed were sent to philadelphia. there they were printed, and from that center of energetic action were widely circulated throughout the colonies. the heart of samuel adams and the boston patriots were filled with an unspeakable joy as they read them. the drooping spirits of the people were revived and the doom of the stamp act was sealed. washington and jefferson. dr. james schouler says: "that jefferson did not enter into the rhapsodies of his times which magnified the first president into a demigod infallible, is very certain; and that, sincerely or insincerely, he had written from his distant retreat to private friends in congress with less veneration for washington's good judgment on some points of policy than for his personal virtues and honesty, is susceptible of proof by more positive testimony than the once celebrated mazzei letter. yet we should do jefferson the justice to add that political differences of opinion never blinded him to the transcendent qualities of washington's character, which he had known long and intimately enough to appreciate with its possible limitations, which is the best appreciation of all. of many contemporary tributes which were evoked at the close of the last century by that great hero's death, none bears reading so well in the light of another hundred years as that which jefferson penned modestly in his private correspondence." influence of prof. small on jefferson. speaking of the influence exerted over him by dr. william small, professor of mathematics at william and mary college, who supplied the place of a father, and was at once "guide, philosopher and friend," jefferson said: "it was dr. small's instruction and intercourse that probably fixed the destinies of my life." jefferson and the university of virginia. in the epitaph of jefferson, written by himself, there is no mention of his having been governor of virginia, plenipotentiary to france, secretary of state, vice president and president of the united states. but the inscription does mention that he was the "author of the declaration of american independence; of the statute of virginia for religious freedom; and father of the university of virginia." these were the three things which, in his own opinion, constituted his most enduring title to fame, and it is to be observed that freedom was the fruit of all three. by the first he contributed to the emancipation of the american colonies from british rule; by the second he broke the chains of sectarian bigotry that had fettered his native state; and by the third he gave that state and her sisters the chance to strike the shackles of ignorance from the minds of their sons. free government, free faith, free thought--these were the treasures which thomas jefferson bequeathed to his country and his state; and who, it may well be asked, has ever left a nobler legacy to mankind? his was a mind that thrilled with that active, aggressive and innovating spirit which has done so much to jostle men out of their accustomed grooves and make them think for themselves. no one appreciated more than he the fact that the light of experience, as revealed in the history of the race, should be the guide of mankind. but, for that very reason, he did not slavishly worship the past, well knowing that history points not only to the wisdom of sages and the virtues of saints, but also to the villainy of knaves and the stupidity of fools. the condition of life is change; the cessation of change is death. history is movement, not stagnation; and jefferson emphatically believed in progress. the fact that a dogma in politics, theology or educational theory had been accepted by his ancestors did not make it necessarily true in his eyes. "let well enough alone" was no maxim of his. onward and upward was ever his aim. his interests were wide and intense, ranging from anglo-saxon roots to architectural designs, from fiddling to philosophy, from potatoes to politics, from rice to religion. in all these things, and in many more besides, he took the keenest interest; but in nothing, perhaps, did he display throughout his life a more unfaltering zeal than in the cause of education. "a system of general instruction," said he in 1818, "which shall reach every description of our citizens, from the richest to the poorest, as it was the earliest, so it will be the latest of all the public concerns in which i shall permit myself to take an interest." from first to last jefferson's aim was to establish, in organic union and harmonious co-operation, a system of educational institutions consisting of (1) primary schools, to be supported by local taxation; (2) grammar schools, classical academies or local colleges; and (3) a state university, as roof and spire of the whole edifice. he did not succeed in realizing the whole of his scheme, but he did finally succeed in inducing the legislature to pass an act in the year 1819 by which the state accepted the gift of central college (a corporation based upon private subscriptions due to jefferson's efforts), and converted it into the university of virginia. this action was taken on the report of a commission previously appointed, which had met at rockfish gap, in the blue ridge mountains--a commission composed probably of more eminent men than had ever before presided over the birth of a university. three of these men, who met together in that unpretentious inn, were thomas jefferson, james madison and james monroe (then president of the united states). yet it was remarked by the lookers-on that mr. jefferson was the principal object of regard both to the members and spectators; that he seemed to be the chief mover of the body--the soul that animated it; and some who were present, struck by their manifestations of deference, conceived a more exalted idea of him on this simple and unpretending occasion than they had ever previously entertained.--r. h. dabney. the financial diary of thomas jefferson. thomas jefferson kept a financial diary and account book from january 1st 1791, to december 28th, 1803, embracing the last three years of his service as secretary of state under washington, the four years of his vice-presidency under john adams, and the first three years following his own election to the presidency. this diary was one of the most valuable treasures in the library of the late mr. tilden. among the items enumerated in the very fine, but neat and legible hand of mr. jefferson, is the following: "gave j. madison ord. on bank for 9625 d." the modern symbol of the dollar was not then in use. jefferson uniformly used a capital d to denote this unit of our federal currency. madison was jefferson's most intimate friend, and was a member of congress at the time the above entry was made jan. 8, 1791, at philadelphia. whenever jefferson went home to monticello or returned thence to his duties, he frequently stopped with mr. madison. while they were in the public service together, it appears by this diary, that they traveled together to and from their posts of duty. it also seems that one or the other generally acted as paymaster. the inadequate salary of $3,500 which jefferson received as secretary of state, was $500 more than that of any other cabinet officer. horse back riding to inauguration. it would seem on the authority of mrs. randolph, the great-granddaughter of mr. jefferson, in her work, "the domestic life of thomas jefferson," that the president rode "the magnificent wildair" to the capitol, and hitched to the palisades while he went in to deliver his inaugural. the truth of the incident, however, is not established. in jefferson's diary we have this entry: feb'y 3, 1801, rec'd from col. john hoomes of the bowling green a bay horse wildair, 7 yr. old, 16 hands high, for which i am to pay him 300 d may 1. there were no pavements, sidewalks nor railroads then in washington. there were not even wagon roads. there was no getting about, therefore, for either men or women without horses. cost of servants, etc. jefferson estimated the cost of his ten servants per week, $28.70, or $2.87 per head. jefferson managed to pay off many of his small debts with his first year's salary as president. it seems never to have occurred to him to lay by anything out of his receipts. he thought that at the end of the second year he had about $300 in hand. it is interesting to know in these temperance days that the wine bill of jefferson was $1,356.00 per year. mr. jefferson, judging by his diary, was an inveterate buyer of books and pamphlets. he also apparently never missed an opportunity of seeing a show of any kind. there are items for seeing a lion, a small seal, an elephant, an elk, caleb phillips a dwarf, a painting, etc., with the prices charged. it cost him 11 1/2 d for seeing the lion, and 25 cents the dwarf. would take no presents. the rev. mr. leland sent him a great cheese, presumably as a present. mr. jefferson was not in the habit "of deadheading at hotels," nor of receiving presents, however inconsiderable in value, which would place him under any obligation to the donor. the diary contains the following minute regarding the cheese: 1802. gave rev'd mr. leland, bearer of the cheese of 1235 ibs weight, 200 d. so the monster article cost the president sixteen cents a pound. it will be a surprise to those who have been educated to associate mr. jefferson's name with indifference, if not open hostility, to revealed religion, to find among his expenses--some entered as charity, but most of them, exclusive of what is reported under the charity rubric--entries like the following: 1792 nov 27 pd mr b a subscription for missionaries 15 d. 1798 feby 26 pd 5d in part of 20d subscription for a hot-press bible 1801 june 25 gave order on j barnes for 25d towards fitting up a chapel. sept 23 pd contribution at a sermon 7.20 1802 april 7 gave order on j barnes for 50d charity in favor of the revd mr parkinson towards a baptist meeting house. 9 gave order on j. barnes in favr the revd doctr smith towards rebuilding princeton college 100d 1802 july 11 subscribed to the wilmington academy 100d 1803 feby 25 gave hamilton & campbell ord. on j. barnes for 100d charity to carlisle college. " 28 gave genl winn ord. on j. barnes for 100d charity to jefferson monticello academy in s. carolina. march 1. gave in charity to the revd mr chambers of alexandria for his church an order on j. barnes for 50d nov 18 gave order on j. barnes for 100d in favor of revd mr coffin for a college in tennessee. we doubt whether since the presidential salary was doubled any of president jefferson's successors has contributed as large a percentage of his salary to charitable or religious uses. indolence. in a letter to his daughter martha, written in march,1787, jefferson writes: "of all the cankers of human happiness, none corrodes with so silent, yet baneful a tooth, as indolence. "body and mind both unemployed, our being becomes a burthen, and every object about us loathsome, even the dearest. "idleness begets ennui, ennui the hypochondria, and that a diseased body. "no laborious person was ever yet hysterical. "exercise and application produce order in our affairs, health of body and cheerfulness of mind. these make us precious to our friends. "it is while we are young that the habit of industry is formed. if not then, it never is afterwards. "the future of our lives, therefore, depends on employing well the short period of youth. "if at any moment, my dear, you catch yourself in idleness, start from it as you would the precipice of a gulf. "you are not, however, to consider yourself as unemployed while taking exercise. that is necessary for your health, and health is the first of all objects." titles of honor and office. he wrote to one of his friends concerning this matter as follows: "the senate and representatives differed about the title of president. the former wanted to style him 'his highness, george washington, president of the united states, and protector of their liberties.' i hope the terms of excellency, honor, worship, esquire, forever disappear from among us. i wish that of mr. would follow them." the term of the presidency. mr. jefferson was inclined at first to have the president elected for seven years, and be thereafter ineligible. he afterwards modified his views in favor of the present system, allowing only a continuance for eight years. regarding a third term, he says in his autobiography: "should a president consent to be a candidate for a third election, i trust he would be rejected on this demonstration of ambitious views." the continental congress and lawyers. mr. jefferson wrote in his autobiography regarding the continental congress in 1783: "our body was little numerous, but very contentious. day after day was wasted on the most unimportant questions. "if the present congress errs in too much talking, how can it be otherwise, in a body to which the people send one hundred and fifty lawyers, whose trade it is to question everything, yield nothing and talk by the hour? "that one hundred and fifty lawyers should do business together ought not to be expected." the declaration of independence. george bancroft, in glowing words, speaks of this great creation of the genius of jefferson: "this immortal state paper, which for its composer was the aurora of enduring fame, was 'the genuine effusion of the soul of the country at that time.' "it was the revelation of its mind, when, in its youth, its enthusiasm, its sublime confronting of danger, it rose to the highest creative powers of which man is capable."--bancroft's u s., vol. 8, ch. 70. jefferson and the mecklenburg declaration of independence. "on the 30th of april, 1819, some forty-three years after jefferson's declaration was written, there appeared in the raleigh (n. c.) register what purported to be a declaration of independence, drawn up by the citizens of mecklenburg county, north carolina, on may 20th, 1775. as this was nearly fourteen months before the colonies declared their independence, and as many of the expressions in the mecklenburg paper bore a striking resemblance to jefferson's expressions, it excited a good deal of curiosity, and led to a discussion which has been continued to the present day. those desirous of seeing the arguments pro and con, put in their latest and best form, will find them in two articles in the 'magazine of american history,' in the january and march numbers of 1889. "it is sufficient here to say that there was found among the british state papers, as well as in contemporaneous newspapers in this country, the original mecklenburg paper, which was not a declaration of independence at all, but simply patriotic resolutions similar to those which were published in most of the colonies at that time. "and so the mecklenburg declaration takes its place with the stories of pocahontas and of william tell."--boutell. the louisiana purchase. in effecting the purchase of louisiana, mr. jefferson has thus been eulogized by james g. blaine, in his "twenty years of congress:" "mr. jefferson made the largest conquest ever peacefully achieved, at a cost so small that the sum expended for the entire territory does not equal the revenue which has since been collected on its soil in a single month, in time of great public peril." jefferson and benedict arnold. benedict arnold, with the british troops, had entered the chesapeake in january, 1781, and sailed up the james river. he captured richmond, the capital, then a town of less than two thousand people, and destroyed everything upon which he could lay his hands. jefferson summoned the militia, who came by thousands to oppose the traitor. arnold, however, sailed down to portsmouth and escaped. jefferson then urged upon general muhlenburg the importance of picking out a few of the best men in his command "to seize and bring off the greatest of all traitors." "i will undertake," he said, "if they are successful in bringing him off alive, that they shall receive five thousand guineas reward among them." the effort was not made. a man of the people. jefferson mingled a great deal with the common people, especially with mechanics. often, when president, he would walk down to the navy yard early on a summer's morning, and sitting down upon an anchor or spar, would enter into conversation with the surprised and delighted shipwrights. he asked many questions of these artisans, who would take the utmost pains to satisfy his enquiries. his political opponents believed unjustly that he did this simply for effect. they would say, "there, see the demagogue!" "there's long tom, sinking the dignity of his station to get votes and court the mob." aristocracy of mind. although jefferson was an ardent democrat, in some sense he was also an aristocrat. he firmly believed in an aristocracy of mind, and told john adams that he rejoiced that nature had created such an aristocracy. he unmistakably gave his preference to men of learning and refinement, at least he put these above other recommendations. mr. jefferson, however, was not consistent with himself, for he frequently called general washington "your excellency," during the war, and also when he was a private citizen at mt. vernon. evil youthful companions. just after his college days mr. jefferson fell into company, as so many young men do, of a most undesirable sort. according to his own statements it was a source of amazement even to himself that he ever escaped to be worth anything to the world. he realized in later years what a dangerous risk he had run. read little fiction. while he was an extensive reader in his early days, going into almost every field of literature, including poetry, he read very little fiction. in fact, there was comparatively but little fiction then worth the name. not from any sentiment of duty or moral impropriety, but from simple aversion he let it alone. neither orator nor good talker. jefferson was neither an orator nor a good talker. he could not make a speech. his voice would sink downwards instead of rising upwards out of his throat. but as regards legal learning he was in the front rank. no one was more ready than he in ably written opinions and defenses. it was in what john adams termed "the divine science of politics" that jefferson won his immortal and resplendent fame. self-control. with all his apparent tolerance and good humor, there was a great deal of the arbitrary and despotic in mr. jefferson's nature. stern principle alone enabled him to keep his native imperiousness within proper bounds. the influence of jefferson's sister. among those who exerted a marked influence on jefferson's early years was his oldest and favorite sister jane. she was three years his senior, and was a woman of superior standing and great elevation of character. she was his constant companion when he was at home, and a sympathizing friend to whom he unlocked his heart. she was a "singer of uncommon skill and sweetness, and both were particularly fond of the solemn music used by the church of england in the psalms." she died in the fall of 1765, at the age of twenty-five. he cherished her memory with the warmest affection to the close of his life. jefferson a doctrinaire. lewis henry boutell, in his "jefferson as a man of letters," says: "that jefferson, in justifying the action of the colonists, should have thought more of the metaphysical rights than historical facts, illustrates one of the marked features of his character. he was often more of a doctrinaire than a practical statesman. he reminds us of the words which burke applied on a certain occasion to chatham: 'for a wise man he seemed to me at that time to be governed too much by general maxims.'" reconciliation with john adams. for many years the friendship between jefferson and john adams had been broken off. mrs. adams had become decidedly hostile in feeling towards jefferson. but through a mutual friend, dr. rush, of philadelphia, a reconciliation was fully established between them. it was a spectacle in which the whole country greatly rejoiced, to see the intimacy restored between the two venerable men, once presidents of the united states, and brothers in helping secure the independence of their beloved land. although they did not see each other face to face again, a continuous, instructive and affectionate correspondence was kept up between them. their topics of discourse were those relating to revolutionary times, but especially to religion. negro colonization. mr. jefferson believed in the colonization of negroes to africa, and the substitution of free white labor in their place. he wrote to john lynch, of virginia, in 1811, as follows: "having long ago made up my mind on this subject (colonization), i have no hesitation in saying that i have ever thought it the most desirable measure which could be adopted, for gradually drawing off this part of our population most advantageously for themselves as well as for us. "going from a country possessing all the useful arts, they might be the means of transplanting them among the inhabitants of africa, and would thus carry back to the country of their origin, the seeds of civilization, which might render their sojournment and sufferings here a blessing in the end to that country." many other eminent men have shared the same opinion, and not a few prominent leaders among the afro-american people. but it is now an impossibility. the american negro is in america to stay. the ever pressing problem of his relationship to the white man involves questions of education, labor, politics and religion, which will take infinite patience, insight, forbearance and wisdom to settle justly. educating american boys abroad. mr. jefferson was a strong opponent of the practice of sending boys abroad to be educated. he says: "the boy sent to europe acquires a fondness for european luxury and dissipation, and a contempt for the simplicity of his own country. "he is fascinated with the privileges of the european aristocrats, and sees with abhorrence the lovely equality which the poor enjoy with the rich in his own country. "he contracts a partiality for aristocracy or monarchy. "he forms foreign friendships which will never be useful to him. "he loses the seasons of life for forming in his own country those friendships which of all others are the most faithful and permanent. "he returns to his own country a foreigner, unacquainted with the practices of domestic economy necessary to preserve him from ruin. "he speaks and writes his native tongue as a foreigner, and is therefore unqualified to obtain those distinctions which eloquence of the tongue and pen insures in a free country. "it appears to me then that an american going to europe for education loses in his knowledge, in his morals, in his health, in his habits and in his happiness." these utterances of jefferson apply of course only to boys in the formative period of their lives, and not to mature students who go abroad for higher culture. the french revolution. mr. jefferson always believed the cause of the french revolution to be just. its horrors and excesses were the necessary evils attendant upon the death of tyranny and the birth of liberty. louis the xvi was thoroughly conscientious. at the age of twenty he ascended the throne, and strove to present an example of morality, justice and economy. but he had not firmness of will to support a good minister or to adhere to a good policy. in the course of events a great demonstration of the french populace was made against the king. thousands of persons carrying pikes and other weapons marched to the tuileries. for four hours louis was mobbed. he then put on a red cap to please his unwelcome visitors, who afterwards retired. long after the "days of terror" jefferson wrote in his autobiography: "the deed which closed the mortal course of these sovereigns (louis xvi and marie antoinette), i shall neither approve nor condemn. "i am not prepared to say that the first magistrate of a nation cannot commit treason against his country or is not amenable to its punishment. nor yet, that where there is no written law, no regulated tribunal, there is not a law in our hearts and a power in our hands given for righteous employment in maintaining right and redressing wrong. "i should have shut the queen up in a convent, putting her where she could do no harm." mr. jefferson then declared that he would have permitted the king to reign, believing that with the restraints thrown around him, he would have made a successful monarch. sayings of thomas jefferson. from the life of jefferson, by dr. irelan. marriage. harmony in the marriage state is the very first object to be aimed at. nothing can preserve affections uninterrupted but a firm resolution never to differ in will, and a determination in each to consider the love of the other as of more value than any object whatever on which a wish had been fixed. how light, in fact, is the sacrifice of any other wish when weighed against the affections of one with whom we are to pass our whole life! editors and newspapers. perhaps an editor might begin a reformation in some such way as this: divide his paper into four chapters, heading the 1st, truths; 2nd, probabilities; 3rd, possibilities; 4th, lies. the first chapter would be very short, as it would contain little more than authentic papers, and information from such sources as the editor would be willing to risk his own reputation for their truth. the second would contain what, from a mature consideration of all circumstances, he would conclude to be probably true. this, however, should rather contain too little than too much. the third and fourth should be professedly for those readers who would rather have lies for their money than the blank paper they would occupy. give up money, give up fame, give up science, give the earth itself and all it contains rather than do an immoral act. whenever you are to do anything, though it can never be known but to yourself, ask yourself how you would act were all the world looking at you, and act accordingly. from the practice of the purest virtue, you may be assured you will derive the most sublime comforts in every moment of life, and in the moment of death. though you cannot see when you take one step, what will be the next, yet follow truth, justice, and plain dealing, and never fear their leading you out of the labyrinth in the nearest manner possible. an honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing head is the second. nothing is so mistaken as the supposition that a person is to extricate himself from a difficulty by intrigue, by chicanery, by dissimulation, by trimming, by untruth, by injustice. i would rather be exposed to the inconveniences attending too much liberty than those attending a too small degree of it. yet it is easy to foresee, from the nature of things, that the encroachments of the state governments will tend to an excess of liberty which will correct itself, while those of the general government will tend to monarchy, which will fortify itself from day to day. responsibility is a tremendous engine in a free government. nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people (the slaves) are to be free. when we see ourselves in a situation which must be endured and gone through, it is best to make up our minds to it, meet it with firmness, and accommodate every thing to it in the best way practicable. the errors and misfortunes of others should be a school for our own instruction. the article of dress is, perhaps, that in which economy is the least to be recommended. all, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate which would be oppression. a good cause is often injured more by ill-timed efforts of its friends than by the arguments of its enemies. persuasion, perseverance, and patience are the best advocates on questions depending on the will of others. i hold it, that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical. an observation of this truth should render honest republican governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions, as not to discourage them too much. it is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government. no race of kings has ever presented above one man of common sense in twenty generations. with all the defects in our constitution, whether general or particular, the comparison of our government with those of europe, is like a comparison of heaven with hell. england, like the earth, may be allowed to take the intermediate station. i have a right to nothing, which another has a right to take away. educate and inform the whole mass of the people. enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and order, and they will preserve them. when we get piled upon one another in large cities, as in europe, we shall become corrupt as in europe, and go to eating one another as they do there. health, learning, and virtue will insure your happiness; they will give you a quiet conscience, private esteem and public honor. if i were to decide between the pleasures derived from the classical education which my father gave me, and the estate left me, i should decide in favor of the farmer. good humor and politeness never introduce into mixed society a question on which they foresee there will be a difference of opinion. the general desire of men to live by their heads rather than their hands, and the strong allurements of great cities to those who have any turn for dissipation, threaten to make them here, as in europe, the sinks of voluntary misery. i have often thought that if heaven had given me choice of my position and calling, it should have been on a rich spot of earth, well watered, and near a good market for the productions of the garden. no occupation is so delightful to me as the culture of the earth, and no culture comparable to that of the garden. i sincerely, then, believe with you in the general existence of a moral instinct. i think it is the brightest gem with which the human character is studded, and the want of it as more degrading than the most hideous of the bodily deformities. i must ever believe that religion substantially good, which produces an honest life, and we have been authorized by one (one) whom you and i equally respect, to judge of the tree by its fruit. where the law of majority ceases to be acknowledged there government ends, the law of the strongest takes its place, and life and property are his who can take them. those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of god, if ever he has a chosen people, whose breasts he has made this peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue, it is the focus in which he keeps alive that sacred fire, which otherwise might escape from the face of the earth. the wise know their weakness too well to assume infallibility; and he who knows most knows best how little he knows. ten canons for practical life. 1. never put off till to-morrow what you can do today. 2. never trouble another for what you can do yourself. 3. never spend your money before you have it. 4. never buy what you do not want, because it is cheap; it will be dear to you. 5. pride costs us more than hunger, thirst and cold. 6. we never repent of having eaten too little. 7. nothing is troublesome that we do willingly. 8. how much pain have cost us the evils which have never happened. 9. take things always by their smooth handle. 10. when angry count ten before you speak; if very angry, a hundred. adams and jefferson. by daniel webster discourse in commemoration of the lives and services of john and thomas jefferson, delivered in faneuil hall, august 2, 1826. this is an unaccustomed spectacle. for the first time, fellow-citizens, badges of mourning shroud the columns and overhang the arches of this hall. these walls, which were consecrated, so long ago, to the cause of american liberty, which witnessed her infant struggles, and rung with the shouts of her earliest victories, proclaim, now, that distinguished friends and champions of that great cause have fallen. it is right that it shall be thus. the tears which flow, and the honors that are shown when the founders of the republic die, give hope that the republic itself may be immortal. it is fit, by public assembly and solemn observance, by anthem and by eulogy, we commemorate the services of national benefactors, extol their virtues, and render thanks to god for eminent blessings, early given and long continued, to our favored country. adams and jefferson are no more; and we are assembled, fellow-citizens, the aged, the middle-aged, and the young, by the spontaneous impulse of all, under the authority of the municipal government, with the presence of the chief-magistrate of the commonwealth, and others, its official representatives, the university, and the learned societies, to bear our part in those manifestations of respect and gratitude which universally pervade the land. adams and jefferson are no more. on our fiftieth anniversary, the great day of national jubilee, in the very hour of public rejoicing, in the midst of echoing and re-echoing voices of thanksgiving, while their own names were on all tongues, they took their flight together to the world of spirits. if it be true that no one can safely be pronounced happy while he lives, if that event which terminates life can alone crown its honors and its glory, what felicity is here! the great epic of their lives, how happily concluded! poetry itself has hardly closed illustrious lives, and finished the career of earthly renown, by such a consummation. if we had the power, we could not wish to reverse this dispensation of the divine providence. the great objects of life were accomplished, the drama was ready to be closed. it has closed; our patriots have fallen; but so fallen, at such age, with such coincidence, on such a day, that we cannot rationally lament that that end has come, which we know could not long be deferred. neither of these great men, fellow-citizens, could have died, at any time, without leaving an immense void in our american society. they have been so intimately, and for so long a time blended with the history of the country, and especially so united, in our thoughts and recollections, with the events of the revolution [text destroyed] the death of either would have touched the strings of public sympathy. we should have felt that one great link connecting us with former times, was broken; that we had lost something more, as it were, of the presence of the revolution itself, and of the act of independence, and were driven on, by another great remove, from the days of our country's early distinction, to meet posterity, and to mix with the future. like the mariner, whom the ocean and the winds carry along, till he sees the stars which have directed his course and lighted his pathless way descent, one by one, beneath the rising horizon, we should have felt that the stream of time had borne us onward till another luminary, whose light had cheered us and whose guidance we had followed, had sunk away from our sight. but the concurrence of their death on the anniversary of independence has naturally awakened stronger emotions. both had been presidents, both had lived to great age, both were early patriots, and both were distinguished and ever honored by their immediate agency in the act of independence. it cannot but seem striking and extraordinary, that these two should live to see the fiftieth year from the date of that act; that they should complete that year; and that then, on the day which had fast linked forever their own fame with their country's glory, the heavens should open to receive them both at once. as their lives themselves were the gifts of providence, who is not willing to recognize in their happy termination, as well as in their long continuance, proofs that our country and its benefactors are objects of his care? adams and jefferson, i have said, are no more. as human beings, indeed they are no more. they are no more, as in 1776, bold and fearless advocates of independence; no more, as on subsequent periods, the head of the government; no more, as we have recently seen them, aged and venerable objects of admiration and regard. they are no more. they are dead. but how little is there of the great and good which can die! to their country they yet live, and live forever. they live in all that perpetuates the remembrance of men on earth; in the recorded proofs of their own great actions, in the offspring of their intellect, in the deep-engraved lines of public gratitude, and in the respect and homage of mankind. they live in their example; and they live, emphatically, and will live, in the influence which their lives and efforts, their principles and opinion, now exercise, and will continue to exercise, on the affairs of men, not only in their own country, but throughout the civilized world. a superior and commanding human intellect, a truly great man, when heaven vouchsafes so rare a gift, is not a temporary flame, burning bright for a while, and then expiring, giving place to returning darkness. it is rather a spark of fervent heat, as well as radiant light, with power to enkindle the common mass of human mind; so that when it glimmers in its own decay, and finally goes out in death, no night follows, but it leaves the world all light, all on fire, from the potent contact of its own spirit. bacon died; but the human understanding roused by the touch of his miraculous wand to a perception of the true philosophy and the just mode of inquiring after truth, has kept on its course successfully and gloriously. newton died; yet the courses of the spheres are still known, and they yet move on in the orbits which he saw, and described for them, in the infinity of space. no two men now live, fellow-citizens, perhaps it may be doubted whether any two men have ever lived in one age, who, more than those we now commemorate, have impressed their own sentiments, in regard to politics and government, on mankind, infused their own opinions more deeply into the opinions of others, or given a more lasting direction to the current of human thought. their work doth not perish with them. the tree which they assisted to plant will flourish, although they water it and protect it no longer; for it has struck its roots deep, it has sent them to the very center; no storm, not of force to burst the orb, can overturn it; its branches spread wide; they stretch their protecting arms broader and broader, and its top is destined to reach the heavens. we are not deceived. there is no delusion here. no age will come in which the american revolution will appear less than it is, one of the greatest events in human history. no age will come in which it will cease to be seen and felt, on either continent, that a mighty step, a great advance, not only in american affairs, but in human affairs, was made on the 4th of july, 1776. and no age will come we trust, so ignorant or so unjust as not to see and acknowledge the efficient agency of these we now honor in producing that momentous event. we are not assembled, therefore, fellow-citizens, as men overwhelmed with calamity by the sudden disruption of the ties of friendship or affection, or as in despair for the republic by the untimely blighting of its hopes. death has not surprised us by an unseasonable blow. we have, indeed, seen the tomb close, but it has closed only over mature years, over long-protracted public service, over the weakness of age, and over life itself only when the ends of living had been fulfilled. these suns, as they rose slowly and steadily, amidst clouds and storms in their ascendant, so they have not rushed from their meridian to sink suddenly in the west. like the mildness, the serenity, the continuing benignity of summer's day, they have gone down with slow-descending, grateful, long-lingering light; and now that they are beyond the visible margin of the world, good omens cheer us from "the bright track of their fiery car!" there were many points of similarity in the lives and fortunes of these great men. they belonged to the same profession, and had pursued its studies and its practice, for unequal lengths of time indeed, but with diligence and effect. both were learned and able lawyers. they were natives and inhabitants, respectively, of those two of the colonies which at the revolution were the largest and most powerful, and which naturally had a lead in the political affairs of the times. when the colonies became in some degree united, by the assembling of a general congress, they were brought to act together in its deliberations, not indeed at the same time, but both at early periods. each had already manifested his attachment to the cause of the country, as well as his ability to maintain it, by printed addresses, public speeches, extensive correspondence, and whatever other mode could be adopted for the purpose of exposing the encroachments of the british parliament, and animating the people to a manly resistance. both, were not only decided, but early, friends of independence. while others yet doubted, they were resolved; where others hesitated, they pressed forward. they were both members of the committee for preparing the declaration of independence, and they constituted the sub-committee appointed by the other members to make the draft. they left their seats in congress, being called to other public employment, at periods not remote from each other, although one of them returned to it afterward for a short time. neither of them was of the assembly of great men which formed the present constitution, and neither was at any time member of congress under its provisions. both have been public ministers abroad, both vice-presidents and both presidents. these coincidences are now singularly crowned and completed. they have died together; and they died on the anniversary of liberty. when many of us were last in this place, fellow-citizens, it was on the day of that anniversary. we were met to enjoy the festivities belonging to the occasion, and to manifest our grateful homage to our political fathers. we did not, we could not here forget our venerable neighbor of quincy. we knew that we were standing, at a time of high and palmy prosperity, where he had stood in the hour of utmost peril; that we saw nothing but liberty and security, where he had met the frown of power; that we were enjoying everything, where he had hazarded everything; and just and sincere plaudits rose to his name, from the crowds which filled this area, and hung over these galleries. he whose grateful duty it was to speak to us, [hon, joshiah quincy] on that day, of the virtues of our fathers, had, indeed, admonished us that time and years were about to level his venerable frame with the dust. but he bade us hope that "the sound of a nation's joy, rushing from our cities, ringing from our valleys, echoing from our hills, might yet break the silence of his aged ear; that the rising blessings of grateful millions might yet visit with glad light his decaying vision." alas! that vision was then closing forever. alas! the silence which was then settling on that aged ear was an everlasting silence! for, lo! in the very moment of our festivities, his freed spirit ascended to god who gave it! human aid and human solace terminate at the grave; or we would gladly have borne him upward, on a nation's outspread hands; we would have accompanied him, and with the blessings of millions and the prayers of millions, commended him to the divine favor. while still indulging our thoughts, on the coincidence of the death of this venerable man with the anniversary of independence, we learn that jefferson, too, has fallen, and that these aged patriots, these illustrious fellow-laborers, have left our world together. may not such events raise the suggestion that they are not undesigned, and that heaven does so order things, as sometimes to attract strongly the attention and excite the thoughts of men? the occurrence has added new interest to our anniversary, and will be remembered in all time to come. the occasion, fellow-citizens, requires some account of the lives and services of john adams and thomas jefferson. this duty must necessarily be performed with great brevity, and in the discharge of it i shall be obliged to confine myself, principally, to those parts of their history and character which belonged to them as public men. john adams was born at quincy, then part of the ancient town of braintree, on the 19th of october, (old style,) 1735. he was a descendant of the puritans, his ancestors having early emigrated from england, and settled in massachusetts. discovering early a strong love of reading and of knowledge, together with the marks of great strength and activity of mind, proper care was taken by his worthy father to provide for his education. he pursued his youthful studies in braintree, under mr. marsh, a teacher whose fortune it was that josiah quincy, jr., as well as the subject of these remarks, should receive from him his instruction in the rudiments of classical literature. having been admitted, in 1751, a member of harvard college, mr. adams was graduated, in course, in 1755; and on the catalogue of that institution, his name, at the time of his death, was second among the living alumni, being preceded only by that of the venerable holyoke. with what degree of reputation he left the university is not now precisely known. we know only that he was a distinguished in a class which numbered locke and hemmenway among its members. choosing the law for his profession, he commenced and prosecuted its studies at worcester, under the direction of samuel putnam, a gentleman whom he has himself described as an acute man, an able and learned lawyer, and as in large professional practice at that time. in 1758 he was admitted to the bar, and commenced business in braintree. he is understood to have made his first considerable effort, or to have attained his first signal success, at plymouth, on one of those occasions which furnish the earliest opportunity for distinction to many young men of the profession, a jury trial, and a criminal cause. his business naturally grew with his reputation, and his residence in the vicinity afforded the opportunity, as his growing eminence gave the power, of entering on the large field of practice which the capital presented. in 1766 he removed his residence to boston, still continuing his attendance on the neighboring circuits, and not unfrequently called to remote parts of the province. in 1770 his professional firmness was brought to a test of some severity, on the application of the british officers and soldiers to undertake their defense, on the trial of the indictments found against them on account of the transactions of the memorable 5th of march. he seems to have thought, on this occasion, that a man can no more abandon the proper duties of his profession, than he can abandon other duties. the event proved, that, as he judged well for his own reputation, he judged well, also, for the interest and permanent fame of his country. the result of that trial proved, that notwithstanding the high degree of excitement then existing in consequence of the measures of the british government, a jury of massachusetts would not deprive the most reckless enemies, even the officers of that standing army quartered among them which they so perfectly abhorred, of any part of that protection which the law, in its mildest and most indulgent interpretation, afforded to persons accused of crimes. without pursuing mr. adams's professional course further, suffice it to say, that on the first establishment of the judicial tribunals under the authority of the state, in 1776, he received an offer of the high and responsible station of chief-justice of the supreme court of his state. but he was destined for another and a different career. from early life, the bent of his mind was toward politics, a propensity which the state of the times, if it did not create, doubtless very much strengthened. public subjects must have occupied the thoughts and filled up the conversation in the circles in which he then moved, and the interesting questions at that time just arising could not but sieve on a mind like his, ardent, sanguine, and patriotic. the letter, fortunately preserved, written by him at worcester, so early as the 12th of october, 1755, is a proof of very comprehensive views, and uncommon depth of reflection, in a young man not yet quite twenty. in this letter he predicted the transfer of power, and the establishment of a new seat of empire in america; he predicted, also, the increase of population in the colonies; and anticipated their naval distinction, and foretold that all europe combined could not subdue them. all this is said not on a public occasion or for effect, but in the style of sober and friendly correspondence, as the result of his own thoughts. "i sometimes retire," said he, at the close of the letter, "and, laying things together, form some reflections pleasing to myself. the produce of one of these reveries you have read above." [1] this prognostication so early in his own life, so early in the history of the country, of independence, of vast increase of numbers, of naval force, off such augmented power as might defy all europe, is remarkable. it is more remarkable that its author should have lived to see fulfilled to the letter what could have seemed to others, at the time, but the extravagance of youthful fancy. his earliest political feelings were thus strongly american, and from this ardent attachment to his native soil he never departed. while still living at quincy, and at the age of twenty-four, mr. adams was present, in this town, on the argument before the supreme court respecting writs of assistance, and heard the celebrated and patriotic speech of james otis. unquestionably, that was a masterly performance. no flighty declamation about liberty, no superficial discussion of popular topics, it was a learned, penetrating, convincing, constitutional argument, expressed in a strain of high and resolute patriotism. he grasped the question then pending between england and her colonies with the strength of a lion; and if he sometimes sported, it was only because the lion himself is sometimes playful. its success appears to have been as great as its merits, and its impression was widely felt. mr. adams himself seems never to have lost the feeling it produced, and to have entertained constantly the fullest conviction of its important effects. "i do say," he observes, "in the most solemn manner, that mr. otis's oration against writs of assistance breathed into this nation the breath of life." in 1765 mr. adams laid before the public, what i suppose to be his first printed performance, except essays for the periodical press, a dissertation on the canon and feudal law. the object of this work was to show that our new england ancestors, in, consenting to exile themselves from their native land, were actuated mainly by the desire of delivering themselves from the power of the hierarchy, and from the monarchial and aristocratical political systems of the other continent, and to make this truth bear with effect on the politics of the times. its tone is uncommonly bold and animated for that period. he calls on the people, not only to defend, but to study and understand, their rights and privileges; urges earnestly the necessity of diffusing general knowledge; invokes the clergy and the bar, the colleges and academies, and all others who have the ability and the means to expose the insidious designs of arbitrary power, to resist its approaches, and to be persuaded that there is a settled design on foot to enslave all america. "be it remembered," says the author, "that liberty must, at all hazards, be supported. we have a right to it, derived from our maker. but if we had not, our fathers have earned it and bought it for us, at the expense of their ease, their estates, their pleasure, and their blood. and liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings and a desire to know. but, besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible right, to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, i mean of the character and conduct of their rulers. rulers are no more than attorneys, agents, and trustees of the people and if the cause, the interest and trust, is insidiously betrayed or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute other and better agents, attorneys, and trustees." the citizens of this town conferred on mr. adams his first political distinction, and clothed him with his first political trust, by electing him one of their representatives in 1770. before this time he had become extensively known throughout the province, as well by the part he had acted in relation to public affairs, as by the exercise of his professional ability. he was among those who took the deepest interest in the controversy with england and whether in or out of the legislature, his time and talents were alike devoted to the cause. in the years 1773 and 1774 he was chosen a councilor by the members of the general court, but rejected by governor hutchinson in the former of those years, and by governor gage in the latter. the time was now at hand, however, when the affairs of the colonies urgently demanded united counsels. an open rupture with the parent state appeared inevitable, and it was but the dictate of prudence that those who were united by a common interest and a common danger, should protect that interest and guard against that danger, by united efforts. a general congress of delegates from all the colonies having been proposed and agreed to, the house of representatives, on the 17th of june, 1774, elected james bowdoin, thomas cushing, samuel adams, john adams, and robert treat paine, delegates from massachusetts. this appointment was made at salem, where the general court had been convened by governor gage, in the last hour of the existence of a house of representatives under the provincial charter. while engaged in this important business, the governor, having been informed of what was passing, sent his secretary with a message dissolving the general court. the secretary, finding the door locked, directed the messenger to go in and inform the speaker that the secretary was at the door with a message from the governor. the messenger returned, and informed the secretary that the orders of the house were that the doors should be kept fast; whereupon the secretary soon after read a proclamation, dissolving the general court, upon, the stairs. thus terminated forever, the actual exercise of the political power of england in or over massachusetts. the four last named delegates accepted their appointments, and took their seats in congress the first day of its meeting, september 5th, 1774, in philadelphia. the proceedings of the first congress are well known, and have been universally admired. it is in vain that we would look for superior proofs of wisdom, talent, and patriotism. lord chatham said that, for himself, he must declare that he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master states of the world, but that, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this congress. it is hardly inferior praise to say that no production of that great man himself can be pronounced superior to several of the papers, published as the proceedings of this most able, most firm, most patriotic assembly. there is, indeed, nothing superior to them in the range of political disquisition. they not only embrace, illustrate and enforce everything which political philosophy, the love of liberty, and the spirit of free inquiry had antecedently produced, but they add new and striking views of their own, and apply the whole, with irresistible force, in support of the cause which had drawn them together. mr. adams was a constant attendant on the deliberations of this body, and bore an active part in its important measures. he was of the committee to state the rights of the colonies, and of that, also, which reported the address to the king. as it was in the continental congress, fellow-citizens, that those whose deaths have given rise to this occasion were first brought together, and called on to unite their industry and their ability in the service of the country, let us now turn to the other of these distinguished men, and take a brief notice of his life up to the period when he appeared within the walls of congress. thomas jefferson descended from ancestors who had been settled in virginia for some generations, was born near the spot on which he died, in the county of albemarle, on the 2d of april, (old style,) 1743. his youthful studies were pursued in the neighborhood of his father's residence, until he was removed to the college of william and mary, the highest honors of which he in due time received. having left the college with reputation, he applied himself to the study of the law under the tuition of george wythe, one of the highest judicial names of which that state can boast. at an early age, he was elected a member of the legislature, in which he had no sooner appeared than he distinguished himself by knowledge, capacity, and promptitude. mr. jefferson appears to have been imbued with an early love of letters and science, and to have cherished a strong disposition to pursue these objects. to the physical sciences, especially, and to ancient classic literature, he is understood to have had a warm attachment, and never entirely to have lost sight of them in the midst of the busiest occupations. but the times were times for action, rather than for contemplation. the country was to be defended, and to be saved, before it could be enjoyed. philosophic leisure and literary pursuits, and even the objects of professional attention, wher all necessarily postponed to the urgent calls of the public service. the exigency of the country made the same demand on mr. jefferson that it made on others who had the ability and the disposition to serve it; and he obeyed the call; thinking and feeling in this respect with the great roman orator: "quis enim est tam cupidus in perspicienda cognoscendaque rerum nature, ut, si, ei tractanti contemplantique, res cognitione dignissmas subito sit allatum periculum discrimenque patriae, cui subvenire opitularique possit, non illa omnia relinquat atque abjiciat, etiam si dinumerare se stellas, aut metiri mundi magnitudinem posse arbitretur?" entering with all his heart into the cause of liberty, his ability, patriotism, and power with the pen, naturally drew upon him a large participation in the most important concerns. wherever he was, there was found a soul devoted to the cause, power to defend and maintain it, and willingness to incur all its hazards. in 1774 he published a summary view of the rights of british america, a valuable production among those intended to show the dangers which threatened the liberties of the country, and to encourage the people in their defense. in june, 1775, he was elected a member of the continental congress, as successor to peyton randolph, who had retired on account of ill health, and took his seat in that body on the 21st of the same month. and now, fellow-citizens, without pursuing the biography of these illustrious men further, for the present, let us turn our attention to the most prominent act of their lives, their participation in the declaration of independence. preparatory to the introduction of that important measure, a committee, at the head of which was mr. adams, had reported a resolution, which congress adopted the 10th of may, recommending, in substance, to all the colonies which had not already established governments suited to the exigencies of their affairs, to adopt such government as would, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and america in general. this significant vote was soon followed by the direct proposition which richard henry lee had the honor to submit to congress, by resolution, on the 7th day of june. the published journal does not expressly state it, but there is no doubt, i suppose, that this resolution was in the same words when originally submitted by mr. lee, as when finally passed. having been discussed on saturday, the 8th, and monday, the 10th of june, this resolution was on the last mentioned day postponed for further consideration to the first day of july; and at the same time, it was voted that a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration to the effect of the resolution. this committee was elected by ballot, on the following day, and consisted of thomas jefferson, john adams, benjamin franklin, roger sherman, and robert r. livingston. it is usual when committees are elected by ballot, that their members are arranged in order, according to the number of votes which each has received. mr. jefferson, therefore, had received the highest, and mr. adams the next highest number of votes. the difference is said to have been but of a single vote. mr. jefferson and mr. adams, standing thus at the head of the committee, were requested by the other members to act as a sub-committee to prepare the draft; and mr. jefferson drew up the paper. the original draft, as brought by him from his study, and submitted to the other members of the committee, with interlineations in the handwriting of dr. franklin, and others in that of mr. adams, was in mr. jefferson's possession at the time of his death. the merit of this paper is mr. jefferson's. some changes were made in it on the suggestion of other members of the committee, and others by congress while it was under discussion. but none of them altered the tone, the frame, the arrangement, or the general character of the instrument, as a composition, the declaration is mr. jefferson's. it is the production of his mind, and the high honor of it belongs to him, clearly and absolutely. it has sometimes been said, as if it were a derogation from the merits of this paper; that it contains nothing new; that it only states grounds of proceeding, and presses topics of argument, which had often been stated and pressed before. but it was not the object of the declaration to produce anything new. it was not to invent reasons for independence, but to state those which governed the congress. for great and sufficient causes it was proposed to declare independence; and the proper business of the paper to be drawn was to set forth those causes, and justify the authors of the measure, in any event of fortune, to the country, and to posterity. the cause of american independence, moreover, was now to be presented to the world in such manner, if it might so be, as to engage its sympathy, to command its respect, to attract its admiration, and in an assembly of most able and distinguished men, thomas jefferson had the high honor of being the selected advocate of this cause. to say that he performed his great work well, would be doing him injustice. to say that he did it excellently well, admirably well, would be inadequate and halting praise. let us rather say that he so discharged the duty assigned him, that all americans may well rejoice that the work of drawing the title-deed of their liberties devolved on his hands. with all its merits, there are those who have thought that there was one thing in the declaration to be regretted; and that is, the asperity and anger with which it speaks of the person of the king; the industrious ability with which it accumulates and charges upon him all the injuries which the colonies had suffered from the mother country. possibly some degree of injustice, now or hereafter, at home or abroad, may be done to the character of mr. jefferson, if this part of the declaration be not placed in its proper light. anger or resentment, certainly much less personal reproach and invective, could not properly find place in a composition of such high dignity, and of such lofty and permanent character. a single reflection on the original ground of dispute between england and the colonies, is sufficient to remove any unfavorable impression in this respect. the inhabitants of all the colonies, while colonies, admitted themselves bound by their allegiance to the king; but they disclaimed altogether, the authority of parliament; holding themselves, in this respect, to resemble the condition of scotland and ireland before the respective unions of those kingdoms with england, when they acknowledged allegiance to the same king, but each had its separate legislature. the tie, therefore, which our revolution was to break, did not subsist between us and the british parliament, or between us and the british government, in the aggregate, but directly between us and the king himself. the colonists had never admitted themselves subject to parliament. that was precisely the point of the original controversy. they had uniformly denied that parliament had authority to make laws for them. there was, therefore, no subjection to parliaments to be thrown off. [2] but allegiance to the king did exist, and had been uniformly acknowledged; and down to 1775, the most solemn assurances had been given that it was not intended to break that allegiance, or to throw it off. therefore, as the direct object and only effect of the declaration, according to the principles on which the controversy had been maintained on our part, were to sever the tie of allegiance which bound us to the king, it was properly and necessarily founded on acts of the crown itself, as its justifying causes. parliament is not so much as mentioned in the whole instrument. when odious and oppressive acts are referred to, it is done by charging the king with confederating with others, "in pretended acts of legislation," the object being constantly to hold the king himself directly responsible for those measures which were the grounds of separation. even the precedent of the english revolution was not overlooked, and in this case as well as in that, occasion was found to say that the king had abdicated the government. consistency with the principles upon which resistance began, and with all the previous state papers issued by congress, required that the declaration should be bottomed on the misgovernment of the king; and therefore it was properly framed with that aim and to that end. the king was known, indeed, to have acted, as in other cases, by his ministers, and with his parliament; but as our ancestors had never admitted themselves subject either to ministers or to parliament, there were no reasons to be given for now refusing obedience to their authority. this clear and obvious necessity of founding the declaration on the misconduct of the king himself gives to that instrument its personal application, and its character of direct and pointed accusation. the declaration having been reported to congress by the committee, the resolution itself was taken up and debated on the first day of july, and again on the second on which last day, it was agreed to and adopted, in these words: "resolved, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the british crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of great britian is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." having thus passed the main resolution, congress proceeded to consider the reported draft of the declaration. it was discussed on the second, and third, and fourth days of the month, in committee of the whole, and on the last of those days, being reported from that committee, it received the final approbation and sanction of congress. it was ordered, at the same time, that copies be sent to the several states, and that it be proclaimed at the head of the army. the declaration thus published did not bear the names of the members, for as yet, it had not been signed by them. it was authenticated like other papers of the congress, by the signatures of the president and secretary. on the 19th of july, as appears by the secret journal, congress "resolved, that the declaration, passed on the fourth, be fairly engrossed on parchment, with the title and style of 'the unanimous declaration of the thirteen united states of america;' and that the same, when engrossed, be signed by every member of congress." and on the second day of august following, "the declaration being engrossed, and compared at the table, was signed by the members." so that it happens, fellow-citizens, that we pay these honors to their memory on the anniversary of that day, on which these great men actually signed their names to the declaration. the declaration was thus made, that is, it passed and was adopted as an act of congress, on the fourth of july; it was then signed, and certified by the president and secretary, like other acts. the fourth of july, therefore, is the anniversary of the declaration. but the signatures of the members present were made to it, being then engrossed on parchment, on the second day of august. absent members afterward signed, as they came in; and indeed it bears the signatures of some who were not chosen members of congress until after the fourth of july. the interest belonging to the subject will be sufficient, i hope, to justify these details. the congress of the revolution, fellow-citizens, sat with closed doors, and no report of its debates was ever taken. the discussion, therefore, which accompanied this great measure, has never been preserved, except in memory and by tradition. but it is, i believe, doing no injustice to others to say that the general opinion was, and uniformly has been, that in debate, on the side of independence, john adams had no equal. the great author of the declaration himself has expressed that opinion uniformly and strongly. "john adams," said he, in the hearing of him who has now the honor to address you, "john adams was our colossus on the floor. not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent, in his public addresses, he yet came out with a power, both of thought and of expression, which moved us from our seats." for the part which he was here to perform, mr. adams doubtless was eminently fitted. he possessed a bold spirit, which disregarded danger, and a sanguine reliance on the goodness of the cause, and the virtues of the people, which led him to overlook all obstacles. his character, too, had been formed in troubled times. he had been rocked in the early storms of the controversy, and had acquired a decision and a hardihood proportioned to the severity of the discipline which he had undergone. he not only loved the american cause devoutly, but had studied and understood it. it was all familiar to him. he had tried his powers on the questions which it involved, often and in various ways; and had brought to their consideration whatever of argument or illustration the history of his own country, the history of england, or the stores of ancient or of legal learning could furnish. every grievance enumerated in the long catalogue of the declaration had been the subject of his discussion, and the object of his remonstrance and reprobation. from 1760, the colonies, the rights of the colonies, the liberties of the colonies, and the wrongs inflicted on the colonies, had engaged his constant attention; and it has surprised those who have had the opportunity of observing, with what full remembrance and with what prompt recollection he could refer, in his extreme old age, to every act of parliament affecting the colonies, distinguishing and stating their respective titles, sections, and provisions; and to all the colonial memorials, remonstrances and petitions with whatever else belonged to the intimate and exact history of the times from that year to 1775. it was, in his own judgment, between these years that the american people came to a full understanding and thorough knowledge of their rights, and to a fixed resolution of maintaining them; and bearing, himself, an active part in all important transactions, the controversy with england being then in effect the business of his life, facts, dates and particulars, made an impression which was never effaced. he was prepared, therefore, by education and discipline, as well as by natural talent and natural temperament, for the part which he was now to act. the eloquence of mr. adams resembled his general character, and formed, indeed, a part of it. it was bold, manly, and energetic, and such the crisis required. when public bodies are to be addressed on momentous occasions, when great interests are at stake, and strong passions excited, nothing is valuable in speech farther than it is connected with high intellectual and moral endowments. clearness, force, and earnestness, are the qualities which produce conviction. true eloquence, indeed, does not consist in speech. it cannot be brought from far. labor and learning may toil for it, but they will toil in vain. words and phrases may be marshaled in every way, but they cannot compass it. it must exist in the man, in the subject, and in the occasion. affected passion, intense expression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after it; they cannot reach it. it comes, if it come at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. the graces taught in the schools, the costly ornaments and studied contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and the fate of their wives, their children, and their country, hang on the decision of the hour. then words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. even genius itself then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the presence of higher qualities. then patriotism is eloquent; then self-devotion is eloquent. the clear conception, outrunning the deductions of logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward to his object--this, this is eloquence; or rather it is something greater and higher than all eloquence, it is action, noble, sublime, godlike action. in july, 1776, the controversy had passed the stage of argument. an appeal had been made to force, and opposing armies were in the field. congress, then, was to decide whether the tie which had so long bound us to the parent state was to be severed at once, and severed forever. all the colonies had signified their resolution to abide by this decision, and the people looked for it with the most intense anxiety. and surely, fellow-citizens, never, never were men called to a more important political deliberation. if we contemplate it from the point where they then stood, no question could be more full of interest; if we look at it now, and judge of its importance by its effects, it appears in still greater magnitude. let us, then, bring before us the assembly, which was about to decide a question thus big with the fate of empire. let us open their doors and look in upon their deliberations. let us survey the anxious and care-worn countenances, let us hear the firm-toned voices of this band of patriots. hancock presides over the solemn sitting; and one of those not yet prepared to pronounce for absolute independence is on the floor, and is urging his reasons for dissenting from the declaration. "let us pause! this step once taken, cannot be retraced. this resolution, once passed, will cut off all hope of reconciliation. if success attend the arms of england, we shall then be no longer colonies, with charters and with privileges; these will all be forfeited by this act; and we shall be in the condition of other conquered people, at the mercy of the conquerors. for ourselves, we may be ready to run the hazard; but are we ready to carry the country to that length? is success so probable as to justify it? where is the military, where the naval power, by which we are to resist the whole strength of the arm of england, for she will exert that strength to the utmost? can we rely on the constancy and perseverance of the people? or will they not act as the people of other countries have acted, and, wearied with a long war, submit, in the end, to a worse oppression? while we stand on our old ground, and insist on redress of grievances, we know we are right, and are not answerable for consequences. nothing, then can be imputed to us. but if we now change our object, carry our pretensions farther, and set up for absolute independence, we shall lose the sympathy of mankind. we shall no longer be defending what we possess, but struggling for something which we never did possess, and which we have solemnly and uniformly disclaimed all intention of pursuing, from the very outset of the troubles. abandoning thus our old ground, of resistance only to arbitrary acts of oppression, the nations will believe the whole to have been mere pretense, and they will look on us, not as injured, but as ambitious subjects. i shudder before this responsibility. it will be on us, if, relinquishing the ground we have stood on so long, and stood on so safely we now proclaim independence, and carry on the war for that object, while these cities burn, these pleasant fields whiten and bleach with the bones of their owners, and these streams run blood. it will be upon us, it will be upon us, if, failing to maintain this unseasonable and ill-judged declaration, a sterner despotism, maintained by military power, shall be established over our posterity, when we ourselves, given up by an exhausted, a harassed, a misled people, shall have expiated our rashness and atoned for our presumption on the scaffold." it was for mr. adams to reply to arguments like these. we know his opinions, and we know his character. he would commence with his accustomed directness and earnestness. "'sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, i give my hand and my heart to this vote. it is true, indeed, that in the beginning we aimed not at independence. but there's a divinity which shapes our ends. the injustice of england has driven us to arms; and, blinded to her own interest for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our grasp. we have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours. why, then, should we defer the declaration? is any man so weak as now to hope for reconciliation with england, which shall leave either safety to the country and its liberties, or safety to his own life and his own honor? are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our venerable colleague near you, are you not both already the proscribed and predestined objects of punishment and of vengeance? cut off from all hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you be, while the power of england remains, but outlaws? if we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up the war? do we mean to submit to the measures of parliament, boston port bill and all? do we mean to submit, and consent that we ourselves shall be ground to powder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust? i know we do not mean to submit. we never shall submit. do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before god, of our sacred honor to washington, when, putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives? i know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or title of that plighted faith fall to the ground. for myself, having, twelve months ago, in this place, moved you, that george washington be appointed commander of the forces raised, or to be raised, for defense of american liberty, may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if i hesitate or waver in the support i give him. "the war, then, must go on. we must fight it through. and if the war must go on, why put off longer the declaration of independence? that measure will strengthen us it will give us character abroad. the nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sovereign. nay, i maintain that england herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and oppression. her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy to her rebellious subjects. the former she would regard as the result of fortune, the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace. why, then, why, then, sir, do we not as soon as possible change this from a civil to a national war? and since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory? "if we fail, it can be no worse for us. but we shall not fail. the cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. the people, the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously, through this struggle. i care not how fickle other people have been found. i know the people of these colonies, and i know that resistance to british aggression is deep and settled in their hearts, and cannot be eradicated. every colony, indeed, has expressed its willingness to follow, if we but take the lead. sir, the declaration will inspire the people with increased courage. instead of a long and bloody war for the restoration of privileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered immunities, held under a british king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life. read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered, to maintain it, or to perish on the bed of honor. publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it. send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon, let them see it who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of bunker hill, and in the streets of lexington and concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support. "sir, i know the uncertainty of human affairs, but i see, i see clearly, through this day's business. you and i, indeed, may rue it. we may not live to the time when this declaration shall be made good. we may die; die colonists; die slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and on the scaffold. be it so. be it so. if it be the pleasure of heaven that my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready, at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. but while i do live, let me have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free country. "but whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured that this declaration will stand. it may cost treasure, and it may cost blood; but it will stand, and it will richly compensate for both. through the thick gloom of the present i see the brightness of the future as the sun in heaven. we shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. when we are in our graves, our children will honor it. they will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations. on its annual return they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy. sir, before god, i believe the hour is come. my judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. all that i have, and all that i am, and all that i hope, in this life, i am now ready here to stake upon it; and i leave off as i begun, that live or die, survive or perish, i am for the declaration. it is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of god it shall be my dying sentiment, independence, now, and independence forever." and so that day shall be honored, illustrious prophet and patriot! so that day shall be honored, and as often as it returns, thy renown shall come along with it, and the glory of thy life, like the day of thy death, shall not fail from the remembrance of men. it would be unjust, fellow-citizens, on this occasion while we express our veneration for him who is the immediate subject of these remarks, were we to omit a most respectful, affectionate, and grateful mention of those other great men, his colleagues, who stood with him, and with the same spirit, the same devotion, took part in the interesting transaction. hancock, the proscribed hancock, exiled from his home by a military governor, cut off by proclamation from the mercy of the crown--heaven reserved for him the distinguished honor of putting this great question to the vote, and of writing his own name first, and most conspicuously, on that parchment which spoke defiance to the power of the crown of england. there, too, is the name of that other proscribed patriot, samuel adams, a man who hungered and thirsted for the independence of his country, who thought the declaration halted and lingered, being himself not only ready, but eager, for it, long before it was proposed: a man of the deepest sagacity, the clearest foresight, and the profoundest judgment in men. and there is gerry, himself among the earliest and the foremost of the patriots, found, when the battle of lexington summoned them to common counsels, by the side of warren, a man who lived to serve his country at home and abroad, and to die in the second place in the government. there, too, is the inflexible, the upright, the spartan character, robert treat paine. he also lived to serve his country through the struggle, and then withdrew from her councils, only that he might give his labors and his life to his native state, in another relation. these names, fellow-citizens, are the treasures of the commonwealth: and they are treasures which grow brighter by time. it is now necessary to resume and to finish with great brevity the notice of the lives of those whose virtues and services we have met to commemorate. mr. adams remained in congress from its first meeting till november, 1777, when he was appointed minister to france. he proceeded on that service in the february following, embarking in the boston frigate on the shore of his native town at the foot of mount wollaston. the year following, he was appointed commissioner to treat of peace with england. returning to the united states, he was a delegate from braintree in the convention for framing the constitution of this commonwealth, in 1780. at the latter end of the same year, he again went abroad in the diplomatic service of the country, and was employed at various courts, and occupied with various negotiations, until 1788. the particulars of these interesting and important services this occasion does not allow time to relate. in 1782 he concluded our first treaty with holland. his negotiations with that republic, his efforts to persuade the states-general to recognize our independence, his incessant and indefatigable exertions to represent the american cause favorably on the continent, and to counteract the designs of its enemies, open and secret, and his successful undertaking to obtain loans, on the credit of a nation yet new and unknown, are among his most arduous, most useful, most honorable services. it was his fortune to bear a part in the negotiation for peace with england, and in something more than six years from the declaration which he had so strenuously supported, he had the satisfaction to see the minister plenipotentiary of the crown subscribe to the instrument which declared that his "britannic majesty acknowledged the united states to be free, sovereign, and independent." in these important transactions, mr. adams' conduct received the marked approbation of congress and of the countrty. while abroad, in 1787, he published his defense of the american constitution; a work of merit and ability, though composed with haste, on the spur of a particular occasion, in the midst of other occupations, and under circumstances not admitting of careful revision. the immediate object of the work was to counteract the weight of opinion advanced by several popular european writers of that day, mr. turgot, the abbe de mably and dr. price, at a time when the people of the united states were employed in forming and revising their system of government. returning to the united states in 1788, he found the new government about going into operation, and was himself elected the first vice-president, a situation which he filled with reputation for eight years, at the expiration of which he was raised to the presidential chair, as immediate successor to the immortal washington. in this high station he was succeeded by mr. jefferson, after a memorable controversy between their respective friends, in 1801; and from that period his manner of life has been known to all who hear me. he has lived for five-and-twenty years, with every enjoyment that could render old age happy. not inattentive to the occurrences of the times, political cares have not yet materially, or for any long time, disturbed his repose. in 1820 he acted as elector of president and vice-president, and in the same year we saw him, then at the age of eighty-five, a member of the convention of this commonwealth called to revise the constitution. forty years before, he had been one of those who formed that constitution; and he had now the pleasure of witnessing that there was little which the people desired to change. possessing all his faculties to the end of his long life, with an unabated love of reading and contemplation, in the center of interesting circles of friendship and affection, he was blessed in his retirement with whatever of repose and felicity the condition of man allows. he had, also, other enjoyments. he saw around him that prosperity and general happiness which had been the object of his public cares and labors. no man ever beheld more clearly, and for a longer time, the great and beneficial effects of the services rendered by himself to his country. that liberty which he so early defended, that independence of which he was so able an advocate and supporter, he saw, we trust, firmly and securely established. the population of the country thickened around him faster, and extended wider, than his own sanguine predictions had anticipated; and the wealth respectability, and power of the nation sprang up to a magnitude which it is quite impossible he could have expected to witness in his day. he lived also to behold those principles of civil freedom which had been developed, established, and practically applied in america, attract attention, command respect, and awaken imitation, in other regions of the globe; and well might, and well did, he exclaim, "where will the consequences of the american revolution end?" if anything yet remains to fill this cup of happiness let it be added that he lived to see a great and intelligent people bestow the highest honor in their gift where he had bestowed his own kindest parental affections and lodged his fondest hopes. thus honored in life, thus happy at death, he saw the jubilee, and he died; and with the last prayers which trembled on his lips was the fervent supplication for his country, "independence forever!" mr. jefferson, having been occupied in the years 1778 and 1779 in the important service of revising the laws of virginia, was elected governor of that state, as successor to patrick henry, and held the situation when the state was invaded by the british arms. in 1781 he published his notes on virginia, a work which attracted attention in europe as well as america, dispelled many misconceptions respecting this continent, and gave its author a place among men distinguished for science. in november, 1783, he again took his seat in the continental congress, but in the may following was appointed minister plenipotentiary, to act abroad, in the negotiation of commercial treaties, with dr. franklin and mr. adams. he proceeded to france in execution of this mission, embarking at boston; and that was the only occasion on which he ever visited this place. in 1785 he was appointed minister to france, the duties of which situation he continued to perform until october, 1789, when he obtained leave to retire, just on the eve of that tremendous revolution which has so much agitated the world in our times. mr. jefferson's discharge of his diplomatic duties was marked by great ability, diligence, and patriotism; and while he resided at paris, in one of the most interesting periods, his character for intelligence, his love of knowledge and of the society of learned men, distinguished him in the highest circles of the french capital. no court in europe had at that time in paris a representative commanding or enjoying higher regard for political knowledge or for general attainments, than the minister of this then infant republic. immediately on his return to his native country, at the organization of the government under the present constitution, his talents and experience recommended him to president washington for the first office in his gift. he was placed at the head of the department of state. in this situation, also, he manifested conspicuous ability. his correspondence with the ministers of other powers residing here, and his instructions to our own diplomatic agents abroad, are among our ablest state papers. a thorough knowledge of the laws and usages of nations, perfect acquaintance with the immediate subject before him, great felicity, and still greater faculty, in writing, show themselves in whatever effort his official situation called on him to make. it is believed by competent judges, that the diplomatic intercourse of the government of the united states, from the first meeting of the continental congress in 1774 to the present time taken together, would not suffer, in respect to the talent with which it has been conducted, by comparison with anything which other and older states can produce; and to the attainment of this respectability and distinction mr. jefferson has contributed his full part. on the retirement of general washington from the presidency, and the election of mr. adams to that office in 1797, he was chosen vice-president. while presiding in this capacity over the deliberations of the senate, he compiled and published a manual of parliamentary practice, a work of more labor and more merit than is indicated by its size. it is now received as the general standard by which proceedings are regulated; not only in both houses of congress, but in most of the other legislative bodies in the country. in 1801 he was elected president, in opposition to mr. adams, and re-elected in 1805, by a vote approaching toward unanimity. from the time of his final retirement from public life, in 1809, mr. jefferson lived as became a wise man. surrounded by affectionate friends, his ardor in the pursuit of knowledge undiminished, with uncommon health and unbroken spirits, he was able to enjoy largely the rational pleasures of life, and to partake in that public prosperity which he had so much contributed to produce. his kindness and hospitality, the charm of his conversation, the ease of his manners, the extent of his acquirements, and, especially, the full store of revolutionary incidents which he possessed, and which he knew when and how to dispense, rendered his abode in a high degree attractive to his admiring countrymen, while his high public and scientific character drew toward him every intelligent and educated traveler from abroad. both mr. adams and mr. jefferson had the pleasure of knowing that the respect which they so largely received was not paid to their official stations. they were not men made great by office; but great men, on whom the country for its own benefit had conferred office. there was that in them which office did not give, and which the relinquishment of office did not, and could not, take away. in their retirement, in the midst of their fellow-citizens, themselves private citizens, they enjoyed as high regard and esteem as when filling the most important places of public trust. there remained to mr. jefferson yet one other work of patriotism and beneficence, the establishment of a university in his native state. to this object he devoted years of incessant and anxious attention, and by the enlightened liberality of the legislature of virginia, and the cooperation of other able and zealous friends, he lived to see it accomplished. may all success attend this infant seminary; and may those who enjoy its advantages, as often as their eyes shall rest on the neighboring height, recollect what they owe to their disinterested and indefatigable benefactor; and may letters honor him who thus labored in the cause of letters! thus useful, and thus respected, passed the old age of thomas jefferson. but time was on its ever-ceaseless wing, and was now bringing the last hour of this illustrious man. he saw its approach with undisturbed serenity. he counted the moments as they passed, and beheld that his last sands were falling. that day, too, was at hand which he had helped to make immortal. one wish, one hope, if it were not presumptuous, beat in his fainting breast. could it be so might it please god, he would desire once more to see the sun, once more to look abroad on the scene around him on the great day of liberty. heaven, in its mercy, fulfilled that prayer. he saw that sun, he enjoyed its sacred light he thanked god for this mercy, and bowed his aged head to the grave. "felix, non vitae tantum claritate, sid etiam opportunitate mortis." the last public labor of mr. jefferson naturally suggests the expression of the high praise which is due, both to him and to mr. adams, for their uniform and zealous attachment to learning, and to the cause of general knowledge. of the advantages of learning, indeed, and of literary accomplishments, their own characters were striking recommendations and illustrations. they were scholars, ripe and good scholars; widely acquainted with ancient, as well as modern literature, and not altogether uninstructed in the deeper sciences. their acquirements, doubtless, were different, and so were the particular objects of their literary pursuits; as their tastes and characters, in these respects differed like those of other men. being, also, men of busy lives, with great objects requiring action constantly before them, their attainments in letters did not become showy or obtrusive. yet i would hazard the opinion, that, if we could now ascertain all the causes which gave them eminence, and distinction in the midst of the great men with whom they acted, we should find not among the least their early acquisitions in literature, the resources which it furnished, the promptitude and facility which it communicated, and the wide field it opened for analogy and illustration; giving them thus, on every subject, a larger view and a broader range, as well for discussion as for the government of their own conduct. literature sometimes, and pretensions to it much oftener disgusts, by appearing to hang loosely on the character, like something foreign or extraneous, not a part, but an ill-adjusted appendage; or by seeming to overload and weigh it down by its unsightly bulk, like the productions of bad taste in architecture, where there is messy and cumbrous ornament without strength or solidity of column. this has exposed learning, and especially classical learning, to reproach. men have seen that it might exist without mental superiority, without vigor, without good taste, and without utility. but in such cases classical learning has only not inspired natural talent, or, at most, it has but made original feebleness of intellect, and natural bluntness of perception, something more conspicuous. the question, after all, if it be a question, is, whether literature, ancient as well as modern, does not assist a good understanding, improve natural good taste, add polished armor to native strength, and render its possessor, not only more capable of deriving private happiness from contemplation and reflection, but more accomplished also for action in the affairs of life, and especially for public action. those whose memories we now honor were learned men; but their learning was kept in its proper place, and made subservient to the uses and objects of life. they were scholars, not common nor superficial; but their scholarship was so in keeping with their character, so blended and inwrought, that careless observers, or bad judges, not seeing an ostentatious display of it, might infer that it did not exist; forgetting, or not knowing, that classical learning in men who act in conspicuous public stations, perform duties which exercise the faculty of writing, or address popular deliberative, or judicial bodies, is often felt where it is little seen, and sometimes felt more effectually because it is not seen at all. but the cause of knowledge, in a more enlarged sense, the cause of general knowledge and of a popular education, had no warmer friends, nor more powerful advocates, than mr. adams and mr. jefferson. on this foundation they knew the whole republican system rested; and this great and all-truth they strove to impress, by all the means in their power. in the early publication already referred to mr. adams expresses the strong and just sentiment, that the education of the poor is more important, even to the rich themselves, than all their own. on this great truth indeed, is founded that unrivaled, that invaluable political and moral institution, our own blessing and the glory of our fathers, the new england system of free schools. as the promotion of knowledge had been the object of their regard through life, so these great men made it the subject of their testamentary bounty. mr. jefferson is understood to have bequeathed his library to the university of his native state, and that of mr. adams is bestowed on the inhabitants of quincy. mr. adams and mr. jefferson, fellow-citizens, were successively presidents of the united states. the comparative merits of their respective administrations for a long time agitated and divided public opinion. they were rivals, each supported by numerous and powerful portions of the people, for the highest office. this contest, partly the cause and partly the consequence of the long existence of two great political parties in the country, is now part of the history of our government. we may naturally regret that anything should have occurred to create difference and discord between those who had acted harmoniously and efficiently in the great concerns of the revolution. but this is not the time, nor this the occasion, for entering into the grounds of that difference, or for attempting to discuss the merits of the questions which it involves. as practical questions, they were canvassed when the measures which they regarded were acted on and adopted; and as belonging to history, the time has not come for their consideration. it is, perhaps, not wonderful, that, when the constitution of the united states went first into operation, different opinions should be entertained as to the extent of the powers conferred by it. here was a natural source of diversity of sentiment. it is still less wonderful, that that event, about cotemporary with our government under the present constitution, which so entirely shocked all europe, and disturbed our relations with her leading powers, should be thought, by different men, to have different bearings on our own prosperity; and that the early measures adopted by our government, in consequence of this new state of things, should be seen in opposite lights. it is for the future historian, when what now remains of prejudice and misconception shall have passed away, to state these different opinions, and pronounce impartial judgment. in the mean time, all good men rejoice, and well may rejoice, that the sharpest differences sprung out of measures which, whether right or wrong, have ceased with the exigencies that gave them birth, and have left no permanent effect, either on the constitution or on the general prosperity of the country. this remark, i am aware, may be supposed to have its exception in one measure, the alteration of the constitution as to the mode of choosing president; but it is true in its general application. thus the course of policy pursued toward france in 1798, on the one hand, and the measures of commercial restriction commenced in 1807, on the other, both subjects of warm and severe opposition, have passed away and left nothing behind them. they were temporary, and whether wise or unwise, their consequences were limited to their respective occasions. it is equally clear, at the same time, and it is equally gratifying, that those measures of both administrations which were of durable importance, and which drew after them interesting and long remaining consequences, have received general approbation. such was the organization, or rather the creation, of the navy, in the administration of mr. adams; such the acquisition of louisiana, in that of mr. jefferson. the country, it may safely be added, is not likely to be willing either to approve, or to reprobate, indiscriminately, and in the aggregate, all the measures of either, or of any, administration. the dictate of reason and justice is, that, holding each one his own sentiments on the points in difference, we imitate the great men themselves in the forbearance and moderation which they have cherished, and in the mutual respect and kindness which they have been so much inclined to feel and to reciprocate. no men, fellow-citizens, ever served their country with more entire exemption from every imputation of selfish and mercenary motives, than those to whose memory we are paying these proofs of respect. a suspicion of any disposition to enrich themselves, or to profit by their public employments, never rested on either. no sordid motive approached them. the inheritance which they have left to their children is of their character and their fame. fellow-citizens, i will detain you no longer by this faint and feeble tribute to the memory of the illustrious dead. even in other hands, adequate justice could not be performed, within the limits of this occasion. their highest, their best praise, is your deep conviction of their merits, your affectionate gratitude for their labors and services. it is not my voice, it is this cessation of ordinary pursuits, this arresting of all attention, these solemn ceremonies, and this crowded house, which speak their eulogy. their fame, indeed, is safe. that is now treasured up beyond the reach of accident. although no sculptured marble should rise to their memory, nor engraved stone bear record of their deeds, yet will their remembrance be as lasting as the land they honored. marble columns may, indeed, moulder into dust, time may erase all impress from the crumbling stone, but their fame remains; for with american liberty it rose, and with american liberty only can it perish. it was the last swelling peal of yonder choir, their bodies are buried in peace, but their name liveth evermore. i catch that solemn song, i echo that lofty strain of funeral triumph, their name liveth evermore. of the illustrious signers of the declaration of independence there now remains only charles carroll. he seems an aged oak, standing alone on the plain, which time has spared a little longer after all its cotemporaries have been leveled with the dust. venerable object! we delight to gather round its trunk, while yet it stands, and to dwell beneath its shadow. sole survivor of an assembly of as great men as the world has witnessed, in a transaction one of the most important that history records, what thoughts, what interesting reflections, must fill his elevated and devout soul! if he dwell on the past, how touching its recollections; if he survey the present, how happy, how joyous, how full of the fruition of that hope, which his ardent patriotism indulged; if he glance at the future, how does the prospect of his country's advancement almost bewilder his weakened conception! fortunate, distinguished patriot! interesting relic of the past! let him know that, while we honor the dead, we do not forget the living; and that there is not a heart here which does not fervently pray that heaven may keep him yet back from the society of his companions. and now, fellow-citizens, let us not retire from this occasion without a deep and solemn conviction of the duties which have devolved upon us. this lovely land, this glorious liberty, these benign institutions, the dear purchase of our fathers, are ours; ours to enjoy, ours to preserve, ours to transmit. generations past and generations to come hold us responsible for this sacred trust. our fathers, from behind, admonish us, with their anxious paternal voices; posterity calls out to us, from the bosom of the future; the world turns hither its solicitous eyes; all, all conjure us to act wisely, and faithfully, in the relation which we sustain. we can never, indeed, pay the debt which is upon us; but by virtue, by morality, by religion, by the cultivation of every good principle and every good habit, we may hope to enjoy the blessing, through our day, and to leave it unimpaired to our children. let us feel deeply how much of what we are and of what we possess we owe to this liberty, and to these institutions of government. nature has indeed given us a soil which yields bounteously to the hands of industry, the mighty and fruitful ocean is before us, and the skies over our heads shed health and vigor. but what are lands, and seas, and skies to civilized man, without society, without knowledge, without morals, without religious culture; and how can these be enjoyed, in all their extent and all their excellence, but under the protection of wise institutions and a free government? fellow-citizens, there is not one of us, there is not one of us here present, who does not, at this moment, and at every moment, experience in his own condition, and in the condition of those most near and dear to him, the influence and the benefits of this liberty and these institutions. let us then acknowledge the blessing, let us feel it deeply and powerfully, let us cherish a strong affection for it, and resolve to maintain and perpetuate it. the blood of our fathers, let it not have been shed in vain; the great hope of posterity, let it not be blasted. the striking attitude, too, in which we stand to the world around us, a topic to which, i fear, i advert too often, and dwell on too long, cannot be altogether omitted here. neither individuals nor nations can perform their part well, until they understand and feel its importance, and comprehend and justly appreciate all the duties belonging to it. it is not to inflate national vanity, nor to swell a light and empty feeling of self-importance, but it is that we may judge justly of our situation, and of our own duties, that i earnestly urge this consideration of our position and our character among the nations of the earth. it cannot be denied, but by those who would dispute against the sun, that with america, and in america, a new era commences in human affairs. this era is distinguished by free representative governments, by entire religious liberty, by improved systems of national intercourse, by a newly awakened and unconquerable spirit of free inquiry and by a diffusion of knowledge through the community, such as has been before altogether unknown and unheard of. america, america, our country, fellow-citizens, our own dear and native land, is inseparably connected, fast bound up, in fortune and by fate, with these great interests. if they fall, we fall with them; if they stand, it will be because we have upholden them. let us contemplate, then, this connection, which binds the prosperity of others to our own; and let us manfully discharge all the duties which it imposes. if we cherish the virtues and principles of our fathers, heaven will assist us to carry on the work of human liberty and human happiness. auspicious omens cheer us. great examples are before us. our own firmament now shines brightly upon our path. washington is in the clear, upper sky. these other stars have now joined the american constellation; they circle round their center, and the heavens beam with new light. beneath this illumination let us walk the course of life, and at its close devoutly commend our beloved country, the common parent of us all, to the divine benignity. [footnote 1: extract of a letter written by john adams, dated at worcester, massachusetts, october 12, 1755. "soon after the reformation, a few people came over into this new world, for conscience' sake. perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the great seat of empire into america. it looks likely to me; for, if we can remove the turbulent gallios, our people, according to the exactest computations, will, in another century, become more numerous than england itself. should this be the case, since we have, i may say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy to obtain a mastery of the seas; and then the united forces of all europe will not be able to subdue us. the only way to keep us from setting up for ourselves is to disunite us. "be not surprised that i am turned polititian. the whole town is immersed in politics. the interests of nations, and all the dira of war, make the subject of every conversation. i sit and hear, and after having been led through a maze of sage obversations, i sometimes retire, and, laying things together, form some reflections pleasing to myself. the produce of one of these reveries you have read above."] [footnote 2: this question, of the power of parliament over the colonies, was discussed with singular ability by governor hutchinson on the one side, and the house of representatives of massachusetts on the other, in 1773. the argument of the house is in the form of an answer to the governor's message, and was reported by mr. samuel adams, mr. hancock, mr. hawley, mr. bowers, mr. hobson, mr. foster, mr. phillips and mr. thayer. as the power of the parliament had been acknowledged, so far, at least, as to affect us by laws of trade, it was not easy to settle the line of distinction. it was thought, however, to be very clear that the charters of the colonies had exempted them from the general legislation of the british parliament. see massachusetts state papers, p. 351] the story of jefferson for a school or club programme. each numbered paragraph is to be given to a pupil or member to read, or to recite in a clear, distinct tone. if the school or club is small, each person may take three or four paragraphs, but should not be required to recite them in succession. 1. thomas jefferson was born april 13, 1743. his home was among the mountains of central virginia on a farm, called shadwell, 150 miles northwest of williamsburg. 2. his father's name was peter jefferson. his ancestors were welsh people. like george washington, he learned the art of surveying. he was a superb specimen of a virginia landholder, being a giant in frame, and having the strength of three strong men. 3. one of his father's favorite maxims was, "never ask another to do for you what you can do for yourself." 4. his mother's name was jane randolph. she was a noble woman. thomas jefferson derived his temper, his disposition, his sympathy with living nature from his mother. 5. he was very fond of the violin, as were a great many of the virginia people. during twelve years of his life, he practiced on that instrument three hours a day. 6. he early learned to love the indians from his acquaintance with many of their best chiefs. he held them in great regard during his life. 7. his father died in 1757, when thomas was but fourteen years of age. the son always spoke of his father with pride and veneration. 8. he entered william and mary college in the spring of 1760, when he was seventeen years old. 9. after two years of college life he began the study of law in 1763. 10. when he came of age in april, 1764, he signalized the event by planting a beautiful avenue of trees near his house. 11. while studying law he carried on the business of a farmer, and showed by his example, that the genuine culture of the mind is the best preparation for the common, as well as the higher, duties of life. 12. when he was elected to the virginia assembly, and thus entered upon the public service, he avowed afterwards to madison, that "the esteem of the world was, perhaps, of higher value in his eyes than everything in it." 13. his marriage was a very happy one. his wife was a beautiful woman, her countenance being brilliant with color and expression. 14. six children blessed their marriage, five girls and a boy. only two of them, martha and mary, lived to mature life. 15. monticello, the home of jefferson, was blessed at every period of his long life with a swarm of merry children whom, although not his own, he greatly loved. 16. mrs. jefferson once said of her husband, who had done a generous deed for which he had received an ungrateful return, "he is so good himself that he cannot understand how bad other people may be." 17. in his draft of instructions for virginia's delegates to the congress which was to meet in philadelphia in september, 1774, he used some plain language to george iii. 18. the stupid, self-willed and conceited monarch did not follow his advice, and so lost the american colonies, the brightest jewels in england's crown. 19. sixty gentlemen, in silk stockings and pigtails, sitting in a room of no great size in a plain brick building up a narrow alley in philadelphia, composed the continental congress. 20. thomas jefferson was one of the members most welcome in that body. he brought with him "a reputation," as john adams records, "for literature, science, and a happy talent for composition." 21. as late as nov. 29,1775, jefferson clung to the idea of connection with great britain. 22. he wrote his kinsman, john randolph, that there was not a man in the british empire who more cordially loved a union with great britain than he did. 23. he said: "it is an immense misfortune to the whole empire to have such a king at such a time. we are told, and everything proves it true, that he is the bitterest enemy we have." 24. when the draft of the declaration was submitted to the congress it made eighteen suppressions, six additions and ten alterations; and nearly every one was an improvement. 25. it should be a comfort to students who have to witness the corrections of their compositions to know, that this great work of jefferson, which has given him immortal fame had to be pruned of its crudities, redundancies and imprudences. 26. they should be as ready as he was to submit to criticisms and to profit by them as he did, in their future efforts. 27. daniel webster shall tell in his own language the remainder of this story of jefferson's life. 28. "in 1781 he published his notes on virginia, a work which attracted attention in europe as well as america, dispelled many misconceptions respecting this continent, and gave its author a place among men distinguished for science. 29. "with dr. franklin and mr. adams, in 1784, he proceeded to france, in execution of his mission as minister plenipotentiary, to act in the negotiation of commercial treaties. 30. "in 1785 he was appointed minister to france. 31. "mr. jefferson's discharge of his diplomatic duties was marked by great ability, diligence and patriotism. 32. "while he resided in paris, in one of the most interesting periods, his love of knowledge, and of the society of learned men, distinguished him in the highest circles of the french capital. 33. "immediately on his return to his native country he was placed by washington at the head of the department of state. 34. "in this situation, also, he manifested conspicuous ability. 35. "his correspondence with the ministers of other powers residing here, and his instructions to our own diplomatic agents abroad are among our ablest state papers. 36. "in 1797 he was chosen vice president. in 1801 he was elected president in opposition to mr. adams, and reelected in 1805, by a vote approaching towards unanimity. 37. "from the time of his final retirement from public life mr. jefferson lived as becomes a wise man. 38. "surrounded by affectionate friends, his ardor in the pursuit of knowledge undiminished, with uncommon health and unbroken spirits, he was able to enjoy largely the rational pleasures of life, and to partake in that public prosperity which he had so much contributed to produce. 39. "his kindness and hospitality, the charm of his conversation, the ease of his manners, and especially the full store of revolutionary incidents which he possessed, and which he knew when and how to dispense, rendered his abode in a high degree attractive to his admiring countrymen. 40. "his high public and scientific character drew towards him every intelligent and educated traveler from abroad. 41. "both mr. adams and mr. jefferson had the pleasure of knowing that the respect which they so largely received was not paid to their official stations. 42. "they were not men made great by office; but great men, on whom the country for its own benefit had conferred office. 43. "there was that in them which office did not give, and which the relinquishment of office did not and could not take away. 44. "in their retirement, in the midst of their fellow citizens, themselves private citizens, they enjoyed as high regard and esteem as when filling the most important places of public trust. 45. "thus useful and thus respected passed the old age of thomas jefferson. 46. "but time was on its ever-ceaseless wing, and was now bringing the last hour of this illustrious man. 47. "he saw its approach with undisturbed serenity. he counted the moments as they passed, and beheld that his last sands were falling. 48. "that day, too, was at hand which he had helped make immortal. one wish, one hope--if it were not presumptuous--beat in his fainting breast. 49. "could it be so--might it please god--he would desire once more to see the sun--once more to look abroad on the scene around him, on the great day of liberty. 50. "heaven in its mercy fulfilled that prayer. he saw that sun--he enjoyed that sacred light--he thanked god for this mercy, and bowed his aged head to the grave." programme for a jeffersonian evening. 1. vocal solo--"star spangled banner." 2. recitation--one of jefferson's speeches. 3. description of jefferson's home, illustrated by pictures. 4. recitation--declaration of independence. 5. recitation--"battle of the kegs," by francis hopkinson, ("progress," vol. 2, page 761). 6. instrumental music--"yankee doodle." 7. home life of the statesman. (paper or address.) 8. anecdotes of jefferson. 9. question box concerning the politics of the time. 10. vocal solo--"my country, 'tis of thee." questons for review. when and where was thomas jefferson born? what was his height? what was the color of his hair and eyes? what can you say of his literary ability? what of his scholarship? what of his moral character? to which of his teachers was he especially indebted? when was his public career begun? what resolution was then taken? what effect would this resolution have upon modern politicians, if it were made and faithfully kept? upon what subject was his first important speech made? with what result? whom did jefferson marry? what was the reception given jefferson and his bride? what important public document did he prepare in connection with the revolution? when did he take his seat in congress? in what way was he connected with the declaration of independence? who were his associates on the committee? give a brief history of the events connected with the signing of the declaration of independence? how much time passed before the articles of confederation were formally signed by the states? what were the overt acts of opposition by the various states? what was the alien act? what was the sedition act? what instances can you give of the prompt punishment of seditious utterances? when were the alien and sedition acts repealed? what important measures did jefferson succeed in passing in his own state? when did he become governor of the state? what were his duties in relation to foreign treaties? what were his impressions concerning the french government? what was his influence upon educational work? what was the character of the barbary states? why were they permitted to hold americans as captives? what was jefferson's opinion on the subject? when did he enter washington's cabinet, and what position did he fill? what was his relation to alexander hamilton? who were the other members of the cabinet? what led jefferson to resign from the cabinet? when did he become vice president? how did president adams treat him? what have you to say about jefferson's "manual of parliamentary practice?" who were the federal nominees for president and vice president in 1800? what was the note of alarm sounded by hamilton? what was the attitude of the clergy towards jefferson, and why? who were the federalists? who were the republicans? what name did the republicans afterwards take? what were some of the exciting incidents connected with the vote for president? what was the number of ballots cast for president? who was the vice president elected with jefferson? what was the character of his administration? who were the members of his cabinet? did jefferson turn men in a wholesale way out of office? what was his attitude towards ceremonies? how did he dress? when was he re-elected? what was the most important result of his influence? what great purchase of territory was made? what states and territories have been carved out of it? who explored the upper missouri and columbia river country, and when? what steamboat made her maiden trip, and when? when was the first boat load of anthracite coal shipped to philadelphia? what pirates were snuffed out, and when? why did john quincy adams resign his seat in the united states senate? what was the non-intercourse act? what was the condition of our commerce at this time? what act proved to be one of his greatest mistakes? when was it passed? when repealed? what was his financial condition? what were the results of his efforts for education? what did congress pay for his library? when did he die? who died on the same day that jefferson did? what did horace greeley say about the coincidence? what was the character of jefferson as a slave-holder? why is there a difference in jefferson's portraits? what was daniel webster's statement regarding, his countenance? what was his opinion of slavery? what was jefferson's opinion concerning happiness? what did he say of resignations? what is the epitaph on jefferson's tomb? what was jefferson's statement regarding promises for the presidency? what is the story of the mould board of least resistance? what is the story of jefferson as an inventor? what is the story of jefferson and the horse jockey? what was the peculiar relationship between jefferson and patrick henry? who were some of the brilliant members of the virginia assembly? what are the main features of henry's famous speech before that assembly? what were the treasures jefferson bequeathed to his country and his state? what did jefferson say of titles of honor and office? what was his opinion of a third term? what were his views regarding lawyers in congress? what is the true history of the mecklenburg declarations of independence? what were jefferson's oratorical powers? subjects for special study. 1. the declaration of independence as a literary production. 2. the declaration of independence as apparently founded in acts xvii,26. 3. general condition of the country at the time of jefferson's election to the presidency. 4. leading events connected with his administration. 5. general results of his political influence. 6. leading characteristics of the man. 7. jefferson and hamilton. littell's age, vol. 81, p. 613. 8. college days of jefferson. atlantic monthly, vol. 29, p, 16. 9. family of jefferson. harpers mag., vol. 43, p. 366. 10. jefferson in continental congress. atlantic monthly, vol. 29, p. 676. 11. jefferson in the war of the revolution. atlantic monthly, vol. 29, p. 517. 12. jefferson and nullification. see lives of jefferson. 13. jefferson and patrick henry. see lives of jefferson.. 14. pecuniary embarrassments of thomas jefferson. see lives of jefferson. 15. religious opinions of jefferson. see lives of jefferson. 16. jefferson a reformer of old virginia. atlantic monthly vol 30, p. 32 blbliography. for those who wish to read extensively, the following works are especially commended: life of thomas jefferson. by james parton. jas. r. osgood & co., boston, 1874. life of thomas jefferson. by henry s. randall, ll. d. j. b. lippincott & co., philadelphia. life of thomas jefferson. john robert irelan, m. d., chicago. autobiography of thomas jefferson. thomas jefferson, the man of letters. lewis henry routell, chicago. privately printed. biography of thomas jefferson. cyclopedia of american biography. d. appleton & co. history of the people of the united states. john bach mcmaster. vols. i and ii. d. appleton & co. lives of the presidents. john frost, ll. d. phillips & sampson, boston. eulogy on adams and jefferson. daniel webster, faneuil hall, aug. 2, 1826. character of thomas jefferson. north american review, vol. 91, p. 107. jefferson's opinions on slavery. andrew d. white, atlantic mag., vol. 9, p. 29. jefferson and alexander hamilton. littell's living age. vol. 81, p. 273. war of independence. john fiske. houghton, mifflin & co., boston and new york. the critical period of american history. john fiske. houghton, mifflin & co., boston and new york. chronological events in the life of jefferson. 1743 born albemarle county, virginia, april 2. 1760 entered william and mary college. 1764 admitted to the bar of the general court of virginia when 21 years of age. 1769 chosen representative in the provincial legislature. 1772 married mrs. martha skelton, january 21st. 1773 appointed member of the first committee of correspondence established by the colonial legislature, march 12th. 1774 published the "summary view of the rights of british america." 1776 chosen to a seat in the continental congress. appointed chairman of the committee to prepare the declaration of independence. 1779 elected to the virginia legislature. helped alleviate the condition of the british prisoners sent from saratoga to charlottesville, va. elected by the legislature to succeed patrick henry as governor of virginia,june 1. 1781 elected to the legislature of virginia after serving as governor two years. "notes of virginia" written. 1782 appointed by congress to serve with the american negotiators for peace. 1783 elected delegate to congress. wrote notes on the establishment of a coinage of the united states. 1784 appointed by congress as minister plenipotentiary, with john adams and benjamin franklin, to negotiate treaties of commerce with foreign nations, may. 1785 succeeded franklin as minister to france. 1789 appointed secretary of state by washington. 1793 resigned the position of secretary of state, december 31. 1796 elected vice-president of the united states. 1800 elected president of the united states. 1803 louisiana purchase. 1804 northwestern exploring expedition under lewis and clark. re-elected president of the united states. 1807 passage of the embargo act, december 22. 1818 university of virginia founded, of which jefferson was rector until his death. 1826 died on the same day that john adams expired, july 4th. [transcriber's note: obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all other inconsistencies are as in the original. the author's spelling has been maintained. the table of content in this file has been created for this project, the original book did not contain any.] the youth of jefferson or a chronicle of college scrapes at williamsburg, in virginia, a.d. 1764 "dulce est desipere in loco." [illustration: publisher's arms.] redfield 110 and 112 nassau street, new-york 1854 entered according to act of congress, in the year 1854, by j. s. redfield, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states for the southern district of new-york. tubbs, nesmith & teall, stereotypers, 29 beekman st. table of content. to the reader. chapter i. how three persons in this history came by their names. chapter ii. jacques shows the advantage of being led captive by a crook. chapter iii. an heiress who wishes to become a man. chapter iv. a poor young man, and a rich young girl. chapter v. in which sir asinus makes as ignominious retreat. chapter vi. how sir asinus staked his garters against a pistole, and lost. chapter vii. jacques bestows his paternal advice upon a schoolgirl. chapter viii. how sir asinus invented a new order of philosophers, the apicians. chapter ix. the luck of jacques. chapter x. mowbray opens his heart to his new friend. chapter xi. how hoffland found that he had left his key behind. chapter xii. how hoffland caught a tartar in the person of miss lucy's lover. chapter xiii. hoffland makes his will. chapter xiv. hostile correspondence. chapter xv. sentiments of a disappointed lover on the subject of women. chapter xvi. advance of the enemy upon sir asinus. chapter xvii. corydon goes a-courting. chapter xviii. going to roseland. chapter xix. hoffland exerts himself to amuse the company. chapter xx. at roseland, in the evening. chapter xxi. disgraceful conduct of sir asinus. chapter xxii. how hoffland preferred a glove to a dozen pistoles. chapter xxiii. how sir asinus fished for swallows, and what he caught. chapter xxiv. hoffland is whisked away in a chariot. chapter xxv. sir asinus goes to the ball. chapter xxvi. ernest and philippa. chapter xxvii. the last chance of jacques. chapter xxviii. sir asinus intends for europe. chapter xxix. the may festival. chapter xxx. illustrations. to the reader. this little tale is scarcely worth a preface, and it is only necessary to say, that it was written as a relaxation after exhausting toil. if its grotesque incidents beguile an otherwise weary hour with innocent laughter, the writer's ambition will have been fully gratified. the youth of jefferson. chapter i. how three persons in this history came by their names. on a fine may morning in the year 1764,--that is to say, between the peace at fontainebleau and the stamp act agitation, which great events have fortunately no connection with the present narrative,--a young man mounted on an elegant horse, and covered from head to foot with lace, velvet, and embroidery, stopped before a small house in the town or city of williamsburg, the capital of virginia. negligently delivering his bridle into the hands of a diminutive negro, the young man entered the open door, ascended a flight of stairs which led to two or three small rooms above, and turning the knob, attempted to enter the room opening upon the street. the door opened a few inches, and then was suddenly closed by a heavy body thrown against it. "back!" cried a careless and jovial voice, "back! base proctor--this is my castle." "open! open!" cried the visitor. "never!" replied the voice. the visitor kicked the door, to the great damage of his spanish shoes. "beware!" cried the hidden voice; "i am armed to the teeth, and rather than be captured i will die in defence of my rights--namely, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness under difficulties." "tom! you are mad." "what! that voice? not the proctor's!" "no, no," cried the visitor, kicking again; "jacquelin's." "ah, ah!" and with these ejaculations the inmate of the chamber was heard drawing back a table, then the butt of a gun sounded upon the floor, and the door opened. the young man who had asserted his inalienable natural rights with so much fervor was scarcely twenty--at least he had not reached his majority. he was richly clad, with the exception of an old faded dressing gown, which fell gracefully like a roman toga around his legs; and his face was full of intelligence and careless, somewhat cynical humor. the features were hard and pointed, the mouth large, the hair sandy with a tinge of red. "ah, my dear forlorn lover!" he cried, grasping his visitor's hand, "i thought you were that rascally proctor, and was really preparing for a hand-to-hand conflict, to the death." "indeed!" "yes, sir! could i expect anything else, from the way you turned my knob? you puzzled me." "so i see," said his visitor; "you had your gun, and were evidently afraid." "afraid? never!" "afraid of your shadow!" "at least i never would have betrayed fear had i seen you!" retorted the occupant of the chamber. "you are so much in love that a fly need not be afraid of you. poor jacquelin! poor melancholy jacques! a feather would knock you down." the melancholy jacques sat down sighing. "the fact is, my dear fellow," he said, "i am the victim of misfortune: but who complains? i don't, especially to you, you great lubber, shut up here in your den, and with no hope or fear on earth, beyond pardon of your sins of commission at the college, and dread of the proctor's grasp! you are living a dead life, while i--ah! don't speak of it. what were you reading?" "that deplorable latin song. salve your ill-humor with it!" and he handed his visitor, by this time stretched carelessly upon a lounge, the open volume. he read: "orientis partibus adventavit asinus, pulcher et fortissimus, sarcinis aptissimus. "hez, sire asne, car chantez belle bouche rechignez, vous aurez du foin assez, et de l'avoine a plantez." "good," said the visitor satirically; "that suits you--except it should be '_occidentis_ partibus:' our sir asinus comes from the west. and by my faith, i think i will in future dub you _sir asinus_, in revenge for calling me--me, the most cheerful of light-hearted mortals--the 'melancholy jacques.'" "come, come!" said the gentleman threatened with this sobriquet, "that's too bad, jacques." "_jacques!_ you persist in calling me _jacques_, just as you persist in calling belinda, _campana in die_--_bell in day_. what a deplorable witticism! i could find a better in a moment. stay," he added, "i have discovered it already." "what is it, pray, most sapient jacques?" "listen, most long-eared sir asinus." and the young man read once again; "hez, sire asne, car chantez, belle bouche rechignez; vous aurez du foin assez, et de l'avoine a plantez." "well," said his friend, "now that you have mangled that french with your wretched pronunciation, please explain how my lovely belinda--come, don't sigh and scowl because i say 'my,' for you know it's all settled--tell me where in these lines you find her name." "in the second," sighed jacques. "oh yes!--bah!" "there you are sneering. you make a miserable latin pun, by which you translate belinda into _campana in die_--bell in day--and when i improve your idea, making it really good, you sneer." "really, now!--well, i don't say!" "belle-bouche! could any thing be finer? 'pretty-mouth!' and then the play upon _bel_, in belinda, by the word _belle_. positively, i will in future call her nothing else. belle-bouche--pretty-mouth! ah!" and the unfortunate lover stretched languidly upon the lounge, studied the ceiling, and sighed piteously. his friend burst into a roar of laughter. jacques--for let us adopt the sobriquets all round--turned negligently and said: "pray what are you braying at, sir asinus?" "at your sighs." "did i sigh?" "yes, portentously!" "i think you are mistaken." "no!" "i never sigh." and the melancholy jacques uttered a sigh which was enough to shatter all his bulk. the consequence was that sir asinus burst into a second roar of laughter louder than before, and said: "come, my dear jacques, unbosom! you have been to see----" "belle-bouche--belle-bouche: but i am not in love with her." "oh no--of course not," said his friend, laughing ironically. jacques sighed. "she don't like me," he said forlornly. "she's very fond of me though," said his friend. "only yesterday--but i am mad to be talking about it." with which words sir asinus turned away his head to hide his mischievous and triumphant smile. poor jacques looked more forlorn than ever; which circumstance seemed to afford his friend extreme delight. "why not pay your addresses to philippa, jacques my boy?" he said satirically; "there's no chance for you with belle-bouche, as you call her." "philippa? no, no!" sighed jacques; "she's too brilliant." "for you?" "even for me--me, the prince of wits, and coryphæus of coxcombs: yes, yes!" and the melancholy jacques sighed again, and looked around him with the air of a man whose last hope on earth has left him. his friend chokes down a laugh; and stretching himself in the bright spring sunshine pouring through the window, says with a smile: "come, make a clean breast of it, old fellow. you were there to-day?" "yes, yes." "have a pleasant time?" "can't say i did." "were there any visitors?" "a dozen--you understand the description of visitors." "no; what sort?" "fops in embryo, and aspirants after wit-laurels." "it is well you went--they must have been thrown in the shade. for you, my dear jacques, are undeniably the most perfect fop, and the greatest wit--in your own opinion--of this pleasant village of devilsburg." "no, no," replied his companion with well-affected modesty; "i a fop! i a pretender to wit? no, no, my dear sir asinus, you do me injustice: i am the simplest of mortals, and a very child of innocence. but i was speaking of shadynook and the fairies of that domain. never have i seen belinda, or rather belle-bouche, so lovely, and i here disdainfully repel your ridiculous calumny that she's in love with you, you great lump of presumption and overweening self-conceit! philippa too was a pastoral queen--in silk and jewels--and around them they had gathered together a troop of shepherds from the adjoining grammar-school, called william and mary college, of which i am an aspiring bachelor, and you were an ornament before your religious opinions caught from fauquier drove you away like a truant school-boy. the shepherds were as usual very ridiculous, and i had no opportunity to whisper so much as a single word into my dear belle-bouche's ear. ah! how lovely she looked! by heaven, i'll go to-morrow and request her to designate some form of death for me to die--all for her sake!" with which words the forlorn jacques gazed languidly through the window. at the same moment a bell was heard ringing in the direction of the college; and yawning first luxuriously, the young man rose. "lecture, by jove!" he said. "and you, unfortunate victim, must attend," said his companion. "yes. you remain here?" "to the end." "still resisting?" "to the death!" "very well," said jacques, putting on his cocked hat, which was ornamented with a magnificent feather. "i half envy you; but duty calls--i must go." "if you see ned carter, or tom randolph of tuckahoe, tell them to come round." "to comfort you? poor unfortunate prisoner!" "no, most sapient jacques: fortunately i do not need comfort as you do." "i want comfort?" "yes; there you are sighing: that 'heigho!' was dreadful." "scoffer!" "no; i am your rival." "very well; i warn you that i intend to push the siege; take care of your interests." "i'm not afraid." "i am going to see belle-bouche again to-morrow. "faith, i'll be there, then." "good; war is opened then--the glove thrown?" "war to the death! good-by, publican!" "farewell, sinner!" and with these words the melancholy jacques departed. chapter ii. jacques shows the advantage of being led captive by a crook. it was a delicious day, such a day as the month of flowers alone can bring into the world, and all nature seemed to be rejoicing. the peach and cherry blossoms shone like snow upon the budding trees, the oriole shot from elm to elm, a ball of fire against a background of blue and emerald, and from every side came the murmuring flow of streamlets, dancing in the sun and filling the whole landscape with their joyous music. may reigned supreme--a tender blue-eyed maiden, treading upon a carpet of young grass with flowers in their natural colors; and nowhere were her smiles softer or more bright than there at shadynook, which looks still on the noble river flowing to the sea, and on the distant town of williamsburg, from which light clouds of smoke curl upward and are lost in the far-reaching azure. shadynook was one of those old hip-roofed houses which the traveller of to-day meets with so frequently, scattered throughout virginia, crowning every knoll and giving character to every landscape. before the house stretched a green lawn bounded by a low fence; and in the rear a garden full of flowers and blossoming fruit trees made the surrounding air faint with the odorous breath of spring. over the old house, whose dormer windows were wreathed with the mosses of age, stretched the wide arms of two noble elms; and the whole homestead had about it an air of home comfort, and a quiet, happy repose, which made many a wayfarer from far countries sigh, as he gazed on it, embowered in its verdurous grove. in the garden is an arbor, over which flowering vines of every description hover and bloom, full of the wine of spring. around the arbor extend flower plats carefully tended and fragrant with violets, crocuses, and early primroses. foliage of the light tender tint of may clothes the background, and looking from the arbor you clearly discern the distant barn rising above the trees. in this arbor sits or rather reclines a young girl--for she has stretched herself upon the trellised seat, with a languid and careless ease, which betrays total abandon--an abandon engendered probably by the warm languid air of may, and those million flowers burdening the air with perfume. this is miss belle-bouche, whom we have heard the melancholy jacques discourse of with such forlorn eloquence to his friend tom, or sir asinus, as the reader pleases. belle-bouche, pretty-mouth, belinda, or rebecca--for this last was the name given her by her sponsors--is a young girl of about seventeen, and of a beauty so fresh and rare that the enthusiasm of jacques was scarcely strange. the girl has about her the freshness and innocence of childhood, the grace and elegance of the inhabitants of that realm of fairies which we read of in the olden poets--all the warmth, and reality, and beauty of those lovelier fairies of our earth. around her delicate brow and rosy cheeks fall myriads of golden "drop curls," which veil the deep-blue eyes, half closed and fixed upon the open volume in her hand. belle-bouche is very richly clad, in a velvet gown, a satin underskirt from which the gown is looped back, wide cuffs and profuse lace at wrists and neck; and on her diminutive feet, which peep from the skirt, are red morocco shoes tied with bows of ribbon, and adorned with heels not more than three inches in height. her hair is powdered and woven with pearls--she wears a pearl necklace; she looks like a child dressed by its mother for a ball, and spoiled long ago by "petting." belle-bouche reads the "althea" of lovelace, and smiles approvingly at the gallant poet's assertion, that the birds of the air know no such liberty as he does, fettered by her eyes and hair. it is the fashion for lovelaces to make such declarations, and with a coquettish little movement she puts back the drop curls, and raises her blue eyes to the sky from which they have stolen their hue. she remains for some moments is this reverie, and is not aware of the approach of a gallant lovelace, who, hat in hand, the feather of the said hat trailing on the ground, draws near. who is this gallant but our friend of one day's standing, the handsome, the smiling, the forlorn, the melancholy--and, being melancholy, the interesting--jacques. he approaches smiling, modest, humble--a consummate strategist; his ambrosial curls and powdered queue tied with its orange ribbon, shining in the sun. he wears a suit of cut velvet with gold buttons; a flowered satin waistcoat reaching to his knees; scarlet silk stockings, and high-heeled worsted shoes. his cuffs would enter a barrel with difficulty, and his chin reposes upon a frill of irreproachable mechlin lace. jacques finds the eyes suddenly turned upon him, and bows low. then he approaches, falls upon one knee, and presses his lips gallantly to the hand of the little beauty, who smiling carelessly rises in a measure from her recumbent position. "do i find the fair belinda reading?" says the gallant; "what blessed book is made happy by the light of her eyes?" which remarkable words, we must beg the reader to remember, were after the fashion of the time and scarcely more than commonplace. the fairer portion of humanity had even then perfected that sovereignty over the males which in our own day is so very observable. so, instead of replying in a tone indicating surprise, the little beauty answers quite simply: "my favorite--lovelace." jacques heaves a sigh; for the music of the voice has touched his heart--nay, overwhelmed it with a new flood of love. he dangles his bonnet and plume, and carefully arranges a drop curl. he, the prince of wits, the ornament of ball rooms, the star of the minuet and reel, is suddenly quite dumb, and seems to seek for a subject to discourse upon in surrounding objects. a happy idea strikes him; a thought occurs to him; he grasps at it with the desperation of a drowning man. he says: "'tis a charming day, fairest belle-bouche--belinda, i mean. ah, pardon my awkwardness!" and the unhappy corydon betrays by his confusion how much this slip of the tongue has embarrassed him--at least, that he wishes her to think so. the little beauty smiles faintly, and bending a fatal languishing glance upon her admirer, says: "you called me--what was it?" "ah, pardon me." "oh certainly!--but please say what you called me." "how can i?" "by telling me," says the beauty philosophically. "must i?" says jacques, reflecting that after all his offence was not so dreadful. "if you please." "i said belle-bouche." "ah! that is----?" "pretty-mouth," says lovelace, with the air of a man who is caught feloniously appropriating sheep; but unable to refrain from bending wistful looks upon the topic of his discourse. belle-bouche laughs with a delicious good humor, and jacques takes heart again. "is that all?" she says; "but what a pretty name!" "do you like it, really?" asks the forlorn lover. "indeed i do." "and may i call you belle-bouche?" "if you please." jacques feels his heart oppressed with its weight of love. he sighs. this manoeuvre is greeted with a little laugh. "oh, that was a dreadful heigho!" she says; "you must be in love." "i am," he says, "desperately." a slight color comes to her bright cheek, for it is impossible to misunderstand his eloquent glance. "are you?" she says; "but that is wrong. fie on't! was ever corydon really in love with his chloe--or are his affections always confined to the fluttering ribbons, and the crook, wreathed with flowers, which make her a pleasant object only, like a picture?" jacques sighs. "i am not a corydon," he says, "much less have i a chloe--at least, who treats me as chloes should treat their faithful shepherds. my chloe runs away when i approach, and her crook turns into a shadow which i grasp in vain at. the shepherdess has escaped!" "it is well she don't beat you," says the lovely girl, smiling. "beat me!" "with her crook." "ah! i ask nothing better than to excite some emotion in her tender heart more lively than indifference. perhaps were she to hate me a little, and consequently beat me, as you have said, she might end by drawing me towards her with her flowery crook." the young girl laughs. "would you follow?" "ah, yes--for who knows----?" he pauses, smiling wistfully. "ah, finish--finish! i know 'tis something pretty by the manner in which you smile," she says, laughing. "who knows, i would say, but in following her, fairest belle-bouche--may i call you belle-bouche?" "oh yes, if you please--if you think it suits me." and she pours the full light of her eyes and smiles upon him, until he looks down, blinded. "pity, pity," he murmurs, "pity, dearest miss belle-bouche----" she pretends not to hear, but, turning away with a blush at that word "dearest," says, with an attempt at a laugh: "you have not told me why you would wish your chloe to draw you after her with her crook." "because we should pass through the groves----" "well." "and i should wrap her in my cloak, to protect her from the boughs and thorns." "would you?" "ah, yes! and then we should cross the beautiful meadows and the flowery knolls----" "very well, sir." "and i should gather flowers for her, and kneeling to present them, would approach near enough to kiss her hand----" "oh goodness!" "and finally, fairest belle-bouche, we should cross the bright streams on the pretty sylvan bridges----" "yes, sir." "and most probably she would grow giddy; and i should take her in my arms, and holding her on my faithful bosom----" jacques opens his arms as though he would really clasp the fair shepherdess, who, half risen, with her golden curls mingled with the flowers, her cheeks the color of her red fluttering ribbons, seeks to escape the declaration which her lover is about to make. "oh, no! no!" she says. he draws back despairingly, and at the same moment hears a merry voice come singing down the blossom-fretted walk, upon which millions of the snowy leaves have fallen. "one more chance gone!" the melancholy jacques murmurs; and turning, he bows to the new comer--the fair philippa. chapter iii. an heiress who wishes to become a man. philippa is a lady of nineteen or twenty, with the air of a duchess and the walk of an antelope. her brilliant eyes, as black as night, and as clear as a sunny stream, are full of life, vivacity and mischief; she seems to be laughing at life, and love, and gallantry, and all the complimentary nothings of society, from the height of her superior intellect, and with undazzled eyes. she is clad even more richly than belle-bouche, for philippa is an heiress--the mistress of untold farms--or plantations as they then said;--miles of james river "low grounds" and uncounted africans. like the duke of burgundy's, her sovereignty is acknowledged in three languages--the english, the african or moorish, and the indian: for the indian settlement on the south side calls her mistress, and sends to her for blankets in the winter. in the summer it is not necessary to ask for the produce of her estate, such as they desire--they appropriate it. philippa is a cousin of belle-bouche; and belle-bouche is the niece of aunt wimple, who is mistress of the shadynook domain. philippa has guardians, but it cannot be said they direct her movements. they have given up that task in despair, some years since, and only hope that from the numerous cormorants always hovering around her, she may select one not wholly insatiable--with some craw of mercy. "there, you are talking about flowers, i lay a wager," she says, returning the bow of jacques, and laughing. "i was speaking neither of yourself nor the fair belinda," replies jacques, with melancholy gallantry. "there! please have done with compliments--i detest them." "you detest every thing insincere, i know, charming philippa--pardon me, but your beautiful name betrays me constantly. is it not--like your voice--stolen from poetry or music?" "ah, sir, you are insufferable." "pardon, pardon--but in this beautiful and fair season, so full of flowers----" "you think it necessary to employ flowers of speech: that is what you were going to say, but for heaven's sake have done." jacques bows. "i have just discarded the twentieth, bel," she adds, laughing; "he got on his knees." and philippa laughs heartily. jacques is used to his companion's manner of talking, and says: "who was it, pray, madam--mowbray?" a flush passes over philippa's face, and she looks away, murmuring "no!" "i won't go over the list of your admirers," continues jacques, sadly, "they are too numerous; for who can wonder at such a fairy face as yours attracting crowds of lovers?" "my fairy face? yes, and my unhappy wealth, sir. i wish i was poor! i can never know when i am loved truly. oh, to know that!" and a shadow passes over the face, obliterating the satire, and veiling the brilliant eyes. then with an effort philippa drives away her preoccupation, and says: "i wish heaven had made me a man!" "a man?" says jacques. "yes, sir." "pray why? is there any young lady you would like to marry? ah," he murmurs, "you need not go far if that is the case." and he glances tenderly at belle-bouche, who smiles and blushes. "i wish to be a man, that my movements may not be restricted. there is my guardian, who murmurs at my travelling about from county to county with only jugurtha to drive me--as if jugurtha couldn't protect me if there were any highwaymen or robbers." jacques laughs. "but there are disadvantages connected with manhood," he says. "you are ignorant of them, and so think them slight." "the prominent ones, if you please." "you would have to make love--the active instead of passive, as at present." "i would enjoy it." "how would you commence, pray?" "oh, easily--see now. i would say,'my dear bel! i am at your service! if _you_ love _me_, _i'll_ love _you_!' and then with a low bow i would kiss her hand, and her lips too, if she would permit me." jacques sighs. "do you think that would succeed, however?" he says. "i don't know, and i don't care--i'd try." jacques sighs again, and looks wistfully at belle-bouche, who smiles. "i'm afraid such a cavalier address--at the pistol's mouth as it were--at forty paces--like those highwaymen you spoke of but now--would only insure failure." "you are mistaken." "i doubt the propriety of such a 'making love.'" "if i were a man, you would see my success. i'd have any woman for the asking." "well, fancy yourself a man." "and who will be my lady-love?" "fancy my sex changed also--make love to me, my charming madam philippa." "forsooth! but i could win your heart easily." "how, pray," says jacques, sighing, "granting first that 'tis in my possession?" "by two simple things." "to wit?" "i would talk to you of flowers and shepherdesses, and crooks and garlands----" "oh!" "and i would adopt, if i had not naturally, that frank, languid, graceful, fatal air which--which--shall i finish?" "yes, indeed." "which bel has! what a beautiful blush!" and philippa claps her hands. jacques tries very hard not to color, thus forfeiting all his pretensions to the character of a self-possessed man of the world and elegant coxcomb; but this is equally forlorn with his attempt not to observe the mischievous glance and satirical lip of the fair philippa. he seeks in vain for a word--a jest--a reply. fortune favors him. a maid from the house approaches philippa, and says: "mr. mowbray, ma'am." a blush, deeper than that upon the face of jacques, mantles philippa's cheeks as she replies: "say i am coming." "before you go," says jacques with odious triumph, "permit me to say, madam philippa, that i begin to see some of the advantages you might enjoy were you a man." "what are they, pray--more than i have mentioned?" she says coolly. "you might have more liberty." "i said as much." "you might go and see your friends." "you repeat my words, sir." "yes--you might even go and see us at college; listen to my philosophical discussions after lecture; and take part in mowbray's merry jests--an excellent friend of yours, i think." philippa looks at him for a moment, hesitating whether she shall stay and take her revenge. she decides to go in, however; and jacques and belle-bouche follow. we are bound to say that the proposition did not come from jacques. chapter iv. a poor young man, and a rich young girl. in the drawing-room sat a gentleman turning over the leaves of a book. the apartment was decorated after the usual fashion of the olden time. on the floor was a rich carpet from antwerp, in the corner a japanned cabinet; everywhere crooked-legged tables and carved chairs obstructed the floor, and on the threshold a lap-dog snapped at the flies in his dreams. besides, there were portraits of powdered dames, and hideous china ornaments on the tall narrow mantlepiece; and an embroidered screen in the recess next the fireplace described with silent eloquence the life of arcady. mowbray was a young man of twenty-five or six, with a high pale forehead, dark eyes full of thoughtful intelligence; and his dress was rather that of a student than a man of the world. it was plain and simple, and all the colors were subdued. he was a man for a woman to listen to, rather than laugh with. his manner was calm, perfectly self-possessed, and his mind seemed to be dwelling upon one dominant idea. "good morning, sir," said philippa, inclining her head indifferently; "we have a very pleasant day." mowbray rose and bowed calmly. "yes, madam," he said; "my ride was quite agreeable." "any news, sir?" "none, except a confirmation of those designs of the ministry which are now causing so much discussion." "what designs?" a faint smile passed over mowbray's calm face. "are you quite sure that politics will amuse you?" he said. "amuse? no, sir. but you seem to have fallen into the fashionable error, that ladies only require amusement." he shook his head. "you do me injustice," he said; "no man has so high an opinion of your sex, madam, as i have." "i doubt it--you deceive yourself." "excuse me, but i do not." "you are one of the lords of creation," said philippa satirically. "a very poor lord," he replied calmly. "are you poor?" asked philippa as coolly. "yes, madam." "but you design being rich some day?" "yes, madam, if my brain serves me." "you aspire perhaps to his majesty's council?" "no, madam," he replied, with perfect coolness; "were i in public life, i should most probably be in the opposition." "a better opening." "no; but better for one who holds my opinions--better for the conscience." "and for the purse?" "i know not. if you mean that public life holds out pecuniary rewards, i think you are mistaken." "then you will not become rich by politics?" "i think, madam, that there is little chance of that." "still you would wish to be wealthy?" "yes, madam." "you are fond of luxury?" "yes, madam." "horses, wines, carriages?" "excuse me--no." "what then?" "the luxury of seeing my orphan sister surrounded with every comfort." a flush passed over philippa's face, and she turned away; but she was not satisfied. "there is a very plain and easy way to arrive at wealth, sir," she said; "law is so slow." "please indicate it." "marry an heiress." there was a silence after these words; and philippa could scarcely sustain the clear fixed look which he bent upon her face. "is that your advice, madam?" he said coldly. "i thank you for it." his tone piqued her. "then follow it," she said. "excuse me again." "is it not friendly?" "possibly, but not to my taste." "why, sir?" "first, because the course you suggest is not very honorable; secondly, and in another aspect, it is very disgraceful; again, it is too expensive, if i may be permitted to utter what seems to be, but is not, a very rude and cynical speech." "not honorable--disgraceful--too expensive! indeed! why, sir, you at once exclude heiresses from matrimony." "not so, madam." "not honorable!" "i think it is not honorable to acquire wealth, for the best purpose in the world, by giving the hand and not the heart." "the hand and the heart!--who speaks of heart in these days? but you say it is even disgraceful to marry an heiress." "not at all; but if a man does not love a woman, is it not disgraceful in the full sense of that word, madam, to unite himself to her, or rather to her money bags, only that he may procure the means of living in luxury, and gratifying his expensive tastes and vices?" "if he does not _love_ her, you say. _love!_ that is a very pretty word, and rhymes, i believe, to _dove_! well, sir, you have endeavored to establish your point by the aid of two delightful phrases, 'the hand and not the _heart_'--'the man who does not _love_ a woman'--beautiful words, only i don't believe in them. now be good enough to explain your third point:--how is it too 'expensive' to marry a wealthy woman? i know you gentlemen at the college are inveterate logicians, and find little difficulty in proving that twice two's five, and that black is irreproachable white--that fire is cold--ice, hot--smoke, heavy--and lead light as thistle-down. still i imagine you will find it difficult to show that 'tis _expensive_ to marry, let us say, fifty thousand pounds a year!" mowbray looked at her face a moment, and sighed; a great hope seemed to be leaving him; when he spoke, it was with manifest repugnance. "let us dismiss this singular subject, madam," he said calmly; "i spoke too thoughtlessly. see that lovely humming-bird around the honeysuckle, searching in vain for honey." "as i do for your reasons, sir," said philippa curtly. "my reasons?" "you refuse to explain----" "well, well--i see you will compel me to speak. well, madam, my meaning is very simple. when i say that it is too 'expensive' to unite oneself to a woman solely because that woman has for her portion a great fortune, a large income, every luxury and elegance to endow her husband with--i mean simply that if this woman be uncongenial, if her husband care nothing for her, only her fortune, then that he will necessarily be unhappy, and that unhappiness is cheaply bought with millions. money only goes a certain way--tell me when it bought a heart! mine, madam, it will never buy at least--if you will permit me to utter a sentence in such bad taste. and now let us abandon this discussion, which leads us into such serious moods." she turned away, and looked through the window. two birds were playfully contending in the air, and filling the groves with their joyous carolling. "how free they are!" she murmured. "the birds? yes, madam, they live in delightful liberty, as we of america will, i trust, some day." "i wonder if they're married," said philippa laughing, and refusing to enter upon the wrongs of england toward the colonies; "they are fighting, i believe, and thus i presume they are united in marriage--by some parson crow!" mowbray only smiled slightly, and looked at his watch. "what! not going!" cried philippa. "pardon," he said; "i just rode out for an hour. we have a lecture in half an hour." "and you prefer the excellent dr. small or some other reverend gentleman to myself--the collegiate to the sylvan, the male to the female lecturer?" he smiled wearily. "our duties are becoming more exacting," he said; "the examination is approaching." "i should suppose so--you have not been to see me for a whole week." a flush passed over mowbray's brow; then it became as pale as before. "our acquaintance has not been an extended one," he said; "i could not intrude upon your society." "intrude!" and abandoning completely her laughing cynical manner, philippa gave him a look which made him tremble. why was that excitement? because he thought he had fathomed her; because he had convinced himself that she was a coquette, amusing herself at his expense; because he saw all his dreams, his illusions, his hopes pass away with the fleeting minutes. he replied simply: "yes, madam--even now i fear i am trespassing upon your time; you probably await my departure to betake yourself to your morning's amusement. i was foolish enough to imagine that i had not completely lost my powers of conversation, buried as i have been in books. i was mistaken--i no longer jest--i am a poor companion. then," he added, "we are so uncongenial--at least this morning. i will come some day when i am gay, and you sad--then we shall probably approximate in _mood_, and until then farewell." she would have detained him; "don't go!" was on her lips; but at the moment when mowbray bowed low, a shout of laughter was heard in the passage, and three persons entered--jacques, belle-bouche, and sir asinus. chapter v. in which sir asinus makes as ignominious retreat. sir asinus was apparently in high spirits, and smoothed the nap of his cocked hat with his sleeve--the said sleeve being of mecklenburg silk--in a way which indicated the summit of felicity. he seemed to inhale the may morning joyously after his late imprisonment; and he betook himself immediately to paying assiduous court to miss belle-bouche, who, the sooth to say, did not seem ill-disposed to get rid of jacques. poor jacques, therefore, made an unsuccessful attempt to engage philippa in conversation. this failing--for philippa was watching mowbray disappearing toward williamsburg--the melancholy jacques made friends with the lap-dog, who at first was propitious, but ended by snapping at his fingers. "a delightful day, my dear madam," he said to philippa, once more endeavoring to open an account current of conversation. philippa, with bent brows, made no reply. "the birds are having a charming time, it seems." poor jacques! philippa is buried in thought, and with her eyes fixed on the receding horseman, does not hear him. "you seem preoccupied, madam," he said. "yes, a charming day, sir," she said, rising; "did you say it was pleasant? i agree with you. if i dared!" she added to herself, "if i only dared! but what do i not dare!" and she abruptly left the room, to the profound astonishment of jacques, who sat gazing after her with wide-extended eyes. "i told you he was in love with her, my dear miss belle-bouche, since you say that will in future be your name--it is either with you or madam philippa." these words were uttered in a confidential whisper to belle-bouche by sir asinus, who was leaning forward gracefully in a tall carven-backed chair toward his companion, who reposed luxuriously upon an ottoman covered with damask, and ornamented _quoad_ the legs with satyr heads. belle-bouche suffered her glance to follow that of her companion. jacques was indeed, as we have said, gazing after the lady who had just departed, and for this purpose had opened his eyes to their greatest possible width. he resembled a china mandarin in the costume of louis quatorze. "am i mistaken?" said sir asinus. belle-bouche sighed. "a plain case: he is even now saying to himself, my dear miss belle-bouche, 'quis desiderio sit pudor aut modus jam cari capitis----' which means, 'how can i make up my mind to see you go up stairs?'" belle-bouche cast a tender glance at jacques. sir asinus continued: "yes, yes, i see you pity him. but you should pity me." "why?" "your watch-paper--you remember; the one which you cut for me?" "yes." "well, last night i placed my watch on my window--before retiring, you know; and in the night," continued sir asinus, "it commenced raining----" "that was last night?" "yes, madam belle-bouche. well, the roof leaked, and presto! when i rose i found my watch swimming in water--your watch-paper all soaked and torn--that is to say, my fingers tore it; and a dozen minuets i had bought for you shared the same fate, not to mention my jemmy-worked garters! my ill luck was complete--_me miserum_!" "was it at college?" "oh no," said sir asinus; "you know i am temporarily absent from the _alma mater_." "indeed!" "yes. i have taken up my residence in town--in gloucester street, where i am always happy to see my friends. just imagine a man persecuted by the professors of the great university of william and mary for the reason i was." "what was it?" "because i uttered some heresies. i said the established church was a farce, and that women, contrary to the philosophy of antiquity, really had souls. the great doctor could pardon my fling at the church; but being an old woman himself, could not pardon my even seeming to revive the discussion of the heresy in relation to your sex. what was the consequence? i had to flee--the enemy went about to destroy me; behold me now the denizen of a second floor in old mother bobbery's house, gloucester street, city of williamsburg." "rusticating you call it, i think," says belle-bouche, smiling languidly, and raising her brow to catch the faint may breeze which moves her curls. "yes; rusticating is the very word--derived from _rus_, a latin word signifying _main street_, and _tike_, a greek word meaning to _live in bachelor freedom_. it applies to me exactly, you see. i live in bachelor freedom on gloucester street, and i only want a wife to make my happiness complete." belle-bouche smiles. "you are then dissatisfied?" she says. "yes," sighs sir asinus; "yes, in spite of my pipes and books and pictures, and all appliances and means to boot for happiness, i am lonely. now suppose i had a charming little wife--a paragon of a wife, with blue eyes and golden curls, and a sweet languishing air, to chat with in the long days and gloomy evenings!" belle-bouche recognises her portrait, and smiles. sir asinus continues: "not only would i be happier, but more at my ease. to tell you the humiliating truth, my dear miss belle-bouche, i am in hourly fear of being arrested." "would a wife prevent that?" "certainly. what base proctor would dare lay hands upon a married man? but this all disappears like a vision--it is a dream: _fuit ilium, ingens gloria teucrorumque_; which means, 'mrs. tom is still in a state of single blessedness,' that being the literal translation of the hebrew." and sir asinus smiles; and seeing jacques approach, looks at him triumphantly. jacques has just been bitten by the lap dog; and this, added to his melancholy and jealousy, causes him to feel desolate. "pardon my interrupting your pleasant conversation," he says. "oh, no interruption!" says sir asinus triumphantly. "but i thought i'd mention---"speak out, speak out!" says sir asinus, shaking with laughter, and assuming a generous and noble air. "i observed through the window a visitor, fairest belinda." "ah! i was so closely engaged," says sir asinus, "like a knight of the middle ages, i thought only of my 'ladye faire.' nothing can move me from her side!" "indeed?" says jacques. "nothing!" "well, well, at least i have not counselled such desertion on your part. the visitor at the gate there is doctor small from college. i only thought i'd mention it!" like an electric shock dart the words of jacques through the frame of the chivalric sir asinus. he starts to his feet--gazes around him despairingly, seeking a place of refuge. the step of worthy doctor small is heard upon the portico; sir asinus quakes. "are you unwell, my dear friend?" asks jacques with melancholy interest. "i am--really--come, jacques!" stammers sir asinus. "are you indisposed?" "to meet the doctor? i rather think i am. mercy! mercy! dear _campana in die_," cries the knight; "hide me! hide me!--up stairs, down stairs--any where!" the footstep sounded in the passage. belle-bouche laughed with that musical contagious merriment which characterized her. "but what shall we say?" she asks; "i can't tell the doctor you are not here." "then i must go. can i escape? oh heavens! there is his shadow on the floor! jacques, my boy, protect my memory--i must retire!" and sir asinus rushed through the open door leading into the adjoining room, just as doctor small entered with his benevolent smile and courteous inclination. he had been informed in town, he said, that his young friend thomas, withdrawn now some days from college, was at shadynook; and taking advantage of his acquaintance with mrs. wimple, and he was happy to add with miss rebecca, he had come to find and have some friendly conversation with thomas. had he been at shadynook, or was he misinformed? the reply was easy. sir asinus had disappeared through a door leading into the garden some moments before, and belle-bouche could reply most truthfully--as she did--that the truant _had_ visited her that morning, but was gone. the worthy doctor smiled, and said no more. he exchanged a few words on the pleasant weather--smiled benevolently on the young girl--and with a sly glance asked jacques if he designed attending lecture that morning. the melancholy jacques hesitated: a look from belle-bouche would have caused him to reply that he regretted exceedingly his inability to honor his alma mater on that particular occasion; but unfortunately the young girl said nothing. was she afraid of a second private interview, wherein the subject should be crooks and shepherdesses, and the hopes of corydons? at all events, belle-bouche played with her lace cuff, and her countenance wore nothing more than its habitual faint smile. jacques heaved a sigh, and said he believed he ought to go. the doctor rose, and pressing belle-bouche's hand, kindly took his leave--followed by jacques, who cast a last longing, lingering look behind. as for sir asinus, we regret to speak of him. where were now all his chivalric thoughts--his noble resolutions--his courage and devotion to his lady fair? alas! humanity is weak: we are compelled to say that the heroic knight, the ardent lover, the iron-hearted rebel, suddenly changed his device, and took for his crest a lion no longer, only a hare. from the back room he emerged into the garden, quaking at every sound; once in the garden, he stole ignominiously along the hedge; then he sallied forth into the road; then he mounted his horse, and fled like the wind. chapter vi. how sir asinus staked his garters against a pistole, and lost. sir asinus fled like the wild huntsman, although there was this slight difference between the feelings of the two characters:--the german myth was himself the pursuer, whereas sir asinus imagined himself pursued. he looked around anxiously from time to time, under the impression that his worthy friend and pedagogue was on his heels; and whenever a traveller made his appearance, he was complimented with a scrutiny from the flying knight which seemed to indicate apprehension--the apprehension of being made a prisoner. just as sir asinus reached the outskirts of the town, he observed a chariot drawn by six milk-white horses approaching from a county road which debouched, like the highway, into gloucester street; and when this chariot arrived opposite, a head was thrust through the window, and a good-humored voice uttered the words: "give you good day, my dear tom!" sir asinus bowed, with a laugh which seemed to indicate familiarity with the occupant of the carriage, and said: "good morning, your excellency--a delightful day." "yes," returned the voice, "especially for a race! what were you scampering from? come into the chariot and tell me all about it. i am dying of weariness." the movement was soon accomplished. his excellency's footman mounted the horse, and sir asinus entered the chariot and found himself opposite an elderly gentleman, very richly clad, and with a smiling and rubicund face which seemed to indicate a love of the best living. this gentleman was francis fauquier, governor of his majesty's loyal colony of virginia; and he seemed to be no stranger to the young man. "now, what was it all about?" asked the governor, laughing. and when our friend related the mode of his escape from the worthy doctor, his excellency shook the whole carriage in the excess of his mirth. they came thus to the "raleigh tavern," before the door of which the governor stopped a moment to say a word to the landlord, who, cap in hand, listened. the governor's conversation related to a great ball which was to be held in the "apollo room" at the raleigh very soon; and the chariot was delayed fully half an hour. at last it drove on, and at the same moment his excellency inclined his head courteously to a gentleman mounted on horseback who was passing. "ah, worthy doctor small!" he said, "a delightful day for a ride!" sir asinus shrunk back into the extremest corner, and cast an imploring look upon the governor, who shook with laughter. "yes, yes, your excellency," said the doctor; "i have been inhaling this delightful may morning with quite a youthful gusto." "riding for exercise, doctor? an excellent idea." "no, sir; i went a little way into the country to see a pupil." "you saw him?" "no, your excellency." "why, that was very hard--a great reprobate, i fear." "no; a wild young man who has lately deserted his alma mater." "a heinous offence! i advise you to proceed against him for holding out _in contumaciam_." "ah!" said the doctor, "we must follow the old receipt for cooking a hare in the present instance. we must first catch the offender." and the good doctor smiled. "well, doctor, much success to you. will you not permit me to convey you to the college?" the hair upon sir asinus's head stood up; then at the doctor's reply he breathed freely again. that reply was: "no, i thank you; your excellency is very good, but it is only a step." and the doctor rode on with a bow. behind him rode jacques, who had recognised his friend's horse, caught a glimpse of him through the window, and now regarded him with languid interest. the chariot drew up at the gate of the palace. a liveried servant offered his arm to the governor; and passing along the walk beneath the scotch lindens which lined it, they entered the mansion. the governor led the way to his study, passing through two large apartments ornamented with globe lamps and portraits of the king and queen. once in his favorite leather chair, his excellency ordered wine to be brought, emptied two or three glasses, and then receiving a pipe from a servant, lit it by means of a coal respectfully held in readiness, and commenced smoking. sir asinus declined the pipe proffered to him, but applied himself to the old sherry with great gusto--much to his excellency's satisfaction. "you were near being discovered," said fauquier, smiling; "then you would have been made an example." "_ex gracia exempli_," said sir asinus, emptying his glass, and translating into the original respectfully. "ah, you wild college boys! now i wager ten to one that you were not only playing truant at shadynook, but making love." "that is perfectly correct, your excellency." "see, i was right. you are a wild scamp, tom. who's your dulcinea?" "i decline answering that question, your excellency. but my rival--that is different." "well, your rival?" "the dandified adonis with the doctor." "your friend, is he not?" "bosom friend; but what is the use of having friends, if we can't take liberties with them?" "as, courting their sweethearts!" said his excellency, who seemed to enjoy this sentiment very much. "yes, sir. i always put my friends under contribution. they are not fit for any thing else. my rule is always to play off my wit on friends; it coruscates more brilliantly when we know a man's foibles." "good--very profound!" said the governor, laughing; "and i suppose the present difficulty arises from the fact, that some of these coruscations, as you call them, played around the person or character of the worthy doctor small?" "no, no, your excellency. i left my country for my country's good--i mean the college. my ideas were in advance of the age." "how?" "i suggested, in the literary society, the propriety of throwing off the rule of great britain; i drew up a constitutional argument against the established church in favor of religions toleration; and i asserted in open lecture that all men were and of right should be equally free." the governor shook with laughter. "did you?" he said. "yes," said sir asinus, assuming a grand tone. "well, i see now why you left your college for its good; this is treason, heresy, and barbarism," said the governor, merrily. "where has your traitorship taken up your residence?" "in gloucester street," said sir asinus; "a salubrious and pleasant lodging." "gloucester street! why, your constitutional civil and religious emancipation is not complete!" "no, my dear sir--no." "come and live here with me in the palace; i'll protect you in your rights with my guards and cannon." "no, your excellency," said sir asinus, laughing. "you are the representative of that great system which i oppose. i am afraid of the greeks and their gifts." "zounds! let me vindicate myself. i an opponent of your ideas!" cried the governor, laughing. "you are the representative of royalty." "no, i am a good virginian." "you are an admirer of the established church." the governor whistled. "that's it!" he said. "you are the front of the aristocracy." "my dear friend," said his excellency, "ever since a blackguard in paris defeated me in a fair spadille combat--breast to breast, card to card, by pure genius--i have been a republican. that fellow was a _canaille_, but he won fifteen thousand pounds from me: he was my superior. but let us try a game of cards, my dear boy. how are your pockets?" "low," said sir asinus, ruefully. "never mind," said his excellency, whose whole countenance had lighted up at the thought of play; "i admire your garters--a pistole against them." "done!" said sir asinus with great readiness; and they sat down to play. in two hours sir asinus was sitting at spadille in the exceedingly undress costume of shirt, pantaloons, and silk stockings. his coat was thrown on a chair; his worsted shoes were in one corner of the room; and his cocked hat lay upon his waistcoat at the governor's feet. the governor took extreme delight in these practical jokes. he had won these articles of sir asinus's clothing one after another; and now he was about to commence with the remainder. "look! spadille, the ace!" he cried; "i have your neckcloth." and his excellency burst into a roar of laughter. sir asinus slowly and sadly drew off his neckcloth, and deposited it on the pile. "good!" cried his excellency; "now for your short clothes!" "no, no!" sir asinus remonstrated; "now, your excellency!--mercy, your excellency! how would i look going through the town of williamsburg breechless?" "you might go after night," suggested his excellency, generously. "no, no!" "well, well, i'll be liberal--my servant shall bring you a suit of clothes from your apartment; of course these are mine." a sudden thought struck sir asinus. "i'll play your excellency this ring against ten pistoles," he said; "i lost sight of it." "done!" said his excellency. sir asinus won the game; and fauquier, with the exemplary honesty of the confirmed gambler, took ten pistoles from his purse and handed them across the table. "nine pieces for my coat and the rest," said sir asinus persuasively; "it is really impolite to be playing with your excellency in such deshabille as this." "willingly," said fauquier, shaking with merriment. and he pocketed the nine pistoles while sir asinus was making his toilet at a venetian mirror. they then commenced playing again--sir asinus staking his pistole. he won, and continued to win until night; when candles were brought, and they commenced again. by ten o'clock sir asinus had won fifteen thousand pistoles from the governor. by midnight fauquier, playing with the nerve of a great gambler, had won them all back--laughing, careless, but not more careless than when he lost. at fifteen minutes past twelve he had won a bond for two hundred pistoles from sir asinus; at sixteen minutes past twelve his excellency rose, and taking the cards up with both hands, threw them out of the window. then rolling up the bond which sir asinus had executed a moment before, he gracefully lit with it a pipe which he had just filled; and, first telling a servant "to carry lights to the chamber next to his own," said to sir asinus: "my dear boy, i have done wrong to-night; but this is my master passion. cards have ruined me three distinct times; and if you play you will inevitably follow my example and destroy your prospects. take my advice, and never touch them. if you have no genius for chance, twelve months will suffice to ruin you. if you turn out a great player, one half the genius you expend upon it will conquer a kingdom or found an empire. if you prefer oxygen to air--gamble! if you think _aquafortis_ healthier than water--_gamble_! if you consider fever and fire the proper components of your blood--_gamble_! take my advice, and never touch a card again--your bond is ashes. come, tom, to bed!" and his excellency, laughing as good-humoredly as ever, led the way up the broad staircase, preceded by a servant carrying a flambeau. sir asinus found a magnificent apartment prepared for him--a velvet fauteuil, silk-curtained bed, wax candles in silver candelabra; and seeing that his guest was comfortably fixed, governor fauquier bade him good night. as for sir asinus, he retired without delay, and dreamed that he ruined his excellency at cards; won successively all his real and personal estate; and lastly, having staked a thousand pistoles against his commission as governor, won that also. then, in his dream, he rose in his dignity, lit his pipe with the parchment, and made his excellency a low and generous bow. as he did so, the day dawned. chapter vii. jacques bestows his paternal advice upon a schoolgirl. just a week after the practical lesson given by his excellency governer fauquier to sir asinus, and on a bright fine morning, the melancholy jacques issued from the walls of his alma mater, and took his way along gloucester street toward the residence of his friend and rival. jacques was dressed with unusual splendor. his coat was heavy with embroidery--his waistcoat a blooming flower-plat, upon whose emerald background roses, marigolds, and lilies flaunted in their satin bravery--and his scarlet silk stockings were held up by gold-colored garters. his narrow-edged cocked hat drooped with its feather over his handsome features, and in his delicately gloved hand he held a slight cane, which, from time to time he rested on the point of his high-heeled shoes, bending the lithe twig with irreproachable elegance. not far from the residence of the rebel he encountered and saluted with melancholy courtesy a very lovely young girl of about fifteen, who was tripping along to school, a satchel full of books upon her arm, and, covering her bright locks, a sun-bonnet such as school-girls wore at that time, and indeed in our own day. "good morning, my dear miss merryheart," said jacques, removing his glove and holding out his jewelled hand. the girl laughed artlessly, and gave him her hand, saying: "good morning, sir; but you have mistaken my name." "mistaken your name?" "yes, sir; it is martha." "and not merryheart; but you are not responsible. merryheart is your real name--not martha, who was 'cumbered,' you know." "but i _am_ 'cumbered,'" replied the girl with a laugh. "how, my dear madam?" asked the courteous jacques. "by my satchel." "ah! let me carry it for you." "no, no." "why not?" "i won't trouble you." "no trouble in the world--i shall leave you in a street or two. come!" and he took the satchel, and passing his cane through the handles, gracefully deposited it behind his shoulders, as a beggar does his bundle. the girl laughed heartily; and this seemed to afford the melancholy lover much satisfaction. "do they teach laughing at the reverend mrs. white's?" he asked. "laughing, sir?" "yes; i thought you had been taking lessons." "oh, sir!" "come! no fine-lady airs. i never compliment--we are too intimate." and jacques shifted his packet to the other shoulder. "just go to the ball and laugh in that way," he said, "and you'll slay all the hearts in a circle of ten feet." the girl repeated the fatal ceremony with more energy than ever. the street echoed with it. "i'm going to the ball, sir," she said; "bathurst--you know bathurst--he says he will go with me." "little innocent!" "sir?" "i was reflecting, my dear little friend," said the melancholy jacques, "upon the superiority of your sex before they reach the age of womanhood." "how, sir?" "why, thus. suppose i had addressed that question to a fine lady--'are you going to the ball, madam?'--what would her reply have been?" "i don't know," laughed the girl, pushing back a stray lock from her forehead. "i'll tell you," continued jacques. "with a negligent and careless air she would have said, 'really, sir--i do not know--i have scarcely made up my mind--if i decide to go--i shall not go, however, i think--if i go, it will be with mr. blank--i have half promised him;' and so forth. how wearisome! you, on the contrary, my little friend, clap your hands and cry, 'oh! i am going! bathurst says he'll go with me!' bathurst is a good boy; isn't he your sweetheart?" the girl blushed and laughed. "no, indeed, sir!" she said. "that is well; choose some elderly admirer, my dear child--like myself." the laughter was louder than ever. "it wouldn't do for you to have two," she said with a merry glance. jacques recoiled. "every body knows it!" he murmured ruefully. "they do so," replied the merry girl, who caught these half-uttered words; "but she's a very sweet lady." jacques sighed. "are you not tired, sir?" asked the girl. "no, no! my dear child; but i believe i must return your little bulrush receptacle, for yonder is my journey's end. look, sir asinus beholds us--see! there at the window!" in fact, sir asinus was at his open window, inhaling the bright may morning joyously. "sir asinus? who is he?" asked the girl, with a puzzled look. "the great rebel, who tried to assassinate doctor small and the governer. have you not heard of it?" "oh no, indeed, sir! did he?" "well, principles are men, they say; and that makes what i said quite true. look at him: don't he resemble a murderer?" "i don't know, sir; i hardly know what one looks like." "look at his red hair." "it _is_ red." "and his sharp features." "yes, sir." "he has a real assassin's look, my dear little friend; but he is a great thinker. that is the sort of beau i recommend you to get instead of bathurst." the girl laughed. "but bathurst is a great deal handsomer," she said; "then he promised to take me to the ball----" "while sir asinus has not promised." "oh, _he_ wouldn't think of _me_. i am very much obliged to you for carrying my satchel, sir," added the young girl, swinging it again on her arm. "not at all. see how sir asinus is staring at you--a very ill-bred fellow!" the young girl raised her head, for they were now under the window at which sat sir asinus; and she found the eyes of that gentleman fixed upon her in truth with great pleasure and admiration. she laughed and blushed, looking down again. "good-by, my dear young lady," said the melancholy jacques with a paternal air; "continue on your way, and present my most respectful regards to mrs. white and every body. learn your lessons, jump the rope, and never conjugate the verb _amo_, _amas_; get a poodle dog, and hideous china, and prepare yourself for the noble state of elderly maidenhood: so shall you pass serenely through this vale of tears, and be for ever great, glorious, and happy." with which friendly counsel the melancholy jacques sighed again--possibly from the thought that had he followed the last piece of advice, his mind had not been troubled--and so bade his young friend farewell, and mounted the staircase leading to the chamber of his friend. as for the young girl, she followed him for a moment with her eyes, and then laughing merrily continued her way, swinging her satchel and humming an old ditty. we shall meet with her again. chapter viii. how sir asinus invented a new order of philosophers, the apicians. sir asinus was clad as usual in a rich suit of silk, over which fell in graceful folds his old faded dressing gown. his red hair was unpowdered--his garters were unbuckled, and one of them had fallen to the floor--his feet were lazily thrust into ample slippers run down deplorably at the heel. he had been meditating strictly the unwilling muse; for on the table lay a number of sheets of paper covered with unfortunate verses, which obstinately refused to rhyme. he seemed to have finally abandoned this occupation in despair--flying for refuge to his window, from which he had seen his friend coming down gloucester street. when jacques entered, he retained his seat with an appearance of great carelessness, and extending two fingers negligently, drawled out: "good day, my boy. you perceive i have banished those ignoble fears of proctors. i no longer shiver when i hear a footstep on the staircase." jacques smiled languidly. "only when you hear it on the portico--at shadynook or elsewhere," he said. "no more of that, hal, an thou lovest me," said sir asinus cheerfully. "the greatest men are subject to these sudden panics, and i am no exception. ah! what news?" jacques sat down sighing. "none," he said, "except that we have a new student at college--hoffland is his name, i believe--a friend of mowbray's apparently. let's see your bad verses." "no, no!" cried sir asinus, rolling them up. "_minerva was invited_, as our friend page used to say, but did not attend." "that reminds me of the ball." "at the 'raleigh?'" "yes," sighed jacques. "this week, eh?" "yes; and every body is discussing it. it will be held in the _apollo_----" "a capital room." "for a ball--yes." "for any thing--a meeting of conspirators, or patriots, which might amount to the same thing," said sir asinus. "well, will your knightship attend the ball?" "of course." "pray, with whom!" "belle-bouche." jacques smiled with melancholy triumph. "i think you are mistaken," he said, sadly. "how?" "she has engaged to go with me." "base stratagem--unfaithful friend! i challenge you on the spot." "good! i accept." "take your foil!" cried sir asinus, starting up. "pardon me, most worthy knight--hand it to me. i can easily prick you without rising." sir asinus relented. "well, let us defer the combat," he said; "but when were you at shadynook--which, by the by, should be called sunnybower?" "yesterday!" "and maligned me?" "very well--war to the death in future. what news there?" "philippa is gone." "ah?" "yes; she suddenly announced her intention some days ago, and with a nod to me, drove off in her chariot." "a fine girl." "why don't you court her, if you admire her so much?" "my friend," said sir asinus, "you seem not to understand that i am 'tangled by the hair and fettered by the eye' of belle-bouche the fairy." jacques sighed. "then i flatter myself she likes me," said sir asinus, caressing his red whiskers in embryo. "i am in fact pledged exclusively to her. i can't espouse both." "vanity!" said jacques languidly; "but you could build a feudal castle--a very palace--in the mountains with philippa's money." "there you are, with your temptations--try to seduce me, a republican, into courtly extravagance--me, a martyr to religious toleration, republican ideas, and the rights of woman!" "very well, sir asinus, i won't tempt you further; but i think it would be cheap for you to marry on any terms--if only to extricate yourself from your present difficulties. once married, you would of course leave college." "yes; but i wish to remain." "what! in this attic?" "even so." "a hermit?" "who said i was a hermit? i am surrounded with friends! ned carter comes and smokes with me until my room is one impervious fog, all the while protesting undying friendship, and asking me to write love verses for him. tom randolph is a faithful friend and companion. stay, look at that beautiful suit of mecklenburg silk which belle-bouche admired so much--i saw she did. tom gave me that--in return for my new suit of embroidered cloth. who says human nature is not disinterested?" "cynic!" "yes, i would be, were i not a stoic." "you are neither--you are an epicurean." "granted: i am even an apician." "what's that? who was apicius?" "there, now, you are shockingly ignorant; you really don't know what _apis_ means in sanscrit--bah!" "in sanscrit? true; but in latin it is--" "bee: i'll help you out." "very well, you are an _apician_, you say: expound." "why! do i not admire belle-bouche?" "i believe so." "pretty mouth--that is the translation?" "yes." "a mouth like suckling's lady-love's--stay, was it suckling? yes: sir john. 'some bee had stung it newly,' you know. well, belle-bouche has honey lips--a beautiful idea--and bees love honey, and i love belle-bouche: there's the syllogism, as you tiresome logicians say. q. e. d., i am an _apician_!" jacques stands astounded at this gigantic philological joke, to the great satisfaction of his friend, who caresses his sandy whiskers with still greater self-appreciation. "now call me sir asinus any longer, if you dare!" he says; and he begins chanting from the open book: "saltu vincit hinnulos, damas et capreolos, super dromedarios, velox madianeos! dum trahit vehicula multa cum sarcinula, illius mandibula dura terit pabula!" "translate now!" cries sir asinus, "and bear testimony to my worth." jacques takes the book and reads over the latin; then he extemporizes: "in running he excels doctor smalls and antelopes; swift beyond the camels. or midianitish proctors. while he drags his dulness in verse along his pages, his asinarian jaw-bones make havoc with the rhymes!" having modestly made this translation, jacques closes the book and rises. sir asinus tears his hair, and declares that his friend's ignorance of latin is shocking. "the ordinary plea when the rendering of disputed passages is not to our taste," says jacques. "but i must go. by the by, the worthy doctor came near seeing you in the governor's chariot." "it was more than he dared to recognise me," said sir asinus grandly. "dared, eh?" "certainly; if he had bowed to me, i should have cut his acquaintance. i would have refused to return his salute. i carefully avoided even looking at him, to spare his feelings." "i appreciate your delicacy," said his friend; "you commenced your system even at shadynook. did you win any thing from fauquier?" "how did you know we played?" "why, returning past midnight, i saw lights." "very well--that proved nothing. we did play, however, friend jacques, and i lost; which gave his excellency an opportunity to perform a very graceful act. but enough. before you go, tell me whom you were conversing with just now." "a maiden," said jacques. "no! a perfect fairy." "see the effect of seclusion! you are getting into such a state of disgust with your books, that you'll end by espousing mother bobbery, you unfortunate victim of political ideas." "_i_ disgusted--_i_ tired of my books--_i_ tired, when i have this glorious song to sing!" and at the top of his voice sir asinus chanted: "aurum de arabia, thus et myrrhum de saba, tulit in ecclesia virtus asinaria!" "excellent dog latin," said jacques; "and literally translated it signifies: 'gold from the governor, tobacco from the south side, asinarian strategy has brought into his chambers.' that is to say, asinarian strategy has made the attempt." but sir asinus, disregarding these strictures, began to sing the chorus: "hez, sire asne, car chantez, belle bouche rechignez; vous aurez du foin assez, et de l'avoine a plantez." "good," said jacques; "that signifies: strike up, sir asinus, with your braying mouth; never fear for hay, the crop of oats is ample.' but on reflection the translation is bad--'belle bouche is not 'braying mouth;' which reminds me that i must take my departure." "where are you going, unhappy profaner of ecclesiastical psalmody?" "to see belle-bouche," sighed jacques. sir asinus tore his hair. "then i'll go too," he cried. "i've the last horse at the raleigh," observed jacques with melancholy pleasure. "good morning, my dear friend. take care of yourself." and leaving sir asinus with a polite bow, jacques went down the staircase. as for sir asinus, in the excess of his rage he sat down and composed a whole canto of an epic--which luckily has not descended to our day. the rats preserved humanity. chapter ix. the luck of jacques. belle-bouche was busily at work upon a piece of embroidery when jacques entered; and this embroidery was designed for a fire-screen. it represented a parroquet intensely crimson, on a background uniformly emerald; and the eyes of the melancholy lover dwelt wistfully upon the snowy hands selecting the different colors from a tortoise-shell work-box filled with spools of silk. belle-bouche greeted the entrance of her admirer with a frank smile, and held out her hand, which poor jacques pressed to his lips with melancholy pleasure. "i find miss belle-bouche always engaged in some graceful occupation," he said mournfully; "she is either reading the poets, or writing poetry herself in all the colors of the rainbow." the beauty treated this well-timed compliment with a smile. "oh, no," she said; "i am only working a screen." "it is very pretty." "do you think so?" "yes." and then jacques paused; his conversation as usual dried up like a fountain at midsummer. he made a desperate effort. "i thought i heard you singing as i entered," he said. "yes, i believe i was," smiled belle-bouche. "what music was so happy?" jacques sighed. belle-bouche laughed. "a child's song," she said. "pray what!" "'lady bird, lady bird, fly away home.'" "a most exquisite air," sighed jacques; "please commence again." "but i have finished." "then something else, my dearest miss belle-bouche; see how unfortunate i am--pray pardon me." "willingly," said belle-bouche, smiling with a roseate blush. "i always fancy myself in arcady when i am near you," he said tenderly. "why? because you find me very idle?" "oh, no; but arcady, you know, was the abode of sylvan queens--dryads and oreads and naiads," said the classic jacques; "and you are like them." "like a dryad?" "they were very beautiful." belle-bouche blushed again; and to conceal her blushes bent over the screen. jacques sighed. "chloes are dead, however," he murmured, "and the reed of pan is still. the fanes of arcady are desolate." and having uttered this beautiful sentiment, the melancholy jacques was silent. "do you like 'my arcady?'" asked belle-bouche; "i think it very pretty." "it is the gem of music. ah! to hear you sing it," sighed poor corydon. belle-bouche quite simply rose, and going to the spinet, sat down and played the prelude. jacques listened with closed eyes and heaving bosom. "please hand me the music," said belle-bouche; "there in the scarlet binding." jacques started and obeyed. as she received it, the young girl's hand touched his own, and he uttered a sigh which might have melted rocks. the reason was, that jacques was in love: we state the fact, though it has probably appeared before. belle-bouche's voice was like liquid moonlight and melodious flowers. its melting involutions and expiring cadences unwound themselves and floated from her lips like satin ribbon gradually drawn out. as for jacques, he was in a dream; one might have supposed that his nerves were steeped in the liquid melody--or at times, when he started, that the music came over him like a shower bath of perfume. his sighs would have conciliated tigers; and when she turned and smiled on him, he almost staggered. "now," said belle-bouche smiling softly, "suppose i sing something a little merrier. you know the minuet always gives place to the reel." jacques uttered an expiring assent, and belle-bouche commenced singing with her laughing voice the then popular ditty, "pretty betty martin, tip-toe fine." if her voice sighed before, it laughed out loudly now. the joyous and exhilarating music sparkled, glittered, fell in rosy showers--rattled like liquid diamonds and dry rain. it flashed, and glanced, and ran--and stumbling over itself, fell upwards, showering back again in shattered cadences and fiery foam. when she ended, jacques remained silent, and was only waked, so to speak, by hearing his name pronounced. "yes," he said at random. belle-bouche laughed. "you agree with me, then, that my voice is wretchedly out of tune?" she said mischievously. poor jacques only sighed and blushed. "betty martin was a foolish girl," said belle-bouche, laughing to hide her embarrassment. "how?" murmured jacques. belle-bouche found that she was involved in a delicate explanation; but thinking boldness the best, she replied: "because she could not find just the husband she wanted. you know the song says so--'some were too coarse and some too fine.'" "yes," murmured jacques; "and 'tis often the case with us poor fellows. we seldom find the chloe we want--she flies us ever spite of our attempts to clasp her to our hearts." "that is not because chloe is fickle, but because corydon is so difficult to please," belle-bouche replied, with a sly little smile. "ah! i am not!" he sighed. "indeed, you are mistaken; i'm sure you are a very fastidious shepherd." "no, no. true, i may never find my chloe; but when i do, then i shall no longer be my own master." belle-bouche hesitated, blushed, and said quickly: "perhaps you long to meet with an angel." "oh, no--only a woman," said jacques; "and if you will listen, i will describe my ideal in a moment." "yes," said belle-bouche, looking away; for his eyes were fixed upon her with such meaning that she could not return his gaze. "first," said corydon, sighing, "she should be young--that is to say, she should unite the grace and innocence of childhood with the splendor and fascination of the fully-developed woman. this is most often found at seventeen--therefore she should be just seventeen." belle-bouche was scarcely more than seventeen, as we know. the cunning jacques went on. "she should be a blonde, with light golden hair, eyes as azure as the heavens, and, as one great poet said of another, 'with a charming archness' in them." "yes," murmured belle-bouche, whom this description suited perfectly. "her voice should not be loud and bold, her manner careless," jacques went on; "but a delicious gentleness, and even at times a languor, should be diffused through it--diffused through voice and manner, as a perfume is diffused through an apartment, invisible, imperceptible almost, filling us with quiet pleasure." "quite a poetical description," said belle-bouche, trying to laugh. "she should be soft and tender--full of wondrous thoughts, and ever standing like a gracious angel," sighed the rapturous jacques, "to bless, console, and comfort me." "still prettier," said belle-bouche, blushing. "now let me sum up," said jacques. "golden hair, blue eyes, a rosy face full of childlike innocence, at times steeped in dewy languor, and those melting smiles which sway us poor men so powerfully; and lastly, with a heart and soul attuned to all exalted feelings and emotions. there is what i look for--ah, to find her! better still to dream she could love me." "well, can you not find your chloe?" belle-bouche murmured, almost inaudibly. "never, i fear," said jacques; "or else," he continued with a sigh, "when we do find her, we always find that some other discoverer claims possession." belle-bouche blushed. "suppose it is without the consent of the aborigines," she said, attempting to laugh. jacques looked at her; then shook his head. "'tis the strong hand, not the true heart, which conquers." "oh no, it is not!" said belle-bouche. "what then?" "the good, kind heart, faithful and sincere." jacques fixed his eyes upon her blushing face, which leaned upon one of her fair hands--the other hand meanwhile being an object of deep interest to her eyes, cast down toward it. "and should such a heart be wounded?" he said. "oh, no!" murmured belle-bouche, blushing. "then do not wound mine!" cried jacques; "dearest belle-bouche! light of my heart--that was your portrait! listen to your faithful----" poor, poor jacques! fate played with him. for at the very moment when he was about to fall upon his knees--just when his fate was to be decided--just when he saw an arcadian picture spread before him, in its brilliant hues, all love and sunshine--that excellent old lady aunt wimple entered, calmly smiling, and with rustling silk and rattling key basket, dispelled all his fond romantic dreams. belle-bouche rose hastily and returned to her embroidery; aunt wimple sat down comfortably, and commenced a flood of talk about the weather; and jacques fell back on an ottoman overcome with despair. in half an hour he was slowly on his way back to town--his arms hanging down, his head bent to his breast, his dreamy eyes fixed intently upon vacancy. jacques saw nothing around him; belle-bouche alone was in his vision--belle-bouche, who by another chance was snatched from him. the odor of the peach blossoms seemed a weary sort of odor, and the lark sang harshly. as he passed through a meadow, he heard himself saluted by name--by whom he knew not. he bowed without looking at the speaker; he only murmured, "one more chance gone." as he passed the residence of sir asinus, he heard that gentleman laughing at him; he only sighed, "belle-bouche!" chapter x. mowbray opens his heart to his new friend. instead of following the melancholy jacques to his chamber, let us return to the meadow in which he had been saluted by the invisible voice. a brook ran sparkling like a silver thread across the emerald expanse, and along this brook were sauntering two students, one of whom had spoken to the abstracted lover. he who had addressed jacques was mowbray; the other was hoffland, the young student who had just arrived at williamsburg. hoffland is much younger than his companion--indeed, seems scarcely to have passed beyond boyhood; his stature is low, his figure is slender, his hair flaxen and curling, his face ornamented only with a peach-down mustache. he is clad in a suit of black richly embroidered; wraps a slight cloak around him spite of the warmth of the pleasant may afternoon; and his cocked hat, apparently too large for him, droops over his face, falling low down upon his brow. they walk on for a moment in silence. then hoffland says, in a musical voice like that of a boy before his tone undergoes the disagreeable change of manhood: "you have not said how strange you thought this sudden friendship i express, mr. mowbray, but i am afraid you think me very strange." "no, indeed," replies mowbray; "i know not why, but you have already taken a strong hold upon me. singular! we are almost strangers, but i feel as though i had known you all my life!" "that can scarcely be, for i am but seventeen or eighteen," says hoffland smiling. "a frank, true age. i regret that i have passed it." "why?" "ah, can you ask, mr. hoffland?" "please do not call me mr. hoffland. we are friends: say charles; and then i will call you ernest. i cannot unless you set me the example." "ernest? how did you discover my name?" "oh!" said hoffland, somewhat embarrassed, "does not every body know ernest mowbray?" "very well--as you are determined to give me compliments instead of reasons, i will not persist. charles be it then, but you must call me ernest." "yes, ernest." the low musical words went to his heart, and broke down every barrier. they were bosom friends from that moment, and walked on in perfect confidence. "why did you regret your youth, ernest?" said hoffland. "i thought young men looked forward impatiently to their full manhood--twenty-five or thirty; though i do not," he added with a smile. "they do; but it is only another proof of the blindness of youth." "is youth blind?" "blind, because it cannot see that all the delights of ambition, the victories of mind, the triumphs and successes of the brain, are mere dust and ashes compared with what it costs to obtain them--the innocence of the heart, the illusions of its youthful hope." "ah! are illusions to be desired?" "at least they are a sweet suffering, a bitter delight." "even when one wakes from them to find every thing untrue--despair alone left?" "you paint the reverse truly; but still i hold that the happiness of life is in what i have styled illusions. listen, charles," he continued, gazing kindly at the boy, who turned away his head. "life is divided into three portions--three stages, which we must all travel before we can lie down in that silent bed prepared for us at our journey's end. in the first, youth, every thing is rosy, brilliant, hopeful; life is a dream of happiness which deadens the senses with its delirious rapture--deadens them so perfectly that the thorns youth treads on are such no longer, they are flowers! stones are as soft as the emerald grass, and if a mountain or a river rise before it, all youth thinks is, what a beautiful summit, or, how fair a river! and straightway it darts joyously up the ascent, or throws itself laughing into the bright sparkling waters. the mountain and the river are not obstacles--they are delights. then comes the second portion of life, manhood, when the obstacles are truly what they seem--hard to ascend, trying to swim over. then comes age, when the sobered heart hesitates long before commencing the ascent or essaying the crossing--when _duty_ only prompts. say that duty is greater than hope, and you are right; but say that duty carries men as easily over obstacles as joy, which loves those obstacles, and you are mistaken. well, all this prosing is meant to show that the real happiness of life is in illusions. doubtless you are convinced of it, however: already one learns much by the time he has reached eighteen." hoffland mused. mowbray drove away his thoughts, and said, smiling sadly: "have you ever loved, charles?" "never," murmured the boy. "that is the master illusion," sighed mowbray. "and is it a happy one?" "a painful happiness." these short words were uttered with so much sadness, that the boy stole a look of deep interest at his companion's face. "do not be angry with me, ernest," he said, "but may i ask you if you have ever loved?" his head drooped, and he murmured, "yes." "deeply?" "yes." "were you disappointed?" "yes." and there was a long pause. they walked on in silence. "it is a beautiful afternoon," said mowbray at length. "lovely," murmured the boy. "this stream is so fresh and pure--no bitterness in it." "is there in love?" mowbray was silent for a moment. then he raised his head, and said to his companion: "charles, listen! what i am going to tell you, may serve to place you upon your guard against what may cause you great suffering. i know not why, but i take a strange interest in you--coming alone into the great world a mere youth as you are, leaving in the mountains from which you say you come all those friends whose counsel might guide you. listen to me, then, as to an elder brother--a brother who has grown old early in thought and feeling, who at twenty-five has already lived half the life of man--at least in the brain and heart. listen. i was always impulsive and sanguine, always proud and self-reliant. my father was wealthy. i was told from my boyhood that i was a genius--that i had only to extend my hand, and the slaves of the lamp, as the orientals say, would drop into it all the jewels of the universe. success in politics, poetry, law, or letters--the choice lay with me, but the event was certain whichever i should select. well, my father died--his property was absorbed by his debts--i was left with an orphan sister to struggle with the world. "i arranged our affairs--we had a small competence after all debts were paid. we live yonder in a small cottage, and in half an hour i shall be there. i seldom take these strolls. half my time is study--the rest, work upon our small plot of ground. this was necessary to prepare you for what i have to say. "i had never been in love until i was twenty-four and a half--that is to say, half a year ago. but one day i saw upon a race-course a young girl who strongly attracted my attention, and i went home thinking of her. i did not know her name, but i recognised in her bright, frank, bold face--it was almost bold--that clear, strong nature which has ever had an inexpressible charm for me. i had studied that strange volume called woman, and had easily found out this fact: that the wildest and most careless young girls are often far more delicate, feminine, and innocent than those whose eyes are always demurely cast down, and whose lips are drawn habitually into a prudish and prim reserve. do you understand my awkward words?" "yes," said the boy quietly. "well," pursued mowbray, "in forty-eight hours the dream of my life was to find and woo that woman. i instinctively felt that she would make me supremely happy--that the void which every man feels in his heart, no matter what his love for relatives may be, could be filled by this young girl alone--that she would perfect my life. very well--now listen, charles." "yes," said the boy, in a low tone. "i became acquainted with her--for when did a lover ever fail to discover the place which contained his mistress?--and i found that this young girl whom i had fallen so deeply in love with was a great heiress." "unhappy chance!" exclaimed the boy; "i understand easily that this threw an ignoble obstacle in the way. her friends----" "no--there you are mistaken, charles," said mowbray "the obstacle was from herself." "did she not love you?" mowbray smiled sadly. "you say that in a tone of great surprise," he replied; "there is scarcely ground for such astonishment." "i should think any woman might love you," murmured the boy. mowbray smiled again as sadly as before, and said: "well, i see you are determined to make me your devoted friend, by reaching my heart through my vanity. but let me continue. i said that the obstacles in my way were not objections on the part of philippa's friends--that was her name, philippa: do not ask me more." "no," said the boy. "the barrier was her own nature. i had mistaken it; in the height of my pride i had dreamed that my vision had pierced to the bottom of her nature, to the inmost recesses of her heart: i was mistaken. i had gazed upon the woman, throwing the heiress out of the question; you see i was hopelessly enslaved by the woman before dreaming of the heiress," he added, with a melancholy smile. hoffland made no reply. "now i come to the end, and i shall not detain you much longer from the moral. i visited her repeatedly. i found more to admire than i expected even--more to be repelled by, however, than my mind had prepared me for. i found this young girl with many noble qualities--but these qualities seemed to me obscured by her eternal consciousness of riches: her suspicion, in itself an unwomanly trait, was intense." "oh, sir!" cried the boy, "but surely there is some excuse! of course," he added, with an effort to control his feelings, "i do not know miss philippa, but assuredly a young girl who is cursed with great wealth must discriminate between those who love her for herself and those who come to woo her because she is wealthy. oh, believe me, it is, it must be very painful to be wealthy, to have to suspect and doubt--to run the hazard of wounding some noble nature, who may be by chance among the sordid crowd who come to kneel to her because she is an heiress--who would turn their backs upon her were she portionless. indeed, we should excuse much." "yes," said mowbray, "and you defend the cause of heiresses well. but let me come back to my narrative. the suspicion of this young girl was immense--as her fortune was. that fortune chilled me whenever i thought of it. i did not want it. i could have married her--i had quite enough for both. heaven decreed that she should be wealthy, however--that the glitter of gold should blind her heart--that she should suspect my motives. do not understand me to say that she placed any value upon that wealth herself. no; i believe she despised, almost regretted it: but still, who can tell? at least i love her too much still to hazard what may be unjust--ah! the cinder is not cold." and mowbray's head drooped. they walked on in silence. "well, well," he continued at length, "i saw her often. i could not strangle my feelings. i loved her--in spite of her wealth--not on account of it. but gradually my sentiment moderated: like a whip of scorpions, this suspicion she felt struck me, wounding my heart and inflaming my pride. i tried to stay away; i dragged through life for a week without seeing her; then, impelled by a violent impulse, i went to her again, armed with an impassible pride, and determined to converse upon the most indifferent subjects--to test her nature fully, and--to make the test complete--bend all the energies of my mind to the task of weighing her words, her looks, her tones, that i might make a final decision. well, she almost distinctly intimated, fifteen minutes after our interview commenced, that i was a fortune-hunter whom she regarded with a mixture of amusement and contempt." "oh, sir! could it have been that you----" the boy stopped. "how unhappy she must be--to have to suspect such noble natures as your own," he added in a low voice. mowbray turned away his head; then by a powerful effort went on. "you shall judge, charles," he said in a voice which he mastered only by a struggle; "you shall say whether i am correct in my opinion of her thoughts. she asked me plainly if i was poor; to which question i replied with a single word--'very.' next, did i hope to become rich! i did hope so. her advice then was, she said, that i should marry some heiress, since that was a surer and more rapid means than law or politics. she said it very satirically, and with a glance which killed my love----" "oh, sir!" the boy murmured. "yes; and though i was calm, my face not paler, i believe, than usual, i was led to say what i bitterly regret--not because it was untrue, for it was not, rather was it profoundly true--but because it might have been misunderstood. it was disgraceful to marry for mere wealth, i said; and i added, 'too expensive'--since unhappiness at any price was dear. i added that money would never purchase my own heart--school-boy fashion, you perceive; and then i left her--never to return." a long silence followed these words. mowbray then added calmly: "you deduce from this narrative, charles, one lesson. never give your affections to a woman suddenly; never make a young girl whom you do not know the queen of your heart--the fountain of your illusions and your dreams. the waking will be unpleasant; pray heaven you may never wake as i have with a mind which is becoming sour--a heart which is learning to distrust whatever is most fair in human nature. let us dismiss the subject now. i am glad i felt this impulse to open my heart to you, a stranger, though a friend. we often whisper into a strange ear what our closest friends would ask in vain. see, there is his excellency's chariot with its six white horses, and look what a graceful bow he makes us!" mowbray walked on without betraying the least evidence of emotion. he seemed perfectly calm. chapter xi. how hoffland found that he had left his key behind. they entered the town in silence, and both of the young men seemed busy with their thoughts. mowbray's face wore its habitual expression of collected calmness; as to hoffland, he was smiling. mowbray at last raised his head, and chasing away his thoughts by a strong effort, said to his companion: "you have no dormitory yet, i believe--i mean, that you are not domiciled at the college. can i assist you?" "oh, thank you; but i am lodged in town." "ah?" "yes; doctor small procured permission for me." "where is your room, charles?--i shall come and see you." "just down there, somewhere," said hoffland dubiously. "on gloucester street?" "no; just around there," replied the student, pointing in the direction of the college. "well," said mowbray, "we shall pass it on our way, and i will go up and see if you are comfortably fixed. i may be able to give you some advice--i am an old member of the commissary department. "oh, thank you," said hoffland quickly; "but i believe every thing is very well arranged." "can you judge?" smiled mowbray. "yes, indeed," hoffland said, turning away his head and laughing; "better than you can, perhaps." "i doubt it." "you grown lords of the creation fancy you know so much!" said hoffland. mowbray caught the merry contagion, and smiling, said: "nevertheless, i insist upon going to see if my new brother charles is comfortably established." hoffland bit his lip. "this is the place, is it not?" asked mowbray. hoffland hesitated for a moment, and then replied with an embarrassed tone: "yes--but--let us go on." "no," mowbray said, "i am very obstinate; and as lucy will not expect me now until tea-time, i am determined to devote half an hour to spying out your land. come, lead the way!" hoffland wrung his hands with a nettled look, which made him resemble a child deprived of its plaything. "but--" he said. "come--you pique my curiosity; go on, charles." a sudden smile illumined the boy's face. "well," he said, "if you insist, so be it." and he led the way up a staircase which commenced just within the open door of the house. the lodging of sir asinus was in one of those buildings let out to students; this seemed more private--hoffland alone dwelt here. the student searched his pockets one after the other. "oh me!" he cried, "could i have left my key at the college?" "careless!" said mowbray, with a smile. "i think i am very unfortunate." "well, then, my domiciliary visit is rendered impossible. come, charles, another time!" and mowbray descended, followed by the triumphant hoffland, who, whatever his motive might be, seemed to rejoice in the accident, or the success of his ruse, whichever the reader pleases. "come! i am just going to see warner lewis a moment," said mowbray, "and then i shall return to the 'raleigh tavern,' get my horse, and go to roseland----" "roseland! is that your sister's home?" "yes, we live there--no one but lucy and myself; that is to say, except one single servant reserved from the estate." "roseville?" murmured hoffland; "i think i have passed it." "very probably; it is just yonder, beyond the woods--a cottage embosomed in trees, and with myriads of roses around it, which lucy takes great pleasure in cultivating." "i think i should like to know your sister," said hoffland. "why, nothing is easier: come with me this evening." "this evening?" "why not?" "how could i?" laughed hoffland; "your house is so small, that without some warning i should probably incommode you." "oh, not at all--we have a very good room for you. you know in virginia we always keep the 'guest's chamber,' however poor we are." "hum!" said hoffland. "come!" said mowbray. hoffland began to laugh. "how could i go?" he asked. "why, ride." "ride?" "certainly." "in what manner, pray?" "on horseback," said mowbray; "i can easily procure you a horse." hoffland turned his head aside to conceal his laughter. "no, i thank you," he said. "you refuse?" "point-blank." mowbray looked at him. "you are a strange person, charles," he said; "you seem half man, half child--i might almost say half girl." "oh, ernest, to hurt my feelings so!" said the boy, turning away his face. mowbray found himself reflecting that he had uttered a very unkind speech. "i only meant that there was a singular mixture of character and playfulness in you, charles," he said; "you are as changeable as the wind--and quite as pleasant to my weary brow," he added, with a smile; "you smooth its wrinkles." "i'm very glad i do," said hoffland; "but do not again utter such unfeeling words--_i_ like a girl!" "no, i will not--pray pardon me," replied mowbray. hoffland's lip was puckered up, until it resembled a rose-leaf rumpled by the finger of a school-girl. "then there is another objection to my going out this evening, ernest," he said: "you see i return to the subject." "what objection?" "you ought to tell your sister what a fascinating young man i am, and put her upon her guard----" "charles!" cried mowbray, with a strong disposition to laugh; "you must pardon my saying that your vanity is the most amusing i have ever encountered." "is it!" asked hoffland, smiling; "but come, don't you think me fascinating?" "upon my word," said mowbray, "were i to utter the exact truth, i should say yes; for i have never yet found myself so completely conciliated by a stranger. just consider that we have not known each other a week yet----" "but four days!" laughed hoffland; "be accurate!" "well, that makes it all the stronger: we have known each other but four days, and here we are jesting with every word--'charles' here, 'ernest' there--as though we had been acquainted twenty years." "such an acquaintance might be possible for you--it is not for me," hoffland said, laughing; "but i find you very generous. you have not added the strongest evidence of my wayward familiarity--that i advised you to put your sister on her guard against my fascinations. let her take care! else shall she be a love-sick girl--the most amusing spectacle, i think, in all the world!" with which words hoffland laughed so merrily and with such a musical, ringing, contagious joy, that mowbray's feeling of pique at this unceremonious allusion to his sister passed away completely, and he could not utter a word. they passed on thus to the college, conversing about a thousand things; and mowbray saw with the greatest surprise that his companion possessed a mind of remarkable clearness and justness. his comments upon every subject were characterized by a laughing satire which played around men and things like summer lightning, and by the time they had reached lord botetourt's statue, mowbray was completely silent. he listened. chapter xii. how hoffland caught a tartar in the person of miss lucy's lover. the day was not to end as quietly as mowbray dreamed, and we shall now proceed to relate the incidents which followed this conversation. upon the smooth-shaven lawn, at various distances from each other, were stretched parties of students, who either bent their brows over volumes of greek or latin--or interchanged merry conversation, which passed around like an elastic ball--or leaning their heads upon overturned chairs, suffered to curl upward from their lazy lips white wreaths of smoke which turned to floods of gold in the red sunset, while the calm pipe-holders dreamed of that last minuet and the blue eyes shrining it in memory, then of the reel through which she darted with such joyous sparkling eyes and rosy cheeks--and so went on and dreamed and sighed, then sighed and dreamed again. we are compelled to add that the devotees of conversation and the dreamers outnumbered the delvers into greek and latin, to a really deplorable degree. it is so difficult to study out upon the grass which may has filled with flowers--so very easy to lie there and idly talk or dream! through these groups mowbray and his friend took their way, noticed only with a careless glance by the studious portion when their shadows fell upon the open volumes--not at all by the talkers--and scarcely more by the dreamers, who lazily moved their heads as smokers only can--with a silent protest, that is to say, at having their reveries disturbed, and being compelled to take such enormous trouble and exertion. as mowbray was about to ascend the steps beyond the statue, a young man came down and greeted him familiarly. mowbray turned round and said: "mr. denis, are you acquainted with mr. hoffland?" and then the new-comer and the young student courteously saluted each other, smiled politely, and shook hands. "stay till i come back, charles," said mowbray; "you and denis can chat under the tree yonder--and he will tell you whether roseland can accommodate a guest. he has staid with me more than once." with which words mowbray passed on. hoffland looked at his companion; and a single glance told him all he wished to know. jack denis--for he was scarcely known by any other name--was an open-hearted, honest, straight-forward young fellow of twenty, with light-brown hair, frank eyes, and a cordial bearing which at once put every body at their ease. still there was a latent flash in the eye which denoted an excitable temper--not seldom united, as the reader must have observed, with such a character. the young men strolled across to the tree which mowbray had indicated, and sat down on a wicker seat which was placed at its foot. "mr. mowbray said you could tell me about roseland," hoffland said, raising his dark eyes as was his habit beneath his low-drooping hat; "i am sure it is a pretty place from his description--is it not?" "oh, beautiful!" said denis warmly; "you should go and see it." "i think i will." "it is not far, and indeed is scarcely half an hour's ride from town--there to the west." "yes; and miss lucy is very pretty, is she not?" denis colored slightly, and replied: "i think so." hoffland with his quick eye discerned the slight color, and said somewhat maliciously: "you know her very well, do you not?" "why, tolerably," said denis. "i must make her acquaintance," continued hoffland, "for i am sure from mowbray's description of her she is a gem. he invited me to come this evening." "you refused?" "yes." "you should not have done so, sir: mowbray is not prodigal of such invitations." hoffland laughed. "but i had a reason," he said mischievously. "what, pray--if i may ask?" "oh, certainly, you may ask," hoffland replied, smiling; "though it may appear very vain to you--my reason." "hum!" said denis, not knowing what to think of his new acquaintance, whose quizzing manner, to use the technical word, did not please him. "i told mowbray very frankly, however, why i could not come this evening," pursued hoffland, with the air of one child teasing another; "and i think he appreciated my reason. i was afraid on miss lucy's account." "afraid!" "yes." "on lucy's account!" "on _miss_ lucy's account," said hoffland, emphasizing the "miss." "oh, well, sir," said denis, with a slight air of coldness; "i don't deny that i was wrong in so speaking of a lady, but i don't see that _you_ had the right to correct me." "why, mr. denis," said hoffland smiling, "you take my little speeches too seriously." "no, sir; and if i showed some hastiness of temper, excuse me--i believe it is my failing." "oh, really now! no apologies," said hoffland laughing; "i am not aware that you were out of temper--though that is not an unusual thing with men. and now, having settled the question of the proper manner to address or speak of miss lucy, i will go on and tell you--as you seemed interested--why i did not feel myself at liberty to accept mr. mowbray's invitation--or ernest's: i call him ernest, and he calls me charles." "you seem to be well acquainted with him," said denis. "oh, we are sworn friends!--of four days' standing." denis looked at his companion with great curiosity. "mowbray--the most reserved of men in friendship!" he muttered. "ah," replied hoffland, whose quick ear caught these words; "but i am not a common person, mr. denis. remember that." "indeed?" said denis, again betraying some coolness at his companion's satirical manner: his manner alone was satirical--the words, as we may perceive, were scarcely so. "yes," continued hoffland, "and i am an exception to all general rules--just as crichton was." "crichton?" "yes; the admirable crichton." and having uttered this conceited sentence with a delightful little toss of the head, hoffland laughed. denis merely inclined his head coldly. he was becoming more and more averse to this companion every moment. "but we were speaking of roseland, and my reasons for not accepting mowbray's invitation," pursued hoffland, smiling; "the reason may surprise you." "possibly, if you will tell me what it is," said denis. "why, it is the simplest thing in the world. i come from the mountains, you know." "no, i did not know it before, sir," replied denis. "well, such at least is the fact. now, in the mountains, you know, the girls are prettier, and the men handsomer." "i know nothing of the sort," replied denis coldly. "very well," hoffland replied; "as i have just said, such is nevertheless the fact." "indeed, sir?" "certainly. now i am a fair specimen of the mountain men." denis looked at his companion with an expression of contempt which he could not repress. hoffland did not appear to observe it, but went on in the same quizzing tone--for we can find no other word--which he had preserved from the commencement of the interview. "feeling that miss lucy had probably not seen any one like myself," he said, "i was naturally anxious that her brother should prepare her." "mr. hoffland!" "sir?" "nothing, sir!" and denis choked down his rising anger. hoffland did not observe it, but continued as coolly as ever: "you know how much curiosity the fair sex have," he said, "and my plan was for mowbray to describe me beforehand to his sister--as i know he will." "pardon me, sir," said denis coldly; "but i do not perceive your drift. doubtless it arises from my stupidity, but such is the fact, to use your favorite expression." "why, it is much plainer than any pikestaff," hoffland replied, laughing; "listen, and i will explain. mowbray will return home this evening, and after tea he will say to his sister, 'i have a new friend at college, lucy--the handsomest, brightest, most amiable and fascinating youth i ever saw.' you see he will call me a 'youth;' possibly this may excite miss lucy's curiosity, and she will ask more about me; and then mowbray will of course expatiate on my various and exalted merits, as every warm-hearted man does when he speaks of his friends. then miss lucy will imagine for herself a _beau ideal_ of grace, elegance, beauty, intelligence and wit, far more than human. she will fall in love with it--and then, when she is hopelessly entangled in this passion for the creation of her fancy, i will make my appearance. do you not understand now, sir?" denis frowned and muttered a reply which it had been well for hoffland to have heard. "i think it very plain," continued the young man; "with all those graces of mind and person which a kind providence has bestowed upon me, i still feel that i could expect nothing but defeat, contending with the ideal of a young girl's heart. oh, sir, you can't imagine how fanciful they are--believe me, women very seldom fall in love with real men: it is the image of their dreams which they sigh over and long to meet. this is all that they really love." "ah?" said denis, in a freezing tone. "yes," hoffland said; "and applying this reasoning to the present subject, you cannot fail to understand my motives for refusing mowbray's kind invitation. once in love with my shadow, lucy will not fall in love with me. to tell you the truth, i could not afford to have her----" "mr. hoffland!" "why, mr. denis--did any thing hurt you? perhaps----" "it was nothing, sir!" said denis, with a flushed face. "well, to conclude," said hoffland; "i could not accept lucy's love were she to offer it to me, and for this reason i have staid away. i am myself fettered by another object; i could not marry her were she to fall sick for love of me, and beg me on her knees to accept her hand and heart--i really could not!" denis rose as if on springs. "mr. hoffland!" he said, "you have basely insulted a young girl whom i love--the sister of my friend--the best and purest girl in the world. by heaven, sir! you shall answer this! but for your delicate appearance, sir, i would personally chastise you on the spot! but you do not escape me, sir! hold yourself in readiness to receive a challenge from me to-morrow morning, sir!" "mr. denis!" murmured hoffland, suddenly turning pale and trembling from head to foot. "refuse it, and i will publish you as a coward!" cried denis, in a towering rage; "a poltroon who has insulted a lady and refused to hold himself responsible!" with which words denis tossed away; and passing through the crowd of students, who, hearing angry voices, had risen to their feet, he entered the college. hoffland stood trembling and totally unable to reply to the questions addressed to him by the crowd. suddenly he felt a hand upon his shoulder; and raising his eyes he saw mowbray. he uttered a long sigh of relief; and drawing his hat over his eyes, apparently to conceal his paleness and agitation, took his friend's arm and dragged him away. "what in the world is all this about?" asked mowbray. "oh!" said hoffland, trying to smile, but failing lamentably, "mr. denis is going to kill me!" and mowbray felt that the hand upon his arm was trembling. chapter xiii. hoffland makes his will. when they had reached the open street, and the crowd of curious students were no longer visible, hoffland, growing gradually calmer, and with faint smiles, related to his companion what had just occurred; that is to say, in general terms--rather in substance, it must be confessed, than in detail. mr. denis and himself, he said, had at first commenced conversing in a very friendly manner, the conversation had then grown animated, and mr. denis had become somewhat excited; then, at the conclusion of one of his (hoffland's) observations, he had declared himself deeply offended, and farther, announced his intention of dispatching a mortal defiance to him on the ensuing morning. mowbray in vain endeavored to arrive at the particulars of the affair. hoffland obstinately evaded detailing the cause of the quarrel. "well, charles," said mowbray, "you are certainly unlucky--to quarrel so quickly at college; but----" "was it my fault?" replied the boy, in a reproachful tone. "i don't know; your relation is so general, you descend so little to particulars, that i have not been able to form an opinion of the amount of blame which attaches to each." "blame!" said hoffland. "oh, ernest! you are not a true friend." "why, charles?" "you do not espouse my part." mowbray uttered a sigh of dissatisfaction. "do you know," he said, "that my place is rather yonder, as the friend and adviser of denis?" "well, sir," said hoffland, in a hurt tone, "as you please." mowbray said calmly: "no, i will not embrace your advice; i will not leave you, a mere youth, alone, to go and range myself on the side of denis, though we have been intimate friends for years. he has numbers of acquaintances and friends; you could count yours upon the fingers of one hand." "on the little finger of one hand, say," hoffland replied, regaining his good humor. "well," mowbray said calmly, "then there is all the more reason for my espousing your cause--since you hint that i am the little finger." "no, i will promote you," hoffland answered, smiling; "you shall have this finger, one rank above the little finger, you see." and he held up his left hand, touching the third finger. then the boy turned away and laughed as merrily and carelessly as before the disagreeable events of the evening. mowbray looked at him with a faint smile. "youth, youth!" he murmured; "youth, so full of joy and lightness--so careless and gay-hearted! here is a man--or a child--who in twenty-four hours may be lying cold in death yonder, and he smiles and even laughs. hoffland," he added, "let us cease our discussions in relation to the origin of this unhappy affair, and endeavor to decide upon the course to be pursued. with myself the matter stands thus: i have known denis for years; he is one of my best friends; no one loves me more, i think----" "except one," said hoffland, laughing. "my dear charles," said mowbray seriously, "let us speak gravely. this affair is serious, since it involves two lives--especially serious to me, since it involves the life of a friend of many years' standing, and no less the life of one i have promised to assist, advise, and guide--yourself." "oh," said hoffland, with a hurt expression, "you call mr. denis your friend, while i--i am only 'one you have promised to advise.' ernest, that is cruel; you have not learned yet how sensitive i am!" and hoffland turned away. "really, i am dealing with a child," murmured mowbray; "let me summon all my patience." and he said aloud: "my dear hoffland, i am not one of those men who make violent protestations and feel sudden and excessive friendships. friendship, with me, is a tree of slow growth; and i even now wonder at the position you have been able to take in my regard, upon such a slight acquaintance. there is a frank word--all words between friends should be frank. there, i call you my friend--you are such: does that please you?" "oh, very much," said hoffland, smiling and banishing his sad expression instantly; "i know you are the noblest and most sincere of men." and the boy held out to his companion a small hand, which returned the pressure of mowbray's slightly, and was then quietly withdrawn. "well, now," said mowbray, "let us come back to this affair. denis will send you a challenge?" "he says so." "well; then he will keep his promise." "or course he will act as a man of honor throughout," said hoffland, laughing; "i am sure of that, because he is your friend." "pray drop these polite speeches, and let us talk plainly." "very well, ernest; but denis is a good fellow, eh?" asked hoffland, smiling. "yes." "brave?" "wholly fearless." "a good swordsman!" "very." "and with the pistol?" asked hoffland, laughing. "the best shot in college," returned mowbray, pleased in spite of himself at finding his companion so calm and smiling. hoffland placed his thumb absently upon his chin--leaned upon it, and after a moment's reflection said in a business tone: "i think i'll choose swords." "you fence?" "i? why, my dear ernest, have you never seen me with a foil in my hand?" "never." "indeed? well, i fence like the admirable crichton himself. it was some allusion to that celebrated gentleman, in connection with myself, by the by, which excited mr. denis's anger." "how, pray?" "well, well, it would embarrass me to explain. let us dismiss mr. crichton. my mind is made up--i choose short-swords, for i was always afraid of pistols." mowbray looked with curiosity at his companion. "afraid?" he said. "yes, indeed," replied hoffland; "you will not believe me, but i never could fire a pistol or a gun without shutting my eyes, and dropping it when it went off!" with which words hoffland burst into laughter. mowbray saw that it would be necessary to check the mercurial humor of his companion. he therefore suppressed the smile which rose unconsciously to his lips when hoffland laughed so merrily, and said gravely: "charles, are you prepared for a mortal duel?" "perfectly," said hoffland, with great simplicity. "have you made your will?" "my will! fie, mr. lawyer! why, i am a minor." "minors make wills," said mowbray; "and i advise you, if you are determined to encounter mr. denis, to make your will, and put in writing whatever you wish done." "but what have i to leave to any one?" said hoffland, affecting annoyance. "ah, yes!" he added, "i am richer than i supposed. well, now, this terrible affair may take place before i can make my arrangements; so i will, with your permission, make a nuncupative will--i believe _nuncupative_ is the word, but i am not sure." mowbray sighed; he found himself powerless before this incorrigible light-heartedness, and had not the resolution to check it. he began to reflect wistfully upon the future: he already saw that boyish face pale and bloody, but still smiling--that slender figure stretched upon the earth--a mere boy, dead before his prime. hoffland went on, no longer laughing, but uttering sighs, and affecting sudden and profound emotion. "this is a serious thing, ernest," he said; "when a man thinks of his will, he stops laughing. i beg therefore that you will not laugh, nor interrupt me, while i dispose of the trifling property of which i am possessed." mowbray sighed. hoffland echoed this sigh, and went on: "first: as i have no family, and may confine my bequests wholly to my present dear companions, acquaintances, and friends--first, i leave my various suits of apparel, which may be found at my lodgings, to my dear companions aforesaid; begging that they may be distributed after the following fashion. to the student who is observed to shed the most tears when he receives the intelligence of my unhappy decease, i give my suit of silver velvet, with chased gold buttons, and silk embroidery. the cocked hat and feather, rosetted shoes with diamond buckles, and the flowered satin waistcoat, go with this. also six laced pocket-handkerchiefs, which i request my dear tender-hearted friend to use on all occasions when he thinks of me, to dry his eyes with. "_item:_ my fine unit of mecklenburg silk, with silver buttons, i give to the friend who expresses in words the most poignant regret. i hold that tears are more genuine than words, for which reason the best weeper has been preferred, and so has received the velvet suit. nevertheless, the loudest lamenter is not unworthy; and so i repeat that he shall have the silk suit. if there be none who weep or lament me, i direct that these two suits shall be given to the janitor of the college, the old negro fairfax, whose duty ever thereafter shall be to praise and lament me. "second: i give my twelve other suits of various descriptions, more or less rich, to the members of the 'anti-stamp-act league,' of which i am a member. this with my love; and i request that, whenever they speak of me, they may say, 'hoffland, our lamented, deceased brother, was a man of expanded political ideas, and a true friend of liberty.' "third: i give all my swords, pistols, guns, carbines, short swords, broad swords, poniards, and spurs, to my friend mr. denis, who has had the misfortune to kill me. it is my request that he will not lament me, or feel any pangs of conscience. so far from dying with the thought that he has been unjust to me, i declare that his conduct has been worthy of the chevalier bayard; and i desire that the above implements of war may be used to exterminate even the whole world, should they give him like cause of quarrel. "fourth: i give my books to those i am most intimately acquainted with:--my elzevir horace to t. randolph--he will find translations of the best odes upon the fly leaves, much better than any he could make; my greek books, the iliad, græca minora, herodotus, etc., which are almost entirely free from dog-ears and thumb-marks, as i have never opened them, i give to l. burwell, requesting that he will thenceforth apply himself to greek in earnest. my hebrew books i give to fairfax, the janitor, as he is the only one in the college who will not pretend to understand them; thus, much deception will be warded off and prevented. "fifth: i give and bequeath to the gentleman who passed us this afternoon on horseback, and who is plainly deep in love with some one--i believe he is known as mr. jacques--i bequeath to him my large volume of love-songs in manuscript, begging him to read them for his interest and instruction, and never, under any circumstances, to copy them upon embossed paper and send them to his lady-love, pretending that they are original, as i have known many forlorn lovers to do before this. "sixth: i bequeath to miss lucy mowbray, the sister of my beloved friend, my manuscript 'essay upon the art of squeezing a lady's hand;' begging that she will read it attentively, and never suffer her hand to be squeezed in any other manner than that which i have therein pointed out. "seventh: i bequeath my 'essay upon the hebrew letter aleph' to the college of william and mary, requesting that it shall be disposed of to some scientific body in europe, for not less than twenty thousand pounds--that sum to be dedicated to the founding of a new professorship--to be called the _hoffland professorship_ for the instruction of young men going to woo their sweethearts. and the professor shall in all cases be a woman. "eighth: having disposed of my personal, i now come to add a disposition also of my invisible and more valuable property remaining. i bequeath my memory to the three young ladies to whom i am at present engaged--begging them to deal charitably with what i leave to them; and if harsh thoughts ever rise in their hearts, to remember how beautiful they are, and how utterly impossible it was for their poor friend to resist yielding to that triple surpassing loveliness. if this message is distinctly communicated to them, they will not be angry, but ever after revere and love my memory, as that of the truest and most rational of men. "ninth: i leave to my executor a lock of my hair, which he shall carry ever after in his bosom--take thence and kiss at least once every day--at the same time murmuring, 'poor charles! he loved me very much!' "tenth, and last: i bequeath my heart to mr. ernest mowbray. i mean the spiritual portion--my love. and if i should make him my executor, i hereby declare that clause ninth shall apply to him, and be carried out in full; declaring that he may utter the words therein written with a good conscience; and declaring further, that my poverty alone induces me to make him so trifling a bequest as this, in the tenth clause expressed. moreover, he had full possession of it formerly during my life-time; and, finally, i make him my executor. "that is all," said hoffland, laughing and turning away his head; "a capital will, i think!" mowbray shook his head. "i have listened to your jesting in silence, charles," he said, "because i thought it best to let your merry mood expend itself----" "i was never graver in my life!" "then you were never grave at all. now let us seriously consult about this unhappy affair. ah, duelling, duelling! how wicked, childish, illogical, despotic, bloody, and at the same time ludicrous it is! come, you have lost your key, you say--we cannot go to your lodgings: let us find a room in the 'raleigh,' and arrange this most unhappy affair. come." and, followed by hoffland, mowbray took his way sadly toward the "raleigh." chapter xiv. hostile correspondence. we regard it as a very fortunate circumstance that the manuscript record of what followed, or did not follow, the events just related, has been faithfully preserved. a simple transcription of the papers will do away with the necessity of relating the particulars in detail; and so we hasten to present the reader with the correspondence, prefacing it with the observation that the affair kept the town or city of williamsburg in a state of great suspense for two whole days. i. "mr. hoffland: "you insulted a lady in my presence yesterday evening, and i demand from you a retraction of all that you uttered. i am not skilled in writing, but you will understand me. the friend who bears this will bring your answer. i am your obed't serv't, "j. denis." ii. "mr. denis: "for you know you begin 'mr. hoffland!' as if you said, 'stand and deliver!'--i have read your note, and i am sure i shan't be able to write half as well. i am so young that, unfortunately, i have never had an _affair_, which is a great pity, for i would then know how to write beautiful long sentences that no one could possibly fail to understand. "you demand a retraction, your note says. i don't like 'demand'--it's such an ugly word, you know; and if you change the letters slightly, it makes a very bad, shocking word, such as is used by profane young men. then 'retraction' is so hard. for you know i said i was handsome: must i take back that? then i said that i could not marry the lady we quarrelled about: must i say i can? i can't tell a story, and i assure you on my honor--yes, mr. denis! on my sacred word of honor as a gentleman!--that i cannot marry lucy! "you see i can't take it back, and if you were to eat me up i couldn't say i didn't say it. "to think how angry you were! "in haste, "charles hoffland." iii. "mr. hoffland: "your note is not satisfactory at all. i did not quarrel with your opinion of yourself, and you know it. i was not foolish enough to be angry at your declaring that you were engaged to some lady already. you spoke of a lady who is my friend, and what you said was insulting. "i say again that i am not satisfied. "your obed't serv't, "j. denis." iv. "mr. denis: "stop!--i didn't say i was engaged to any lady: no misunderstanding. "yours always, "charles hoffland." v. "mr. hoffland: "i do not understand your note. you evade my request for an explanation. i think, therefore, that the shortest way will be to end the matter at once. "the friend who brings you this will make all the arrangements. "i have the honor to be, "j. denis." vi. "oh, mr. denis, to shoot me in cold blood! well, never mind! of course it's a challenge. but who in the world will be _my_ 'friend'? please advise me. you know ernest ought not to--decidedly. he likes you, and you seemed to like miss lucy, who must be a very sweet girl as she is ernest's sister. therefore, as i have no other friend but ernest, i should think we might arrange the whole affair without troubling him. i have been talking with some people, and they say i have 'the choice of weapons'--because you challenged me, you know. i would rather fight with a sword, i think, than be shot, but i think we had better have pistols. i therefore suggest pistols, and i have been reading all about fighting, and can lay down the rules. "1. the pistols shall be held by the principals with the muzzles down, not more than six inches from the right toe--pointing that way, i mean. "2. the word shall be 'fire! one, two, three!' and if either fire before 'one' or after 'three,' he shall be immediately killed. for you know it would be murder, and ours is a gentlemanly affair of honor. "3. the survivor, if he is a bachelor, shall marry the wife of the one who falls. you are a bachelor, i believe, and so am i: thus this will not be very hard, and for my part i'm very glad; i shouldn't like to marry a disconsolate widow. i think we could fight on the college green, and dr. small might have a chair placed for him under the big tree to look on from--near his door, you know. "i have the honor to be, "yours truly, "charles hoffland. vii. "mr. hoffland: "your note is very strange. you ask me to advise you whom to take as your second; and then you lay down rules which i never heard of before. i suppose a gentleman can right his grievances without having to fight first and marry afterwards. what you write is so much like joking, that i don't know what to make of it. you seem to be very young and inexperienced, sir, and you say you have no friend but mowbray. "i'm obliged to you for your delicacy about mowbray, but i cannot take it upon myself to advise any one else.--i hardly know how to write to you, for the whole thing seems a joke to you. if you were jesting in what you said, say so, sir, and we can shake hands. i don't want to take your blood for a joke, and especially as you are a stranger here. "your obed't serv't, "j. denis." viii. "joking, my dear fellow? of course i was joking! did you think i really was in earnest when i said that i was so handsome, and was engaged already, et cetera, and so forth, as one of my friends used to say? i was jesting! for on my sacred word of honor, i am not engaged to any one--and yet i could not marry lucy. i am wedded already--to my own ideas! i am not my own master--and yet i have no mistress! "but i ought not to be tiring you in this way. why didn't you ask me if i was joking at first? of course i was! i was laughing all the time and teasing you. it's enough to make me die a-laughing to think we were going to murder each other for joking. i was plaguing you! for i saw at once from what you said that you were hopelessly in----well, well! i won't tell your secrets. "yours truly, "charles hoffland." ix. "mr. hoffland: "i am very glad you were joking, and i am glad you have said so with manly courtesy--though i am at a loss to understand why you wished to 'tease' me. but i don't take offence, and am sure the whole matter was a jest. i hope you will not jest with me any more upon such a subject--i am very hasty; and my experience has told me that most men that fall in duels, are killed for this very jesting. "as to what you say about my admiring miss mowbray, it is true in some degree, and i am not offended. as far as my part goes, we are as good friends as ever. "yours truly, "j. denis." x. "dear jack: "your apology is perfectly satisfactory.--but i forgot! i made the apology myself! well, it's all the same, and i am glad we haven't killed each other--for then, you know, we would have been dead now. "come round this evening to my lodging--one corner from gloucester street, by the college, you know--and we'll empty a jolly bottle, get up a game of ombre with mowbray, and make a night of it. oh! i forgot!--my key has disappeared: i don't see it any where, and so, to my great regret, your visit must be deferred. what a pity! "we shall meet this evening, when we shall embrace each other--figuratively--and pledge everlasting friendship. "devotedly till death, "charles hoffland." thus was the great affair which agitated all williamsburg for more than forty-eight hours arranged to the perfect satisfaction of all parties: though we must except that large and influential body the quidnuncs, who, as every body knows, are never satisfied with any thing which comes to an end without a catastrophe. the correspondence, as we have seen, had been confined to the principals, and the only public announcement was to the effect that "both gentlemen were satisfied"--which we regard as a very gratifying circumstance. chapter xv. sentiments of a disappointed lover on the subject of women. hoffland had just met and made friends with jack denis--"embraced him figuratively," to use his expression; and he and mowbray were walking down gloucester street, inhaling the pleasant air of the fine morning joyously. hoffland was smiling as usual. mowbray's countenance wore its habitual expression of collected calmness--his clear eye as usual betrayed no emotion of any description. "i feel better than if i was dead," said hoffland, laughing, "and i know _you_ are glad, ernest, that i am still alive." "sincerely," said mowbray, smiling. "wasn't it a good idea of mine to carry on all the correspondence?" "yes; the result proves it in this instance. i thought that i could arrange the unhappy affair, but i believe you were right in taking it out of my hands--or rather, in never delivering it to me. well, i am delighted that it is over. i could ill spare you or denis; and god forbid that you should ever fall victims to this barbarous child's play, duelling." "ah! my dear fellow," replied hoffland, "we men must have some tribunal above the courts of law; and then you know the women dote upon a duellist. "yes, hoffland, as they dote upon an interesting monstrosity--the worse portion. women admire courage, because it is the quality they lack--i mean animal courage, the mere faculty of looking into a pistol-muzzle calmly; and their admiration is so great that they are carried away by it. they admire in the same way a gay wild fellow; they do not dislike even a 'poor fellow--ah! very dissipated!' and this arises from the fact that they admire decided 'character' of any description, more than the want of character--even when the possesser of _character_ is led into vice by it." "a great injustice!--a deep injustice!" said hoffland "i wonder how you can say so!" "i can say so because i believe it to be true--nay, i know it." "conceited!--you know women indeed!" "not even remotely; but listen. i was about to add that women admire reckless courage and excessive animal spirits. but let that courage lead a man to shed another's blood for a jest, or let that animal spirit draw a man into degrading and bestial advice--presto! they leave him!" "and they are right!" "certainly." "well, sir?" "but they are not the less wrong at first: the importance they attach to courage leads many boys and young men into murderous affrays--just as their satirical comments upon 'milky dispositions' lead thousands into vice." "oh, ernest!" "do you deny it?" "wholly." "well, that only proves to me once more that you know nothing of women." "do you think so?" said hoffland, smiling. "yes: what i have said is the tritest truth. that women admire these qualities excessively, and that men, especially young men, shape their conduct by this feminine feeling, is as true as that sunlight." "i deny it." "very well; that proves further, charles, that you have not observed and studied much." "have you?" "extensively." "and you are a great master in the wiles of women by this time, i suppose," said hoffland satirically. "no, you misunderstand me," replied mowbray, without observing the boy's smile. "i never shall pretend to understand women; but i can use my eyes, and i can read the open page before me." "the open page? what do you mean?" "i mean that the history of the modern world, the social history, has a great key-note--is a maze unless you keep constantly in view the existence of this element--women." "i should say it was: we could not well get on without them." "the middle age originated the present deification of woman," continued mowbray philosophically, "and the old knights left us the legacy. we have long ago discarded for its opposite the scriptural doctrine that the man is not of the woman, but the woman of the man; and we justify ourselves by the strange plea, 'they are so weak.'" "well, are they not?" "woman weak? poor charles! parliaments, inquisitions, secret tribunals and executioners' axes are straws compared to them. they smile, and man kneels; they weep, and his moral judgment is effaced like a shadow: he is soft clay in their hands. one caress from a girl makes a fool of a giant. have you read the history of samson?" "vile misogynist!" said hoffland, "you are really too bad!" mowbray smiled sadly. "do not understand me to say that we should return to barbarous times, and make the women labor and carry burdens, while we the men lounge in the sun and dream," he said; "not at all. all honor to the middle age! the knight raised up woman, and she made him a reproachless chevalier in return; but it did not end there. he must needs do more--he loved, and love is so strong! divine love is strongest--he must deify her." "you are a great student, forsooth!" "deny it if you can: but you cannot, charles. the central idea of the middle age--the age of chivalry--is woman. that word interprets all; it is the open sesame which throws wide the portals. without it, that whole era is a mere jumble of bewildering anomalies--events without causes--actions without motives. well, see how truly we are the descendants of those knights. to this day our social god is woman." "scoffer!" "no; what i say is more in sorrow than anger. it will impede our national and spiritual growth, for i declare to you that one hundred years hence, women in my opinion will not be satisfied with this poetic and chivalric homage: they will demand a voice in the government. they will grow bolder, and learn to regard these chivalric concessions to their purity and weakness as their natural rights. woman's rights!--that will be their watchword." "and i suppose you would say they have no rights." "oh, many. among others, the right to shape the characters and opinions of their infant children," said mowbray with a grave smile. "and no more, sir?" "far more; but this discussion is unprofitable. what i mean is simply this, charles: that the middle age has left us a national idea which is dangerous--the idea that woman should, from her very weakness, rule and direct; especially among us gentlemen who hold by the traditions of the past--who reject sir galahad, and cling to orlando and amadis--who grow mad and fall down worshipping and kissing the feet of woman--happy even to be spurned by her." "really, sir!--but your conversation is very instructive who, pray, was sir galahad?--for i have read ariosto, and know about orlando." "sir galahad is that myth of the middle age, charles, who went about searching for the holy graal--the cup which our saviour drank from in his last supper; which joseph of arimathea collected his precious blood in. you will understand that i merely repeat the monkish tradition." "well, what sort of a knight was this sir galahad; and why do you hold him up as superior to orlando and amadis?" "because he saw the true course, and loved woman as an earthly consoler, did not adore her as a god. read how he fought and suffered many things for women; see how profoundly he loved them, and smiled whenever they crossed his path; how his whole strength and every thing was woman's. was she oppressed? did brute strength band itself against her? his chivalric arm was thrown around her. was she threatened with shame, or hatred and wrong? his heart, his sword, all were hers, and he would as willingly pour out his blood for her as wander on a sunny morning over flowery fields." "well," said hoffland, "he was a true knight. have you not finished?" "by no means. with love for and readiness to protect the weak and oppressed woman--with satisfaction in her smiles, and rejoicing in the thanks she gave him--the good knight's feelings ended. he would not give her his heart and adore her--he knelt only to his god. he refused to place his arm at her disposal in all things, and so become the tool of her caprice; he would not sell himself for a caress, and hold his hands out to be fettered, when she smiled and offered him an embrace. a child before god, and led by a grand thought, he would not become a child before woman, and be directed by her idle fancies. he was the 'knight of god,' not of woman; and he grasped the prize." hoffland listened to these earnest words more thoughtfully. "well," he said, "so sir galahad is your model--not the mad worshipper of woman, orlando!" "a thousand times." "ah! we have neither now." "we have no galahads, for woman has grown stronger even than in the old days. she would not tolerate a lover who espoused her cause from duty: she wants adoring worship." "no! no!--only love!" said hoffland. "a mistake," said mowbray; "she does not wish a mere knightly respect and love--that of the real knight; she demands an amadis, to grow mad for her--to be crazed by her beauty, and kneel down and sell himself for a kiss. she wishes power, and scouts the mere chivalric smile and homage. she claims and exacts the fullest obedience, and her claim is pronounced just. she says to-day--returning to what we commenced with--she says, 'go and murder that man: he has uttered a jest;' or, 'on penalty of my pity and contempt, make yourself the slave of my caprice, and kill your friend, who has said laughing that i am not an angel.' the unhappy part of all this is," said mowbray, "that the men, especially young men, obey. and then, when the blood is poured out, the tragedy consummated; when the body which was a breathing man is taken from the bloody grass where it lies like a wounded bird, its heart-blood welling out--when it is home cold and pale before her, and the mother, sister, daughter wail and moan--then the beautiful goddess who has gotten up this little drama for her amusement, finds her false philosophy broken in her breast, her deity overthrown, her supreme resolution crushed in presence of this terrible spectacle; and she wrings her hands, and sobs and cries out at the evil she has done; but cries much louder, that the hearts of men are horrible and bloody; that their instincts are barbarous and terrible; that she alone is tender and soft-hearted and forgiving; that she would never have plunged the sword into the bosom, or sent the ball tearing its way through the heart; that man alone is horrible and cruel and depraved; that she is noble and pure-hearted, true and innocent; that woman is above this miserable humanity--great like diana of the ephesians, pure and strong and immaculate--without reproach! that is a tolerably accurate history of most duels," added mowbray coldly; "you will not deny it." hoffland made no reply. "you will not deny it because it is true," said mowbray; "it is what every man knows and feels and sees. you think it strange, then, that they act as they do, in this perfect subservience to woman, knowing what i have said is true. it is not more strange than any other ludicrous inconsequence which men are guilty of. look at me! i know that what i have said is as true as the existence of this earth; and now, what would i do? i will tell you. were i in love with a woman, i would make myself a child, and adore her, and sell my soul for her caresses; and make my brain the tool of my infatuation by yielding to her false, fatal sophistry, because that sophistry would be uttered by red lips, and would become truth in the dazzling light of her seductive smiles. do you expect me, because i know it is all a lie, to resist sighs and murmurs, and those languid glances, which women employ to gain their ends? if you wish me to resist them, give me a lump of ice instead of a heart--a freezing stream instead of a warm current in my veins--make me a thinking machine, all brain; but take care how you leave one particle of the man! that particle will fire all; for the age tells me that woman is all pure, all-knowing, all true--how can i go astray? i am not a machine--the atmosphere of that old woman-worshipping world has nourished me, because i breathe it now; and if the woman i loved madly wished a little murder enacted for the benefit of her enemies, why, i cannot, dare not say, i would not go and murder for her, thinking i was serving nothing but the cause of purity and justice." hoffland listened to these coldly uttered words with some agitation, but made no reply. they walked on for some moments in silence, and mowbray then said: "the discussion is getting too grave, charles; and i am afraid i have spoken very harshly of women--led away in the discussion of this subject. but remember that most of these unhappy affairs indirectly arise from this fatal philosophy; and i have reason to suppose that the present one, which has so nearly taken from me one or both of my dearest friends, originated indirectly in such a source. do not understand me as undervaluing the fine old chivalrous devotion to women: the hard task is for me to believe that any devotion to a good and pure woman is exaggerated. they are above us, charles, in all the finer and nobler traits, and we are responsible for this weakness in them. what wonder if they believed us when we told them that they were more than human, something angelic? their duty was to listen to us, and act by our judgment; and when we have told them now for ages that our place is at their feet, the hem of their garments for our lips, their smiles brighter than the sunshine of heaven, should we feel surprise at their acquiescing in our _dicta_, and assuming the enormous social influence which we yield to them, beg them upon our knees to take? for my part, i rejoice that man has not a power as unlimited; and if one sex must rule, spite of every thing, i am almost ready to give up to the women. they go right oftener; and if this tyranny must really exist, i know not that providence has not mercifully placed the sceptre in her hands. see where all my great philosophy ends--i can't help loving while i speak against them. the sneer upon my lips turns to a smile--my indignation to good-humor. oh, charles! charles! right or wrong, they rule us; and if we must have sexual tyranny, it is best in the hands of mothers. but rather let us have no tyranny at all: let the man take his place as lord without, the woman her sovereignty over the inner world. let her grace perfect his strength; her bosom hold his rude head and dusty brow; let her heart crown his intellect--each fill the void in each. vain thought, i am afraid; and this, i fear, is scarcely more than dreaming. let us leave the subject." and mowbray sighed; nodding, as he passed on, to a young gentleman on horseback. this was jacques. chapter xvi. advance of the enemy upon sir asinus. instead of listening further to the conversation of mowbray and hoffland, let us follow jacques, who, mounted as we have seen on a beautiful horse, is gaily passing down the street. jacques is clad as usual like a lily of the field, with something of the tulip; he hums a melancholy love song of his own composition, not having yet come into possession of hoffland's legacy; he smiles and sighs, and after some hesitation, draws rein before the domicile of our friend sir asinus, and dismounting, ascends to the apartment of that great political martyr. sir asinus was sitting in an easy chair tuning a violin; his pointed features wearing their usual expression of cynical humor, and his dress wofully negligent. he had been making a light repast upon crackers and wine, and on the floor lay a tobacco pipe with an exceedingly dirty reed stem, which jacques, with his usual bad fortune, trod upon and reduced to a bundle of splinters. "there!" cried sir asinus, "there, you have broken my pipe, you awkward cub!" "ah," sighed jacques, gazing upon the splinters with melancholy curiosity; "what you say is very just." and sitting down, he gazed round him, smiling sadly. "nothing better could be expected from you, however, you careless fop!" and giving one of the violin pegs a wrench, sir asinus snapped a string. "there!" he cried, "you bring bad fortune! whenever you come, i have the devil's own luck." jacques laughed quietly, and stretching out his elegant foot, yawned luxuriously. "you are naturally unlucky, my dear knight," he said. "hand me a glass of wine--or don't trouble yourself: the exercise of rising will do me good." and leaning over, he poured out a glass of wine and sipped it. "i was coming along, and thought i would come in," he said. "how is your excellency to-day?" "dying of weariness!" "what! even your great latin song----" "is growing dull, sir. how can a man live on solitude and latin? no girls, no frolics, no fun, no nothing, if i may use that inelegant expression," said sir asinus. "go back, then." "never!" "why not?" "do you ask? i am a martyr, sir, to my great and expanded political ideas; my religious opinions; my theory of human rights." "ah, indeed? well, they ought to appreciate the compliment you pay them, and console you in your exile." "they do, sir," said sir asinus. "delighted to hear it," sighed jacques, setting down his glass. "has doctor small called on you yet?" "no. i fervently desire that he will call. we could sing my latin song together--he would take the bass; and in three hours i should make of him a convert to my political ideas." "indeed? shall i mention that you wish to see him?" "no, i believe not," said sir asinus; "i am busy at present." "at what--yawning?" "no, you fop! i am framing a national anthem for the violin." "tune--the 'exile's return,' eh?" "base scoffer! but what news?" "a great piece." "what?" "i am too indolent to tell it." "come, jacques--i'm dying for news." "i really couldn't. you have no idea how weakly i am growing; and as it deals in battle and blood, i cannot touch upon it." "ah! that is the character of a man's friends. in the sunshine all devotion; in adversity----" "and exile----" "all hatred." "very well," said jacques, "i can afford to labor under your injustice. you are systematically unjust. but i just dropped in as i passed--and, my dear sir asinus, there is a visitor coming. i shall intrude----" "no; stay! stay!" "very well." sir asinus laid down his violin; and stretching himself, said carelessly: "i shouldn't be surprised if you had brought some dun in your train. decidedly you possess the _gettatura_--that faculty called the evil eye." the step ascended. "who is it--whose heavy step can that be?" said sir asinus, rising; "it is not randolph: it might be yours coming from belle-bouche's----" sir asinus caught sight of a large cocked hat rising from beneath, followed by a substantial person. "o heaven!" he cried, "it's doctor small! the door--the door!" "too late!" said jacques, laughing; "the doctor will find the stairs suddenly darkened if you close the door; and then he will know you are not absent, only playing him a trick!" "true! true!" cried sir asinus in despair; "where shall i go? i am lost!" "the refuge of comedy-characters is left," said jacques--"the closet!" "you will betray me!" "no, no," sighed jacques reproachfully; "bad as you are, sir asinus----" but the worthy knight had disappeared in the closet, and jacques was silent. the cocked hat, as we have said, was succeeded by a pair of shoulders; the shoulders now appeared joined to a good portly body; and lastly, the well-clad legs of worthy doctor small appeared; and passing along the passage, he entered the room. "good morning, my young friend," he said politely; "a very beautiful day." and he sat down. "exceedingly beautiful, doctor," said jacques sadly; "and i was just thinking how pleasant my ride would be. did you pass our friend going out?" "no; i was anxious to see him." "he was in the room a few minutes since," said jacques; "what a pity that you missed him." "i regret it; for this is, i think, the third time i have attempted to find him. he is a wild young man--a very wild young man," said the doctor, shaking his head. "yes, yes," sighed jacques, imitating the doctor's gesture; "i am sometimes anxious about him." and jacques sighed and touched his forehead. "here, you know, doctor." "ah?" asked the doctor, wiping his face with a silk handkerchief, and leaning on his stick. "yes, sir; he has betrayed unmistakable evidences of lunacy of late." the closet door creaked. "it's astonishing how many rats there are in this place," said jacques; "that closet seems to be their head-quarters." "indeed?" said the doctor; "but you surprise me by saying that thomas has a tendency to insanity. i thought his one of the justest and most brilliant minds in college. idle, yes, very idle, and procrastinating; but still he is no common young man." the closet murmured: there was no ground for charging the rats with this; so jacques observed that "the winds here were astonishing--they were stirring when all else was still." "i did not remark it," said the doctor, "but this----" "affair of tom's lunacy, sir?" the doctor nodded with a benevolent smile, and restored his handkerchief to the pocket of his long, heavy, flapped coat. "why, sir," said jacques, "there is a very beautiful young lady in the immediate vicinity of town, who has smiled on tom perhaps as many as three times; and would you believe it, sir, the infatuated youth thinks she is in love with him." "ah! ah!" smiled the doctor; "a mere youthful folly." "she cares not one pinch of snuff for him," said jacques, "and he believes that she is dying for him." the doctor smiled again. "oh," he said, shaking his head, "i fear your charge of lunacy will not stand upon such ground as that. 'tis a trifle." "i do not charge him with it," said jacques generously; "heaven forbid! i always endeavor to conceal it, and never allude to it in his presence. but i thought it my duty. you know, sir, there are a number of things which may be told to one's friends which should not be alluded to in their presence." "yes, yes--of this description: it would be cruel; but you are certainly mistaken." "i hope so, sir; but i consider it my duty further to inform you that i fear tom is following evil courses." "evil courses?" "yes, sir!" the door creaked terribly. "you pain me," said the doctor; "to what do you allude?" "ah, sir, it is terrible!" "how? but observe, i do not ask you to speak, sir. if it be your pleasure, very well, and i trust what i shall do will be for thomas's good. but i do not invite your information." "it is my duty to tell, sir; and i must speak." with which words jacques paused a moment, enjoying the dreadful suspense of the concealed gentleman, who seemed about to verify the proverb that listeners never hear any good of themselves. the closet groaned. "i refer to political courses," said jacques, "and i have heard tom speak repeatedly lately of going to europe." "to europe?" "yes, sir; in his yacht, armed and prepared." "prepared for what?" "that i don't know, sir; but you may judge yourself. it seems to me that the arms on board his yacht, the 'rebecca,' might very well be used to murder his most gracious majesty george iii., or the great grenville townsend, or other friends of constitutional liberty." the doctor absolutely laughed. "why, you are too suspicious," he said, "and i cannot believe thomas is so bad. he has adopted many of the new ideas, and may go great lengths; but assassination--that is too absurd. excuse my plain speaking," said the worthy doctor, rising; "and pardon my leaving you, my young friend. i have some calls to make, and especially to go and see the young gentlemen who came near fighting a duel yesterday. what a terribly wild set of youths! ah! they give me much trouble, and cause me a great deal of anxiety! well, sir, good day. i am sorry i did not see thomas; please say that i called to speak with him--he is wrong to hold out against the authorities thus. good day--good day!" and the worthy doctor, who had uttered these sentences while he was putting on his hat and grasping his stick, issued from the door and descended. jacques put on his hat and followed him--possibly from a desire to escape the thanks and blessings of sir asinus. in vain did the noble knight charge him, _sotto voce_, from the closet with perfidy and fear; jacques was not to be turned back. he issued forth and mounted his horse. sir asinus appeared at the window like an avenging demon. "oh! you villain!" he cried, first assuring himself that dr. small had disappeared; "i will revenge myself!" "ah?" said jacques, settling himself in the saddle and smiling languidly. "yes; you're afraid to remain." "no, no," remonstrated jacques. "you are, sir! i challenge you to return; you have basely maligned my character. and that duel! you have not condescended to open your mouth upon that great event of the day, knowing as you did, all the time, that circumstances render it necessary that i should remain in retirement!" "didn't i mention the duel?" sighed jacques, gathering up his reins and looking with languid interest at the martingale. "no." "ah, really--did i not?" "no. come now, jacques! tell me how it was," said sir asinus in a coaxing tone, "and i'll forgive all; for i'm dying of curiosity." "i would with pleasure," said jacques, "but unfortunately i haven't time." "time? you have lots!" "no, no--she expects me, you know." "who--not----!" "yes, belle-bouche. take care of yourself, my dear knight," said jacques with friendly interest; "good-by." and touching his horse with the spurs, he went on, pursued by the maledictions of sir asinus. he had cause. jacques had charged him with lunacy; said he designed assassinating the king; kept from him the very names of the combatants; and was going to see his sweetheart! chapter xvii. corydon goes a-courting. have you never, friendly reader, on some bright may morning, when the air is soft and warm, the sky deep azure, and the whole universe filled to the brim with that gay spirit of youth which spring infuses into this the month of flowers, as wine is squeezed from the ripe bunch of grapes into the goblet of bohemian glass, all red and blue and emerald--at such times have you never suffered the imagination to go forth, unfettered by reality, to find in the bright scenes which it creates, a world more sunny, figures more attractive than the actual universe, the real forms around you? have you never tried to fill your heart with dreams, to close your vision to the present, and to bathe your weary forehead in those golden waters flowing from the dreamland of the past? the spanish verses say the old times were the best; and we may assert truly that they are for us at least the best--for reverie. this reverie may be languid, luxurious, and lapped in down--enveloped in a perfume weighing down the very senses, and obliterating by its drowsy influence every sentiment but languid pleasure; or it may be fiery and heroic, eloquent of war and shocks, sounding of beauteous battle, and red banners bathed in slaughter. but there is something different from both of these moods--the one languid and the other fiery. there is the neutral ground of fancy properly so called: a land which we enter with closed eyes and smiling lips, a country full of fruits and flowers--fruits of that delicious flavor of the hesperides, sweet flowers odorous as the breezy blossoms which adorn the mountains. advance into that brilliant country, and you draw in life at every pore--a thousand merry figures come to meet you: maidens clad in the gay costumes of the elder time, all fluttering with ribbons, rosy cheeks and lips!--maidens who smile, and with their taper fingers point at those who follow them; gay shepherds, gallant in silk stockings and embroidered doublets, carrying their crooks wreathed round with flowers; while over all, the sun laughs gladly, and the breezes bear away the merry voices, sprinkling on the air the joyous music born of lightness and gay-heartedness. all the old manners, dead and gone with dear grandmother's youth, are fresh again; and myriads of children trip along on red-heeled shoes, and agitate the large rosettes, and glittering ribbons, and bright wreaths of flowers which deck them out like tender heralds of the spring. and with them mingle all those maidens holding picture-decorated fans with which they flirt--this is the derivation of our modern word--and the gay gallants with their never-ending compliments and smiles. and so the pageant sweeps along with music, joy, and laughter, to the undiscovered land, hidden in mist, and entered by the gateway of oblivion. you see all this in reverie, gentle reader--build your pretty old chateau to dream in, that is; and it swarms with figures--graceful and grotesque as those old high-backed carven chairs--slender and delicate as the chiselled wave which breaks in foam against the cornice. and then you wake, and find the flowers pressed in the old volume called the past, all dry--your castle only a castle of your dreams. poor castle made of cards, which a child's finger fillips down, or, like the frost palace on the window pane, faints and fails at a breath! your reverie is over: nothing bright can last, not even dreams; and so your figures are all gone, your fairy realm obliterated--nothing lives but the recollection of a shadow! the reader is requested to identify our melancholy lover jacques with the foregoing sentences; and forgive him in consideration of his unfortunate condition. lovers, as every body knows, live dream-lives; and what we have written is not an inaccurate hint of what passed through the heart of jacques as he went on beneath peach and cherry blossoms to his love. poor jacques was falling more deeply in love with every passing day. that fate which seemed to deny him incessantly an opportunity to hear belle-bouche's reply to his suit, had only inflamed his love. he uttered mournful sighs, and looked with melancholy pleasure at the thrushes who skipped nimbly through the boughs, and did their musical wooing under the great azure canopy. his arms hung down, his eyes were very dreamy, his lips were wreathed into a faint wistful smile. poor jacques! as he drew near shadynook, the sunshine seemed growing every moment brighter, and the flowers exhaled sweeter odors. the orchis, eglantine, sad crocus burned in blue and shone along the braes, to use the fine old scottish word; and over him the blossoms shook and showered, and made the whole air heavy with perfume. as he approached the gate, set in the low flowery fence, jacques sighed and smiled. daphnis was near his daphne--strephon would soon meet chloe. he tied his horse to a sublunary rack--not a thing of fairy land and moonshine as he thought--and slowly took his way, across the flower-enamelled lawn, towards the old smiling mansion. eager, longing, dreaming, jacques held out his arms and listened for her voice. he heard instead an invisible voice, which he soon, however, made out as belonging to an ethiopian lady of the bedchamber; and this voice said: "miss becca's done gone out, sir!" and jacques felt suddenly as if the sunshine all around had faded, and thick darkness followed. all the light and joy of smiling shadynook was gone--_she_ was not there! "where was she?" "she and mistiss went out for a walk, sir--down to the quarters through the grove." jacques brightened up like a fine dawn. the accident might turn to his advantage: he might see mrs. wimple safely home, then he and belle-bouche would prolong their walk; and then she would be compelled to listen to him; and then--and then--jacques had arranged the whole in his mind by the time he had reached the grove. he was going along reflecting upon the hidden significance of crooks, and flowers, and shepherdesses--for jacques was a poet, and more still, a poet in love--when a stifled laugh attracted his attention, and raising his head, he directed his dreamy glances in the direction of the sound. he saw belle-bouche!--belle-bouche sitting under a flowering cherry tree, upon the brink of a little stream which, crossed by a wide single log, purled on through sun and shadow. belle-bouche was clad, as usual, with elegant simplicity, and her fair hair resembled gold in the vagrant gleams of sunlight which stole through the boughs, drooping their odorous blossoms over her, and scattering the delicate rosy-snow leaves on the book she held. that book was a volume of scotch songs, and against the rough back the little hand of belle-bouche resembled a snow-flake. jacques caught his breath, and bowed and fell, so to speak, beside her. "you came near walking into the brook," said belle-bouche, with her languishing smile; "what, pray, were you thinking of?" "of you," sighed jacques. the little beauty blushed. "oh, then your time was thrown away," she said; "you should not busy yourself with so idle a personage." "ah!" sighed jacques, "how can i help it?" "what a lovely day!" said belle-bouche, in order to divert the conversation. "aunt and myself thought we'd come down to the quarters and see the sick. i carried mammy lucy some nice things, and aunt went on to see about some spinning, and i came here to look over this book of songs, which i have just got from london." "songs?" said jacques, with deep interest, and bending down until his lips nearly touched the little hand; "songs, eh?" "scottish songs," laughed belle-bouche; "and when you came i was reading this one, which seems to be the chronicle of a very unfortunate gentleman." with which words belle-bouche, laughing gaily, read: "now jockey was a bonny lad as e'er was born in scotland fair; but now, poor man, he's e'en gone woad, since jenny has gart him despair. "young jockey was a piper's son, and fell in love when he was young; but a' the spring that he could play was o'er the hills and far away!" and ending, belle-bouche handed the book, with a merry little glance, to jacques, who sighed profoundly. "yes, yes!" he murmured, "i believe you are right--true, it _is_ about a very unfortunate shepherd--all lovers are unfortunate. these seem to be pretty songs--very pretty." and he disconsolately turned over the leaves; then stopped and began reading. "here is one more cheerful," he said; "suppose i read it, my dear miss belle-bouche." and he read: "'twas when the sun had left the west, and starnies twinkled clearie, o, i hied to her i lo'e the best, my blithesome, winsome dearie, o. "her cherry lip, her e'e sae blue, her dimplin' cheek sae bonnie, o, an' 'boon them a' her heart sae true, hae won me mair than ony, o." "pretty, isn't it?" sighed jacques; "but here is another verse: "yestreen we met beside the birk, a-down ayont the burnie, o, an' wan'er't till the auld gray kirk a stap put to our journie, o. "ah, lassie, there it stans! quo' i----" with which words jacques shut the book, and threw upon belle-bouche a glance which made that young lady color to the roots of her hair. "i think we had better go," murmured belle-bouche, rising; "i have to fix for the ball----" "not before----!" "no, not before tuesday, i believe," said belle-bouche; "i am glad they changed it from monday." jacques drew back, sighing; but returning to the attack, said in an expiring voice: "what will my flora wear--lace and flowers?" "who is she?" said belle-bouche, putting on her light chip hat and tying the ribbon beneath her dimpled chin. poor jacques was for a moment so completely absorbed by this lovely picture, that he did not reply. "who is flora!--can you ask?" he stammered. "oh, yes!" said belle-bouche, blushing; "you mean philippa, do you not? but i can't tell you what she will wear. she has returned home. let us go back through the orchard." and belle-bouche, with that exquisite grace which characterized her, crossed the log and stood upon the opposite bank of the brook, looking coquettishly over her shoulder at the melancholy jacques, who was so absorbed in gazing after her that he had scarcely presence of mind enough to follow. "what a lovely day; a real lover's day!" he said, with a sigh, when he had joined her, and they were walking on. "delightful," said belle-bouche, smelling a violet. "and the blossoms, you know," observed jacques disconsolately. "delicious!" "to say nothing of the birds," continued jacques, sighing. "i believe the birds know the twentieth of may is coming." "why--what takes place upon the twentieth?" said belle-bouche, with a faint smile. "that is the day for lovers, and i observed a number of birds making love as i came along," sighed jacques. "i only wish they'd teach me how." belle-bouche turned away, blushing. "on the twentieth of may," continued jacques, enveloping the fascinating countenance of belle-bouche with his melancholy glance, "the old lovers in arcadia--the strephons, chloes, corydons, daphnes, and narcissuses--always made love and married on that day." "then," said belle-bouche, faintly smiling, "they did every thing very quickly." "in a great hurry, eh?" said jacques, sighing. "yes, sir." "do not call me sir, my dearest miss belle-bouche--it sounds so formal and unpoetical." "what then shall i call you?" laughed belle-bouche, with a slight tremor in her voice. "strephon, or corydon, or daphnis," said jacques; "for you are phillis, you know." belle-bouche turned the color of a peony, and said faintly: "i thought my name was chloe the other day." "yes," said the ready jacques, "but that was when my own name was corydon." "corydon?" "yes, yes," sighed jacques, "the victim of the lovely chloe's beauty in the old days of arcady." belle-bouche made no reply. "ah!" sighed jacques, "if you would only make that old tradition true--if----" "oh!" said belle-bouche, looking another way, "just listen to that mocking-bird!" "if love far greater than the love of corydon--devotion----" "i could dance a reel to it," said belle-bouche, blushing; "and we shall have some reels, i hope, at the ball. oh! i expect a great deal of pleasure." "and i," said jacques, sadly, "for i escort you." "then you have not forgotten your promise!" "forgotten!" "and you really will take charge of me?" said belle-bouche, with a delightful expression of doubt. "take charge of you?" cried jacques, overwhelmed and drowned in love; "take charge of you! oh belle-bouche! dearest belle-bouche!--you are killing me! oh! let me take charge of your life--see corydon here at your feet, the fondest, most devoted----" "becca! will you never hear me?" cried the voice of aunt wimple; "here i am toiling after you till i am out of breath--for heaven's sake, stop!" and smiling, red in the face, panting aunt wimple drew near and bowed pleasantly to jacques, who only groaned, and murmured: "one more chance gone--ah!" as for belle-bouche, she was blushing like a rose. she uttered not one word until they reached the house. then she said, turning round with a smile and a blush: "indeed, you must excuse me!" poor jacques sighed. he saw her leave him, taking away the light and joy of his existence. he slowly went away; and all the way back to town he felt as if he was not a real man on horseback, rather a dream mounted upon a cloud, and both asleep. poor jacques! chapter xviii. going to roseland. as the unfortunate lover entered williamsburg, his hands hanging down, his eyes dreamy and fixed with hostile intentness on vacancy, his shoulders drooping and swaying from side to side like those of a drunken man,--he saw pass before him, rattling and joyous, a brilliant equipage, which, like a sleigh covered with bells, seemed to leave in its wake a long jocund peal of merriment and laughter. in this vehicle, which mortals were then accustomed to call, and indeed call still, a curricle, sat two young men who were conversing; and as the melancholy jacques passed on his way, the younger student--for such he was--said, laughing, to his companion: "look, ernest, there is a man in love!" mowbray raised his head, and seeing jacques, smiled sadly and thoughtfully; then his breast moved, and a profound sigh issued from his lips: he made no reply. "why!" cried hoffland, "you have just been guilty, ernest, of a ceremony which none but a woman should perform. what a sigh!" mowbray turned away his head. "i was only thinking," he said calmly. "thinking of what?" "nothing." "i see that you think one thing," said hoffland, with a mischievous twinkle in his eye; "to wit, that i am very prying." "no; but my thoughts would not interest you, charles," said mowbray. and a sigh still more profound agitated his lips and breast. "suppose you try me," his companion said; "speaking generally, your thoughts do interest me." "well, i was thinking of a woman," said mowbray. "a woman! oh! then your time, in your own opinion at least, was thrown away." "worse," said mowbray gloomily; "worse by far." "how?" "it is useless, charles, to touch upon the subject; let it rest." "no; i wish you to tell me, if i am not intrusive, what woman you were at the moment honoring with a sigh." mowbray raised his head calmly, and yielding like all lovers to the temptation to pour into the bosom of his friend those troubled thoughts which oppressed his heart, said to his companion: "the woman we were speaking of the other day." "you have not told me her name," said hoffland. "it is useless." "why?" "because she is lost to me." "lost?" "for ever." and after this gloomy reply, mowbray looked away. hoffland placed a hand upon his arm, and said: "upon what grounds do you base your opinion that she is lost to you?" "it is not an opinion; i know it too well." "if you were mistaken?" "mistaken!" said mowbray; "mistaken! you think i am mistaken? then you know nothing of what took place at our last interview; or you did not listen rather--for if my memory does not deceive me, i told you all." "i did listen." "and you now doubt that she is lost to me?" "seriously." "charles, you are either the most inexperienced or the most desperately hopeful character that has ever been created." "i am neither," said hoffland smiling. "i am rational, and i know what i say." mowbray suppressed an impatient gesture, and said: "did i not tell you that she made me the butt for her wit and sarcasm----" "are you sure?" "yes; and more! she scoffed at me, as a mere fortune-hunter, and gave me the most ironical advice----" "you are convinced it was ironical?" "convinced? have i eyes--have i ears? truly, if i had failed to be convinced, i should have verified the scriptural saying of those who have eyes and see not--who have ears and do not hear." "are the eyes always true?" said hoffland, smiling. "no: you have not succeeded, nevertheless, in showing me that i saw wrong." "are the ears invariably just?" "for heaven's sake, cease worrying me with general propositions!" said mowbray. then, seeing that his companion was hurt by his irritated tone, he added: "forgive me, charles! i lose my equanimity upon this subject; let us dismiss it." "very well," said hoffland, smiling mischievously; "but remember what i now say, ernest, and remember well. the eyes are deceptive--the ears worse than deceptive. you truly have eyes and see not, ears and hear not! i think it highly probable that your lady-love, who is an excellent-hearted girl, i am convinced, intended merely to apply a last test; and if you have bounded like an impulsive horse under the spur, and tossed from her, the blame does not rest with her. and remember this too, ernest," hoffland went on sadly; for one of the strange peculiarities of this young man was his habit of abrupt transition from merriment to sadness, from smiles to sighs; "remember, ernest, that your determination to see her no more has probably inflicted on this young girl's heart a cruel pang: you cannot know that she is not now shedding bitter tears at the result of her trial of your feelings! oh! remember that it is not the poor and afflicted only who weep--it is the rich and joyous also; and the hottest tears are often shed by the eyes which seem made to dispense smiles alone!" mowbray listened to the earnest voice in silence. a long pause followed, neither looking at the other; then mowbray said: "you deceive yourself, charles, if you imagine that this beautiful and wealthy young girl spends a second thought upon myself. i was to her only a passing shadow--another name to add to her long list of captives. well! i gave her the sincere love of an honest heart, such a love as no woman has the right to spurn. she did spurn it. well! i am not a child to sob and moan, and go and beg her on my knees to love me--no! i love her more than ever, charles; all my boasting was mere boasting and untrue--i love her still--but that heart, and it shall not issue forth but with my life. i love her! but i will never place myself in the dust before a woman who has scorned me. silence and self-control i have, and these will sustain me." "oh, ernest! ernest!" "you seem strangely moved by my words," said mowbray; "but you should not fancy my love so fatal. it is a delirium at times, but heaven be thanked, it cannot drive me mad. now let us stop speaking of these things. when i think of that young girl, all my calmness leaves me. oh, she was so frank and true a soul, i thought!--so sincere and bold!--so lovely, and with such a strength of heart! i was deceived. well, well--it seems to be the fate of men, to find the ideal of their hearts unworthy. let us speak of it no further." and suppressing his emotion by a violent effort, mowbray added in a voice perfectly calm and collected: "there is our cottage, charles--roseland; and i see lucy waiting for us under the roses on the porch--she always looks for me, i believe." chapter xix. hoffland exerts himself to amuse the company. lucy was a young girl of nineteen or twenty, with the brightest face, the most sparkling eyes, and the merriest voice which ever adorned woman entering her prime. her laughter was contagious, and the listener must perforce laugh in unison. her face drove away gloom, as the sun does; her smile was pure merriment, routing all cares; and mowbray's sad countenance became again serene, his lips smiled. lucy bowed demurely to the boy, who held out his hand laughing. "oh! ernest and myself are sworn friends," he said; "and the fact is, miss lucy, i had serious doubts whether i should not kiss you--i love you so much--for ernest's sake!" and hoffland pursed up his lips, prepared for all things. lucy was so completely overcome by laughter at this extraordinary speech, that for a moment she remained perfectly silent, shaking with merriment. hoffland conceived the design to take advantage of this astonishment, and modestly "held up his mouth," as children say. the consequence was that miss lucy extricated her hand from his grasp, and drew back with some hauteur; whereupon hoffland assumed an expression of such mortification and childlike dissatisfaction, that mowbray, who had witnessed this strange scene, could not suppress a smile. "i might as well tell you frankly at once, lucy," he said, "that charles is the oddest person, and i think the most perfect boy, at times, i have ever known." "i a boy!" cried hoffland; "i am no such thing!--am i, lucy--_miss_ lucy, i mean, of course? i am not so young as all that, and i see nothing so strange in wanting a kiss. but i won't misbehave any more; come now, see!" and drawing himself up with a delightful expression of dignified courtesy, hoffland said, solemnly offering his arm to lucy: "shall i have the honor, miss mowbray, of escorting you into the garden for the purpose of gathering some roses to deck your queenly brow?" lucy would have refused; but overcome with laughter, and unable to resist the ludicrous solemnity of hoffland's voice and manner, she placed her finger on his arm, and they walked into the garden. roseland was a delightful little cottage, full of flowers, and redolent of spring. it fronted south, and seemed to be the favorite of the sun, which shone through its vine-embowered windows and lit up its drooping eaves, as it nowhere else did. a little passage led quite through the house, and by this passage hoffland and his fair companion entered the garden. mowbray sat down and examined some papers which he took from his pocket; then trained a flowering vine from the window-sill to a nail in the wall without, for he was very fond of flowers; then, bethinking himself that hoffland was his guest, turned to go into the garden. as he did so, he caught sight of a horseman approaching the cottage; and soon this horseman drew near enough to be recognised. it was mr. john denis, whose admiration for miss lucy mowbray our readers have possibly divined from former pages of this true history. mr. denis dismounted and entered the grounds of the cottage, sending before him a friendly smile. denis was one of those honest, worthy fellows, who are as single-minded as children, and in whose eyes all men and things are just what they seem: hypocrisy he could never understand, and it was almost as difficult for the worthy young man to comprehend irony. we have seen an exemplification of this in his affair with hoffland; and if our narrative permitted it, we might, by following him through his after life, find many more instances of the same singleness of heart and understanding. denis was very tastefully dressed, and his face was, as we have said, full of smiles. he held out his hand to mowbray with honest warmth, and they entered the cottage. the reader may imagine that denis inquired as to the whereabouts of miss lucy--his wandering glances not having fallen upon that young lady. not at all. for did ever lover introduce the subject of his lady-love? when we are young, and in love, do we go to visit dulcinea or her brother tom? is not that agreeable young gentleman the sole attraction which draws us; do we not ride a dozen miles for his sake, and has dulcinea any thing to do with the rapturous delight we experience in dreaming of the month we shall spend with tom in august? of course not; and denis did not allude in the remotest manner to lucy. on the contrary, he became the actor which love makes of the truest men, and said, with careless ease: "a lovely evening for a ride." "yes," said mowbray, driving away his sad thoughts; "why didn't you come with us, jack?" "with you?" "myself and hoffland." "hoffland!" "yes; what surprises you?" "is hoffland here?" mowbray nodded. denis looked round; and then his puzzled glance returned to the face of his friend. "i do not see him," he said. "he went into the garden just now," explained mowbray. denis would have given thousands to be able to say, "where is lucy?" it was utterly impossible, however. instead of doing so, he asked: "you came in a buggy?" "yes," said mowbray. "is hoffland agreeable--i mean a pleasant fellow?" "i think so: rather given to jesting--and i suppose this was the origin of your unhappy difficulty. most quarrels spring from jests." "true. i believe he was jesting; in fact i know it," said poor jack denis, wiping his brow and trying to plunge his glance into the depths of the garden, where lucy and hoffland were no doubt walking. "still, ernest, i could not have acted differently; and you would be the first person to agree with me, were i to tell you the subject of his jests." and denis frowned. "what was it?" said mowbray. "hoffland refused point-blank to tell me, and i am perfectly ignorant of the whole affair." denis hesitated. was it fair and honest to prejudice mowbray against the boy? but on the contrary, was not the whole affair now explained as a simple jest, and would there be harm in telling what the young student had said to provoke him? the young man hesitated, and said: "i don't know--it was a mere jest; there is no use in opening the subject again----" "ah, jack!" said mowbray, "i see that i am to live and die in ignorance, for i repeat that hoffland would not tell me. with all the carelessness of a child, he seems to possess the reserve of a politician or a woman." "a strange character, is he not?" said denis. "yes; and yet he has won upon me powerfully." "your acquaintance is very short," said poor denis, his heart sinking at the thought of having so handsome and graceful a rival as the boy. "very," returned mowbray; "but he positively took me by storm." "and you like him?" "to be sincere--exceedingly." "why?" muttered denis. "really, i can scarcely say," replied his friend; "but he is a mere boy; seems to be wholly without friends; and he has virtually yielded to me the guidance of all his affairs. this may seem an absurd reason for liking hoffland; but that is just my weak side, jack. when any one comes to me and says, 'i am weak and inexperienced, you are in a position to aid and assist me; be my friend;' how can i refuse?" "and hoffland----" "has done so? yes." "humph!" "besides this, he is a mere boy; and to speak frankly, is so affectionate and winning in his demeanor toward me, that i really have not the courage to repel his advances. strange young man! at times i know not what to think of him. he is alternately a child, a woman, and a matured man in character; but most often a child." "indeed?" said denis, whose heart sunk at every additional word uttered by mowbray; "how then did he display such willingness to fight--and i will add, such careless bravado?" "because fighting was a mere word to him," said mowbray; "i believe that he no more realized the fact that you would direct the muzzle of a pistol toward his breast, than that you would stab or poison him." denis wiped his brow. "i didn't want to fight," he said; "but i was obliged to do something." "was the provocation gross?" "pardon my question. i did not mean to return to the subject, inasmuch as some reason for withholding the particulars of the interview seems to exist in your mind." denis hesitated and muttered something to himself; then, raising his head suddenly, he added with some bitterness: "perhaps you may have your curiosity satisfied from another source, ernest. i see mr. hoffland approaching the house with miss lucy--from the garden, there. no doubt he will tell you." in fact, miss lucy and hoffland were sauntering in from the garden in high glee. lucy from time to time burst into loud and merry laughter, clapping her hands, and expressing great delight at something which hoffland was communicating; and hoffland was bending down familiarly and whispering in her ear. no sooner, however, had the promenaders caught sight of mowbray and denis looking at them, than their manner suddenly changed. hoffland drew back, and raising his head with great dignity, solemnly offered his arm to the young girl; and lucy, choking down her merriment and puckering up her lips to hide her laughter, placed her little finger on the sleeve of her cavalier. and so they approached the inmates of the cottage, with quiet and graceful dignity, like noble lord and lady; and entering, bowed ceremoniously, and sat down with badly smothered laughter. "really," said mowbray smiling, "you will permit me to say, charles, that you have a rare genius for making acquaintance suddenly: lucy and yourself seem to be excellent friends already." and he looked kindly at the boy, who smiled. "friends?" said hoffland; "we are cousins!" "cousins? indeed!" "certainly, my dear fellow," said hoffland, with a delightful ease and _bonhomie_. "i have discovered that my great-grandmother married the cousin of an uncle of cousin lucy's great-grandfather's wife's aunt; and moreover, that this aunt was the niece of my great-uncle's first wife's husband. that makes it perfectly plain--don't it, mr. denis? take care how you differ with me: cousin lucy understands it perfectly, and she has a very clear head." "thank you, sir," said lucy, laughing; "a great compliment." "not at all," said hoffland; "some women have a great deal of sense--or at least a good deal." "indeed, sir!" "yes; but it is not their failing generally. i have taken up that impression of you, cousin lucy, from our general conversation; not from your ability to comprehend so simple a genealogical table as that of our relationship." "upon my word, _i_ don't understand it," said mowbray, smiling. "is it possible, ernest? listen again, then. my great-grandfather--recollect him, now--married the uncle of a cousin--observe, the uncle of a cousin----" "what! your great-grandfather married the _uncle_ of somebody's cousin? is it possible?" "now you are laughing at me," said hoffland, pouting; "what if i did get it a little wrong? i meant that my great-grandmother married the uncle of a cousin of cousin lucy's wife's great-grandfather's aunt--who----" "lucy's wife is then involved, is she, charles?" asked mowbray; "but go on." "no, i won't!" said hoffland; "you are just trying to confuse and embarrass me. i will not tell you any more: but cousin lucy understands; don't you, miss lucy?" "quite enough to understand that we occupy a closer relationship than we seem to," said lucy, threatening to burst into laughter. hoffland gave her a warning glance; and then assuming a polite and graceful smile, asked: "pray, what were you and mr. denis talking of, my dear ernest? come, tell a fellow!" lucy turned away and covered her face, which was crimson with laughter. "we were speaking of the quarrel which we were unfortunate enough to have, sir," said poor denis coldly; "and i referred mr. mowbray to you for an account of it." "to me?" said hoffland smiling; "why not tell him yourself?" "i did not fancy it, sir." "why, in the world?" "come! come!" said mowbray smiling, and wishing to nip the new altercation in the bud; "don't let us talk any more about it. it is all ended now, and i don't care to know----" "why, there's nothing to conceal," said hoffland, laughing. denis colored. "i'll tell you in an instant," laughed the boy. lucy turned toward him; and denis looked out of the window. "we were talking of women first," continued hoffland; "a subject, cousin lucy, which we men discuss much oftener than you ladies imagine----" "indeed!" said lucy, nearly choking with laughter. "yes," continued the boy; "and after agreeing that miss theorem the mathematician was charming; miss quartz the geologist lovely; that miss affectation was very _piquante_, and mrs. youngwidow exceedingly fine-looking in her mourning; after having amicably interchanged our ideas on these topics, we came to discuss the celebrated lunar theory." "what is that?" asked lucy. "simply the question, what the moon is made of." "indeed?" "certainly. mr. denis took the common and erroneous view familiar to scientific men; i, on the contrary, supported the green-cheese view of the question; and this was the real cause of our quarrel. i am sure mr. denis and myself are the most excellent friends now," said hoffland, turning with a smile towards denis; "and we will never quarrel any more." a pause of some moments followed this ridiculous explanation; and this pause was first broken by miss lucy, who burst into the most unladylike laughter, and indeed shook from head to foot in the excess of her mirth. mowbray looked with an amazed and puzzled air at hoffland, and denis did not know what to say or how to look. lucy, after laughing uninterruptedly for nearly five minutes, suddenly remembered the indecorum of this strange exhibition; so, drying her eyes, and assuming a demure and business-like air, she took a small basket of keys, and apologizing for her departure, went to attend to supper. before leaving the room, however, she gladdened honest jack denis's heart with a sweet smile, and this smile was so perfect a balm to the wounded feelings of the worthy fellow, that his discontent and ill-humor disappeared completely, and he was almost ready to give his hand to his rival, hoffland. the same arrow had mortally wounded jacques and denis. chapter xx. at roseland, in the evening. seated on the vine-embowered porch of the cottage, with the pleasant airs of evening blowing from the flowers their rich fragrant perfume, the inmates of roseland and their guests passed the time in very pleasant converse. from time to time hoffland and miss lucy exchanged confidential smiles, and on these occasions mr. jack denis, whose love-sharpened eyes lost nothing, felt very unhappy. indeed, throughout the whole evening this gentleman displayed none of that alacrity of spirit which usually characterized him; his whole manner, conversation, and demeanor betraying unmistakable indications of jealous dissatisfaction. lucy had always been very kind and gentle to him before; and though her manner had not changed toward him, still her evident preference for the society and conversation of the student hoffland caused him a bitter pang. denis sincerely loved the bright-faced young girl, and no one who has not loved can comprehend the sinking of the heart which preference for another occasions. the last refinement of earthly torture is assuredly jealousy--and denis was beginning to suffer this torture. more than once lucy seemed to feel that she was causing her lover pain; and then she would turn away from hoffland and gladden poor denis with one of her brilliant smiles, and with some indifferent word, nothing in itself, but full of meaning from its tone. then hoffland would laugh quietly to himself, and touching the young girl's arm, call her attention, to some beauty in the waning sunset, some quiet grace of the landscape; and denis would sink again into gloom, and look at hoffland's handsome face and sigh. mowbray was reading in the little sitting-room, and from time to time interchanged words with the party through the window. perhaps _studying_ would be the proper word; for it was a profound work upon politics which ernest mowbray, with his vigorous and acute intellect, was running through--grasping its strong points, and throwing aside its fallacies. he needed occupation of mind; in study alone could he escape from the crowding thoughts which steeped his brow in its habitual shadow of melancholy. he had lost a great hope, as he had told hoffland; and a man does not see the woman whom he loves devotedly pass from him for ever without a pang. he may be able to conceal his suffering, but thenceforth he cannot be gay; human nature can only control the heart to a certain point; we may be calm, but the sunshine is all gone. thus the hours passed, with merry laughter from hoffland and lucy, and very forced smiles on the part of denis. mowbray observed his silence, and closing the volume he was reading, came out and joined the talkers. "what now?" he said, with his calm courtesy. "ah, you are speaking of the ball, lucy?" "yes, ernest; and you know you promised to take me." "did you?" asked hoffland; "i am afraid this is only a ruse on cousin lucy's part to get rid of me." "are you not ashamed, sir, to charge me with untruth?" said lucy, nearly bursting into laughter. "untruth!" cried hoffland; "did any body ever! why, 'tis the commonest thing in the world with your charming sex, miss lucy, to indulge in these little ruses. there must be a real and a conventional code of morals; and i hope you don't pretend to say, that if a lady sends word that she is gone out when a visitor calls, she is guilty of deception?" "i think she is," said lucy. "extraordinary doctrine!" cried hoffland; "and so ernest has really engaged to go with you?" "yes, sir; it was my excuse to mr. denis, who very kindly offered to be my escort." and lucy gave jack denis a little smile which elevated that gentleman into upper air. "well," said hoffland, "i suppose then i am to go and find somebody else--a forlorn young man going to find a lady to take care of him. come, miss lucy, cannot you recommend some one?" "let me see," said lucy, laughing gleefully; "what acquaintances have you?" "very few; and i would not escort any of those simpering little damsels usually seen at assemblies." "what description of damsel do you prefer?" asked lucy, smiling. "a fine, spirited, amusing young lady like yourself," said hoffland; "the merrier and more ridiculous the better." "ridiculous, indeed! well, sir," said lucy mischievously, "i think i have found the very one to suit you." "who is it, pray?" "miss philippa----" "stop!" cried hoffland. "i never could bear that name. i am determined never to court, marry, or even escort a _philippa_. dreadful name! and i hope you won't mention this miss philippa somebody again!" with which words hoffland laughed. "very well," said lucy; "suppose you come and amuse me at the ball--going thither alone?" "oh! myself and mr. denis will certainly pay our respects to you, miss lucy. but do not expect me until about twelve." lucy smiled, and said: "do you think the ball will be handsome, ernest?" "i think so." "well, now, i am going to enslave all hearts. i shall wear my pink satin." "ah!" laughed mowbray; "that is very interesting to myself and these gentlemen." "well, sir," said lucy, pretending to be angry, "just as you please; but you are a very unfeeling brother. isn't he, mr. hoffland?" "a most unreasonable person, and a disgrace to our sex," said hoffland. "to tell a young lady that the manner in which she proposes appearing at a ball is uninteresting, sounds like ernest." mowbray smiled; the pleasant banter of the boy pleased him, and diverted his thoughts. "but ernest is not such a perfect ogre, mr. hoffland," said lucy; "are you, ernest? he is very kind, and is going to spend all day to-morrow with me." mowbray shook his head. "now, brother!" said lucy; "you know you can." mowbray hesitated. "won't you?" "well, yes, lucy," said mowbray, smiling; "i can refuse you nothing." "good!" cried hoffland, with the sonorous voice of a man-at-arms; "when ladies once determine to have their own way, it is nearly impossible to stop them; is it not, mr. denis?" "i will answer for mr. denis, and repel your assault, sir," said lucy, smiling; "i think that there is nothing very wrong in what i ask, and why then should i not have my way?" "excellent!" cried hoffland, with a well-satisfied expression, and a glance of intelligence directed toward lucy. "i believe that we men may study all our lives and break our heads with logic before we can approach the acuteness of one of these ladies. study is nothing compared with natural instinct and genius!" denis rose with a sigh. "you remind me, mr. hoffland," he said, "that i have a long chapter in blackstone to study; and it is already late." "and i also have my studies," said hoffland; "i think i will return with you, mr. denis." "you came to stay, charles! you shall both stay," said mowbray, "and i will give you blackstone's----" "no, really, ernest," said hoffland, with a business air which made lucy laugh. "and indeed i must return," said denis, sighing. "ah, gentlemen, gentlemen!" said mowbray, "you pay a fashionable call. why, charles, you absolutely promised to stay." "yes, but i have changed my mind," said the boy, looking toward lucy; "and if mr. denis will ride with me in your curricle, or whatever it is, you might ride his horse in, in the morning. "very well," said mowbray. "willingly," said denis. "then it is all arranged; and i return. don't press me, ernest, my good fellow. when duty calls, every man must be at his post. i can't stay." and hoffland laughed. in fifteen minutes the vehicle was brought round, and the two young men rose. denis bowed with some constraint to lucy; but she would not see this expression, and holding out her hand bade him good-bye with a smile which lighted his path all the way back to town. hoffland shook hands with lucy too; and a laughing glance of free masonry passed between them. then, entering the vehicle, the two young men set forth toward williamsburg, over which a beautiful moon was rising like a crimson cart-wheel. ernest mowbray stood for a moment on the porch of the cottage following the receding vehicle with his eyes. at last it disappeared--the sound of the wheels was no longer heard, and mowbray entered the cottage. "strange!" he murmured, "that memory still haunts me. what folly!" and pressing his lips to lucy's forehead, he retired to his study. chapter xxi. disgraceful conduct of sir asinus. mowbray was an early riser; and the morning had not long looked upon the fresh fields, when he was on his way to williamsburg. with a hopeful spirit, which banished peremptorily all those gloomy thoughts which were accustomed to harass him, he pressed on to commence his day of toil at the college. as he entered williamsburg, he came very near being overturned by a gentleman who was leaving that metropolitan city, at full gallop. "hey!" cried this gentleman, reining up; "why, good day, mowbray!" and sir asinus made a bow of grotesque respect. "whither away, my dear fellow--to that den of iniquity, the grammar school, eh?" "yes," said mowbray, smiling; "and you?" "i go to other fields and pastures new--to those hesperian gardens famed of old, and so forth. come with me!" "no, thank you. i suppose you are going to see a lady?" "precisely; and now do you still refuse?" "yes." "you are an ungallant book-worm, a misogynist--and that is the next thing to a conspirator. leave your books, and come and taste of sylvan joys." "where are you going?" "to see dulcinea." "who is she?" "her other name is amaryllis." "well, sing to her," said mowbray; "for my part, i am going to visit plato, justinian, blackstone, whose lectures are better than virgil's heroics, and coke, who is more learned, if not more agreeable, than any hesperians. farewell." and mowbray saluted sir asinus with a smile, and rode on. the knight returned his salute, and continued his way in the opposite direction. now, as our history concerns itself rather with amaryllis than plato or coke, we shall permit mowbray to go on, and retracing our steps, follow sir asinus to his destination. sir asinus on this morning is magnificent, and finds the air very pleasant after his long imprisonment. he inhales it joyously, and in thought, nay, often in words, invokes confusion on the heads of proctors. he is in full enjoyment of those three great rights for which he has sacrificed so much--namely, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. he is joyous, for he has stolen a march upon the watchful guardians of the college; he revels in the sentiment of freedom; and believes himself in pursuit of that will o' the wisp called happiness. he sings, as he goes onward on his hard-trotting courser, the words of that song which we have heard him sing before: "hez! sire asne! car chantez belle bouche rechignez;" and is not mortified when a donkey in the neighboring meadow brays responsively. he bends his steps toward shadynook, where he arrives as the matutinal meal is smoking on the board; and this sir asinus partakes of with noble simplicity. one would have imagined himself in presence of socrates dining upon herbs, instead of sir asinus comforting his inner man with ham and muffins. after breakfast, aunt wimple, that excellent old lady whose life was completely filled by a round of domestic duties, banished her visitor to the sitting-room. to make his exile more tolerable, however, she gave him belle-bouche for a companion. belle-bouche had never looked more beautiful, and the tender simplicity of her languishing eyes almost made the poetical sir asinus imagine himself in love. he found himself endeavoring to recollect whether he had not been induced to pay this visit by the expectation of beholding her; but with that rigid truth which ever characterized the operations of his great intellect, was compelled to come to the conclusion that the motive causes of his visit were the hope of a good breakfast, and a morning lounge in country quarters, unalarmed by the apprehension of invading deans and proctors. in a word, our friend sir asinus had coveted a cool morning at pleasant shadynook, in company with belle-bouche or a novel; and this had spurred him to such extraordinary haste, not to mention the early rising. "ah!" said belle-bouche, as she sat down upon a sofa in the cool pleasant apartment, whose open windows permitted the odors of a thousand flowers to weigh the air down with their fragrance, "what a lovely morning! it is almost wrong to remain in the house." "let us go forth then, my dear madam belle-bouche," said sir asinus. "i see you retain that funny name for me," said the young girl with a smile. "yes: it is beautiful, as all about shadynook is--the garden most of all--yourself excepted of course, madam." "it was very adroitly done, that turn of the sentence," belle-bouche replied, smiling again pleasantly. "let us go into the garden, as you admire it so much." and she rose. sir asinus hastened to offer his arm, and they entered the beautiful garden, alive with flowers. sir asinus uttered a number of beautiful sentiments on the subject of flowers and foliage, which we regret our inability to report. after spending an hour or more among the trees, they returned to the house. just as they entered, a gentleman was visible at the gate--evidently a visitor. this gentleman had dismounted, and as he stood behind his horse arranging the martingale, he was for the moment unrecognisable. "will you permit me to remain in the garden, my dear miss belle-bouche, until your visitor has departed?" said sir asinus. "i find myself suddenly smitten with a love of nature--and i would trouble you not to mention the fact of my presence. it will be useless." "certainly i will not, sir," said belle-bouche. and sir asinus, seeing the gentleman move, precipitately entered the garden, where he ignominiously concealed himself--having snatched up a volume of poems to console him in his retirement. the visitor was jacques. he entered with his soft melancholy smile, and approaching belle-bouche, pressed her hand to his lips. "i am glad to see you so bright," he said; "but you always look blooming." and he sat down and gazed around sadly. perhaps jacques had never before so closely resembled a tulip. his coat was red, his waistcoat scarlet, his lace yellow, his stockings white; his shoes, lastly, were adorned with huge rosettes, and his wig was a perfect snow-storm of powder. belle-bouche casts down her eyes, and a roseate bloom diffuses itself over her tender cheek. jacques arrays his forces, and gracefully smooths his mechlin lace cravat. outwardly he is calm. belle-bouche raises her eyes, and gently flirts her fan, covered with shepherds and shepherdesses in silks and satins, who tend imaginary sheep by sky-blue waters, against deeply emerald trees. jacques sighs, remembering his discourse on crooks, and belle-bouche smiles. he gathers courage then, and says: "i think i have never seen a more beautiful morning." "yes," says belle-bouche in her soft tender voice, "i have been out to take my customary walk before breakfast." "an excellent habit. the fields are the true abodes of the graces and muses; all is so fresh." belle-bouche smiles at this graceful and classic compliment; but strange to say, does not feel disposed to criticise it. jacques has never seemed to her so intellectual a man, so true a gentleman as at this moment. the reason is that belle-bouche has caught a portion of her visitor's disease--a paraphrase which we are compelled to make use of, from the well-known fact that damsels are never what is vulgarly called "in love," until the momentous question has been asked; after which, as we all know, this sentiment floods their tender hearts with a sudden rush, as of unloosed waters. jacques sees the impression he has made, and in his secret heart is flushed with anticipated conquest. he smooths his frill, and gently arranges a drop curl. "love, i think, should inhabit the green fields," he says with melancholy grace; "for love, dearest miss belle-bouche, is the essence of freshness and delight." "the--fields?" says belle-bouche, thoughtfully gazing upon her fan. "yes; and the shepherd's life is certainly the happiest. ah! to love and be loved under the skies--in arcady! but arcady is everywhere when the true heart is near. to love and be loved!" says jacques with a sad sigh; "to know there is one near you whose whole heart is yours--whose bosom would willingly support the weary head; to have a heart to bring all your sorrows to; to feel that the sky was brighter, and all the stars more friendly and serene, if she were by you; to love and love, and never change, and live a life of happy dreams, however active it might be, when the dear image swept across the horizon! to give the heart and mind out in a sigh, and seal the vow of faith and truth upon loving lips! in a word--one word speaks it all--to love! yes, yes! to love! to feel the horizon expand around you till it seems to embrace every thing; to love innocently, purely, under the holy heavens; to love till the dying hour, and then, clasped in a pure embrace, to go away together to another world!--only to love!" and jacques raises his eyes to the blushing face of belle-bouche. "is it not fair to think of?" he says sadly. she tries to smile, and can only murmur, "yes." "i fear it is but a dream," says jacques. she does not reply: she wishes a moment to collect her thoughts and regain her calmness. "a dream," he continues, "which many poor fellows dream, and live in, and make a reality of--alas! never to be realized." "perhaps the world has changed since the old arcadian days," murmurs belle-bouche, gazing down with rosy cheeks, and a bad attempt at ease. "you know the earth has become different." "yes, yes," sighs jacques; "i very much fear all this is folly." "who knows but----" she pauses. jacques raises his eyes, and their glances meet. she stops abruptly, and looks away. it is not affectation in her. that deep blush is wholly irrepressible. jacques seizes her hand, and says: "give me the assurance that such things can be! tell me that this dream could be realized!" she turns away. "tell me!" he continues, bending toward her, "tell me, if _i_ were to love any one thus--say it were yourself--tell me, beautiful belle-bouche! could i hope----" "oh, sir! i cannot now----" "belle-bouche! dearest belle-bouche!--my picture was a reality--i love as i have painted--and upon my knees----" "----car chantez, belle bouche rechignez," sang the voice of sir asinus, entering from the garden; and our unfortunate friend jacques had just time to drop belle-bouche's hand, when sir asinus entered. "you're a pretty fellow!" said that worthy, "to frighten me, and make me believe you were the--well; let us keep up appearances before the ladies. how goes it, my dear jacques?" jacques does not answer; he feels an unchristian desire to exterminate his friend sir asinus from the face of the earth--to blot that gentleman forcibly from the sum of things. actuated by these friendly feelings, he gives the knight a look which nearly takes his breath away. "why, what is the matter?" says sir asinus. jacques sees the false position which he occupies, and groans. "why, dear jacques, you distress me," says sir asinus with great warmth; "did i tread upon your toes?" jacques might very justly reply in the affirmative, but he only turns away muttering disconsolately, "one more chance!" "i thought you were the proctor," says sir asinus pleasantly. "did you? i am going back soon, and will send him," replies jacques with sad courtesy. "no! don't trouble yourself!" cries sir asinus; "it is not necessary." "it is no trouble," says jacques; "but as you are probably about to return to town yourself, i will not send him." "to town? indeed, i am about to do no such thing. it is not every day that one gets a taste of the country." "you stay?" "yes." jacques groans, and imprecates--sleep to descend upon his friend. he sits down wofully. sir asinus scenting the joke, and determined to revenge himself, does the same joyfully. jacques sighs, sir asinus laughs. jacques directs an olympian frown at his opponent, but sir asinus answers it with smiles. belle-bouche all this time has been endeavoring to produce the impression that she is looking over a book of engravings--being interested in heidelberg, and fascinated with the alhambra. from time to time her timid glance steals toward jacques, who is sighing, or toward sir asinus, who is laughing. sir asinus glories in his revenge. jacques refused to tell him the news, and maligned his character to the doctor, and forced him to listen in silence to that abuse. he takes his promised revenge--for he understands very well what he interrupted. jacques stays all the morning, hoping that sir asinus will depart; but that gentleman betrays no intention of vacating the premises. finally, in a paroxysm of internal rage, and a perfect outward calmness, the graceful jacques retires--with a last look for belle-bouche. one thought consoles him. he will escort her to the ball, and on his return in his two-seated curriculum defy the interruption of all the asinuses that ever lived. poor jacques! as he goes sadly back, the cloud rising upon the dream is more asleep than ever. chapter xxii. how hoffland preferred a glove to a dozen pistoles. one of the most beautiful walks in the neighborhood of williamsburg was known to the fair dames and gallant cavaliers of that epoch as the "indian camp." to this spot, on the morning of the day fixed for the ball at the _raleigh_, did mowbray and the young student hoffland direct their steps, conversing pleasantly, and glad of the occasion to enjoy the fresh beauties of nature, which presented so agreeable a contrast to the domains of study at the good college of william and mary. let it not, however, be imagined that the boy hoffland was in the habit, as panurge said, of "breaking his head with study." not at all. the remissness of that young gentleman in his attendance upon the lectures of the professors, had become by this time almost a proverb. indeed, his attendance was the exception--his absence the rule. buried in his quarters, in the neighborhood of gloucester street, he seemed to exist in a pleasant disregard of all the rules and regulations of the college; and when the professors attempted to reason with him--which, was seldom, inasmuch as they scarcely ever saw him--he would acknowledge his sins very readily, and as readily promise amendment; and then, after the well-known fashion of sinners, return to his evil courses, and become more remiss than ever. mowbray would often remonstrate with him on this neglect of his studies; but hoffland always turned aside his advice with some amusing speech, or humorous banter. when the elder student said, "now, charles, as your friend i counsel you not to throw away your time and dissipate your mind;" to this hoffland would reply, "yes, you are right, ernest; the morning, as you say, is lovely." or when mowbray would say, "charles, you are incorrigible;" "yes," hoffland would reply, with his winning smile, "i knew how much you liked me." on the fine morning to which we have now arrived, the conversation of the friends took exactly this direction. hoffland for two or three days had obstinately kept away from the college, and "non est inventus" was the substance of the proctor's return when he was sent to drum up the absent student. "indeed, charles," said mowbray, with his calm sadness, "you should not thus allow your time to be absorbed in indolent lounging. a man has his career in the world to run, and college is the threshold. if you enter the world ignorant and awkward--and the greatest genius is awkward if ignorant--you will find the mere fops of the day pass you in the course. they may be superficial, shallow, but they have cultivated their natural gifts, while you have not done so. they enter gracefully, and succeed; you will enter awkwardly, and fail." "a fine mentor you are!" replied hoffland; "and i ought to be duly grateful for your excellent advice." "it is that of a friend." "i know it." "a very true friend." "yes," hoffland said, "i am convinced that your friendship for me is very true. strange you should like me so!" "i think not: you are by yourself here, and i am naturally attracted always by inexperience. i find great freshness of thought and feeling in you, charles----" "do you?" "and more still," said mowbray, smiling sadly; "i think you love me." "indeed?" said hoffland, turning away his face. "yes; you gravitated toward me; but i equally to yourself. and now i think you begin to have a sincere affection for me." "_begin_, indeed!" mowbray smiled. "i am glad you liked me from the first then," he said. "i am sure i cannot explain my sudden liking for yourself." "but i can," said hoffland, laughing; "we were congenial, my dear fellow--chips of the same block--companions of similar tastes. you liked what was graceful and elegant, which, of course you found in me. i have always experienced a passionate longing for truth and nobility; and this, ernest, i find in you!" hoffland's tone had lost all its banter as he uttered these words; and if mowbray had seen the look which the boy timidly cast upon his pale countenance, he would have started. but hoffland regained his lightness almost immediately; his earnestness passed away, and he was the same light-hearted boy. "look!" he cried, "that oriole is going to die for joy as he swings among the cherry blossoms! how green the grass is--what a lovely landscape!" and hoffland gazed rapturously at the green fields, and blossom-covered trees, and the distant river flowing on in gladness to the sea, with the kindling eye of a true poet. "and here is the 'indian camp!'" he cried; "grassy, antique, and romantic!" "let us sit down," said mowbray. and seating himself upon a moss-covered stone, he leaned his head upon his hand and pondered. "now, i'll lay a wager you are thinking about me!" cried hoffland; "perhaps you still revolve in your mind my various delinquencies." "no," said mowbray. "i know i am very bad--very remiss. i ought to have been at college this morning, but i was not able to come." "why, charles?" said mowbray, raising his head. "i was busy." "indeed!" "yes, reading." "ah! not studying?" "no; unless shakspeare is study." "it is a very hard study, but not the sort which i would have you apply yourself to. what were you reading?" "'as you like it,'" said hoffland; "and i was really charmed with the fair rosalind." "yes," said mowbray indifferently; "a wonderful character, such as shakspeare only could draw." "and as good as she was wild--as maidenly as she was pure." mowbray shook his head. "that foray she made into the woods _en cavalier_ was a very doubtful thing," he said. "why, pray?" hoffland asked, pouting. "i should like to know what there was wrong in it." mowbray smiled, but made no reply. "answer me," said hoffland. "that is easy. do you think it wholly proper, perfectly maidenly, for a woman to assume the garb of our sex?" "certainly; why not, sir?" mowbray smiled again. "i fear any argument would only fortify you in your convictions, as our rebel student says," he replied. "true, rosalind was the victim of circumstances, but her example is one of an exceedingly doubtful nature, or rather it is not at all doubtful." "pray, how?" "really, charles, you make me give a reason for every thing. well then, i think that it is indelicate in women to leave their proper sphere and descend to the level of men, and this any woman must do in assuming the masculine garb. if i am not mistaken, the common law bears me out, and inflicts a penalty upon such deviations from established usage. none but an inexperienced youth like yourself would uphold rosalind." hoffland colored, and said with bitter abruptness: "i believe you despise me, sir!" "despise you! why?" said the astonished mowbray. "because--because--you call me an inexperienced youth; and--and--ernest, it is not friendly in you!--no, it is not!--it is unjust--to treat me so!" and hoffland turned away like a child who is about to "have a cry." mowbray looked at the averted face for a moment, and saw two large tears clinging to the long dusky lashes. he experienced a strange sensation in the presence of this boy which he could not explain; it was half pity for his nervous weakness of temperament, half regret at having uttered he knew not what, to move him. "well, well, charles," he said, "yours is a strange character, and i never know how to shape my discourse in your presence. you fly off at every thing, and i believe you are really shedding tears----" "no, no," said hoffland, hastily brushing away the pearly drops; "don't look at me." "i was wrong." hoffland sobbed. "forgive me, charles--i will endeavor in future to avoid these occasions of dispute; forgive my harshness." "you are forgiven," murmured hoffland; and his sad face became again cheerful. "i am not a very pleasant companion, i know," said mowbray, smiling; "my own thoughts oppress me; but if i cannot be merry with you, i may at least forbear to wound your feelings." "my feelings are not wounded, ernest," hoffland said, with a bright glance which shone like the sun after an april shower; "i only--only--thought you were not right in abusing rosalind; and--and calling me 'an inexperienced youth!' i am not an inexperienced youth," he laughed; "but let us dismiss the subject. what oppresses you, ernest? i can't bear to see you sad." "my thoughts," said mowbray. "that is too general." "it is useless to particularize." and mowbray's head drooped. as the pleasant may breeze raised the locks of his dark hair, his face looked very pale and sad. "the subject of our discourse in the fields some days since?" asked hoffland in a low tone. "yes," said mowbray calmly. a long silence followed this reply. then hoffland said: "why should that still annoy you? men should be strong." "yes, yes." "and yet you are weak." "in my heart, very weak." "you love her still?" "yes, yes; deeply, passionately, far more than ever!" said mowbray, unable to repress this outburst. hoffland seemed to be frightened by the vehemence of his companion, for he turned away his head, and colored to the temples. "can you not conquer your feelings?" he said at length. "no." "make the attempt." "i have made it." "why not go and see her again then? you will lose nothing." "go and see her? what! after being repelled with so much insult and coldness!--after being charged with base and mercenary motives!--after having my heart struck by a cruel and unfeeling accusation--my pride humbled by a misconception as humiliating as it was unjust! never, charles! my heart may break--i may feel through life the bitterness of the fate which separates us for ever--i may groan and rebel and struggle with my heart--but never again will i address one syllable to that proud girl, who has trampled on me, as she would upon a worm, and told me how degraded a being i was in her eyes--no, never!" and pale, his forehead bathed with perspiration, his frame agitated, his eyes full of fire and regret, mowbray turned away his head and rose. hoffland was silent, and yet the deep color in his cheeks betrayed the impression which his companion's passionate words had made upon him. in a few moments mowbray had regained his calmness. "pardon me, charles, for annoying you with these things," he said, with a last tremor in his voice; "but your question prompted me to speak. let us not return to this subject; it afflicts me to speak of it, and there is no good reason why i should revive my sufferings. let us go back, and endeavor in the pleasant sunshine to find some balm for all our grief. i do not despair of conquering my passion, for all things are possible to human energy--this far at least. come, let us return." calmly buttoning his coat, mowbray took charles's arm, and they bent their way back to town. as for hoffland, he seemed overcome by the vehemence of his companion, and for some time was completely silent. he seemed to be thinking. as they approached the town, however, his spirits seemed to regain their customary cheerfulness, and he smiled. "well, well, ernest," he said, "perhaps your grief may be cured in some other way than by strangulation. let us not speak further of it, but admire the beautiful day. is it not sweet?" "very," said mowbray calmly. "it is getting warm." "yes, charles; summer is not far distant." "summer! i always liked the summer; but we have not then those beautiful blossoms--look how they cluster on the boughs, and what a sweet perfume!" "very sweet." "then another drawback of summer is its dust. i hate dust; and it is already beginning to invade my hands." "wear gloves then, charles," said mowbray, smiling at the boyish _naïveté_ of his companion's tone. "i'd like to know how i can, without the money to buy them," said hoffland; "you are very unreasonable, mr. mowbray!" mowbray smiled. "have you none?" he said. "not a penny--at the moment. my supplies have not reached my new address." and hoffland laughed. "let me lend you some. how much will you have? we are friends, you know, charles, and you can have no feelings of delicacy in borrowing from me. see," said mowbray, taking out his purse, "i have a plenty of pistoles. take a dozen." "and how many will you have left?" "let me see--there are thirteen. i shall still have enough. there are twelve, charles." and he counted them out, leaving the single coin in his purse. hoffland, however, drew back, and obstinately closed his hands. "you ought to be ashamed to tempt an inexperienced youth to go in debt," he said; "that is your fine guardianship, mr. mowbray." "come, charles; this is folly. you do not become my debtor; i do not want the money. take it, and repay it when your own comes." "no, i will not. but still i want a pair of gloves. do me a greater favor still, ernest. give me those pretty fringed gloves you wear, and which are plainly too small for your huge hands. i know miss lucy gave them to you, for she said as much the other day--i asked her!--and now i want them. don't refuse me, ernest; my hand is much smaller and handsomer than yours, and they will just fit me." mowbray took off the gloves, asking himself, with a sad smile, what charm this boy exercised over him. "there they are then, charles," he said; "i can refuse you nothing." "suppose i asked for the hand as well as the gloves?" "the hand? perfectly at your service," said mowbray, holding out his hand; "i can only give it to you in a friendly spirit, however, and there it is." "no," said hoffland, drawing back; "i will not accept it upon those terms--but i have the gloves. thank you, ernest. perhaps some day i may ask you to accept a present from me; or at least i promise not to refuse you if you ask what i have this moment refused." and laughing heartily, hoffland cried: "just look at those flowers! and there is the great city of williamsburg! we pass from indian camps to learned halls--from barbarism to civilization. come! let us get into gloucester street--that promenade of elegance and fashion! come on, ernest!" and they entered the town. chapter xxiii. how sir asinus fished for swallows, and what he caught. gloucester street was alive with a motley crowd of every description, from the elegant dame who drove by in her fine four-horse chariot with its outriders, to the most obscure denizen of the surrounding old field, come on this particular day to williamsburg, in view of the great ball to be held at the _raleigh_ tavern. mowbray and hoffland gazed philosophically upon the moving crowd, but threaded their way onward, without much comment. hoffland was anxious to reach his lodging, it seemed; the culminating sun had already made his face rosy with its warm radiance, and he held a white handkerchief before his eyes to protect them. "it is growing very warm," he said; "really, ernest, i think your present will come into active use before the summer." "my gloves?" "no, mine." "ah, well, charles," continued ernest, "we ought to rejoice in the warmth, inasmuch as it is better for the poor than cold--the winter. let us not complain." "i do not; but i see precious few poor about now: they all seem to be rejoicing, without needing any assistance therein from us. look at that fine chariot." "at madam finette's door?" "yes." "i think i recognise the driver--tom, from mrs. wimple's," said mowbray calmly. "mrs. wimple--who is she?" "a lady, at whose house i suffered one of my cruellest disappointments," said mowbray with a shadowed brow; "let us not speak of that!" "of what?" "you do not understand?" "i? of course not." "it was there that i was told, by the woman i loved, how despicable i was," said mowbray with a cruel tremor of his pale lip. "oh--yes--pardon me," hoffland said; and turning aside his head, he murmured, "men--men! how blind you are! yes, high-gravel blind!" and looking again at mowbray, hoffland perceived that his face had become calm again. "i promised lucy to bring home some little articles from this place," he said calmly; "go in with me a moment, charles." hoffland drew back. "no," he said; "i believe--i have--i think i'd rather not." "i will detain you but a moment." hoffland's glance plunged itself into the interior of madam finette's emporium; and the consequence was that the young gentleman retreated three steps. "i don't think i have time," he said laughing; "but i'll wait for you here: the sun is warm, but i can easily protect my face by holding my handkerchief to it." and taking up his position in the vestibule, so to speak, of the shop, hoffland placed himself as much out of view as possible, and waited. spite of the fact that the sun's rays did not penetrate to the spot which he occupied, the white handkerchief was still used as a shade. mowbray entered and approached madam finette. but that lady was busy; her counter was covered with magnificent silks, ribbons, velvets and laces, which she was unrolling, folding up, drawing out, and chattering about, as fast as her small hands and agile tongue would permit. before her stood a lady, who, accompanied by her cavalier, was engaged in the momentous task of making up her mind what colors of velvet and satin ribbon she should select. the lady was young and smiling--cheerful and graceful. when she laughed, the musical chime of the timepiece overhead was drowned, and died away; when she smiled, the sunlight seemed to have darted one of its brightest beams into the shop. the gentleman was elegant and melancholy: he looked like endymion on latmos trying to recall his dream, or like narcissus fading into shadow. his costume resembled a variegated dutch tulip; his hair was powdered to excess; he sighed and whispered sadly, and looked at the lady. the lady was called belle-bouche, belinda, or rebecca. the gentleman was familiarly known as jacques. "i think that would suit you," sighed jacques. "this ribbon?" asked belle-bouche, with a gay smile. "yes; it is yours by right. it is the prettiest of all." "i am glad you like it--i do." "it would suit the mythologic maia." "then it will not me." "yes, yes," sighed jacques, in a whisper; "you are may incarnate--with its tender grace, and lovely freshness, and arcadian beauty." belle-bouche smiled, and yet did not laugh at the oft repeated arcadian simile. "methinks," said jacques, with a species of melancholy grace, "these ribbons would suit your costume at the arcadian festival, which you have honored me with the management of----" "at shadynook? oh, yes! would they now?" "i think so, madam. imagine the crooks wreathed with these ribbons and with flowers--the shepherds would go mad with delight." "then i will get a large roll of this." "no, no--that is my affair; but you must wear something else." "i? what, pray?" "pink: it is the color of youth, and joy, and love--worn by the graces and the naiads, oreads and dryads;--the color of the sea-shell, and the autumn leaves and flowers--something like it at least," jacques added, finding himself mounting into the realms of imagination. belle-bouche blushed slightly, and turned away. her eyes fell upon mowbray, who bowed. "oh, sir, i am very glad to see you," said the cheerful young girl, holding out her hand; "you must come to our party at shadynook." "madam, i am afraid--" commenced mowbray, with a bow. but belle-bouche interrupted him: "no! i really will take no refusal! it will be on thursday, and aunt wimple wishes you to come. i am manageress, and i have masculine assistance to compel all invited to be with us." with which words she glanced at jacques, who saluted mowbray with a sad smile. "and you must bring your sister lucy, mr. mowbray. i am sorry we know each other so slightly; but i am sure we shall be intimate if she comes. do not refuse to bring her now." belle-bouche enforced her requests with such a wealth of smiles, that mowbray was compelled to yield. he promised to come, and then suddenly remembered that philippa would be there, and almost groaned. belle-bouche finished her purchases, and went out. as she passed hoffland she dropped her handkerchief. that young gentleman, however, declined to pick it up and restore it, though the absent jacques did not perceive it. jacques assisted the young girl into her carriage, pressed her hand with melancholy affection, and went away sighing. mowbray, having procured what lucy wished, came forth again and was joined by hoffland. that gentleman held a magnificent lace handkerchief in his hand. "see," he said, "what that languishing little beauty dropped in passing to her carriage. what a love of a handkerchief!" "what an odd vocabulary you have collected," said mowbray, smiling. "well, you should have restored it to her, charles." "restored it!" "yes." "ernest, you astonish me!" cried hoffland, laughing; "address a young lady whom i have not the pleasure of knowing?" "it would be to do her a simple service, and nothing could be more proper." "you are a pretty guide for youth, are you not? no, sir! i never intrude!" "suppose this young lady were asleep in a house which was burning--would you not intrude to inform her of that fact?" "never, sir! enter a lady's bower? is it possible you counsel such a proceeding?" mowbray smiled sadly. "you have excellent spirits, charles," he said; "i almost envy you." "no, indeed, i have not," said hoffland, with one of his strange transitions from gaiety to thoughtfulness; "i wear more than one mask, ernest." "are you ever sad?" "yes, indeed," said hoffland, with a little sigh. "well, well, i fancy 'tis not frequently. if you feel so to-day, the ball to-night will restore your spirits; and there you may restore your handkerchief with perfect propriety." "how?" "get an introduction." hoffland's lip crimped; but nodding his head-"yes," said he, "i think i shall be introduced, for i wish very much to be present at that arcadian festival." "you heard, then?" hoffland colored. "n--o," he said; "but i believe a number of invitations are out--for denis, and others;--a good fellow, denis." "excellent; and i suppose, therefore, you will be at the raleigh this evening?" "yes, about twelve--i have my studies to attend to," said hoffland, laughing; "you have no idea how much the character of _rosalind_ has interested me lately. i think it never seized so strongly upon my attention. if ever we have any private acting, i shall certainly appear in that character!" mowbray smiled again. "your person would suit the forest page very well," he said; "for you are slender, and slight in figure. but how would you compass the scenes where rosalind appears in her proper character--in female dress?" "oh!" laughed hoffland, with some quickness, "i think i could easily act that part." "i doubt it." "you don't know my powers, ernest." "well, perhaps not; but let us dismiss the ball, and rosalind, and all. how motley a crowd! i almost agree with jacques, that 'motley's the only wear.'" "jacques! that reminds me of the melancholy fellow we saw just now, sighing and languishing with that little belle-bouche----" "why, you know her familiar name--how, charles?" hoffland laughed. "oh" he said, "did i not leave my ms. love songs to jacques; and can you imagine that i was ignorant of--but we are throwing away words. everybody's in love, i believe--jacques is not singular. look at this little pair of lovers--school-girl and school-boy, devoted to each other, and consuming with the tender passion. poor unfortunate creatures!" with which words hoffland laughed, and pointed to a boy and girl who were passing along some steps in advance of them. the girl was that young lady who received, as the reader may possibly recollect, so much excellent and paternal advice from jacques. she was not burdened with her satchel on this occasion, but carried, in the same careless and playful fashion, a small reticule; while her cavalier took charge of her purchases, stored in two or three bundles, and kindly relinquished to the gentleman by the lady, as is still the custom in our own day. the boy was a fine manly young fellow of sixteen, with a bright kind face, rosy and freckled. there seemed to be quite an excellent understanding between himself and his companion, and they went on conversing gaily. but in this world we know not when the fates will interrupt our pleasures;--a profound remark which was verified on this occasion. just as the girl was passing the residence of sir asinus, her feet dancing for joy, her curls illuminated, her reticule describing the largest possible arc of a circle--just then, little martha, or puss, as she was called, found herself suddenly arrested, and the over-skirt of her silk dress raised with a sudden jerk. the reticule ceased to pendulate, the conversation stopped abruptly, the boy and girl stood profoundly astonished. "oh, me!" cried the child, clasping her hands; "what's that?" "witchcraft!" suggested her companion, laughing. "no, my dear young friends," here interposed a voice from the clouds--figuratively speaking--really from an upper window; "it is not witchcraft, but a simple result of natural laws." the child raised her head quickly at these words, and saw leaning out of a dormer window of mrs. bobbery's mansion, that identical red-haired gentleman whom she had seen upon a former occasion; in a word, sir asinus: sir asinus dressed magnificently in his old faded dressing-gown; his sandy hair standing erect upon his head; his features sharper than ever; and his eyes more eloquent with philosophical and cynical humor. as he leaned far out of the window, he resembled a large owl in a dressing-gown, with arms instead of legs, fingers instead of claws. "i repeat, sir and miss," he said blandly--"or probably it would be more proper to say, miss and sir--i repeat that this is not witchcraft, and your dress is simply caught by a hook, which hook contained a grain of wheat, which wheat has been devoured. wait! i will descend." and disappearing from the window, sir asinus soon made his appearance at the door, and approached the boy and girl. the girl was laughing. "oh, sir! i think i understand now--you were fishing for swallows, and the hook----" "caught in your dress! precisely, my beautiful little lady, whom i have the pleasure of seeing for the fiftieth time, since i see you passing every morning, noon and evening--precisely. immured in my apartment for political reasons, i am reduced to this species of amusement; and this hook attached to this thread contained a grain of wheat. it floated far up, and some cormorant devoured it; then the wind ceasing, it had the misfortune to strike into your dress." with which words sir asinus made an elegant bow, wrapping his old dressing-gown about him with one hand, while he extricated the hook with the other. "there! you are free!" he said; "i am very sorry, my dear little lady----" "oh, indeed, sir! it is very funny! i'm almost glad it caught me, bathurst laughed so much." "i have the pleasure of making mr. bathurst's acquaintance," said sir asinus politely; and in spite of little martha's correction, that mr. bathurst was not his name, he added, "your cavalier at the ball to-night, i presume?" "oh, sir, you are laughing," said the girl, with her bright face; "but we are going to the ball." "and will you dance with me?" "if _you_ will, sir." "extraordinary innocence!" muttered the knight, "not common among young ladies;" then he added, "i assure you, miss--you have not told me----" "my name is martha, sir." "well, miss martha, i shall dance with you most delightedly. asinus is my name--i am descended from a great assyrian family; and this is my lodging. looking up any morning, my dear miss martha, you will receive the most elegant bow i have--such as is due to a fairy queen, and the empress of my soul.--good morning, mowbray." and saluting the students who passed, laughing, sir asinus ascended again, muttering and wrapping his old dressing-gown more tightly around him. "yes," he said, "there's no doubt about the fact in my own mind;--i am just as much in love with that pretty young girl who has left me laughing and joyous, as that ridiculous jacques is with his beauty at shadynook. i thought at one time i was in love with belle-bouche myself, but i was mistaken. i certainly was convinced of it, however, or why did i name my sail-boat the 'rebecca'--that being the actual name of miss belle-bouche? yet i was not in love with that young lady--and _am_ in love with this little creature of fifteen and a half, who has passed me every morning and evening, going to school. going to school! there it is! i, the great political thinker, the originator of ideas, the student, the philosopher, the cynic--i am in love with a school-girl! well, i am not aware that the fact of acquiring a knowledge of geography and numbers, music, and other things, has the effect of making young ladies disagreeable. therefore i uphold the doctrine that love for young ladies who attend school is not wholly ridiculous--else how could those who go on studying until they are as old as the surrounding hills, be ever loved with reason? i am therefore determined to fall deeper still in love, and write more verses, and abolish that old dull scoundrel coke, and become a sighing, languishing, poetic lovelace. i'll go and dance, and feel my pulse every hour, and look at the weather-glass of my affections, and at night, or rather in the morning, report to myself the result. what a lucky lover i am! i will write a sonnet to that thread, and an ode to the hook;--i will expand the affair into an epic!" with which gigantic idea sir asinus kicked aside a volume of coke which obstructed his way, seized a pen, and frowning dreadfully, began to compose. chapter xxiv. hoffland is whisked away in a chariot. "what an oddity!" said hoffland, as leaving the domain of sir asinus behind them, the two students passed on, still laughing at the grotesque appearance of the knight; "this gentleman seems to live in an atmosphere of jests and humor." "i think it is somewhat forced." "somewhat forced?" "at times." "how?" "i mean that he is as often sad as merry; and more frequently earnest and serious than careless." "is it possible, ernest?" "i think i am right." "sir asinus--as i have heard him called--a serious man?" "yes, and a very profound one." "you surprise me!" "well, i think that some day he will surprise the world: he is a most profound thinker, and has that dangerous trait for opponents, a clearness of perception which cuts through the rind of a subject, and eviscerates the real core of it with extraordinary ease. you know----" "now you are going to talk politics," said hoffland, laughing. "no," said ernest. "i do not like politics," hoffland continued; "they weary me, and i would much rather talk of balls.--what a funny figure sir asinus will cut with that little creature--in reel or minuet!" and hoffland complimented his own conception with a laugh. "i scarcely fancy he will go in his old dressing-gown," said mowbray with his sad smile; "that would be a poor compliment to his excellency, and the many beautiful dames who will meet him." "is it to be a large ball?" "i believe so." "and very gay?" "no doubt." "you escort miss lucy?" "yes." "and do you anticipate much pleasure?" "can you ask me, charles?" "why--i thought you might throw off--this feeling you have----" "i cannot," mowbray said, shaking his head; "time only can accomplish that--not music, and gay forms, and laughter! ah, charles!" he added with a deep and weary sigh, "you plainly know nothing of my feeling. i cannot prevent myself from speaking of it--it makes me the merest boy; and now i say that it is far too strong to be dispelled in any degree by merriment. mirth and joy and festive scenes obliterate some annoyances--those vague disquietudes which oppress some persons; they are scarcely a balm for sorrow, real sorrow." hoffland held down his head and sighed. "i shall see her there to-night, i doubt not," mowbray went on, striving to preserve his calmness; "our glances will meet; her satirical smile will rise to her lips, and she will turn away as indifferently as if she had not cruelly and wantonly wounded a heart which loves her truly--deeply. this i shall suffer--this i anticipate: can you ask me then if i look forward to the ball with pleasure?" hoffland raised his head; his face was full of smiles. "but suppose she does not look thus at you?" he said. "i do not understand----" "suppose philippa--was not that her name?--suppose she smiles when you bow to her: for you will bow, won't you, ernest?" "assuredly; but to reply to your question. i should know perfectly well that her smile was the untrue manoeuvre of a coquette. ah! charles! charles! may you never know what it is to see a false smile in woman--cold and chilling--the glitter of sunlight upon snow. it is worse than frowns!" "ernest, you are a strange person," said hoffland; "you seem determined to misjudge this young girl, who is not as bad as you think her, my life upon it! so, frown or smile, you are determined to hate her?" "i do not hate her! would to heaven i could get as far from love for her, as the neutral ground of indifference." "unhappy man!" said hoffland; "you pray to be delivered from love!" "devoutly." "it is our greatest happiness." "and deepest misery." "misanthrope!" "no, charles, i neither hate men nor women; i do not permit this disappointment to sour my heart. but i cannot become an advocate of the feeling which has caused me such cruel suffering. let us say no more. we shall meet at the ball, and then you will be able to judge whether i am mistaken in the estimate i place upon this young girl's character. she is beautiful, haughty, suspicious, and unfeeling: it tears my heart to say it, but it is true. you will never after this evening doubt my unhappiness, or charge me with error." "probably not," said hoffland, turning away his head; "i will make your error plain to you--but promise to speak of it no more." "what do you mean by 'make my error plain to me'?" "you will see." "charles!" said mowbray suddenly, "you cannot have designed to approach this lady upon the subject which i have spoken to you of, as friend to friend? that is not possible!" "i shall not say one single word to your lady-love." "explain then." "never--i am a sphinx, an oracle: until the time comes i am dumb." "you only strive to raise my spirits," said mowbray with his sad smile; "that is very kind in you, but i fear it is even more than you could do." "by which i suppose you mean that i could 'raise your spirits' if any body could." "i may say yes--for you have a rare cheerfulness. it is almost contagious." hoffland looked sidewise at his companion for a moment with a curious smile, and said: "ernest." "well, charles." "how would you like to have--but it is too foolish." "go on: finish your sentence." "no, you will laugh." "perhaps i shall: i hope so," mowbray said, sadly smiling. there was so much sadness in his tones, spite of the smile, that hoffland's eyes filled with tears. "what i was about to say was very ridiculous," the boy said, with a slight tremor in his voice; "but you know almost every thing i say is ridiculous." "no, indeed, charles; you are a singular mixture of excellent sense and fanciful humor." "well, then, attribute my question to humor." "willingly." "i was about to ask you--as you were kind enough to say that i could make you laugh if any one could--i was about to ask, how would you like to have a wife like me?" and hoffland burst out laughing. ernest sighed. "i think i should like it very well--to reply simply to your question." "indeed!" "yes." "what do you admire so much in me?" "i love more than i admire, charles." "do you?" and the boy's head drooped. "yes," said mowbray; "you possess a childlike ingenuousness and simplicity which is exceedingly refreshing to me after intense study. i would call your conversation at times prattle, but for the fear of offending you." "oh, you will not." "prattle is very engaging, you know," said mowbray, "and i often feel as if my weary head would be at rest upon your friendly shoulder." "why don't you rest it there then?" mowbray smiled. "you may answer that question better than myself," he said: "for some strange reason, you always avoid me when i approach you." "avoid you!" "yes, charles." "why, my dear follow," said hoffland, with a free-and-easy air, "come as near as you choose; here, let us lock arms! does that look like avoiding you?" mowbray smiled. "it is very different here in the street," he said; "but let us dismiss this idle subject. it is an odd way of throwing away time to debate whether you would make a good wife." "i don't think it is," said hoffland, and he laughed. "if i would make a good wife, i would make a good husband; and as i have natural doubts upon the latter point, i wish to have them solved. but i weary you--let us part. _good-bye_," added hoffland, with a strange expression of face and tone of voice; "here is my lodging, and you go on to the college." "no, i think i will go up and sit down a moment." hoffland stood still. "it is strange, but true, that i have never paid you visit," continued mowbray, "and now i will go and see your quarters." "really, my dear ernest--the fact is--i assure you on my honor--there is nothing to attract----" mowbray smiled. "never mind," he said, "i will go up, if from nothing else, from simple curiosity." the singular young man looked exceedingly vexed at this, and did not move. mowbray was about to pass with a smile up the steps leading to the door, when an acquaintance came by and stopped a moment to speak to him. mowbray seemed interested in what he said, and half turned from hoffland. no sooner had he done so than the boy placed one cautious foot upon the stone step, looked quickly around, saw that he was unobserved; and entering the house with a bound, ran lightly up the steps, opened the door of his apartment, entered it, closed the door, and disappeared. the sound of the bolt in moving proved that he had locked himself in. in two minutes mowbray turned round to speak to his companion: he was no where to be seen. the friend with whom he had been conversing had observed nothing, and suggested that mr. hoffland must have gone on. no; he had, however, gone to his room probably. and ascending the stairs, mowbray knocked at the door. no voice replied. "strange boy!" he murmured; "he cannot be here, however--and yet that singular objection he seemed to have to my visiting him--singular!" and mowbray, finding himself no nearer a conclusion than at first, descended, and slowly passed on toward the college. no sooner had he disappeared within its walls than a slight noise at hoffland's window proved that he had been watching mowbray. all then became silent. in an hour, however, the door was cautiously opened, and the boy issued forth. he carefully closed the door, re-locked it, put the key in his pocket, descended, and commenced walking rapidly toward the southern portion of the town, depositing as he went by a letter in the post. he passed through the suburbs, continued his way over the open road leading toward jamestown, and in half an hour arrived at a little roadside ordinary--one of those houses of private entertainment which are wholly different from the great public taverns. fifty paces beyond this ordinary a chariot with four horses was waiting in a glade of the forest, and on catching sight of it hoffland hastened his steps, and almost ran. he reached the chariot breathless from his long walk and the rapidity with which he had passed over the distance between the ordinary and the vehicle; threw open the door before the coachman knew he was near; entered, said in a low voice, "home!" and sank back exhausted. as though only waiting for this single word, the chariot began to move, and the horses, drawing the heavy vehicle, disappeared at a gallop. chapter xxv. sir asinus goes to the ball. upon the most moderate calculation, sir asinus must have tied his lace cravat a dozen times before he finally coaxed his smoothly shaven chin to rest in quiet grace upon its white folds. having accomplished this important matter, and donned his coat of mecklenburg silk, the knight took a last survey of himself in the mirror, carefully reconnoitred the street below for lurking proctors, and then brushing the nap of his cocked hat and humming his favorite latin song, stepped daintily into the street and bent his way toward the raleigh. sir asinus thought he had never seen a finer ball; for, to say nothing of the chariots and coachmen and pawing horses and liveries at the door--of the splendid gentlemen dismounting from their cobs and entering gay and free the spacious ball-room--there was the great and overwhelming array of fatal beauty raining splendor on the noisy air, and turning every thing into delight. the great room--the _apollo_ famed in history for ever--blazed from end to end with lights; the noble minstrels of the festival sat high above and stunned the ears with fiddles, hautboys, flutes and fifes and bugles; the crowd swayed back and forth, and buzzed and hummed and rustled with a well-bred laughter;--and from all this fairy spectacle of brilliant lights and fair and graceful forms arose a perfume which made the ascetic sir asinus once more happy, causing his lips to smile, his eyes to dance, his very pointed nose to grow more sharp as it inhaled the fragrance showering down in shivering clouds. make way for his excellency!--here he comes, the gallant gay fauquier, with a polite word for every lady, and a smile for the old planters who have won and lost with him their thousands of pounds. and the smiling excellency has a word for the students too, and among the rest for sir asinus, his prime favorite. "ah, tom!" he says, "give you good evening." "good evening, your excellency," said sir asinus, bowing. "from your exile?" "yes, sir." "ah, well, _carpe diem_! be happy while you may--that has been my principle in life. a fine assembly; and if i am not mistaken, i hear the shuffle of cards yonder in the side room." "yes, sir." "ah, you virginians! i find your thirst for play even greater than my own." "i think your excellency introduced the said thirst." "what! introduced it? i? not at all. you virginians are true descendants of the cavaliers--those long-haired gentlemen who drank, and diced, and swore, and got into the saddle, and fought without knowing very accurately what they were fighting about. see, i have drawn you to the life!" sir asinus smiled. "we shall some day have to fight, sir," he said, "and we shall then falsify our ancestral character." "how?" "we shall know what we fight about!" "bah! my dear tom! there you are beginning to talk politics, and soon you will be rattling the stamp act and navigation laws in my ears, like two pebbles shaken together in the hand. enough! be happy while you may, i say again, and forget your theories. ah! there is my friend, mrs. wimple, and her charming niece. good evening, madam." and his excellency made a courtly bow to aunt wimple, who was resplendent in a head-dress which towered aloft like a helmet. and passing on, the governor smiled upon miss belle-bouche, and saluted jacques. on former occasions we have attempted to describe the costume of this latter gentleman; on the present occasion we shall not. it is enough to say that the large tulip bed at shadynook seemed to have left that domain and entered the ball-room of the raleigh, with the lady who attended to them. this was belle-bouche, as we have said; and the tender languishing face of the little beauty was full of joy at the bright scene. as for poor jacques, he was oceans deep in love, and scarcely looked at any other lady in the room. this caused much amusement among his friends who were looking at him; but what does a lover care for laughter? "ah!" he says, "a truly arcadian scene! methinks the muses and the graces have become civilized, and assembled here to dance the minuet. you will have a delightful evening." "oh, i'm sure i shall!" says belle-bouche, smiling. "and i shall, because i am with you." with which words, jacques smiles and sighs; and his watchful friends follow his eyes, and laugh more loudly than ever. they say to him afterwards: "well, old fellow, the way you were sweet upon your lady-love on that occasion, was a sin! you almost ate her up with your eyes, and at one time you looked as if you were going to dissolve into a sigh, or melt into a smile. at any rate, you are gone--go on!" belle-bouche receives the tender compliments of jacques with a flitting blush, and says, in order to divert him from the subject of herself: "there is mr. mowbray, entering with his sister lucy. she is very sweet----" "but not----" "and must be at our may-day," adds belle-bouche, quickly. "good evening, mr. mowbray and miss lucy; i wanted to see you." with which words belle-bouche gives her hand to lucy. "you must come to our may-day at shadynook;--promise now. mr. mowbray delivered my message?" "yes; and i will certainly come--if ernest will take me," says lucy, smiling. the pale face of mowbray is lit up for a moment by a sad smile, and he replies: "i will come, madam--if i have courage," he murmurs, turning away. "you must; we shall have a merry day, i think. what a fine assembly!" "very gay." "oh, there's jenny----" "a friend?" "oh, yes!" and while this conversation proceeds, jacques is talking with lucy. he interrupts himself in the middle of a sentence, to bow paternally to a young lady who has just entered. "good evening, my dear miss merryheart," he says. "oh, sir! that is not my name," says little martha, laughing. "what is?" "martha." "and are you not desirous of changing it?" the girl laughs. "say, for mrs. jacques?" "oh!" cries martha, with a merry glance and a pleasant affectation of reserve, "that is too public." "the fact is," replies jacques, smiling, "you are looking so lovely, that i could not help it." "oh, sir!" says the girl blushing, but delighted. which expression makes her companion--a youthful gentleman called bathurst--frown with jealousy. lucy is admiring the child, when she finds herself saluted by sir asinus, who has made her acquaintance some time since. "a delightful evening, miss mowbray," says that worthy; "and i find you admiring a very dear friend of mine." "who is that, sir?" says lucy, smiling. "little miss martha." "she is your friend?" "are you not?" says sir asinus, bowing with great devotion to martha; "you caught me this morning, you know." "oh no, sir! you caught me!" "indeed!" cried sir asinus; "i thought 'twas the lady's part!" and he relishes his joke so much and laughs so loud, that the girl discovers her mistake and blushes, which increases her fresh beauty a thousand-fold. sir asinus heaves a sigh, and contemplates a declaration immediately. he asks her hand for a quadrille instead. "oh, yes, sir!" whereupon bathurst revolves gloomy thoughts of revenge in the depths of his soul. sir asinus, seeing his rival's moodiness, smiles; but this smile disappears like a sunbeam. he sees doctor small approaching, and turns to flee. in doing so, he runs up against and treads on the toes of mr. jack denis, who laughs, and bowing to lucy, presses toward her and takes his place at her side. sir asinus makes his way through the crowd, paying his respects to every body. he arrives, at length, at the door of the side room where the devotees of cards are busy at tictac. he is soon seated at one of the tables by the side of governor fauquier, and is playing away with the utmost delight. in this way the ball commenced; and so it went on with loud music, and a hum of voices rising almost to a shout at times, until the supper hour. and then, the profuse supper having been discussed with that honorable devotion which ever characterizes virginians, the dancing recommenced, more madly than ever. but let not the reader imagine that the dances of the old time were like our own. not at all. they had no waltzes, polkas, or the like, but dignified quadrilles, and stately minuets; and it was only when the company had become perfectly acquainted with each other, at the end of the assembly, that the reel was inaugurated, with its wild excessive mirth--its rapid, darting, circling, and exuberant delight. poor sir asinus! he had not been well treated by his lady-love--we mean the little martha. that young lady liked the noble knight, but brutus-like, loved bathurst more. the worthy sir asinus found his graces of mind and person no match for the laughing freckled face of her youthful admirer, and with all the passing hours he grew more sad. he ended by offering his heart and hand, we verily believe, in the middle of a quadrille; but on this point we are not quite certain. sure are we that on this night the great politician found himself defeated by a boy--this we may assert from after events. in the excess of his mortification he betook himself to cards, and was soon sent away penniless. he rose from the card-table feeling, like catiline, ripe for conspiracy and treason. he re-entered the ball-room and strolled about disconsolate--a stalking ghost. just as he made his appearance a lady entered from the opposite door, and sir asinus felt the arm of a gentleman, against whom he was pressed by the crowd, tremble. he turned and looked at him. it was mowbray; and he was looking at the lady who had just entered. this lady was philippa. chapter xxvi. ernest and philippa. the young girl had never looked more beautiful. she was clad in a simple white satin, her dazzling arms were bare, but she wore not a single bracelet; her hair was carried back from her temples, and powdered until it resembled a midnight strewed with star-dust--but not a single jewel glittered above her imperial brow, or on her neck. she looked like an uncrowned queen, and took her place as one not needing ornaments. poor mowbray, as we have seen, trembled slightly as she entered. with all his strength he could not restrain this exhibition of emotion. when he had visited her so often at shadynook she had invariably worn a number of jewels, and seemed to have taken an idle delight in decorating her person with all the splendor which unlimited wealth places at the command of those who possess it. now she came like a simple village maiden--like a may-day queen; queen not in virtue of her jewels or her wealth, but for her beauty and simplicity and kindness. if he had loved her before, poor mowbray now more than loved her. all his resolutions melted before her approach, as the iceberg thaws and dissolves beneath the rays of a tropic sky. he had floated into the old latitudes of love and warmth again, and his cold heart once more began to beat--his hardness to pass away; leaving the old, true, faithful love. she came on carelessly through the crowd, dispensing smiles and gay laughter. surrounded by a host of admirers, she talked with all of them at once--scattered here a jest, there a smile; asked here a question, replied gaily there to one addressed to her; and as she moved, the crowd of gallant gentlemen moved with her, as the stars hover around and follow in the wake of the bright harvest moon. philippa was "easily foist." she had that rare joyousness which is contagious, making all who come within its influence merry like itself; and with her wildest laughter and her most careless jests, a maiden simpleness and grace was mingled which made the "judicious" who had "grieved" before as much her admirers as the ruffled and powdered fine gentlemen who bowed and smiled and whispered to her as she moved. poor mowbray! he saw what he had lost, and groaned. this was the woman whom he loved--would have given worlds to have love him again. this was the bold true nature he had felt such admiration for--and now he saw how maidenly she was, and only saw it fully when she was lost to him. could she have ever uttered those cruel words which still echoed in his heart?--and was this kind and happy face, this open, frank, and lovely girl, the woman who had struck his heart so rudely? could he not love her still, and go to her and say, "i wronged you, pardon me, i love you more than ever"? no; all that was over, and he might love her madly, with insane energy, and break his heart with the thought of her beauty and simplicity and truth; but never would he again approach a woman who despised him--looked upon him as an adventurer and fortune-hunter. still philippa came on slowly, bowing, smiling, and jesting--she ever approached nearer. mowbray felt a shudder run through his body, and turned to leave the spot. as he did so, he heard a voice which made his ears tingle, his heart sink, his cheek flush, utter in the most quiet manner, and without any exhibition of coldness or satire or affectation, the words: "good evening, mr. mowbray. will you not speak to me?" mowbray became calm suddenly, by one of those efforts of resolution which characterized him. "good evening, madam," he said, approaching the young girl unconsciously; "i trust you are well." and wondering at himself, he stood beside her. "i believe i am very well," she said, smiling; "will you give me your arm?" mowbray presented his arm, bowing calmly; and with a smile which embraced the whole mortified group of gentlemen, the young girl turned away with him. "i have not had the pleasure of seeing you--have i?--lately," she said; "where have you been, if i may ask a very impertinent question?" "at williamsburg, madam." "and never at shadynook?" "i was informed that you had gone home." "yes, so i did. but then if you had much--friendship for me, i think you might have followed me." mowbray was so much moved by the fascinating glance which accompanied these words, that he could only murmur: "follow you, madam?" "yes; i believe when gentlemen have friends--particular friends among the ladies, and those friends leave them, they go to seek them." "i am unfortunately a poor law student, madam--i have little time for visits." philippa smiled. "i am afraid that is an evasion, sir," she said. "how, madam?" "the true reason i fear is, that the rule i have spoken of does not apply to you and myself." "the rule----?" "that we follow our particular friends--or rather that the gentlemen do. i fear you do not regard me in that light." mowbray could only say: "why should i not, madam?" philippa paused for a moment; and then said, smiling: "shall i tell you?" "yes." "i fancy then that something which i said in our last interview offended you." this was a home thrust, and mowbray could not reply. "answer," she said; "did you not come away from that interview thinking me very rude, very unladylike, very affected and unlovely? did you not cordially determine never to think of me again--and have you not kept that resolution?" "no, madam," said mowbray, replying by evasion to the last clause of the sentence. philippa pouted. "mr. mowbray," she said, "you are very cold. i believe i have left at least a dozen gallant wits to give you my whole attention, and you reply to me in monosyllables." mowbray felt his heart wounded by these words, which were uttered with as much feeling as annoyance, and replied: "i should not have accepted your proposal, madam; it was selfish. i am not in very excellent spirits this evening, and fear that i shall not be able to entertain you. pardon my dulness." "no, i will not. you can be just as agreeable as you choose, and you will not." mowbray found himself smiling at these words, and said: "perhaps, then, if you will ask me some more questions, madam, i may reply in something more than monosyllables." "well then, sir, are you going to the may-day party at shadynook?" "i do not know--yes, i suppose, however. i have promised." "then miss lucy will wish to have you." "yes--well, i shall go." "i am very glad!" said philippa. mowbray could not explain the happiness he felt: all his coldness and doubt seemed to be passing away in presence of this young girl, who gave him such winning smiles, and so obstinately refused to observe his constraint. he had spoken truly to hoffland; he was in love, and he had no longer any command over himself. he banished the thought that she was playing with his feelings, as soon as it occurred, and gave himself up to the intoxicating happiness which he experienced in her presence. "you will also come to the party, will you not?" he said, smiling. "oh, yes!" said philippa; "they could not very well get on without me. in the first place, bel and myself are to get every thing ready; i mean at shadynook. as to the invitations, and all the externals, they are intrusted to that handsome gentleman yonder, who is devouring bel with his eyes! can't you see him?" added philippa, with a merry laugh; "poor fellow he is deeply in love----" "and that you think very ridiculous?" "indeed, no. i can imagine no greater compliment, and no larger happiness, than to be sincerely loved by a true and honest gentleman." mowbray looked at her sadly, but with a smile. "there are very many honest gentlemen," he said. "yes, but they do not love everybody," said philippa; "and that for a very good reason." "what?" the young girl laughed. "because they love themselves so much," she said. "gallant adonises! they think themselves handsome, nay, more lovely than all the maidens in the world!" mowbray caught the infectious mirth of the young girl, and smiled. poor mowbray! where were all his mighty resolutions--his fair promises--his determination to remain an iceberg in presence of this haughty young girl? he was falling more deeply in love with her every moment. "you are very severe upon the fine gentlemen," he said; "i think your picture is the exception." "no, no! the rule! the rule!" she went on laughing. "just look at them yonder. see how they smile and simper, and press their hands to their hearts, and daintily arrange their drop curls! i would as soon be loved by a lay-figure!" and philippa burst into a fit of merry laughter. "look!" she said; "see that ridiculous young gentleman near the door, with the velvet breast-knot--think of a velvet breast-knot! see how he daintily helps himself to snuff from a box with a picture of madame pompadour, or some celebrated lady, upon the lid; and see his jewelled hand, his simpering face, his languid air, his affected drawl as he murmurs, 'ah--yes--madam--very--warm--but a charming--spectacle.' on my word! i would always provide myself with a bottle of _sal volatile_ when such gentlemen came to see me!" mowbray found himself growing positively happy. not only were his spirits raised by the young girl's merry and good-humored conversation, but every word which she uttered made his heart thrill more and more. all her discourse, all her satire upon the butterflies of the ball-room, had originated in the discussion of what character was proper for a lover. she scouted the idea of the love of one of these idlers attracting for a moment the regard of an intelligent woman: then was it not a just conclusion, that she looked for character, and dignity, and activity? she pointed to his own opposite, in grotesque colors, and laughed at her picture: then did she not find something to like in himself? could she ever love him? and mowbray's cheek flushed--his strong frame was agitated. "the amusing part of all this is," said philippa, laughing, "that these gentlemen think their charms irresistible. now, there is my cousin charles--you know him, i believe." "charles----?" "charles hoffland." "charles, your cousin!" cried mowbray; "it is impossible!" "why, what is impossible in the fact? possible? of course it is possible!" and philippa laughed again more merrily than before. "your cousin!" repeated mowbray; "why, charles is one of my best friends." "that is very proper, sir; then, you have two friends in the family." and philippa gave her cavalier an enchanting smile. "charles is a very excellent young man," she laughed; "and i am sure loves me deeply, but then any one can see he loves himself extravagantly." "is it possible! but excuse me," said mowbray, seeing that his astonishment annoyed his companion; "he was to be here to-night." "has he arrived?" said philippa, looking round with her daring smile. "i do not see him." "tell me when he comes," she said, shaking with laughter; "he's a sad fellow, and i must lecture him." mowbray looked at her. "strange that i did not see that you were related," he said. "very strange." "he resembles you strongly." "yes." "but has light hair." "has he?" "and is smaller, i verily believe." "no, i believe our height is just the same. has he attended to his studies?" mowbray smiled and shook his head. "not in a way to injure his health, i fear." "lazy fellow! i will never marry him." "he is then a suitor of yours, madam? i was not aware of the fact--and request you to pardon my criticism." "there you are assuming your grand air again," said philippa, laughing; "please leave it at home when you come to see me. ah! you smile again--that pleases me. what did you ask? 'was charles my suitor--did he love me?' yes, i am convinced that he loves me devotedly, as deeply as a man can love any thing--as much, that is to say, as he loves himself!" and the young girl burst into another fit of laughter, and positively shook with merriment. "did you become well acquainted with him?" she asked, after a pause; "charles is not stiff--too free and easy, i fear, and i am sure you--liked him." "indeed, i did," said mowbray; "he was a great consolation to me, and i always thought there was something strangely familiar in his face. singular that i never observed how closely he resembled you." "that was because you did not think of me very frequently." mowbray colored. "i thought of you too often, i fear," he said in a low tone. "and never came to see me--that is a probable tale," she said, coloring also, and glancing with a mixture of mirth and timidity at him. their eyes met;--those eloquent pleaders said much in that second. "i have suffered much," he said; "my heart is not very strong--i was deceived--i could not----" and mowbray would have said something still more significant of his feelings, but for his companion's presence of mind. she observed, with womanly tact, that a number of eyes were fixed upon them, and adroitly diverted the conversation from the dangerous direction it was taking. "i do not see charles," she said, laughing and blushing; "did you not say he promised to be here?" "yes," murmured mowbray. "he's a great idler, but i love him very much," she said, laughing. "tell me, mr. mowbray, as a friend--you know him well--could i find a better husband?" mowbray colored. "he has a noble heart," he said; "do i understand that----" "i love him! yes, i cannot deny it truly; and why should i not make him happy?--for he loves me sincerely." mowbray felt his heart sink. then that new-born hope was doomed to disappointment--that fancy was all folly! his miseries would be only deeper for the brief taste of happiness. he could not reply; he only muttered some inarticulate words, which philippa did not seem to hear. "i will decide finally on the day of the party at shadynook," she said, smiling; "and now let us leave the subject. but do not forget to tell me when charles enters," she added, laughing. poor mowbray! he felt his heart oppressed with a new and more bitter emotion. the company thought him happy in exclusive possession of the lovely girl's society--his side was pierced with a cruel, rankling thorn. chapter xxvii. the last chance of jacques. while mowbray and philippa were holding their singular colloquy in one portion of the laughing and animated crowd, our friend sir asinus, with that perseverance which characterized his great intellect, was endeavoring to make an impression on the heart of the maiden of his love. but it was all in vain. in vain did sir asinus dance minuets without number, execute bows beyond example--the little maiden obstinately persisted in bestowing her smiles on her companion, bathurst. that young gentleman finally bore her off triumphantly on his arm. sir asinus stood still for a moment, then sent these remarkable words after the little damsel: "you have crushed a faithful heart--you have spurned a deep affection, beautiful and fascinating maiden. inured to female charms, and weary of philosophy, i found in thee the ideal of my spirit--truth and simplicity: the fates forbid, and henceforth i am nought! never again look up, o maiden, to my window, when the morning sun shines on it, as you pass to school--expect to see me in those fair domains no more! henceforth i am a wanderer, and am homeless. in my bark, named in past days the rebecca, i will seek some foreign clime, and nevermore return to these shores. i'll buy me a fiddle in italy, and hobnob with gondoliers, singing the songs of tasso on venetian waters. never again expect to see my face at the window as you go on merrily--i leave my native shore to-morrow, and am gone!" with which words--words which terrified the little damsel profoundly--sir asinus folded his arms, and in this position, with a sad scowl upon his face, passed forth into the night. as he reached the door of the raleigh, he perceived mrs. wimple and one or two elderly ladies getting into a chariot; and behind them jacques leading belle-bouche triumphantly toward his small two-seated vehicle. jacques was radiant, and this the reader may possibly understand, if he will recollect the scheme of this gentleman--to address belle-bouche where no fate could interrupt him. as sir asinus passed on, frowning, jacques cast upon that gentleman a look which expressed triumphant happiness. "you won't interrupt me on my way back, will you?" he said, smiling; "eh, my dear sir asinus?" sir asinus ground his teeth. belle-bouche was safely stowed into the vehicle--jacques gathered up the reins, was about to get in--when, disastrous fate! the voice of mrs. wimple was heard, declaring that the night had grown too cool for her beloved niece to ride in the open air. sir asinus lingered and listened with sombre pleasure. in vain did jacques remonstrate, and belle-bouche declare the night delightful: aunt wimple, strong in her fears of night air, was inexorable. so belle-bouche with a little pout got down, and jacques cursing his evil stars, assisted her into the chariot. would he not come in, and spend the night at shadynook?--they could make room for him by squeezing, said aunt wimple. no, no, he could not inconvenience them--he would not be able to stay at shadynook--he hoped they would have a pleasant journey; and as the chariot rolled off, the melancholy jacques gazed after it with an expression of profound misery. he felt a hand upon his shoulder; he turned and saw sir asinus. but sir asinus was not deriding him--he was groaning. "let us commit suicide," said the knight, in gloomy tones. jacques started. "suicide!" "the night is favorable, and my hopes are dead, like yours," said sir asinus, gloomily. "that is enough to kill at one time," said the melancholy jacques; "mine are not--animation is only suspended. on the whole, my dear friend, i am opposed to your proposition. good night!" and jacques, with a melancholy smile, departed. sir asinus, with a gesture of despair, rushed forth into the night. whether that gentleman had been reading romances or not, we cannot say; but as he disappeared, he bore a strong resemblance to a desperate lover bent on mischief. within, the reel had now begun--that noble divertisement, before which all other dances disappear, vanquished, overwhelmed, driven from the field, and weeping their departed glories. for the reel is a high mystery--it is superior to all--it cannot be danced beyond the borders of virginia--as the seville orange of commerce loses its flavor, and is nothing. the reel ends all the festivities of the old virginian gatherings, and crowns with its supreme merriment the pyramid of mirth. when it is danced properly,--to proper music, by the proper persons, and with proper ardor,--all the elements break loose. mirth and music and bright eyes respectively shower, thunder and lighten. in the old days, it snowed too--for the powder fell in alabaster dust and foamy clouds, and crammed the air with fragrance. as for the reel which they danced at the raleigh tavern, in the apollo room, upon the occasion we allude to, who shall speak of it with adequate justice? jacques lost it--tulip-like, the king of grace--belle-bouche was with him; and a thousand eyes were on the maze,--the maze which flashed, and buzzed, and rustled, ever merrier--and glittered with its diamonds and far brighter eyes--and ever grew more tangled and more simple, one and many, complicate and single, while the music roared above in flashing cadences and grand ambrosial grace. and merrier feet were never seen. the little maidens seemed to pour their hearts out in the enchanting divertisement, and the whole apartment, with its dazzling lights and flowers, was full of laughter, mirth, and holiday from end to end. when the final roar of the violins dropped into silence, and so crumbled into nothing, all was ended. cavaliers offered their arms--ladies put on their hoods--chariots drove up and received their burdens; and in another hour, the joyous festival was but a recollection. after the reel--nothingness. the apollo room was still again--waiting for other men than youthful gallants, other words than flattering compliments. and mowbray went home with a wounded heart, which all the smiles of philippa could not heal--for hoffland was his rival. denis went home with a happy heart, for lucy had smiled on him. sir asinus was miserable--boy bathurst was happy. the ball at the raleigh was a true microcosm, where john smiled and james sighed, and all played on, and went away miserable or the reverse. and so it ended. chapter xxviii. sir asinus intends for europe. the morning of the may-day festival dawned bright and joyous;--nature seemed to be smiling, and the "rosy-bosomed hours" began their flight toward the west, with that brilliant splendor which they always deck themselves in, in the merry month of may. jacques rose early, and was at his mirror betimes. he had selected a suit of extraordinary richness, made with express reference to the rainbow; and when he drew on his coat, and took a last survey of himself in the mirror, he smiled--no longer sighed--and thought of belle-bouche with the triumphant feeling of a general who has driven the enemy at last into a corner. he issued forth and mounted his gay charger, which, with original and brilliant taste, he had decked with ribbons for the joyous festival; and as he got into the saddle and gathered up the reins, a little crowd of diminutive negro boys, with sadly dilapidated garments, cringed before him, and threw up their caps and split the air with "hoora's" in his honor. jacques pranced forth from the _raleigh_ stable yard in state, and took his way along gloucester street, the admiration of every beholder. he was going to glory and conquest--probably: he was on his way to happiness--perhaps. he felt a sentiment of benevolent regard for all the human family, and even, in passing, cast his thoughts on sir asinus. that gentleman's window was open, and something strange seemed to be going on within. and as jacques drew nearer, he observed a placard dangling from the window. this placard bore in huge letters the mournful words: "the within intends for europe on the morrow." jacques felt his conscience smite him--he could not let his friend depart without bidding him adieu. he dismounted, tied his horse, and laughing to himself, ascended to the chamber of the knight. a sad sight awaited him. seated upon a travelling trunk, with a visage which had become elongated to a really distressing degree, sir asinus was sighing, and casting a last lingering look behind. his apartment was in great disorder--presenting indeed that negligent appearance which rooms are accustomed to present, when their occupants are about to depart. the books were all stowed away in boxes--the pictures taken down--the bed unmade--the sofa littered with papers, and the violin, and flute--the general air of the desolate room, that of a man who has parted with his last hope and wishes to exist no longer. but the appearance of sir asinus was worse than that of his apartment. "good morning, my dear jacques," said the knight, sighing; "you visit me at a sad moment." jacques smiled. "i am just on the wing." "as i see." "from my placard, eh?" "yes." "well, have you any commands?" "for europe?" "precisely." "well--no," said jacques, with indecorous levity; "except that you will present my respects to pitt and barré." "scoffer!" "hey! who scoffed?" "you!" "i did not." "you laugh, unworthy friend that you are," said sir asinus; "you deride me." "not at all." "you rejoice at my departure." "no." "at any rate, you are not sorry," said sir asinus, sighing; "and i return the compliment. i myself am not sorry to part with the unworthy men who have misunderstood me, and persecuted me. a martyr to political ideas--to love for my country--i go to foreign lands to seek a home." and having uttered this melancholy sentence, the woful knight twirled his thumbs, and sighed piteously. as for jacques, he smiled. "when do you leave?" he said. sir asinus pointed to the placard. "on the morrow?" "yes." "well, there is time yet to attend the may-festival at shadynook. come along." "no, no," said sir asinus, sighing; "no, i thank you. i have had all my noble aspirations chilled--my grand ideas destroyed; my heart is no longer fit for merriment. i depart." and rising, sir asinus seated himself upon the table disconsolately. jacques looked at him and smiled. "do you know, my dear asinus," he said, "that you present at this moment the grandest and most heroic picture? when a great man suffers, the world should weep." "instead of which, you laugh." "i? i am not laughing." "you are smiling." "that is because, for the first time in my life, i am nearly happy." "happy? would that i were! happy? it is a word which i seldom have use for," said sir asinus, dangling his legs and sighing piteously. "why not endeavor to use it?" "i cannot." "come and laugh with us at shadynook." "i no longer laugh." "you weep?" "no: my grief is too deep for tears--it is dried up--i mean the tears." "poor fellow!" "there you are pitying my afflictions--spare me!" "i do pity you. to see the noble and joyous sir asinus grow melancholy--to see those legs, which erst glided through the minuet and reel, now dangling wearily--to see that handsome visage so drawn down; is there no occasion for pity?" and jacques sighed. "well, well," said sir asinus, "i am glad you came, spite of your unworthy banter, you unfeeling fellow. i wish to send some messages to my friends." "what are they?" "first, to belle-bouche--love and remembrance." "that is beautiful; and i never knew these words yet fail to touch the heart." "to all the boys, the fond regards of him who goes from them--a martyr to the attempt to uphold their rights." "that is affecting too." "to the little dame who passed with you some days ago--miss martha wayles by name--but no; nothing to her." and sir asinus groaned. "nothing?" said jacques. "no; the memory of my love for her shall never grieve her; let us say no more, jacques, my friend. i have finished." "and what do you leave to me?" said jacques. "my affection." "i would prefer that violin." "no, no, my friend; it will comfort me on my voyage. now farewell!" "shall i see you no more?" "no more." "why?" "do i not depart to-day?" "true, true," said jacques; "and if you really must go, farewell. write to me." "let us embrace." "willingly." and sir asinus caught his friend in his arms and sniffled. jacques, with his head over his friend's shoulder, chuckled. "now farewell," said sir asinus; "perhaps some day i may return--farewell." and covering his eyes, he turned away. jacques took out his pocket-handkerchief--pressed his friend's hand for the last time, and departed. he mounted his horse, gathered up the reins, and set forward again toward shadynook, leaving the disconsolate sir asinus to finish his preparations for departure in his beautiful sail-boat the _rebecca_. poor sir asinus! he had not the courage to call it the _martha_: disappointed in love and politics, he no longer clung to either, and thought the best name after all would be the martyr. chapter xxix. the may festival. if not as splendid as the great ball at the raleigh, the festival at shadynook was declared by all to be far more pleasant. at an early hour in the forenoon bevies of lovely girls and graceful cavaliers began to arrive, and the various parties scattered themselves over the lawn, the garden, through the grove and the forest, with true sylvan freedom and unrestraint. shadynook, thanks to the active exertions of belle-bouche and philippa, was one bower of roses and other flowers. all the windows were festooned with them--the tables were great pyramids of wreaths; and out upon the lawn the blossoms from the trees showered down upon the animated throng, and made the children laugh--for many little girls were there--and snowing on the cavaliers, made them like heralds of the spring; and lying on the earth, a rosy velvet carpet, almost made the old poetic fiction true, and gave the damsels of the laughing crowd an opportunity to walk "ankle-deep in flowers." the harpsichord was constantly in use; and those old scottish songs, which echo now like some lost memory to our grandfathers and grandmothers--we are writing of those personages--glided on the air from coral lips, and made the spring more bright; and many gallant hearts were there enslaved, and sighed whenever they heard sung again those joyous or sad ditties of the scottish muse. books lay about with lovely poems in them--written by the fine old sucklings and tom stanleys--breathing high chivalric homage to the fair; and volumes of engravings, full of castles or bright pictures of arcadian scenes--brought thither by the melancholy jacques as true-love offerings--or sunset views where evening died away a purple margin on the blue italian skies. and here and there, on mantelpieces and side-tables, were grotesque ornaments in china; and odd figures cut in glass of far bohemia; and painted screens and embroidery. and through the crowd ran yelping more than one small lap-dog, trodden on by children, who cried out with merriment thereat. belle-bouche had rightly judged that many children should be invited; for if bouquets are bright and pleasant, so are merry childish faces; and so dozens of young maidens, scarcely in their teens, and full of wild delight, ran here and there, playing with each other, and seeking belle-bouche--kind, loving belle-bouche--every now and then, to say that something was _so_ pretty, and she was so good! whereat belle-bouche would smile, and play with their curls, and they would run and play again. there was this observable fact about the young lady who has appeared so frequently in our little narrative, illustrating its dull pages with her languishing and joyful smiles, showering upon it the tender grace of her fair countenance and innocent eyes--there was this to be observed, we say, that belle-bouche loved and was beloved by children. she always had them round her when she went where they were, smiling and looking up to her with innocent faces--from the little infantile prattlers just from the nursery, to those who, passing into their bright teens, began to study how they might best fulfil their duty in society--enslave the gallants. all loved belle-bouche, and on this occasion she had scarcely a moment's rest. her own companions loved her too, devotedly, and if any one had asked the crowd assembled, what was the brightest picture, the fairest ornament of the whole festival, they would have with one voice declared--the little hostess. philippa, with her queenly brow and ready laughter, did not receive one-half the devoted attention which was lavished on her companion; and indeed belle-bouche was the toast of the whole assembly. the finest cavaliers gathered around her and paid her their addresses--all smiled on her, and paid homage to her. her joy was full. but see the finest gentleman of all approach--the no longer melancholy, the joyful and superb knight of the ribbon-decorated horse! jacques approached with the air of a captive prince--submissive, yet proud. he smiled. "beautiful queen of may," he said, trailing his plumed hat upon the floor, "behold your slave. never did shepherd in the vales of arcady pay truer homage to his daphne's charms than i do to those of our hostess!" this was considered a pretty speech, and belle-bouche was about to reply with a smile, when little martha wayles, who was present in a pink-gauze dress and lace, cried: "oh, my goodness! just look there!" "what is it?" asked the company. "there, through the window," said little martha, blushing at the attention she excited. "what?" "that horse with ribbons!" the company gazed through the window, and began to laugh. there indeed was the horse of jacques, splendid in all the colors of the rainbow, pawing and tossing his head as the groom led him away. "a little romance of mine," said jacques, smiling; "i trust 'tis not considered in bad taste--i had a crook----" "a crook?" "yes, wreathed with flowers, as was the custom, i believe, in arcadia; but i feared it would attract attention in the town, and i left it," said jacques, with lamblike innocence. this sally was greeted with tumultuous applause. "a crook!" cried the damsels. "an excellent idea!" "so sylvan!" "and so appropriate!" "we may have as many as we fancy, i believe," said jacques, smiling; "i have prepared a number as an introduction to the festival: they are in the garden, ladies, already wreathed with flowers!" the company rose in a mass to go and get them, and soon they were in the garden; then scattered over the lawn; then every where, laughing, making merry, and behaving like a crowd of children released from school. the damsels acted shepherdesses to perfection, and closely resembled the pictures we are accustomed to see upon the fans which ladies use even to the present day. their little airs of sylvan simplicity were very pretty; and the gallant gentlemen were not backward in their part. they bowed and simpered until they resembled so many supple-jacks, pulled by the finger of a child. "look," said jacques to belle-bouche, and sighing slightly as he gazed upon the fresh beauty of her face; "see those lovers yonder----" "lovers?" said belle-bouche, smiling. "i am not mistaken, i think," said jacques; "yes, yes, my queen, they are lovers. do you not think that something like that which i spoke of formerly will come to pass?" belle-bouche, with a delicious little rose-color brightening her cheek, replied, patting her satin-sandalled foot upon the flowery sward: "which you spoke of--pray, what did you speak of?" "of my wish to be a shepherd----" "ah--a shepherd," said belle-bouche, removing a cherry blossom from her hair, and smiling. "yes, my lovely queen," said jacques, with great readiness; "i wished to be a shepherd and have a crook----" "oh, sir!" "and that my arcadian love should also have one and draw me--so that passing through the fields----" "oh, yes----" "i might kiss her hand----" "yes, yes----" "and passing through the forests wrap her in my cloak----" belle-bouche laughed. "and crossing the streams on narrow moss-clad logs, support her with my arm--as the dearest and most blessed treasure upon earth!" cried jacques, seizing the hand of belle-bouche, which hung down, and enraptured that she did not withdraw it. belle-bouche understood perfectly that jacques referred to their meeting on that day when she had been reading in the forest, and had fled from him across the stream. her roseate blush betrayed her. "if only that bright dream of love could be a reality for me!" he whispered; "if one i love so----" "oh, miss bel! the girls sent for you--the pyramid is ready!" cried the merry voice of little martha. and running toward belle-bouche, the girl told her that they really must have her in the garden "before the procession commenced." poor jacques drew back groaning. "there's another chance gone!" he sighed; "what luck i have! i'm always interrupted, and the fates are leagued against me." belle-bouche left him with a blush and a smile, and disappeared. ten minutes afterwards the company had reassembled on the lawn, and seemed to be anxiously expecting something. this something suddenly made its appearance, and advanced into the open space with merriment and laughter. it was a party of young girls who, clad in all the colors of the rainbow, bore in their midst a pyramid of silver dishes wreathed with flowers, and overflowing with strawberries and early fruits. it was a revival of the old may-day ceremonies in london, when the milkmaids wreathed their buckets with flowers, and passed from door to door, singing and asking presents. jacques had arranged it all--the philosophic and antiquarian jacques; and with equal taste he had selected the beautiful verses of marlow or shakspeare, for the chorus of maidens. the maidens approached the company, therefore, merrily singing, in their childlike voices, the song: "come live with me and be my love, and we will all the pleasures prove that valleys, groves, or hills, or fields, or woods and steepy mountains yields; "where we will sit upon the rocks and see the shepherds feed our flocks, by shallow rivers, to whose falls melodious birds sing madrigals. "and i will make thee beds of roses, and then a thousand fragrant posies; a cap of flowers, and a kirtle, embroidered all with leaves of myrtle; "a gown made of the finest wool, which from our pretty lambs we pull; slippers lined choicely for the cold, with buckles of the purest gold; "a belt of straw and ivy buds, with coral clasps and amber studs: and if these pleasures may thee move, come live with me and be my love." as the song ended, little martha came forth from the throng, and holding in her hand a small crook, went round with a very laughing face asking charity from the applauding company. "only a penny, sir!" she said, motioning back a pistole which mr. jack denis held out gaily. and then--the collection ended--the young girls of the masquerade hurried back to rid themselves of their pyramid. mr. jack denis and miss lucy mowbray, who had just arrived with her brother, bent their steps toward the grove, through which ran a purling stream; and thither they were followed after a little by miss martha wayles and her admirer, bathurst. we cannot follow them and listen to their conversation--that would be indecorous. but we may be permitted to say that two young ladies--one very young--on that morning plighted their troth to two young gentlemen--one very young. and if they blushed somewhat upon returning, it was an honest blush, which the present chronicler for one will not laugh at. in the garden all by this time was joyous and wild merriment. the young ladies were running here and there; servants were preparing in a flowery retreat a long table full of fruits and every delicacy; and merriest of all, miss philippa was scattering on every side her joyous and contagious laughter. suddenly this laughter of the young lady ceased, and she colored slightly. she saw mowbray looking at her with a glance of so much love, that she could not support his gaze. in a moment he was at her side. "will you not walk with me?" she said, without waiting for him to address her; and in a moment her arm was in his own, and they were strolling away. they went toward a noble old oak, in the branches of which was fixed a platform, and this platform was approached by a movable sort of ladder. the leaves around the platform were so dense that it was impossible to see any one who might be sitting within. as mowbray and philippa approached, the ladder was seen suddenly to move, a little exclamation was heard, and the next moment the movable steps rose erect, balanced themselves for an instant, and fell to the ground, cutting off all connection between the platform and the ground. at the same moment a triumphant voice muttered: "now let me see them interrupt me!" mowbray and philippa did not hear it; they passed on, silent and embarrassed. philippa, it was evident, had something to say, and scarcely knew how to begin; she hesitated, laughed, blushed, and patted the ground petulantly with her little foot. at last she said, with a smile and a blush: "i asked you to offer me your arm for an especial purpose. can you guess what that purpose was?" mowbray smiled, and replied: "i am afraid not." "i wished to tell you a tale." "a tale?" "a history, if you please; and as you are a thinker, and an impartial one, to ask your opinion." "i am sure you do me a great deal of honor," said mowbray, smiling with happiness; "i listen." philippa cast down her eyes, patted the ground more violently than before with her silken-sandalled foot, and biting her lip, was silent. mowbray looked at her, and saw the blush upon her cheek. she raised her head--their eyes met; and the blush deepened. "do not look at me," she said, turning away her head and bursting into a constrained laugh; "i never could bear to have any one look at me." "it is a very severe request, but i will obey you," he said, smiling; "now for your history." "it will surprise you, i suppose," she said, with her daring laugh again; "but listen. do not interrupt me. well, sir, once upon a time--you see i begin in true tale fashion--once upon a time, there was a young girl who had the misfortune to be very rich. she had been left an orphan at an early age, and never knew the love and tenderness of parents. well, sir, as was very natural, this young woman, with all her wealth, experienced one want--but that was a great one--the necessity of having some one to love her. i will be brief, sir--let me go on uninterruptedly. one day this young woman saw pass before her a man whose eyes and words proved that he had some affection for her--enough that it was afterwards shown that she was not mistaken. at the time, however, she doubted his affection. her unhappy wealth had made her suspicious, and she experienced a sort of horror of giving her heart to some one who loved her wealth and not herself. let me go on, sir! i must not be interrupted! well, she doubted this gentleman; and one day said to him what she afterwards bitterly regretted. she determined to charge him with mercenary intentions, and watch his looks and listen to his words, and test him. he listened, replied coldly, and departed, leaving her nearly heart-broken, for his nature was not one which any woman could despise." mowbray looked at her strangely. she went on. "she watched for him day after day--he did not come. she was angry, and yet troubled; she doubted, and yet tried to justify herself. but even when he left her, she had conceived a mad scheme--it was to go and become his companion, and so test him. this she did, assuming the dress of a man: was it not very indelicate, sir, and could she have been a lady? i see you start--but do not interrupt me. let me go on. the young woman assumed, as i said, an impenetrable disguise--ingratiated herself with him, and found out all his secrets. the precious secret which she had thus braved conventionality to discover, was her own. he loved her--yes! he loved her!" said the young girl, with a tremor of the voice and a beating heart; "she could not be mistaken! in moments of unreserve, of confidence, he told her all, as one friend tells another, and she knew that she was loved. then she threw off her disguise--finding him noble and sincere--and came to him and told him all. she saw that he was incredulous--could not realize such indelicacies in the woman he loved; and to make her humiliation complete, she proved to him, by producing a trifle he had given her, in her disguise--like this, sir." and philippa with a trembling hand drew forth the fringed gloves which she had procured from mowbray at the indian camp. they fell from her outstretched hand--it shook. mowbray was pale, and his eyes were full of wonder. "before leaving him, this audacious young girl was more than once convinced that the wild and unworthy freak she had undertaken to play, would lower her in his estimation; but she did not draw back. her training had been bad; she enjoyed her liberty. not until she had resumed the dress of her sex, did she awake to the consciousness of the great social transgression she had been guilty of. she then went to him and told him all, and stopped him when he tried to speak--do not speak, sir!--and bade him read the words she had written him, as she left him----" mowbray, with an unconscious movement, took from his pocket the letter left by hoffland in the post-office, on the morning of the ball. philippa took it from his hand and opened it. "pardon, ernest!" these words were all it contained; and the young girl pointing to them, dropped the letter and burst into a flood of passionate tears. her impulsive nature had fairly spent itself, and but for the circling arm of mowbray she would have fallen. in a moment her head was on his bosom--she was weeping passionately; and mowbray forgot all, and only saw the woman whom he loved. need we say that he did not utter one word of comment on her narrative? poor mowbray! he was no statue, and the hand which she had promised him laughingly on that morning, now lay in his own; the proud and haughty girl was conquered by a power far stronger than her pride; and over them the merry blossoms showered, the orioles sang, and nature laughed to see her perfect triumph. when philippa returned to the company she was very silent, and blushed deeply, holding to her face the handkerchief which hoffland had picked up. but no one noticed her; all was in confusion. where was belle-bouche? that was the question, and a hundred voices asked it. she had disappeared; and jacques too was nowhere to be seen. the banquet was ready; where was the hostess? it was in the middle of all this uproar that a voice was heard from the great oak, and looking up, the laughing throng perceived the radiant face of jacques framed among the leaves, and looking on them. "my friends," said jacques, "the matter is very simple--be good enough to raise those steps." and the cavalier pointed to the prostrate ladder. with a burst of laughter, the steps were raised and placed against the oak. and then jacques was observed to place his foot upon them, leading by the hand--belle-bouche. belle-bouche was blushing much more deeply than philippa; and jacques was the picture of happiness. is it too much to suppose that he had this time stolen a march on the inimical fates, and forced belle-bouche to answer him? is it extravagant to fancy that her reply was _not_, no? and so they descended, and the company, laughing at the mishap, hastened toward the flower and fruit decorated table, and the banquet inaugurated itself joyously. and in the midst of all, who should make his appearance but--the gallant sir asinus! sir asinus, no longer intending for europe, but satisfied with virginia; no _longer_ woful, but in passable good spirits; no longer melancholy, but surveying those around him with affectionate regard. and see him, in the midst of laughter and applause, mount on the end of a barrel which had held innumerable cakes, holding a paper in his hand, and calling for attention. listen! "whereas," reads sir asinus, "the undersigned has heretofore at different times expressed opinions of his majesty, and of the established church, and of the noble aristocracy of england and virginia, derogatory to the character of the said majesty, and so forth;--also, whereas, he has unjustly slandered the noble and sublime college of william and mary, so called from their gracious majesties, deceased;--and whereas, the said opinions have caused great personal inconvenience to the undersigned, and whereas he is tired of martyrdom and exile: therefore, be it hereby promulgated, that the undersigned doth here and now publicly declare himself ashamed of the said opinions, and doth abjure them: and doth declare his majesty george iii. the greatest of kings since dionysius of syracuse and nero; and his great measure, the stamp act, the noblest legislation since the edict of nantz. and further, the undersigned doth uphold the great established church, and revere its ministers, so justly celebrated for their piety and card-playing, their proficiency in theology, and their familiarity with that great religious epic of the reformation, 'reynard the fox'--the study of which they pursue even on horseback. and lastly, the said undersigned doth honor the great college of virginia, and revere the aristocracy, and respect entails, and spurn the common classes as becomes a gentleman and honest citizen; and in all other things doth conform himself to established rules, being convinced that whatever is, is right: and to the same hath set his hand, this twentieth day of may, in the year 1764." having finished which, sir asinus casts a melancholy glance upon little martha, and adds: "now, my friends, let us proceed to enjoy the material comforts. let us begin to eat, my friends." and sitting down upon the barrel, the knight seizes a goblet and raises it aloft, and drinks to all the crowd. and all the crowd do likewise, laughing merrily; and over them the blossoms shower with every odorous breeze; and with the breeze mingles a voice which whispers in a maiden's ear: "arcadia at last!" chapter xxx. illustrations. perhaps a few veritable extracts from the published correspondence of him whom, following a habit of his own, we have called sir asinus, may show the origin of some allusions in our chronicle. these short selections are arranged of course to suit the purpose of the narrative. beginning with the "rats," we very appropriately end with a marriage--as in the case of that gentleman who was "led such a life" by the rats, that "he had to go to london to get himself a wife." ... "this very day, to others the day of greatest mirth and jollity, sees me overwhelmed with more and greater misfortunes than have befallen a descendant of adam for these thousand years past, i am sure. i am now in a house surrounded with enemies who take counsel together against my soul, and when i lay me down to rest, they say among themselves, come, let us destroy him. i am sure if there is such a thing as a devil in this world, he must have been here last night, and have had some hand in contriving what happened to me. do you think the cursed rats (at his instigation, i suppose) did not eat up my pocket-book, which was in my pocket, within a foot of my head? and not contented with plenty for the present, they carried away my jemmy-worked silk garters, and half a dozen new minuets i had just got, to serve, i suppose, as provision for the winter. but of this i should not have accused the devil, (because you know rats will be rats, and hunger, without the addition of his instigations, might have urged them to do this,) if something worse, and from a different quarter, had not happened. you know it rained last night, or if you do not know it, i am sure i do. when i went to bed i laid my watch in the usual place, and going to take her up after i arose this morning, i found her in the same place, 'tis true, but, _quantum mutatus ab illo_! afloat in water, let in at a leak in the roof of the house, and as silent and still as the rats that had eat my pocket-book. now you know if chance had had any thing to do in this matter, there were a thousand other spots where it might have chanced to leak as well as this one, which was perpendicularly over my watch. but i'll tell you, it's my opinion that the devil came and bored the hole over it on purpose. well, as i was saying, my poor watch had lost her speech. i should not have cared much for this, but something worse attended it; the subtle particles of the water with which the case was filled, had by their penetration so overcome the cohesion of the particles of paper, of which my dear picture and watch-paper were composed, that in attempting to take them out to dry them, my cursed fingers gave them such a rent as i fear i never shall get over! _multis fortunæ vulneribus percussus, huic uni me imparem sensi, et penitus succubui._ i would have cried bitterly, but i thought it beneath the dignity of a man, and a man too who had read [greek: tôn ontôn, ta men eph' hêmin ta douk eph' hêmin]. i do wish the devil had old coke, for i am sure i never was so tired of an old dull scoundrel in my life. the old fellows say we must read to gain knowledge, and gain knowledge to make us happy and be admired. _mere jargon!_ is there any such thing as happiness in this world? no. and as for admiration, i am sure the man who powders most, perfumes most, embroiders most, and talks most nonsense, is most admired." ... "this letter will be conveyed to you by the assistance of our friend warner lewis. poor fellow! never did i see one more sincerely captivated in my life. he walked to the indian camp with her yesterday, by which means he had an opportunity of giving her two or three love-squeezes by the hand; and like a true arcadian swain, has been so enraptured ever since that he is company for no one." ... "last night, as merry as agreeable company and dancing with belinda in the apollo could make me, i never could have thought the succeeding sun would have seen me so wretched as i now am! affairs at w. and m. are in the greatest confusion. walker, mcclury, and wat jones are expelled _pro tempore_, or as horrox softens it, rusticated for a month. lewis burwell, warner lewis, and one thompson have fled to escape flagellation." ... "i wish i had followed your example and wrote in latin, and that i had called my dear, _campana in die_, instead of [greek: adnileb]."--("the lady here alluded to is manifestly the miss rebecca burwell mentioned in his first letter; but what suggested the quaint designation of her is not so obvious. in the first of them, belinda, translated into dog latin, which was there as elsewhere one of the _facetiæ_ of young collegians, became _campana in die_, that is, _bell in day_. in the second, the name is reversed, and becomes _adnileb_, which for farther security is written in greek characters, and the lady spoken of in the masculine gender."--_note of editor._) ... "when you see patsy dandridge, tell her, 'god bless her.' i do not like the ups and downs of a country life: to-day you are frolicking with a fine girl, and to-morrow you are moping by yourself. thank god! i shall shortly be where my happiness will be less interrupted. i shall salute all the girls below in your name, particularly s----y p----r. dear will, i have thought of the cleverest plan of life that can be imagined. you exchange your land for edgehill, or i mine for fairfields; you marry s----y p----r, i marry r----a b----l, join and get a pole chair and a pair of keen horses, practise the law in the same courts, and drive about to all the dances in the country together. how do you like it? well, i am sorry you are at such a distance i cannot hear your answer; however, you must let me know it by the first opportunity, and all the other news in the world which you imagine will affect me." ... "with regard to the scheme which i proposed to you some time since, i am sorry to tell you it is totally frustrated by miss r. b.'s marriage with jacquelin ambler, which the people here tell me they daily expect. well, the lord bless her! i say: but s----y p----r is still left for you. i have given her a description of the gentleman who, as i told her, intended to make her an offer of his hand, and asked whether or not he might expect it would be accepted. she would not determine till she saw him or his picture. now, will, as you are a piece of a limner, i desire that you will seat yourself immediately before your looking-glass and draw such a picture of yourself as you think proper; and if it should be defective, blame yourself. (mind that i mentioned no name to her.) you say you are determined to be married as soon as possible, and advise me to do the same. no, thank ye; i will consider of it first. many and great are the comforts of a single state, and neither of the reasons you urge can have any influence with an inhabitant, and a young inhabitant too, of williamsburg. who told you that i reported you was courting miss dandridge and miss dangerfield? it might be worth your while to ask whether they were in earnest or not. so far was i from it, that i frequently bantered miss j----y t----o about you, and told her how feelingly you spoke of her. there is scarcely any thing now going on here. you have heard, i suppose, that j. page is courting fanny burwell. w. bland and betsy yates are to be married thursday se'nnight. the secretary's son is expected in shortly. willis has left town entirely, so that your commands to him cannot be executed immediately; but those to the ladies i shall do myself the pleasure of delivering to-morrow night at the ball. tom randolph of tuckahoe has a suit of mecklenburg silk which he offered me for a suit of broadcloth." ... "i have not a syllable to write to you about. would you that i should write nothing but truth? i tell you i know nothing that is true. or would you rather that i should write you a pack of lies? why, unless they were more ingenious than i am able to invent, they would furnish you with little amusement. what can i do then? nothing, but ask you the news in your world. how have you done since i saw you? how did nancy look at you when you danced with her at southall's? have you any glimmering of hope? how does r. b. do? had i better stay here and do nothing, or go down and do less? or in other words, had i better stay here while i am here, or go down that i may have the pleasure of sailing up the river again in a full-rigged flat? you must know that as soon as the rebecca (the name i intend to give the vessel above mentioned) is completely finished, i intend to hoist sail and away. i shall visit particularly, england, holland, france, spain, italy, (where i would buy me a good fiddle,) and egypt, and return through the british provinces to the northward, home. this, to be sure, would take us two or three years, and if we should not both be cured of love in that time, i think the devil would be in it. t. jefferson." many of these letters are written from "devilsburg," which was the college name for the metropolitan city in the days of yore. the reader is referred to the first volume of mr. tucker's life of jefferson. we shall make but one addition to our chronicle of those former personages and their boyish pranks, and that shall be a quotation: "on the 1st of january, 1772, i was married to martha skelton, widow of bathurst skelton, and daughter of john wayles, then twenty-three years old." see his memoir of himself. finis. proofreading team. a compilation of the messages and papers of the presidents. by james d. richardson thomas jefferson march 4, 1801, to march 4, 1809 thomas jefferson thomas jefferson was born at shadwell, albemarle county, va., on april 2 (old style), 1743. he was the oldest son of peter jefferson, who died in 1757. after attending private schools, he entered william and mary college in 1760. in 1767 began the practice of the law. in 1769 was chosen to represent his county in the virginia house of burgesses, a station he continued to fill up to the period of the revolution. he married mrs. martha skelton in 1772, she being a daughter of john wayles, an eminent lawyer of virginia. on march 12, 1773, was chosen a member of the first committee of correspondence established by the colonial legislature. was elected a delegate to the continental congress in 1775; was placed on the committee of five to prepare the declaration of independence, and at the request of that committee he drafted the declaration, which, with slight amendments, was adopted july 4, 1776. resigned his seat in congress and occupied one in the virginia legislature in october, 1776. was elected governor of virginia by the legislature on june 1, 1779, to succeed patrick henry. retired to private life at the end of his term as governor, but was the same year elected again to the legislature. was appointed commissioner with others to negotiate treaties with france in 1776, but declined. in 1782 he was appointed by congress minister plenipotentiary to act with others in europe in negotiating a treaty of peace with great britain. was again elected a delegate to congress in 1783, and as a member of that body he advocated and had adopted the dollar as the unit and the present system of coins and decimals. in may, 1784, was appointed minister plenipotentiary to europe to assist john adams and benjamin franklin in negotiating treaties of commerce. in march, 1785, was appointed by congress minister at the french court to succeed dr. franklin, and remained in france until september, 1789. on his arrival at norfolk, november 23, 1789, received a letter from washington offering him the appointment of secretary of state in his cabinet. accepted and became the first secretary of state under the constitution. december 31, 1793, resigned his place in the cabinet and retired to private life at his home. in 1796 was brought forward by his friends as a candidate for president, but mr. adams, receiving the highest number of votes, was elected president, and jefferson became vice-president for four years from march 4, 1797. in 1800 was again voted for by his party for president. he and mr. burr received an equal number of electoral votes, and under the constitution the house of representatives was called upon to elect. mr. jefferson was chosen on the thirty-sixth ballot. was reelected in 1804, and retired finally from public life march 4, 1809. he died on the 4th day of july, 1826, and was buried at monticello, va. notification of election. mr. pinckney, from the committee instructed on the 18th instant to wait on the president elect to notify him of his election, reported that the committee had, according to order, performed that service, and addressed the president elect in the following words, to wit: the committee beg leave to express their wishes for the prosperity of your administration and their sincere desire that it may promote your own happiness and the welfare of our country. to which the president elect was pleased to make the following reply: i receive, gentlemen, with profound thankfulness this testimony of confidence from the great representative council of our nation. it fills up the measure of that grateful satisfaction which had already been derived from the suffrages of my fellow-citizens themselves, designating me as one of those to whom they were willing to commit this charge, the most important of all others to them. in deciding between the candidates whom their equal vote presented to your choice, i am sensible that age has been respected rather than more active and useful qualifications. i know the difficulties of the station to which i am called, and feel and acknowledge my incompetence to them. but whatsoever of understanding, whatsoever of diligence, whatsoever of justice or of affectionate concern for the happiness of man, it has pleased providence to place within the compass of my faculties shall be called forth for the discharge of the duties confided to me, and for procuring to my fellow-citizens all the benefits which our constitution has placed under the guardianship of the general government. guided by the wisdom and patriotism of those to whom it belongs to express the legislative will of the nation, i will give to that will a faithful execution. i pray you, gentlemen, to convey to the honorable body from which you are deputed the homage of my humble acknowledgments and the sentiments of zeal and fidelity by which i shall endeavor to merit these proofs of confidence from the nation and its representatives; and accept yourselves my particular thanks for the obliging terms in which you have been pleased to communicate their will. th. jefferson. february 20, 1801. letter from the president elect. the president laid before the senate a letter from the president elect of the united states, which was read, as follows: washington, _march 2, 1801_. the president pro tempore of the senate. sir: i beg leave through you to inform the honorable the senate of the united states that i propose to take the oath which the constitution prescribes to the president of the united states before he enters on the execution of his office on wednesday, the 4th instant, at 12 o'clock, in the senate chamber. i have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, th. jefferson. (the same letter was sent to the house of representatives.) first inaugural address. at washington, d.c. _friends and fellow-citizens_. called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, i avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that i approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire. a rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye--when i contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, i shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. utterly, indeed, should i despair did not the presence of many whom i here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our constitution i shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties. to you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, i look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world. during the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. all, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression. let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. and let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. during the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. we have called by different names brethren of the same principle. we are all republicans, we are all federalists. if there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. i know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? i trust not. i believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government on earth. i believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself. can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? let history answer this question. let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own federal and republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter--with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? still one thing more, fellow-citizens--a wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. this is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities. about to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what i deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration. i will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the state governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people--a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected. these principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. the wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. they should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety. i repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me. with experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, i have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it. without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, i ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs. i shall often go wrong through defect of judgment. when right, i shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. i ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts. the approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all. relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, i advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make. and may that infinite power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity. march 4, 1801. proclamation. [from the national intelligencer, march 13, 1801.] by the president of the united states. whereas by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the president of the united states on the iyth day of october, 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone;" and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than 40 feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than 35 feet in any of the avenues;" and whereas the above-recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorized by the said regulations, for which cause the president of the united states, by a writing under his hand, bearing date the 25th day of june, 1796, suspended the operation of the said articles until the first monday of december, 1800, and the beneficial effects arising from such suspension having been experienced, it is deemed proper to revive the same: wherefore i, thomas jefferson, president of the united states, do declare that the operation of the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same is hereby, suspended until the ist day of january, 1802, and that all the houses which shall be erected in the said city of washington previous to the said 1st day of january, 1802, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house shall be erected within 24 feet of any brick or stone house. given under my hand this 11th day of march, 1801. th. jefferson. in communicating his first message to congress, president jefferson addressed the following letter to the presiding officer of each branch of the national legislature: december 8, 1801. the honorable the president of the senate. sir: the circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practiced of making by personal address the first communications between the legislative and executive branches, i have adopted that by message, as used on all subsequent occasions through the session. in doing this i have had principal regard to the convenience of the legislature, to the economy of their time, to their relief from the embarrassment of immediate answers on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence resulting to the public affairs. trusting that a procedure founded in these motives will meet their approbation, i beg leave through you, sir, to communicate the inclosed message, with the documents accompanying it, to the honorable the senate, and pray you to accept for yourself and them the homage of my high respect and consideration. th. jefferson. first annual message. december 8, 1801. _fellow-citizens of the senate and house of representatives_: it is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that on meeting the great council of our nation i am able to announce to them on grounds of reasonable certainty that the wars and troubles which have for so many years afflicted our sister nations have at length come to an end, and that the communications of peace and commerce are once more opening among them. whilst we devoutly return thanks to the beneficent being who has been pleased to breathe into them the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we are bound with peculiar gratitude to be thankful to him that our own peace has been preserved through so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted quietly to cultivate the earth and to practice and improve those arts which tend to increase our comforts. the assurances, indeed, of friendly disposition received from all the powers with whom we have principal relations had inspired a confidence that our peace with them would not have been disturbed. but a cessation of irregularities which had affected the commerce of neutral nations and of the irritations and injuries produced by them can not but add to this confidence, and strengthens at the same time the hope that wrongs committed on unoffending friends under a pressure of circumstances will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as founding just claims of retribution for the past and new assurance for the future. among our indian neighbors also a spirit of peace and friendship generally prevails, and i am happy to inform yon that the continued efforts to introduce among them the implements and the practice of husbandry and of the household arts have not been without success; that they are becoming more and more sensible of the superiority of this dependence for clothing and subsistence over the precarious resources of hunting and fishing, and already we are able to announce that instead of that constant diminution of their numbers produced by their wars and their wants, some of them begin to experience an increase of population. to this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one only exception exists. tripoli, the least considerable of the barbary states, had come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and had permitted itself to denounce war on our failure to comply before a given day. the style of the demand admitted but one answer. i sent a small squadron of frigates into the mediterranean, with assurances to that power of our sincere desire to remain in peace, but with orders to protect our commerce against the threatened attack. the measure was seasonable and salutary. the bey had already declared war. his cruisers were out. two had arrived at gibraltar. our commerce in the mediterranean was blockaded and that of the atlantic in peril. the arrival of our squadron dispelled the danger. one of the tripolitan cruisers having fallen in with and engaged the small schooner _enterprise_, commanded by lieutenant sterret, which had gone as a tender to our larger vessels, was captured, after a heavy slaughter of her men, without the loss of a single one on our part. the bravery exhibited by our citizens on that element will, i trust, be a testimony to the world that it is not the want of that virtue which makes us seek their peace, but a conscientious desire to direct the energies of our nation to the multiplication of the human race, and not to its destruction. unauthorized by the constitution, without the sanction of congress, to go beyond the line of defense, the vessel, being disabled from committing further hostilities, was liberated with its crew. the legislature will doubtless consider whether, by authorizing measures of offense also, they will place our force on an equal footing with that of its adversaries. i communicate all material information on this subject, that in the exercise of this important function confided by the constitution to the legislature exclusively their judgment may form itself on a knowledge and consideration of every circumstance of weight. i wish i could say that our situation with all the other barbary states was entirely satisfactory. discovering that some delays had taken place in the performance of certain articles stipulated by us, i thought it my duty, by immediate measures for fulfilling them, to vindicate to ourselves the right of considering the effect of departure from stipulation on their side. from the papers which will be laid before you you will be enabled to judge whether our treaties are regarded by them as fixing at all the measure of their demands or as guarding from the exercise of force our vessels within their power, and to consider how far it will be safe and expedient to leave our affairs with them in their present posture. i lay before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants, to a conformity with which we are now to reduce the ensuing ratio of representation and taxation. you will perceive that the increase of numbers during the last ten years, proceeding in geometrical ratio, promises a duplication in little more than twenty-two years. we contemplate this rapid growth and the prospect it holds up to us, not with a view to the injuries it may enable us to do others in some future day, but to the settlement of the extensive country still remaining vacant within our limits to the multiplication of men susceptible of happiness, educated in the love of order, habituated to self-government, and valuing its blessings above all price. other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced an augmentation of revenue arising from consumption in a ratio far beyond that of population alone; and though the changes in foreign relations now taking place so desirably for the whole world may for a season affect this branch of revenue, yet weighing all probabilities of expense as well as of income, there is reasonable ground of confidence that we may now safely dispense with all the internal taxes, comprehending excise, stamps, auctions, licenses, carriages, and refined sugars, to which the postage on newspapers may be added to facilitate the progress of information, and that the remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the support of government, to pay the interest of the public debts, and to discharge the principals within shorter periods than the laws or the general expectation had contemplated. war, indeed, and untoward events may change this prospect of things and call for expenses which the imposts could not meet; but sound principles will not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow-citizens to accumulate treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not, perhaps, happen but from the temptations offered by that treasure. these views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the expectation that a sensible and at the same time a salutary reduction may take place in our habitual expenditures. for this purpose those of the civil government, the army, and navy will need revisal. when we consider that this government is charged with the external, and mutual relations only of these states; that the states themselves have principal care of our persons, our property, and our reputation, constituting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt whether our organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether offices and officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily and sometimes injuriously to the service they were meant to promote. i will cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of those who, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the treasury or from our citizens. time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the ramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be completely traced in a first trial. among those who are dependent on executive discretion i have begun the reduction of what was deemed unnecessary. the expenses of diplomatic agency have been considerably diminished. the inspectors of internal revenue who were found to obstruct the accountability of the institution have been discontinued. several agencies created by executive authority, on salaries fixed by that also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the expediency of regulating that power by law, so as to subject its exercises to legislative inspection and sanction. other reformations of the same kind will be pursued with that caution which is requisite in removing useless things, not to injure what is retained. but the great mass of public offices is established by law, and therefore by law alone can be abolished. should the legislature think it expedient to pass this roll in review and try all its parts by the test of public utility, they may be assured of every aid and light which executive information can yield. considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies and to increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents itself for taking off the surcharge, that it never may be seen here that after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings on which it can subsist, government shall itself consume the whole residue of what it was instituted to guard. in our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition; by disallowing all applications of money varying from the appropriation in object or transcending it in amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies and thereby circumscribing discretionary powers over money, and by bringing back to a single department all accountabilities for money, where the examinations may be prompt, efficacious, and uniform. an account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as prepared by the secretary of the treasury, will, as usual, be laid before you. the success which has attended the late sales of the public lands shews that with attention they may be made an important source of receipt. among the payments those made in discharge of the principal and interest of the national debt will shew that the public faith has been exactly maintained. to these will be added an estimate of appropriations necessary for the ensuing year. this last will, of course, be affected by such modifications of the system of expense as you shall think proper to adopt. a statement has been formed by the secretary of war, on mature consideration, of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be expedient and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. the whole amount is considerably short of the present military establishment. for the surplus no particular use can be pointed out. for defense against invasion their number is as nothing, nor is it conceived needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in time of peace for that purpose. uncertain as we must ever be of the particular point in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only force which can be ready at every point and competent to oppose them is the body of neighboring citizens as formed into a militia. on these, collected from the parts most convenient in numbers proportioned to the invading force, it is best to rely not only to meet the first attack, but if it threatens to be permanent to maintain the defense until regulars may be engaged to relieve them. these considerations render it important that we should at every session continue to amend the defects which from time to time shew themselves in the laws for regulating the militia until they are sufficiently perfect. nor should we now or at any time separate until we can say we have done everything for the militia which we could do were an enemy at our door. the provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that you may judge of the additions still requisite. with respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be carried some difference of opinion may be expected to appear, but just attention to the circumstances of every part of the union will doubtless reconcile all. a small force will probably continue to be wanted for actual service in the mediterranean. whatever annual sum beyond that you may think proper to appropriate to naval preparations would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles which may be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence calls them into use. progress has been made, as will appear by papers now communicated, in providing materials for 74-gun ships as directed by law. how far the authority given by the legislature for procuring and establishing sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood and pursued in the execution admits of some doubt. a statement of the expenses already incurred on that subject is now laid before you. i have in certain cases suspended or slackened these expenditures, that the legislature might determine whether so many yards are necessary as have been contemplated. the works at this place are among those permitted to go on, and five of the seven frigates directed to be laid up have been brought and laid up here, where, besides the safety of their position, they are under the eye of the executive administration, as well as of its agents, and where yourselves also will be guided by your own view in the legislative provisions respecting them which may from time to time be necessary. they are preserved in such condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to them, as to be at all times ready for sea on a short warning. two others are yet to be laid up so soon as they shall have received the repairs requisite to put them also into sound condition. as a superintending officer will be necessary at each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto fixed by the executive, will be a more proper subject for legislation. a communication will also be made of our progress in the execution of the law respecting the vessels directed to be sold. the fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced, present considerations of great difficulty. while some of them are on a scale sufficiently proportioned to the advantages of their position, to the efficacy of their protection, and the importance of the points within it, others are so extensive, will cost so much in their first erection, so much in their maintenance, and require such a force to garrison them as to make it questionable what is best now to be done. a statement of those commenced or projected, of the expenses already incurred, and estimates of their future cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be laid before you, that you may be enabled to judge whether any alteration is necessary in the laws respecting this subject. agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise. protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed. if in the course of your observations or inquiries they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention. we can not, indeed, but all feel an anxious solicitude for the difficulties under which our carrying trade will soon be placed. how far it can be relieved, otherwise than by time, is a subject of important consideration. the judiciary system of the united states, and especially that portion of it recently erected, will of course present itself to the contemplation of congress, and, that they may be able to judge of the proportion which the institution bears to the business it has to perform, i have caused to be procured from the several states and now lay before congress an exact statement of all the causes decided since the first establishment of the courts, and of those which were depending when additional courts and judges were brought in to their aid. and while on the judiciary organization it will be worthy your consideration whether the protection of the inestimable institution of juries has been extended to all the cases involving the security of our persons and property. their impartial selection also being essential to their value, we ought further to consider whether that is sufficiently secured in those states where they are named by a marshal depending on executive will or designated by the court or by officers dependent on them. i can not omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of naturalization. considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under a residence of fourteen years is a denial to a great proportion of those who ask it, and controls a policy pursued from their first settlement by many of these states, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity; and shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe? the constitution indeed has wisely provided that for admission to certain offices of important trust a residence shall be required sufficient to develop character and design. but might not the general character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to everyone manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes permanently with us, with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent usurpation of our flag, an abuse which brings so much embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen and so much danger to the nation of being involved in war that no endeavor should be spared to detect and suppress it? these, fellow-citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the nation which i have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration at this time. some others of less moment or not yet ready for communication will be the subject of separate messages. i am happy in this opportunity of committing the arduous affairs of our government to the collected wisdom of the union. nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform as far as in my power the legislative judgment, nor to carry that judgment into faithful execution. the prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote within your own walls that conciliation which so much befriends rational conclusion, and by its example will encourage among our constituents that progress of opinion which is tending to unite them in object and in will. that all should be satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected; but i indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts which have for their object to preserve the general and state governments in their constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of administration favorable to the security of liberty and property, and to reduce expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of government. th. jefferson. special messages. december 11, 1801. _gentlemen of the senate_: early in the last month i received the ratification by the first consul of france of the convention between the united states and that nation. his ratification not being pure and simple in the ordinary form, i have thought it my duty, in order to avoid all misconception, to ask a second advice and consent of the senate before i give it the last sanction by proclaiming it to be a law of the land. th. jefferson. december 22, 1801. _gentlemen of the senate_: the states of georgia and tennessee being peculiarly interested in our carrying into execution the two acts passed by congress on the 19th of february, 1799 (chapter 115), and 13th may, 1800 (chapter 62), commissioners were appointed early in summer and other measures taken for the purpose. the objects of these laws requiring meetings with the cherokees, chickasaws, choctaws, and creeks, the inclosed instructions were prepared for the proceedings with the three first nations. our applications to the cherokees failed altogether. those to the chickasaws produced the treaty now laid before you for your advice and consent, whereby we obtained permission to open a road of communication with the mississippi territory. the commissioners are probably at this time in conference with the choctaws. further information having been wanting when these instructions were, formed to enable us to prepare those respecting the creeks, the commissioners were directed to proceed with the others. we have now reason to believe the conferences with the creeks can not take place till the spring. the journals and letters of the commissioners relating to the subject of the treaty now inclosed accompany it. th. jefferson. december 22, 1801. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i now inclose sundry documents supplementary to those communicated to you with my message at the commencement of the session. two others of considerable importance--the one relating to our transactions with the barbary powers, the other presenting a view of the offices of the government--shall be communicated as soon as they can be completed. th. jefferson. december 23, 1801. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: another return of the census of the state of maryland is just received from the marshal of that state, which he desires may be substituted as more correct than the one first returned by him and communicated by me to congress. this new return, with his letter, is now laid before you. th. jefferson. january 11, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_. i now communicate to you a memorial of the commissioners of the city of washington, together with a letter of later date, which, with their memorial of january 28, 1801, will possess the legislature fully of the state of the public interests and of those of the city of washington confided to them. the moneys now due, and soon to become due, to the state of maryland on the loan guaranteed by the united states call for an early attention. the lots in the city which are chargeable with the payment of these moneys are deemed not only equal to the indemnification of the public, but to insure a considerable surplus to the city to be employed for its improvement, provided they are offered for sale only in sufficient numbers to meet the existing demand. but the act of 1796 requires that they shall be positively sold in such numbers as shall be necessary for the punctual payment of the loans. nine thousand dollars of interest are lately become due, $3,000 quarter yearly will continue to become due, and $50,000, an additional loan, are reimbursable on the 1st day of november next. these sums would require sales so far beyond the actual demand of the market that it is apprehended that the whole property may be thereby sacrificed, the public security destroyed, and the residuary interest of the city entirely lost. under these circumstances i have thought it my duty before i proceed to direct a rigorous execution of the law to submit the subject to the consideration of the legislature. whether the public interest will be better secured in the end and that of the city saved by offering sales commensurate only to the demand at market, and advancing from the treasury in the first instance what these may prove deficient, to be replaced by subsequent sales, rests for the determination of the legislature. if indulgence for the funds can be admitted, they will probably form a resource of great and permanent value; and their embarrassments have been produced only by overstrained exertions to provide accommodations for the government of the union th. jefferson. january 12, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate_: i now communicate to you a letter from the secretary of state inclosing an estimate of the expenses which appear at present necessary for carrying into effect the convention between the united states of america and the french republic, which has been prepared at the request of the house of representatives. th. jefferson. january 27, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you the accounts of our indian trading houses, as rendered up to the 1st day of january, 1801, with a report of the secretary of war thereon, explaining the effects and the situation of that commerce and the reasons in favor of its further extension. but it is believed that the act authorizing this trade expired so long ago as the 3d of march, 1799. its revival, therefore, as well as its extension, is submitted to the consideration of the legislature. the act regulating trade and intercourse with the indian tribes will also expire on the 3d day of march next. while on the subject of its continuance it will be worthy the consideration of the legislature whether the provisions of the law inflicting on indians, in certain cases, the punishment of death by hanging might not permit its commutation into death by military execution, the form of the punishment in the former way being peculiarly repugnant to their ideas and increasing the obstacles to the surrender of the criminal. these people are becoming very sensible of the baneful effects produced on their morals, their health, and existence by the abuse of ardent spirits, and some of them earnestly desire a prohibition of that article from being carried among them. the legislature will consider whether the effectuating that desire would not be in the spirit of benevolence and liberality which they have hitherto practiced toward these our neighbors, and which has had so happy an effect toward conciliating their friendship. it has been found, too, in experience that the same abuse gives frequent rise to incidents tending much to commit our peace with the indians. it is now become necessary to run and mark the boundaries between them and us in various parts. the law last mentioned has authorized this to be done, but no existing appropriation meets the expense. certain papers explanatory of the grounds of this communication are herewith inclosed. th. jefferson. february 2, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i now lay before you-1. a return of ordnance, arms, and military stores the property of the united states. 2. returns of muskets and bayonets fabricated at the armories of the united states at springfield and harpers ferry, and of the expenditures at those places; and 3. an estimate of expenditures which may be necessary for fortifications and barracks for the present year. besides the permanent magazines established at springfield, west point, and harpers ferry, it is thought one should be established in some point convenient for the states of north carolina, south carolina, and georgia. such a point will probably be found near the border of the carolinas, and some small provision by the legislature preparatory to the establishment will be necessary for the present year. we find the united states in possession of certain iron mines and works in the county of berkeley and state of virginia, purchased, as is presumable, on the idea of establishing works for the fabrication of cannon and other military articles by the public. whether this method of supplying what may be wanted will be most advisable or that of purchasing at market where competition brings everything to its proper level of price and quality is for the legislature to decide, and if the latter alternative be preferred, it will rest for their further consideration in what way the subjects of this purchase may be best employed or disposed of. the attorney-general's opinion on the subject of the title accompanies this. there are in various parts of the united states small parcels of land which have been purchased at different times for cantonments and other military purposes. several of them are in situations not likely to be accommodated to future purposes. the loss of the records prevents a detailed statement of these until they can be supplied by inquiry. in the meantime, one of them, containing 88 acres, in the county of essex, in new jersey, purchased in 1799 and sold the following year to cornelius vermule and andrew codmas, though its price has been received, can not be conveyed without authority from the legislature. i inclose herewith a letter from the secretary of war on the subject of the islands in the lakes and rivers of our northern boundary, and of certain lands in the neighborhood of some of our military posts, on which it may be expedient for the legislature to make some provisions. th. jefferson. february 16, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i now transmit a statement of the expenses incurred by the united states in their transactions with the barbary powers, and a roll of the persons having office or employment under the united states, as was proposed in my messages of december 7 and 22. neither is as perfect as could have been wished, and the latter not so much so as further time and inquiry may enable us to make it. the great volume of these communications and the delay it would produce to make out a second copy will, i trust, be deemed a sufficient reason for sending one of them to the one house, and the other to the other, with a request that they may be interchanged for mutual information rather than to subject both to further delay. th. jefferson. february 18, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in a message of the 2d instant i inclosed a letter from the secretary of war on the subject of certain lands in the neighborhood of our military posts on which it might be expedient for the legislature to make some provisions. a letter recently received from the governor of indiana presents some further views of the extent to which such provision may be needed, i therefore now transmit it for the information of congress. th. jefferson. february 24, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i communicate to both houses of congress a report of the secretary of the treasury on the subject of our marine hospitals, which appear to require legislative attention. as connected with the same subject, i also inclose information respecting the situation of our seamen and boatmen frequenting the port of new orleans and suffering there from sickness and the want of accommodation. there is good reason to believe their numbers greater than stated in these papers. when we consider how great a proportion of the territory of the united states must communicate with that port singly, and how rapidly that territory is increasing its population and productions, it may perhaps be thought reasonable to make hospital provisions there of a different order from those at foreign ports generally. th. jefferson. february 25, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: no occasion having arisen since the last account rendered by my predecessor of making use of any part of the moneys heretofore granted to defray the contingent charges of the government, i now transmit to congress an official statement thereof to the 31st day of december last, when the whole unexpended balance, amounting to $20,911.80, was carried to the credit of the surplus fund, as provided for by law, and this account consequently becomes finally closed, th. jefferson. february 26, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: some statements have been lately received of the causes decided or depending in the courts of the union in certain states, supplementary or corrective of those from which was formed the general statement accompanying my message at the opening of the session. i therefore communicate them to congress, with a report of the secretary of state noting their effect on the former statement and correcting certain errors in it which arose partly from inexactitude in some of the returns and partly in analyzing, adding, and transcribing them while hurried in preparing the other voluminous papers accompanying that message. th. jefferson. march 1, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit for the information of congress letters recently received from our consuls at gibraltar and algiers, presenting the latest view of the state of our affairs with the barbary powers. the sums due to the government of algiers are now fully paid up, and of the gratuity which had been promised to that of tunis, and was in a course of preparation, a small portion only remains still to be finished and delivered. th. jefferson. march 9, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate_: the governor of new york has desired that, in addition to the negotiations with certain indians already authorized under the superintendence of john taylor, further negotiations should be held with the oneidas and other members of the confederacy of the six nations for the purchase of lands in and for the state of new york, which they are willing to sell, as explained in the letter from the secretary of war herewith sent. i have therefore thought it better to name a commissioner to superintend the negotiations specified with the six nations generally, or with any of them. i do accordingly nominate john taylor, of new york, to be commissioner for the united states, to hold a convention or conventions between the state of new york and the confederacy of the six nations of indians, or any of the nations composing it. this nomination, if advised and consented to by the senate, will comprehend and supersede that of february 1 of the same john taylor so far as it respected the seneca indians, th. jefferson. march 10, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate_: i now submit for the ratification of the senate a treaty entered into by the commissioners of the united states with the choctaw nation of indians, and i transmit therewith so much of the instructions to the commissioners as related to the choctaws, with the minutes of their proceedings and the letter accompanying them. th. jefferson. march 29, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the secretary of state, charged with the civil affairs of the several territories of the united states, has received from the marshal of columbia a statement of the condition, unavoidably distressing, of the persons committed to his custody on civil or criminal process and the urgency for some legislative provisions for their relief. there are other important cases wherein the laws of the adjoining states under which the territory is placed, though adapted to the purposes of those states, are insufficient for those of the territory from the dissimilar or defective organization of its authorities. the letter and statement of the marshal and the disquieting state of the territory generally are now submitted to the wisdom and consideration of the legislature. th. jefferson. march 29, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate_: the commissioners who were appointed to carry into execution the sixth article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the united states and his britannic majesty having differed in opinion as to the objects of that article and discontinued their proceedings, the executive of the united states took early measures, by instructions to our minister at the british court, to negotiate explanations of that article. this mode of resolving the difficulty, however, proved unacceptable to the british government, which chose rather to avoid all further discussion and expense under that article by fixing at a given sum the amount for which the united states should be held responsible under it. mr. king was consequently authorized to meet this proposition, and a settlement in this way has been effected by a convention entered into with the british government, and now communicated for your advice and consent, together with the instructions and correspondence relating to it. the greater part of these papers being originals, the return of them is requested at the convenience of the senate. th. jefferson. march 30, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the secretary of war has prepared an estimate of expenditures for the army of the united states during the year 1802, conformably to the act fixing the military peace establishment, which estimate, with his letter accompanying and explaining it, i now transmit to both houses of congress. th. jefferson. march 31, 1802. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: according to the desire expressed in your resolution of the 23d instant, i now transmit a report of the secretary of state, with the letters it refers to, shewing the proceedings which have taken place under the resolution of congress of the 16th of april, 1800. the term prescribed for the execution of the resolution having elapsed before the person appointed had sat out on the service, i did not deem it justifiable to commence a course of expenditure after the expiration of the resolution authorizing it. the correspondence which has taken place, having regard to dates, will place this subject properly under the view of the house of representatives. th. jefferson. april, 8, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate_: in order to satisfy as far as it is in my power the desire expressed in your resolution of the 6th instant, i now transmit you a letter from john read, agent for the united states before the board of commissioners under the sixth article of the treaty with great britain, to the attorney-general, bearing date the 25th of april, 1801, in which he gives a summary view of the proceedings of those commissioners and of the principles established or insisted on by a majority of them. supposing it might be practicable for us to settle by negotiation with great britain the principles which ought to govern the decisions under the treaty, i caused instructions to be given to mr. read to analyze the claims before the board of commissioners, to class them under the principles on which they respectively depended, and to state the sum depending on each principle or the amount of each description of debt. the object of this was that we might know what principles were most important for us to contend for and what others might be conceded without much injury. he performed this duty, and gave in such a statement during the last summer, but the chief clerk of the secretary of state's office being absent on account of sickness, and the only person acquainted with the arrangement of the papers of the office, this particular document can not at this time be found. having, however, been myself in possession of it a few days after its receipt, i then transcribed from it for my own use the recapitulation of the amount of each description of debt. a copy of this transcript i shall subjoin hereto, with assurances that it is substantially correct, and with the hope that it will give a view of the subject sufficiently precise to fulfill the wishes of the senate. to save them the delay of waiting till a copy of the agent's letter could be made, i send the original, with the request that it may be returned at the convenience of the senate. th. jefferson. april 15, 1802. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i now transmit the papers desired in your resolution of the 6th instant. those respecting the _berceau_ will sufficiently explain themselves. the officer charged with her repairs states in his letter, received august 27, 1801, that he had been led by circumstances, which he explains, to go considerably beyond his orders. in questions between nations, who have no common umpire but reason, something must often be yielded of mutual opinion to enable them to meet in a common point. the allowance which had been proposed to the officers of that vessel being represented as too small for their daily necessities, and still more so as the means of paying before their departure debts contracted with our citizens for subsistence, it was requested on their behalf that the daily pay of each might be the measure of their allowance. this being solicited and reimbursement assumed by the agent of their nation, i deemed that the indulgence would have a propitious effect in the moment of returning friendship. the sum of $870.83 was accordingly furnished them for the five months of past captivity and a proportional allowance authorized until their embarkation. th. jefferson. april 20, 1802. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i transmit you a report from the secretary of state, with the information desired by the house of representatives, of the 8th of january, relative to certain spoliations and other proceedings therein referred to. th. jefferson. april 26, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in pursuance of the act entitled "an act supplemental to the act entitled 'an act for an amicable settlement of limits with the state of georgia, and authorizing the establishment of a government in the mississippi territory,'" james madison, secretary of state, albert gallatin, secretary of the treasury, and levi lincoln, attorney-general of the united states, were appointed commissioners to settle by compromise with the commissioners appointed by the state of georgia the claims and cession to which the said act has relation. articles of agreement and cession have accordingly been entered into and signed by the said commissioners of the united states and of georgia, which, as they leave a right to congress to act upon them legislatively at any time within six months after their date, i have thought it my duty immediately to communicate to the legislature. th. jefferson. april 27, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the commissioners who were appointed to carry into execution the sixth article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the united states and great britain having differed in their construction of that article, and separated in consequence of that difference, the president of the united states took immediate measures for obtaining conventional explanations of that article for the government of the commissioners. finding, however, great difficulties opposed to a settlement in that way, he authorized our minister at the court of london to meet a proposition that the united states by the payment of a fixed sum should discharge themselves from their responsibility for such debts as can not be recovered from the individual debtors. a convention has accordingly been signed, fixing the sum to be paid at â£600,000 in three equal and annual installments, which has been ratified by me with the advice and consent of the senate. i now transmit copies thereof to both houses of congress, trusting that in the free exercise of the authority which the constitution has given them on the subject of public expenditures they will deem it for the public interest to appropriate the sums necessary for carrying this convention into execution. th. jefferson. second annual message. december 15, 1802 _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: when we assemble together, fellow-citizens, to consider the state of our beloved country, our just attentions are first drawn to those pleasing circumstances which mark the goodness of that being from whose favor they flow and the large measure of thankfulness we owe for his bounty. another year has come around, and finds us still blessed with peace and friendship abroad; law, order, and religion at home; good affection and harmony with our indian neighbors; our burthens lightened, yet our income sufficient for the public wants, and the produce of the year great beyond example. these, fellow-citizens, are the circumstances under which we meet, and we remark with special satisfaction those which under the smiles of providence result from the skill, industry, and order of our citizens, managing their own affairs in their own way and for their own use, unembarrassed by too much regulation, unoppressed by fiscal exactions. on the restoration of peace in europe that portion of the general carrying trade which had fallen to our share during the war was abridged by the returning competition of the belligerent powers. this was to be expected, and was just. but in addition we find in some parts of europe monopolizing discriminations, which in the form of duties tend effectually to prohibit the carrying thither our own produce in our own vessels. from existing amities and a spirit of justice it is hoped that friendly discussion will produce a fair and adequate reciprocity. but should false calculations of interest defeat our hope, it rests with the legislature to decide whether they will meet inequalities abroad with countervailing inequalities at home, or provide for the evil in any other way. it is with satisfaction i lay before you an act of the british parliament anticipating this subject so far as to authorize a mutual abolition of the duties and countervailing duties permitted under the treaty of 1794. it shows on their part a spirit of justice and friendly accommodation which it is our duty and our interest to cultivate with all nations. whether this would produce a due equality in the navigation between the two countries is a subject for your consideration. another circumstance which claims attention as directly affecting the very source of our navigation is the defect or the evasion of the law providing for the return of seamen, and particularly of those belonging to vessels sold abroad. numbers of them, discharged in foreign ports, have been thrown on the hands of our consuls, who, to rescue them from the dangers into which their distresses might plunge them and save them to their country, have found it necessary in some cases to return them at the public charge. the cession of the spanish province of louisiana to france, which took place in the course of the late war, will, if carried into effect, make a change in the aspect of our foreign relations which will doubtless have just weight in any deliberations of the legislature connected with that subject. there was reason not long since to apprehend that the warfare in which we were engaged with tripoli might be taken up by some other of the barbary powers. a reenforcement, therefore, was immediately ordered to the vessels already there. subsequent information, however, has removed these apprehensions for the present. to secure our commerce in that sea with the smallest force competent, we have supposed it best to watch strictly the harbor of tripoli. still, however, the shallowness of their coast and the want of smaller vessels on our part has permitted some cruisers to escape unobserved, and to one of these an american vessel unfortunately fell a prey. the captain, one american seaman, and two others of color remain prisoners with them unless exchanged under an agreement formerly made with the bashaw, to whom, on the faith of that, some of his captive subjects had been restored. the convention with the state of georgia has been ratified by their legislature, and a repurchase from the creeks has been consequently made of a part of the talasscee country. in this purchase has been also comprehended a part of the lands within the fork of oconee and oakmulgee rivers. the particulars of the contract will be laid before congress so soon as they shall be in a state for communication. in order to remove every ground of difference possible with our indian neighbors, i have proceeded in the work of settling with them and marking the boundaries between us. that with the choctaw nation is fixed in one part and will be through the whole within a short time. the country to which their title had been extinguished before the revolution is sufficient to receive a very respectable population, which congress will probably see the expediency of encouraging so soon as the limits shall be declared. we are to view this position as an outpost of the united states, surrounded by strong neighbors and distant from its support; and how far that monopoly which prevents population should here be guarded against and actual habitation made a condition of the continuance of title will be for your consideration. a prompt settlement, too, of all existing rights and claims within this territory presents itself as a preliminary operation. in that part of the indiana territory which includes vincennes the lines settled with the neighboring tribes fix the extinction of their title at a breadth of 24 leagues from east to west and about the same length parallel with and including the wabash. they have also ceded a tract of 4 miles square, including the salt springs near the mouth of that river. in the department of finance it is with pleasure i inform you that the receipts of external duties for the last twelve months have exceeded those of any former year, and that the ratio of increase has been also greater than usual. this has enabled us to answer all the regular exigencies of government, to pay from the treasury within one year upward of $8,000,000, principal and interest, of the public debt, exclusive of upward of one million paid by the sale of bank stock, and making in the whole a reduction of nearly five millions and a half of principal, and to have now in the treasury $4,500,000, which are in a course of application to the further discharge of debt and current demands. experience, too, so far, authorizes us to believe, if no extraordinary event supervenes, and the expenses which will be actually incurred shall not be greater than were contemplated by congress at their last session, that we shall not be disappointed in the expectations then formed. but nevertheless, as the effect of peace on the amount of duties is not yet fully ascertained, it is the more necessary to practice every useful economy and to incur no expense which may be avoided without prejudice. the collection of the internal taxes having been completed in some of the states, the officers employed in it are of course out of commission. in others they will be so shortly. but in a few, where the arrangements for the direct tax had been retarded, it will be some time before the system is closed. it has not yet been thought necessary to employ the agent authorized by an act of the last session for transacting business in europe relative to debts and loans. nor have we used the power confided by the same act of prolonging the foreign debt by reloans, and of redeeming instead thereof an equal sum of the domestic debt. should, however, the difficulties of remittance on so large a scale render it necessary at any time, the power shall be executed and the money thus unemployed abroad shall, in conformity with that law, be faithfully applied here in an equivalent extinction of domestic debt. when effects so salutary result from the plans you have already sanctioned; when merely by avoiding false objects of expense we are able, without a direct tax, without internal taxes, and without borrowing to make large and effectual payments toward the discharge of our public debt and the emancipation of our posterity from that mortal canker, it is an encouragement, fellow-citizens, of the highest order to proceed as we have begun in substituting economy for taxation, and in pursuing what is useful for a nation placed as we are, rather than what is practiced by others under different circumstances. and whensoever we are destined to meet events which shall call forth all the energies of our countrymen, we have the firmest reliance on those energies and the comfort of leaving for calls like these the extraordinary resources of loans and internal taxes. in the meantime, by payments of the principal of our debt, we are liberating annually portions of the external taxes and forming from them a growing fund still further to lessen the necessity of recurring to extraordinary resources. the usual account of receipts and expenditures for the last year, with an estimate of the expenses of the ensuing one, will be laid before you by the secretary of the treasury. no change being deemed necessary in our military establishment, an estimate of its expenses for the ensuing year on its present footing, as also of the sums to be employed in fortifications and other objects within that department, has been prepared by the secretary of war, and will make a part of the general estimates which will be presented you. considering that our regular troops are employed for local purposes, and that the militia is our general reliance for great and sudden emergencies, you will doubtless think this institution worthy of a review, and give it those improvements of which you find it susceptible. estimates for the naval department, prepared by the secretary of the navy, for another year will in like manner be communicated with the general estimates. a small force in the mediterranean will still be necessary to restrain the tripoline cruisers, and the uncertain tenure of peace with some other of the barbary powers may eventually require that force to be augmented. the necessity of procuring some smaller vessels for that service will raise the estimate, but the difference in their maintenance will soon make it a measure of economy. presuming it will be deemed expedient to expend annually a convenient sum toward providing the naval defense which our situation may require, i can not but recommend that the first appropriations for that purpose may go to the saving what we already possess. no cares, no attentions, can preserve vessels from rapid decay which lie in water and exposed to the sun. these decays require great and constant repairs, and will consume, if continued, a great portion of the moneys destined to naval purposes. to avoid this waste of our resources it is proposed to add to our navy-yard here a dock within which our present vessels may be laid up dry and under cover from the sun. under these circumstances experience proves that works of wood will remain scarcely at all affected by time. the great abundance of running water which this situation possesses, at heights far above the level of the tide, if employed as is practiced for lock navigation, furnishes the means for raising and laying up our vessels on a dry and sheltered bed. and should the measure be found useful here, similar depositories for laying up as well as for building and repairing vessels may hereafter be undertaken at other navy-yards offering the same means. the plans and estimates of the work, prepared by a person of skill and experience, will be presented to you without delay, and from this it will be seen that scarcely more than has been the cost of one vessel is necessary to save the whole, and that the annual sum to be employed toward its completion may be adapted to the views of the legislature as to naval expenditure. to cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries as nurseries of navigation and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burthens; to keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional powers, and cherish the federal union as the only rock of safety--these, fellow-citizens, are the landmarks by which we are to guide our selves in all our proceedings. by continuing to make these the rule of our action we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their constitution and promote an union of sentiment and of action equally auspicious to their happiness and safety. on my part, you may count on a cordial concurrence in every measure for the public good and on all the information i possess which may enable you to discharge to advantage the high functions with which you are invested by your country. th. jefferson. special messages. december 22, 1802. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i now transmit a report from the secretary of state with the information requested in your resolution of the 17th instant. in making this communication i deem it proper to observe that i was led by the regard due to the rights and interests of the united states and to the just sensibility of the portion of our fellow-citizens more immediately affected by the irregular proceeding at new orleans to lose not a moment in causing every step to be taken which the occasion claimed from me, being equally aware of the obligation to maintain in all cases the rights of the nation and to employ for that purpose those just and honorable means which belong to the character of the united states. th. jefferson. december 23, 1802. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_. in pursuance of the resolution of the house of representatives of the 3d of may last, desiring a statement of expenditures from january 1, 1797, by the quartermaster-general and the navy agents, for the contingencies of the naval and military establishments and the navy contracts for timber and stores, i now transmit such statements from the offices of the secretaries of the treasury, war, and navy, where alone these expenditures are entered. th. jefferson. december 27, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you a treaty, which has been agreed to by commissioners duly authorized on the part of the united states and the creek nation of indians, for the extinguishment of the native title to lands in the talassee county, and others between the forks of oconce and oakmulgee rivers, in georgia, in pursuance of the convention with that state, together with the documents explanatory thereof; and it is submitted to your determination whether you will advise and consent to the ratification thereof. th. jefferson. december 27, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you a treaty, which has been concluded between the state of new york and the oneida indians, for the purchase of lands within that state. one other, between the same state and the seneca indians, for the purchase of other lands within the same state. one other, between certain individuals styled the holland company with the senecas, for the exchange of certain lands in the same state. and one other, between oliver phelps, a citizen of the united states, and the senecas, for the exchange of lands in the same state; with sundry explanatory papers, all of them conducted under the superintendence of a commissioner on the part of the united states, who reports that they have been adjusted with the fair and free consent and understanding of the parties. it is therefore submitted to your determination whether you will advise and consent to their respective ratifications. th. jefferson. december 27, 1802. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in my message of the 15th instant i mentioned that plans and estimates of a dry dock for the preservation of our ships of war, prepared by a person of skill and experience, should be laid before you without delay. these are now transmitted, the report and estimates by duplicates; but the plans being single only, i must request an intercommunication of them between the houses and their return when they shall no longer be wanting for their consideration. th. jefferson. december 30, 1802. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: in addition to the information accompanying my message of the 22d instant, i now transmit the copy of a letter on the same subject, recently received. th. jefferson. washington, _december 30, 1802_. the speaker of the house of representatives. sir: although an informal communication to the public of the substance of the inclosed letter may be proper for quieting the public mind, yet i refer to the consideration of the house of representatives whether the publication of it in form might not give dissatisfaction to the writer and tend to discourage the freedom and confidence of communications between the agents of the two governments. accept assurances of my high consideration and respect. th. jefferson. natchez, _november 25, 1802_. the honorable the secretary of state, _washington_. sir: i have the honor to inclose you an original copy of a communication (together with a translation thereof) which i this morning received from the governor-general of the province of louisiana in answer to my letters of the 28th ultimo. i am, sir, with respect and esteem, your humble servant, william c.c. claiborne. [translation.] new orleans, _november 15, 1802_. his excellency william c.c. claiborne. most excellent sir: i received a few days past your excellency's esteemed letter of the 28th ultimo, in which your excellency, referring to the twenty-second article of the treaty of friendship, navigation, and limits agreed upon between the king, my master, and the united states of america, has been pleased to inquire, after transcribing the literal text of said article (which you find so explicit as not to require any comment nor to admit of dubious construction), if his majesty has been pleased to designate any other position on the banks of the mississippi, and where that is, if his royal pleasure does not continue the permission stipulated by the said treaty which entitled the citizens of the united states to deposit their merchandise and effects in the port of new orleans; and you request at the same time that, as the affair is so interesting to the commerce of the united states and to the welfare of its citizens, i may do you the favor to send you an answer as early as possible. i can now assure your excellency that his catholic majesty has not hitherto issued any order for suspending the deposit, and consequently has not designated any other position on the banks of the mississippi for that purpose. but i must inform you, in answer to your inquiry, that the intendant of these provinces (who in the affairs of his own department is independent of the general government), at the same time that, in conformity with the royal commands (the peace in europe having been published since the 4th of may last), he suspended the commerce of neutrals, also thought proper to suspend the tacit prolongation which continued, and to put a stop to the infinite abuses which resulted from the deposit, contrary to the interest of the state and of the commerce of these colonies, in consequence of the experience he acquired of the frauds which have been committed and which it has been endeavored to excuse under the pretext of ignorance, as is manifested by the number of causes which now await the determination of his majesty, as soon as they can be brought to his royal knowledge, besides many others which have been dropt because the individuals have absconded who introduced their properties into the deposit and did not extract them, thus defrauding the royal interests. it might appear on the first view that particular cases like these ought not to operate against a general privilege granted by a solemn treaty, and it is an incontestable principle that the happiness of nations consists in a great measure in maintaining a good harmony and correspondence with their neighbors by respecting their rights, by supporting their own, without being deficient in what is required by humanity and civil intercourse; but it is also indubitable that for a treaty, although solemn, to be entirely valid it ought not to contain any defect; and if it be pernicious and of an injurious tendency, although it has been effectuated with good faith but without a knowledge of its bad consequence, it will be necessary to undo it, because treaties ought to be viewed like other acts of public will, in which more attention ought to be paid to the intention than to the words in which they are expressed; and thus it will not appear so repugnant that the term of three years fixed by the twenty-second article being completed without the king's having granted a prolongation, the intendancy should not, after putting a stop to the commerce of neutrals, take upon itself the responsibility of continuing that favor without the express mandate of the king, a circumstance equally indispensable for designating another place on the banks of the mississippi. from the foregoing i trust that you will infer that as it is the duty of the intendant, who conducts the business of his ministry with a perfect independence of the government, to have informed the king of what he has done in fulfillment of what has been expressly stipulated, it is to be hoped that his majesty will take the measures which are convenient to give effect to the deposit, either in this capital, if he should not find it prejudicial to the interests of spain, or in the place on the banks of the mississippi which it may be his royal pleasure to designate; as it ought to be confided that the justice and generosity of the king will not refuse to afford to the american citizens all the advantages they can desire, a measure which does not depend upon discretion, nor can an individual chief take it upon himself. besides these principles on which the regulation of the intendant is founded, i ought at the same time to inform you that i myself opposed on my part, as far as i reasonably could, the measure of suspending the deposit, until the reasons adduced by the intendant brought it to my view; that as all events can not be prevented, and as with time and different circumstances various others occur which can not be foreseen, a just and rational interpretation is always necessary. notwithstanding the foregoing, the result of my own reflections, i immediately consulted on the occasion with my captain-general, whose answer, which can not be long delayed, will dissipate every doubt that may be raised concerning the steps which are to be taken, by all means your excellency may live in the firm persuasion that as there has subsisted, and does subsist, the most perfect and constant good harmony between the king, my master, and the united states of america, i will spare no pains to preserve it by all the means in my power, being assured of a reciprocity of equal good offices in observing the treaty with good faith, ever keeping it in view that the felicity and glory of nations are deeply concerned in the advantages of a wise and prudently conducted commerce. i have the honor to assure your excellency of the respect and high consideration which i profess for you; and i pray the most high to preserve your life many years. i kiss your excellency's hands. your most affectionate servant, manuel de salcedo. january 5, 1803. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: agreeably to the request of the house of representatives, i now transmit a statement of the militia of those states from which any returns have been made to the war office. they are, as you will perceive, but a small proportion of the whole. i send you also the copy of a circular letter written some time since for the purpose of obtaining returns from all the states. should any others in consequence of this be made during the session of congress, they shall be immediately communicated. th. jefferson. january 7, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate_: i submit for your approbation and consent a convention entered into with the choctaw nation of indians for ascertaining and marking the limits of the territory ceded to our nation while under its former government, and lying between the tombigbee and mobile rivers on the east and the chickasawhay river on the west. we are now engaged in ascertaining and marking in like manner the limits of the former cessions of the choctaws from the river yazoo to our southern boundary, which will be the subject of another convention, and we expect to obtain from the same nation a new cession of lands of considerable extent between the tombigbee and alabama rivers. these several tracts of country will compose that portion of the mississippi territory which, so soon as certain individual claims are arranged, the united states will be free to sell and settle immediately. th. jefferson january 11, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate_: the cession of the spanish province of louisiana to france, and perhaps of the floridas, and the late suspension of our right of deposit at new orleans are events of primary interest to the united states. on both occasions such measures were promptly taken as were thought most likely amicably to remove the present and to prevent future causes of inquietude. the objects of these measures were to obtain the territory on the left bank of the mississippi and eastward of that, if practicable, on conditions to which the proper authorities of our country would agree, or at least to prevent any changes which might lessen the secure exercise of our rights. while my confidence in our minister plenipotentiary at paris is entire and undiminished, i still think that these objects might be promoted by joining with him a person sent from hence directly, carrying with him the feelings and sentiments of the nation excited on the late occurrence, impressed by full communications of all the views we entertain on this interesting subject, and thus prepared to meet and to improve to an useful result the counter propositions of the other contracting party, whatsoever form their interests may give to them, and to secure to us the ultimate accomplishment of our object. i therefore nominate robert r. livingston to be minister plenipotentiary and james monroe to be minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary, with full powers to both jointly, or to either on the death of the other, to enter into a treaty or convention with the first consul of france for the purpose of enlarging and more effectually securing our rights and interests in the river mississippi and in the territories eastward thereof. but as the possession of these provinces is still in spain, and the course of events may retard or prevent the cession to france being carried into effect, to secure our object it will be expedient to address equal powers to the government of spain also, to be used only in the event of its being necessary. i therefore nominate charles pinckney to be minister plenipotentiary, and james monroe, of virginia, to be minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary, with full powers to both jointly, or to either on the death of the other, to enter into a treaty or convention with his catholic majesty for the purpose of enlarging and more effectually securing our rights and interests in the river mississippi and in the territories eastward thereof. th. jefferson. january 11, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate_: the spoliations and irregularities committed on our commerce during the late war by subjects of spain or by others deemed within her responsibility having called for attention, instructions were accordingly given to our minister at madrid to urge our right to just indemnifications, and to propose a convention for adjusting them. the spanish government listened to our proposition with an honorable readiness and agreed to a convention, which i now submit for your advice and consent. it does not go to the satisfaction of all our claims, but the express reservation of our right to press the validity of the residue has been made the ground of further instructions to our minister on the subject of an additional article, which it is to be hoped will not be without effect. th. jefferson. january 18, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: as the continuance of the act for establishing trading houses with the indian tribes will be under the consideration of the legislature at its present session, i think it my duty to communicate the views which have guided me in the execution of that act, in order that you may decide on the policy of continuing it in the present or any other form, or discontinue it altogether if that shall, on the whole, seem most for the public good. the indian tribes residing within the limits of the united states have for a considerable time been growing more and more uneasy at the constant diminution of the territory they occupy, although effected by their own voluntary sales, and the policy has long been gaining strength with them of refusing absolutely all further sale on any conditions, insomuch that at this time it hazards their friendship and excites dangerous jealousies and perturbations in their minds to make any overture for the purchase of the smallest portions of their land. a very few tribes only are not yet obstinately in these dispositions. in order peaceably to counteract this policy of theirs and to provide an extension of territory which the rapid increase of our numbers will call for, two measures are deemed expedient. first. to encourage them to abandon hunting, to apply to the raising stock, to agriculture, and domestic manufacture, and thereby prove to themselves that less land and labor will maintain them in this better than in their former mode of living. the extensive forests necessary in the hunting life will then become useless, and they will see advantage in exchanging them for the means of improving their farms and of increasing their domestic comforts. secondly. to multiply trading houses among them, and place within their reach those things which will contribute more to their domestic comfort than the possession of extensive but uncultivated wilds. experience and reflection will develop to them the wisdom of exchanging what they can spare and we want for what we can spare and they want. in leading them thus to agriculture, to manufactures, and civilization; in bringing together their and our sentiments, and in preparing them ultimately to participate in the benefits of our government, i trust and believe we are acting for their greatest good. at these trading houses we have pursued the principles of the act of congress which directs that the commerce shall be carried on liberally, and requires only that the capital stock shall not be diminished. we consequently undersell private traders, foreign and domestic, drive them from the competition, and thus, with the good will of the indians, rid ourselves of a description of men who are constantly endeavoring to excite in the indian mind suspicions, fears, and irritations toward us. a letter now inclosed shows the effect of our competition on the operations of the traders, while the indians, perceiving the advantage of purchasing from us, are soliciting generally our establishment of trading houses among them. in one quarter this is particularly interesting. the legislature, reflecting on the late occurrences on the mississippi, must be sensible how desirable it is to possess a respectable breadth of country on that river, from our southern limit to the illinois, at least, so that we may present as firm a front on that as on our eastern border. we possess what is below the yazoo, and can probably acquire a certain breadth from the illinois and wabash to the ohio; but between the ohio and yazoo the country all belongs to the chickasaws, the most friendly tribe within our limits, but the most decided against the alienation of lands. the portion of their country most important for us is exactly that which they do not inhabit. their settlements are not on the mississippi, but in the interior country. they have lately shown a desire to become agricultural, and this leads to the desire of buying implements and comforts. in the strengthening and gratifying of these wants i see the only prospect of planting on the mississippi itself the means of its own safety. duty has required me to submit these views to the judgment of the legislature, but as their disclosure might embarrass and defeat their effect, they are committed to the special confidence of the two houses. while the extension of the public commerce among the indian tribes may deprive of that source of profit such of our citizens as are engaged in it, it might be worthy the attention of congress in their care of individual as well as of the general interest to point in another direction the enterprise of these citizens, as profitably for themselves and more usefully for the public. the river missouri and the indians inhabiting it are not as well known as is rendered desirable by their connection with the mississippi, and consequently with us. it is, however, understood that the country on that river is inhabited by numerous tribes, who furnish great supplies of furs and peltry to the trade of another nation, carried on in a high latitude through an infinite number of portages and lakes shut up by ice through a long season. the commerce on that line could bear no competition with that of the missouri, traversing a moderate climate, offering, according to the best accounts, a continued navigation from its source, and possibly with a single portage from the western ocean, and finding to the atlantic a choice of channels through the illinois or wabash, the lakes and hudson, through the ohio and susquehanna, or potomac or james rivers, and through the tennessee and savannah rivers. an intelligent officer, with ten or twelve chosen men, fit for the enterprise and willing to undertake it, taken from our posts where they may be spared without inconvenience, might explore the whole line, even to the western ocean, have conferences with the natives on the subject of commercial intercourse, get admission among them for our traders as others are admitted, agree on convenient deposits for an interchange of articles, and return with the information acquired in the course of two summers. their arms and accouterments, some instruments of observation, and light and cheap presents for the indians would be all the apparatus they could carry, and with an expectation of a soldier's portion of land on their return would constitute the whole expense. their pay would be going on whether here or there. while other civilized nations have encountered great expense to enlarge the boundaries of knowledge by undertaking voyages of discovery, and for other literary purposes, in various parts and directions, our nation seems to owe to the same object, as well as to its own interests, to explore this the only line of easy communication across the continent, and so directly traversing our own part of it. the interests of commerce place the principal object within the constitutional powers and care of congress, and that it should incidentally advance the geographical knowledge of our own continent can not but be an additional gratification. the nation claiming the territory, regarding this as a literary pursuit, which it is in the habit of permitting within its dominions, would not be disposed to view it with jealousy, even if the expiring state of its interests there did not render it a matter of indifference. the appropriation of $2,500 "for the purpose of extending the external commerce of the united states," while understood and considered by the executive as giving the legislative sanction, would cover the undertaking from notice and prevent the obstructions which interested individuals might otherwise previously prepare in its way. th. jefferson. january 18, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i inclose a report of the secretary of war, stating the trading houses established in the indian territories, the progress which has been made in the course of the last year in settling and marking boundaries with the different tribes, the purchases of lands recently made from them, and the prospect of further progress in marking boundaries and in new extinguishments of title in the year to come, for which some appropriations of money will be wanting. to this i have to add that when the indians ceded to us the salt springs on the wabash they expressed a hope that we would so employ them as to enable them to procure there the necessary supplies of salt. indeed, it would be the most proper and acceptable form in which the annuity could be paid which we propose to give them for the cession. these springs might at the same time be rendered eminently serviceable to our western inhabitants by using them as the means of counteracting the monopolies of supplies of salt and of reducing the price in that country to a just level. for these purposes a small appropriation would be necessary to meet the first expenses, after which they should support themselves and repay those advances. these springs are said to possess the advantage of being accompanied with a bed of coal. th. jefferson. january 19, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i now lay before congress the annual account of the fund established for defraying the contingent charges of government. a single article of $1,440, paid for bringing home 72 seamen discharged in foreign ports from vessels sold abroad, is the only expenditure from that fund, leaving an unexpended balance of $18,560 in the treasury. th. jefferson. january 24. 1803. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit a report by the superintendent of the city of washington on the affairs of the city committed to his care. by this you will perceive that the resales of lots prescribed by an act of the last session of congress did not produce a sufficiency to pay the debt to maryland to which they are appropriated, and as it was evident that the sums necessary for the interest and installments due to that state could not be produced by a sale of the other public lots without an unwarrantable sacrifice of the property, the deficiencies were of necessity drawn from the treasury of the united states. the office of the surveyor for the city, created during the former establishment, being of indispensable necessity, it has been continued, and to that of the superintendent, substituted instead of the board of commissioners at the last session of congress, no salary was annexed by law. these offices being permanent, i have supposed it more agreeable to principle that their salaries should be fixed by the legislature, and therefore have assigned them none. their services to be compensated are from the 1st day of june last. the marshal of the district of columbia has, as directed by law, caused a jail to be built in the city of washington. i inclose his statements of the expenses already incurred and of what remains to be finished. the portion actually completed has rendered the situation of the persons confined much more comfortable and secure than it has been heretofore. th. jefferson. february 3, 1803. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: the inclosed letter and affidavits exhibiting matter of complaint against john pickering, district judge of new hampshire, which is not within executive cognizance, i transmit them to the house of representatives, to whom the constitution has confided a power of instituting proceedings of redress, if they shall be of opinion that the case calls for them. th. jefferson. february 14, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in obedience to the ordinance for the government of the territories of the united states requiring that the laws adopted by the governor and judges thereof shall be reported to congress from time to time, i now transmit those which have been adopted in the indiana territory from january, 1801, to february, 1802, as forwarded to the office of the secretary of state. th. jefferson. february 21, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate_: the tuscarora indians, having an interest in some lands within the state of north carolina, asked the superintendence of the government of the united states over a treaty to be held between them and the state of north carolina respecting these lands. william richardson davie was appointed a commissioner for this purpose, and a treaty was concluded under his superintendence. this, with his letter on the subject, is now laid before the senate for their advice and consent whether it shall be ratified. th. jefferson. february 23, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i lay before you a report of the secretary of state on the case of the danish brigantine _henrick_, taken by a french privateer in 1799, retaken by an armed vessel of the united states, carried into a british island, and there adjudged to be neutral, but under allowance of such salvage and costs as absorbed nearly the whole amount of sales of the vessel and cargo. indemnification for these losses occasioned by our officers is now claimed by the sufferers, supported by the representations of their government. i have no doubt the legislature will give to the subject that just attention and consideration which it is useful as well as honorable to practice in our transactions with other nations, and particularly with one which has observed toward us the most friendly treatment and regard. th. jefferson. proclamation. [from the national intelligencer, july 18, 1803.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas great and weighty matters claiming the consideration of the congress of the united states form an extraordinary occasion for convening them, i do by these presents appoint monday, the 17th day of october next, for their meeting at the city of washington, hereby requiring their respective senators and representatives then and there to assemble in congress, in order to receive such communications as may then be made to them and to consult and determine on such measures as in their wisdom may be deemed meet for the welfare of the united states. [seal.] in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand. done at the city of washington, the 16th day of july, a.d. 1803, and in the twenty-eighth year of the independence of the united states. th. jefferson. by the president: james madison, _secretary_. third annual message. october 17, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in calling you together, fellow-citizens, at an earlier day than was contemplated by the act of the last session of congress, i have not been insensible to the personal inconveniences necessarily resulting from an unexpected change in your arrangements. but matters of great public concernment have rendered this call necessary, and the interests you feel in these will supersede in your minds all private considerations. congress witnessed at their late session the extraordinary agitation produced in the public mind by the suspension of our right of deposit at the port of new orleans, no assignment of another place having been made according to treaty. they were sensible that the continuance of that privation would be more injurious to our nation than any consequences which could flow from any mode of redress, but reposing just confidence in the good faith of the government whose officer had committed the wrong, friendly and reasonable representations were resorted to, and the right of deposit was restored. previous, however, to this period we had not been unaware of the danger to which our peace would be perpetually exposed whilst so important a key to the commerce of the western country remained under foreign power. difficulties, too, were presenting themselves as to the navigation of other streams which, arising within our territories, pass through those adjacent. propositions had therefore been authorized for obtaining on fair conditions the sovereignty of new orleans and of other possessions in that quarter interesting to our quiet to such extent as was deemed practicable, and the provisional appropriation of $2,000,000 to be applied and accounted for by the president of the united states, intended as part of the price, was considered as conveying the sanction of congress to the acquisition proposed. the enlightened government of france saw with just discernment the importance to both nations of such liberal arrangements as might best and permanently promote the peace, friendship, and interests of both, and the property and sovereignty of all louisiana which had been restored to them have on certain conditions been transferred to the united states by instruments bearing date the 30th of april last. when these shall have received the constitutional sanction of the senate, they will without delay be communicated to the representatives also for the exercise of their functions as to those conditions which are within the powers vested by the constitution in congress. whilst the property and sovereignty of the mississippi and its waters secure an independent outlet for the produce of the western states and an uncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from collision with other powers and the dangers to our peace from that source, the fertility of the country, its climate and extent, promise in due season important aids to our treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a wide spread for the blessings of freedom and equal laws. with the wisdom of congress it will rest to take those ulterior measures which may be necessary for the immediate occupation and temporary government of the country; for its incorporation into our union; for rendering the change of government a blessing to our newly adopted brethren; for securing to them the rights of conscience and of property; for confirming to the indian inhabitants their occupancy and self-government, establishing friendly and commercial relations with them, and for ascertaining the geography of the country acquired. such materials, for your information, relative to its affairs in general as the short space of time has permitted me to collect will be laid before you when the subject shall be in a state for your consideration. another important acquisition of territory has also been made since the last session of congress. the friendly tribe of kaskaskia indians, with which we have never had a difference, reduced by the wars and wants of savage life to a few individuals unable to defend themselves against the neighboring tribes, has transferred its country to the united states, reserving only for its members what is sufficient to maintain them in an agricultural way. the considerations stipulated are that we shall extend to them our patronage and protection and give them certain annual aids in money, in implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice. this country, among the most fertile within our limits, extending along the mississippi from the mouth of the illinois to and up the ohio, though not so necessary as a barrier since the acquisition of the other bank, may yet be well worthy of being laid open to immediate settlement, as its inhabitants may descend with rapidity in support of the lower country should future circumstances expose that to foreign enterprise. as the stipulations in this treaty also involve matters within the competence of both houses only, it will be laid before congress as soon as the senate shall have advised its ratification. with many of the other indian tribes improvements in agriculture and household manufacture are advancing, and with all our peace and friendship are established on grounds much firmer than heretofore. the measure adopted of establishing trading houses among them and of furnishing them necessaries in exchange for their commodities at such moderate prices as leave no gain, but cover us from loss, has the most conciliatory and useful effect on them, and is that which will best secure their peace and good will. the small vessels authorized by congress with a view to the mediterranean service have been sent into that sea, and will be able more effectually to confine the tripoline cruisers within their harbors and supersede the necessity of convoy to our commerce in that quarter. they will sensibly lessen the expenses of that service the ensuing year. a further knowledge of the ground in the northeastern and northwestern angles of the united states has evinced that the boundaries established by the treaty of paris between the british territories and ours in those parts were too imperfectly described to be susceptible of execution. it has therefore been thought worthy of attention for preserving and cherishing the harmony and useful intercourse subsisting between the two nations to remove by timely arrangements what unfavorable incidents might otherwise render a ground of future misunderstanding. a convention has therefore been entered into which provides for a practicable demarcation of those limits to the satisfaction of both parties. an account of the receipts and expenditures of the year ending the 30th of september last, with the estimates for the service of the ensuing year, will be laid before you by the secretary of the treasury so soon as the receipts of the last quarter shall be returned from the more distant states. it is already ascertained that the amount paid into the treasury for that year has been between $11,000,000 and $12,000,000, and that the revenue accrued during the same term exceeds the sum counted on as sufficient for our current expenses and to extinguish the public debt within the period heretofore proposed. the amount of debt paid for the same year is about $3,100,000, exclusive of interest, and making, with the payment of the preceding year, a discharge of more than $8,500,000 of the principal of that debt, besides the accruing interest; and there remain in the treasury nearly $6,000,000. of these, $880,000 have been reserved for payment of the first installment due under the british convention of january 8, 1802, and two millions are what have been before mentioned as placed by congress under the power and accountability of the president toward the price of new orleans and other territories acquired, which, remaining untouched, are still applicable to that object and go in diminution of the sum to be funded for it. should the acquisition of louisiana be constitutionally confirmed and carried into effect, a sum of nearly $13,000,000 will then be added to our public debt, most of which is payable after fifteen years, before which term the present existing debts will all be discharged by the established operation of the sinking fund. when we contemplate the ordinary annual augmentation of impost from increasing population and wealth, the augmentation of the same revenue by its extension to the new acquisition, and the economies which may still be introduced into our public expenditures, i can not but hope that congress in reviewing their resources will find means to meet the intermediate interest of this additional debt without recurring to new taxes, and applying to this object only the ordinary progression of our revenue. its extraordinary increase in times of foreign war will be the proper and sufficient fund for any measures of safety or precaution which that state of things may render necessary in our neutral position. remittances for the installments of our foreign debt having been found practicable without loss, it has not been thought expedient to use the power given by a former act of congress of continuing them by reloans, and of redeeming instead thereof equal sums of domestic debt, although no difficulty was found in obtaining that accommodation. the sum of $50,000 appropriated by congress for providing gunboats remains unexpended. the favorable and peaceable turn of affairs on the mississippi rendered an immediate execution of that law unnecessary, and time was desirable in order that the institution of that branch of our force might begin on models the most approved by experience, the same issue of events dispensed with a resort to the appropriation of $1,500,000, contemplated for purposes which were effected by happier means. we have seen with sincere concern the flames of war lighted up again in europe, and nations with which we have the most friendly and useful relations engaged in mutual destruction. while we regret the miseries in which we see others involved, let us bow with gratitude to that kind providence which, inspiring with wisdom and moderation our late legislative councils while placed under the urgency of the greatest wrongs, guarded us from hastily entering into the sanguinary contest and left us only to look on and to pity its ravages. these will be heaviest on those immediately engaged. yet the nations pursuing peace will not be exempt from all evil. in the course of this conflict let it be our endeavor, as it is our interest and desire, to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent nations by every act of justice and of innocent kindness; to receive their armed vessels with hospitality from the distresses of the sea, but to administer the means of annoyance to none; to establish in our harbors such a police as may maintain law and order; to restrain our citizens from embarking individually in a war in which their country takes no part; to punish severely those persons, citizen or alien, who shall usurp the cover of our flag for vessels not entitled to it, infecting thereby with suspicion those of real americans and committing us into controversies for the redress of wrongs not our own; to exact from every nation the observance toward our vessels and citizens of those principles and practices which all civilized people acknowledge; to merit the character of a just nation, and maintain that of an independent one, preferring every consequence to insult and habitual wrong. congress will consider whether the existing laws enable us efficaciously to maintain this course with our citizens in all places and with others while within the limits of our jurisdiction, and will give them the new modifications necessary for these objects. some contraventions of right have already taken place, both within our jurisdictional limits and on the high seas. the friendly disposition of the governments from whose agents they have proceeded, as well as their wisdom and regard for justice, leave us in reasonable expectation that they will be rectified and prevented in future, and that no act will be countenanced by them which threatens to disturb our friendly intercourse. separated by a wide ocean from the nations of europe and from the political interests which entangle them together, with productions and wants which render our commerce and friendship useful to them and theirs to us, it can not be the interest of any to assail us, nor ours to disturb them. we should be most unwise, indeed, were we to cast away the singular blessings of the position in which nature has placed us, the opportunity she has endowed us with of pursuing, at a distance from foreign contentions, the paths of industry, peace, and happiness, of cultivating general friendship, and of bringing collisions of interest to the umpirage of reason rather than of force. how desirable, then, must it be in a government like ours to see its citizens adopt individually the views, the interests, and the conduct which their country should pursue, divesting themselves of those passions and partialities which tend to lessen useful friendships and to embarrass and embroil us in the calamitous scenes of europe. confident, fellow-citizens, that you will duly estimate the importance of neutral dispositions toward the observance of neutral conduct, that you will be sensible how much it is our duty to look on the bloody arena spread before us with commiseration indeed, but with no other wish than to see it closed, i am persuaded you will cordially cherish these dispositions in all discussions among yourselves and in all communications with your constituents; and i anticipate with satisfaction the measures of wisdom which the great interests now committed to you will give _you_ an opportunity of providing, and _myself_ that of approving and of carrying into execution with the fidelity i owe to my country, th. jefferson. special messages. october 17, 1803. _gentlemen of the senate_: in my message of this day to both houses of congress i explained the circumstances which had led to the conclusion of conventions with france for the cession of the province of louisiana to the united states. those conventions are now laid before you with such communications relating to them as may assist in deciding whether you will advise and consent to their ratification. the ratification of the first consul of france is in the hands of his chargã© d'affaires here, to be exchanged for that of the united states whensoever, before the 30th instant, it shall be in readiness. th. jefferson. october 21, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in my communication to you of the 17th instant i informed you that conventions had been entered into with the government of france for the cession of louisiana to the united states. these, with the advice and consent of the senate, having now been ratified and my ratification exchanged for that of the first consul of france in due form, they are communicated to you for consideration in your legislative capacity. you will observe that some important conditions can not be carried into execution but with the aid of the legislature, and that time presses a decision on them without delay. the ulterior provisions, also suggested in the same communication, for the occupation and government of the country will call for early attention. such information relative to its government as time and distance have permitted me to obtain will be ready to be laid before you within a few days; but as permanent arrangements for this object may require time and deliberation, it is for your consideration whether you will not forthwith make such temporary provisions for the preservation in the meanwhile of order and tranquillity in the country as the case may require. th. jefferson. october 24, 1803. _to the senate of the united states_: i lay before you the convention signed on the 12th day of may last between the united states and great britain for settling their boundaries in the northeastern and northwestern parts of the united states, which was mentioned in my general message of the 17th instant, together with such papers relating thereto as may enable you to determine whether you will advise and consent to its ratification. th. jefferson. october 31, 1803. _to the senate of the united states of america_: i now lay before you the treaty mentioned im my general message at the opening of the session as having been concluded with the kaskaskia indians for the transfer of their country to us under certain reservations and conditions. progress having been made in the demarcation of indian boundaries, i am now able to communicate, to you a treaty with the delawares, shawanese, potawatamies, miamis, eel-rivers, weeas, kickapoos, piankeshaws, and kaskaskias, establishing the boundaries of the territory around st. vincennes. also a supplementary treaty with the eel-rivers, wyandots, piankeshaws, kaskaskias, and kickapoos, in confirmation of the fourth article of the preceding treaty. also a treaty with the choctaws, describing and establishing our demarcation of boundaries with them. which several treaties are accompanied by the papers relating to them, and are now submitted to the senate for consideration whether they will advise and consent to their ratification. th. jefferson. november 4, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: by the copy now communicated of a letter from captain bainbridge, of the _philadelphia_ frigate, to our consul at gibraltar, you will learn that an act of hostility has been committed on a merchant vessel of the united states by an armed ship of the emperor of morocco. this conduct on the part of that power is without cause and without explanation. it is fortunate that captain bainbridge fell in with and took the capturing vessel and her prize, and i have the satisfaction to inform you that about the date of this transaction such a force would be arriving in the neighborhood of gibraltar, both from the east and from the west, as leaves less to be feared for our commerce from the suddenness of the aggression. on the 4th of september the _constitution_ frigate, captain preble, with mr. lear on board, was within two days' sail of gibraltar, where the _philadelphia_ would then be arrived with her prize, and such explanations would probably be instituted as the state of things required, and as might perhaps arrest the progress of hostilities. in the meanwhile it is for congress to consider the provisional authorities which may be necessary to restrain the depredations of this power should they be continued, th. jefferson. november 14, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now communicate a digest of the information i have received relative to louisiana, which may be useful to the legislature in providing for the government of the country. a translation of the most important laws in force in that province, now in press, shall be the subject of a supplementary communication, with such further and material information as may yet come to hand. th. jefferson. november 24, 1803. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: in conformity with the desire expressed in the resolution of the house of representatives of the 15th instant, i now lay before them copies of such documents as are in possession of the executive relative to the arrest and confinement of zachariah cox by officers in the service of the united states in the year 1798. from the nature of the transaction some documents relative to it might have been expected from the war office; but if any ever existed there they were probably lost when the office and its papers were consumed by fire. th. jefferson. november 25, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the treaty with the kaskaskia indians being ratified with the advice and consent of the senate, it is now laid before both houses in their legislative capacity. it will inform them of the obligations which the united states thereby contract, and particularly that of taking the tribe under their future protection, and that the ceded country is submitted to their immediate possession and disposal. th. jefferson. november 29, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now communicate an appendix to the information heretofore given on the subject of louisiana. you will be sensible, from the face of these papers, as well as of those to which they are a sequel, that they are not and could not be official, but are furnished by different individuals as the result of the best inquiries they had been able to make, and now given as received from them, only digested under heads to prevent repetitions. th. jefferson. december 5, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i have the satisfaction to inform you that the act of hostility mentioned in my message of the 4th of november to have been committed by a cruiser of the emperor of morocco on a vessel of the united states has been disavowed by the emperor. all differences in consequence thereof have been amicably adjusted, and the treaty of 1786 between this country and that has been recognized and confirmed by the emperor, each party restoring to the other what had been detained or taken. i inclose the emperor's orders given on this occasion. the conduct of our officers generally who have had a part in these transactions has merited entire approbation. the temperate and correct course pursued by our consul, mr. simpson, the promptitude and energy of commodore preble, the efficacious cooperation of captains rodgers and campbell, of the returning squadron, the proper decision of captain bainbridge that a vessel which had committed an open hostility was of right to be detained for inquiry and consideration, and the general zeal of the other officers and men are honorable facts which i make known with pleasure. and to these i add what was indeed transacted in another quarter--the gallant enterprise of captain rodgers in destroying on the coast of tripoli a corvette of that power of 22 guns. i recommend to the consideration of congress a just indemnification for the interest acquired by the captors of the _mishouda_ and _mirboha_, yielded by them for the public accommodation. th. jefferson. december 5, 1803, _to the senate of the united states_: in compliance with the desire of the senate expressed in their resolution of the 22d of november, on the impressment of seamen in the service of the united states by the agents of foreign nations, i now lay before the senate a letter from the secretary of state with a specification of the cases of which information has been received. th. jefferson. december 21, 1803. _to the senate of the united states_: on the 11th of january last i laid before the senate, for their consideration and advice, a convention with spain on the subject of indemnities for spoliations on our commerce committed by her subjects during the late war, which convention is still before the seriate. as this instrument did not embrace french seizures and condemnations of our vessels in the ports of spain, for which we deemed the latter power responsible, our minister at that court was instructed to press for an additional article, comprehending that branch of wrongs. i now communicate what has since passed on that subject. the senate will judge whether the prospect it offers will justify a longer suspension of that portion of indemnities conceded by spain should she now take no advantage of the lapse of the period for ratification. as the settlement of the boundaries of louisiana will call for new negotiations on our receiving possession of that province, the claims not obtained by the convention now before the senate may be incorporated into those discussions. th. jefferson. december 31, 1803. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before congress the annual account of the fund established for defraying the contingent charges of government. no occasion having arisen for making use of any part of it in the present year, the balance of $18,560 unexpended at the end of the last year remains now in the treasury. th. jefferson. january 16, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in execution of the act of the present session of congress for taking possession of louisiana, as ceded to us by france, and for the temporary government thereof, governor claiborne, of the mississippi territory, and general wilkinson were appointed commissioners to receive possession. they proceeded with such regular troops as had been assembled at fort adams from the nearest posts and with some militia of the mississippi territory to new orleans, to be prepared for anything unexpected which might arise out of the transaction, a respectable body of militia was ordered to be in readiness in the states of ohio, kentucky, and tennessee, and a part of those of tennessee was moved on to the natchez. no occasion, however, arose for their sendees. our commissioners, on their arrival at new orleans, found the province already delivered by the commissioners of spain to that of france, who delivered it over to them on the 20th day of december, as appears by their declaratory act accompanying this. governor claiborne, being duly invested with the powers heretofore exercised by the governor and intendant of louisiana, assumed the government on the same day, and for the maintenance of law and order immediately issued the proclamation and address now communicated. on this important acquisition, so favorable to the immediate interests of our western citizens, so auspicious to the peace and security of the nation in general, which adds to our country territories so extensive and fertile and to our citizens new brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self-government, i offer to congress and our country my sincere congratulations, th. jefferson. january 24, 1804. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i communicate for your information a letter just received from governor claiborne, which may throw light on the subject of the government of louisiana, under contemplation of the legislature. the paper being original, a return is asked. th. jefferson. february 16, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: information having been received some time ago that the public lands in the neighborhood of detroit required particular attention, the agent appointed to transact business with the indians in that quarter was instructed to inquire into and report the situation of the titles and occupation of the lands, private and public, in the neighboring settlements. his report is now communicated, that the legislature may judge how far its interposition is necessary to quiet the legal titles, confirm the equitable, to remove the past and prevent future intrusions which have neither law nor justice for the basis. th. jefferson. february 22, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate to congress, for their information, a report of the surveyor of the public buildings at washington, stating what has been done under the act of the last session concerning the city of washington on the capitol and other public buildings, and the highway between them. th. jefferson. february 29, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate, for the information of congress, a letter stating certain fraudulent practices for monopolizing lands in louisiana, which may perhaps require legislative provisions. th. jefferson. march 20, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate to congress a letter received from captain bainbridge, commander of the _philadelphia_ frigate, informing us of the wreck of that vessel on the coast of tripoli, and that himself, his officers and men, had fallen into the hands of the tripolitans. this accident renders it expedient to increase our force and enlarge our expenses in the mediterranean beyond what the last appropriation for the naval service contemplated. i recommend, therefore, to the consideration of congress such an addition to that appropriation as they may think the exigency requires. th. jefferson. march 22, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i lay before congress the last returns of the militia of the united states. their incompleteness is much to be regretted, and its remedy may at some future time be a subject worthy the attention of congress. th. jefferson. proclamation. [from annals of congress, eighth congress, second session, 1234.] _to all whom these presents shall come_: whereas by an act of congress authority has been given to the president of the united states, whenever he shall deem it expedient, to erect the shores, waters, and inlets of the bay and river of mobile, and of the other rivers, creeks, inlets, and bays emptying into the gulf of mexico east of the said river mobile and west thereof to the pascagoula, inclusive, into a separate district for the collection of duties on imports and tonnage; and to establish such place within the same as he shall deem it expedient to be the port of entry and delivery for such district; and to designate such other places within the same district, not exceeding two, to be ports of delivery only: now know ye that i, thomas jefferson, president of the united states, do hereby decide that all the above-mentioned shores, waters, inlets, creeks, and rivers lying within the boundaries of the united states shall constitute and form a separate district, to be denominated "the district of mobile;" and do also designate fort stoddert, within the district aforesaid, to be the port of entry and delivery for the said district. given under my hand this 20th day of may, 1804. th. jefferson. fourth annual message. november 8, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: to a people, fellow-citizens, who sincerely desire the happiness and prosperity of other nations; to those who justly calculate that their own well-being is advanced by that of the nations with which they have intercourse, it will be a satisfaction to observe that the war which was lighted up in europe a little before our last meeting has not yet extended its flames to other nations, nor been marked by the calamities which sometimes stain the footsteps of war. the irregularities, too, on the ocean, which generally harass the commerce of neutral nations, have, in distant parts, disturbed ours less than on former occasions; but in the american seas they have been greater from peculiar causes, and even within our harbors and jurisdiction infringements on the authority of the laws have been committed which have called for serious attention. the friendly conduct of the governments from whose officers and subjects these acts have proceeded, in other respects and in places more under their observation and control, gives us confidence that our representations on this subject will have been properly regarded. while noticing the irregularities committed on the ocean by others, those on our own part should not be omitted nor left unprovided for. complaints have been received that persons residing within the united states have taken on themselves to arm merchant vessels and to force a commerce into certain ports and countries in defiance of the laws of those countries. that individuals should undertake to wage private war, independently of the authority of their country, can not be permitted in a well-ordered society. its tendency to produce aggression on the laws and rights of other nations and to endanger the peace of our own is so obvious that i doubt not you will adopt measures for restraining it effectually in future. soon after the passage of the act of the last session authorizing the establishment of a district and port of entry on the waters of the mobile we learnt that its object was misunderstood on the part of spain. candid explanations were immediately given and assurances that, reserving our claims in that quarter as a subject of discussion and arrangement with spain, no act was meditated in the meantime inconsistent with the peace and friendship existing between the two nations, and that conformably to these intentions would be the execution of the law. that government had, however, thought proper to suspend the ratification of the convention of 1802; but the explanations which would reach them soon after, and still more the confirmation of them by the tenor of the instrument establishing the port and district, may reasonably be expected to replace them in the dispositions and views of the whole subject which originally dictated the convention. i have the satisfaction to inform you that the objections which had been urged by that government against the validity of our title to the country of louisiana have been withdrawn, its exact limits, however, remaining still to be settled between us; and to this is to be added that, having prepared and delivered the stock created in execution of the convention of paris of april 30, 1803, in consideration of the cession of that country, we have received from the government of france an acknowledgment, in due form, of the fulfillment of that stipulation. with the nations of europe in general our friendship and intercourse are undisturbed, and from the governments of the belligerent powers especially we continue to receive those friendly manifestations which are justly due to an honest neutrality and to such good offices consistent with that as we have opportunities of rendering. the activity and success of the small force employed in the mediterranean in the early part of the present year, the reenforcements sent into that sea, and the energy of the officers having command in the several vessels will, i trust, by the sufferings of war, reduce the barbarians of tripoli to the desire of peace on proper terms. great injury, however, ensues to ourselves, as well as to others interested, from the distance to which prizes must be brought for adjudication and from the impracticability of bringing hither such as are not seaworthy. the bey of tunis having made requisitions unauthorized by our treaty, their rejection has produced from him some expressions of discontent. but to those who expect us to calculate whether a compliance with unjust demands will not cost us less than a war we must leave as a question of calculation for them also whether to retire from unjust demands will not cost them less than a war. we can do to each other very sensible injuries by war, but the mutual advantages of peace make that the best interest of both. peace and intercourse with the other powers on the same coast continue on the footing on which they are established by treaty. in pursuance of the act providing for the temporary government of louisiana, the necessary officers for the territory of orleans were appointed in due time to commence the exercise of their functions on the 1st day of october. the distance, however, of some of them and indispensable previous arrangements may have retarded its commencement in some of its parts. the form of government thus provided having been considered but as temporary, and open to such future improvements as further information of the circumstances of our brethren there might suggest, it will of course be subject to your consideration. in the district of louisiana it has been thought best to adopt the division into subordinate districts which had been established under its former government. these being five in number, a commanding officer has been appointed to each, according to the provisions of the law, and so soon as they can be at their stations that district will also be in its due state of organization. in the meantime their places are supplied by the officers before commanding there. and the functions of the governor and judges of indiana having commenced, the government, we presume, is proceeding in its new form. the lead mines in that district offer so rich a supply of that metal as to merit attention. the report now communicated will inform you of their state and of the necessity of immediate inquiry into their occupation and titles. with the indian tribes established within our newly acquired limits, i have deemed it necessary to open conferences for the purpose of establishing a good understanding and neighborly relations between us. so far as we have yet learned, we have reason to believe that their dispositions are generally favorable and friendly; and with these dispositions on their part, we have in our own hands means which can not fail us for preserving their peace and friendship. by pursuing an uniform course of justice toward them, by aiding them in all the improvements which may better their condition, and especially by establishing a commerce on terms which shall be advantageous to them and only not losing to us, and so regulated as that no incendiaries of our own or any other nation may be permitted to disturb the natural effects of our just and friendly offices, we may render ourselves so necessary to their comfort and prosperity that the protection of our citizens from their disorderly members will become their interest and their voluntary care. instead, therefore, of an augmentation of military force proportioned to our extension of frontier, i propose a moderate enlargement of the capital employed in that commerce as a more effectual, economical, and humane instrument for preserving peace and good neighborhood with them. on this side the mississippi an important relinquishment of native title has been received from the delawares. that tribe, desiring to extinguish in their people the spirit of hunting and to convert superfluous lands into the means of improving what they retain, has ceded to us all the country between the wabash and ohio south of and including the road from the rapids toward vincennes, for which they are to receive annuities in animals and implements for agriculture and in other necessaries. this acquisition is important, not only for its extent and fertility, but as fronting 300 miles on the ohio, and near half that on the wabash. the produce of the settled country descending those rivers will no longer pass in review of the indian frontier but in a small portion, and, with the cession heretofore made by the kaskaskias, nearly consolidates our possessions north of the ohio, in a very respectable breadth--from lake erie to the mississippi. the piankeshaws having some claim to the country ceded by the delawares, it has been thought best to quiet that by fair purchase also. so soon as the treaties on this subject shall have received their constitutional sanctions they shall be laid before both houses. the act of congress of february 28, 1803, for building and employing a number of gunboats, is now in a course of execution to the extent there provided for. the obstacle to naval enterprise which vessels of this construction offer for our seaport towns, their utility toward supporting within our waters the authority of the laws, the promptness with which they will be manned by the seamen and militia of the place in the moment they are wanting, the facility of their assembling from different parts of the coast to any point where they are required in greater force than ordinary, the economy of their maintenance and preservation from decay when not in actual service, and the competence of our finances to this defensive provision without any new burthen are considerations which will have due weight with congress in deciding on the expediency of adding to their number from year to year, as experience shall test their utility, until all our important harbors, by these and auxiliary means, shall be secured against insult and opposition to the laws. no circumstance has arisen since your last session which calls for any augmentation of our regular military force. should any improvement occur in the militia system, that will be always seasonable. accounts of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, with estimates for the ensuing one, will as usual be laid before you. the state of our finances continues to fulfill our expectations. eleven millions and a half of dollars, received in the course of the year ending the 30th of september last, have enabled us, after meeting all the ordinary expenses of the year, to pay upward of $3,600,000 of the public debt, exclusive of interest. this payment, with those of the two preceding years, has extinguished upward of twelve millions of the principal and a greater sum of interest within that period, and by a proportionate diminution of interest renders already sensible the effect of the growing sum yearly applicable to the discharge of the principal. it is also ascertained that the revenue accrued during the last year exceeds that of the preceding, and the probable receipts of the ensuing year may safely be relied on as sufficient, with the sum already in the treasury, to meet all the current demands of the year, to discharge upward of three millions and a half of the engagements incurred under the british and french conventions, and to advance in the further redemption of the funded debt as rapidly as had been contemplated. these, fellow-citizens, are the principal matters which i have thought it necessary at this time to communicate for your consideration and attention. some others will be laid before you in the course of the session; but in the discharge of the great duties confided to you by our country you will take a broader view of the field of legislation. whether the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, or navigation can within the pale of your constitutional powers be aided in any of their relations; whether laws are provided in all cases where they are wanting; whether those provided are exactly what they should be; whether any abuses take place in their administration, or in that of the public revenues; whether the organization of the public agents or of the public force is perfect in all its parts; in fine, whether anything can be done to advance the general good, are questions within the limits of your functions which will necessarily occupy your attention. in these and all other matters which you in your wisdom may propose for the good of our country you may count with assurance on my hearty cooperation and faithful execution. th. jefferson. special messages. november 15, 1804. _to the senate of the united states_: i now lay before you a treaty, entered into on the 18th day of august of the present year, between the united states on one part and the delaware indians on the other, for the extinguishment of their title to a tract of country between the ohio and wabash rivers. and another of the 27th day of the same month, between the united states and the piankeshaws, for a confirmation of the same by the latter, together with a letter from governor harrison on the same subject; which treaties are submitted for your advice and consent. th. jefferson. november 15, 1804. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: agreeably to your resolution of the 9th instant, i now lay before you a statement of the circumstances attending the destruction of the frigate _philadelphia_, with the names of the officers and the number of men employed on the occasion, to which i have to add that lieutenant decatur was thereupon advanced to be a captain in the navy of the united states. th. jefferson. november 30, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before you copies of the treaties concluded with the delaware and piankeshaw indians for the extinguishment of their title to the lands therein described, and i recommend to the consideration of congress the making provision by law for carrying them into execution. th. jefferson. december 13. 1804. _to the senate of the united states_: i present for your advice a treaty entered into on behalf of the united states with the creek indians for the extinguishment of their right in certain lands in the forks of oconee and okmulgee rivers, within the state of georgia. for the purpose of enabling you to form a satisfactory judgment on the subject, it is accompanied with the instructions of 1802, april 12, to james wilkinson, benjamin hawkins, and andrew pickens, commissioners; those of 1803, may 5, to james wilkinson, benjamin hawkins, and robert anderson, commissioners, and those of 1804, april 2, to benjamin hawkins, sole commissioner. the negotiations for obtaining the whole of the lands between the oconee and okmulgee have now been continued through three successive seasons under the original instructions and others supplementary to them given from time to time, as circumstances required, and the unity of the negotiation has been preserved not only by the subject, but by continuing colonel hawkins always one of the commissioners, and latterly the sole one. the extent of the cession to be obtained being uncertain, the limitation of price was what should be thought _reasonable according to the usual rate of compensation_. the commissioner has been induced to go beyond this limit probably by the just attentions due to the strong interest which the state of georgia feels in making this particular acquisition, and by a despair of procuring it on more reasonable terms from a tribe which is one of those most fixed in the policy of holding fast their lands. to this may be added that if, by an alteration in the first article, instead of giving them stock which may be passed into other hands and render them the prey of speculators, an annuity shall be paid them in this case, as has hitherto been practiced in all similar cases, the price of these lands will become a pledge and guaranty for our future peace with this important tribe, and eventually an indemnity for the breach of it. on the whole, i rest with entire satisfaction on the wisdom and counsel of those whose sanctions the constitution has rendered necessary to the final validity of this act. th. jefferson. december 31, 1804. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the inclosed letter, written from malta by richard o'brien, our late consul at algiers, giving some details of transactions before tripoli, is communicated for the information of congress. th. jefferson. december 31, 1804. _to the senate of the united states_: most of the indians residing within our northern boundary on this side of the mississippi receiving from us annual aids in money and necessaries, it was a subject of complaint with the sacs that they received nothing and were connected with us by no treaty. as they owned the country in the neighborhood of our settlements of kaskaskia and st. louis, it was thought expedient to engage their friendship, and governor harrison was accordingly instructed in june last to propose to them an annuity of $500 or $600, stipulating in return an adequate cession of territory and an exact definition of boundaries. the sacs and foxes acting generally as one nation, and coming forward together, he found it necessary to add an annuity for the latter tribe also, enlarging proportionably the cession of territory, which was accordingly done by the treaty now communicated, of november the 3d, with those two tribes. this cession, giving us a perfect title to such a breadth of country on the eastern side of the mississippi, with a command of the ouisconsin, strengthens our means of retaining exclusive commerce with the indians on the western side of the mississippi--a right indispensable to the policy of governing those indians by commerce rather than by arms. the treaty is now submitted to the senate for their advice and consent. th. jefferson. january 31, 1805. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: in compliance with the desire of the house of representatives, expressed in their resolution of yesterday, i have to inform them that by a letter of the 30th of may last from the secretary of war to samuel hammond, a member of the house, it was proposed to him to accept a commission of colonel-commandant for the district of louisiana when the new government there should commence. by a letter of the 30th of june he signified a willingness to accept, but still more definitively by one of october 26, a copy of which is therefore now communicated. a commission had been made out for him bearing date the ist day of october last, and forwarded before the receipt of his letter of october 26. no later communication has been received from him, nor is anything later known of his movements. th. jefferson. february 1, 1805. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: for some weeks past i have had reason to expect by every mail from new orleans information which would have fully met the views of the house of representatives, expressed in their resolution of december 31, on the subject of a post-road from the city of washington to new orleans; but this being not yet received, i think it my duty without further delay to communicate to the house the information i possess, however imperfect. isaac briggs, one of the surveyors-general of the united states, being about to return in july last to his station at natchez, and apprised of the anxiety existing to have a practicable road explored for forwarding the mail to new orleans without crossing the mountains, offered his services voluntarily to return by the route contemplated, taking as he should go such observations of longitude and latitude as would enable him to delineate it exactly, and by protraction to show of what shortenings it would admit, the offer was accepted and he was furnished with an accurate sextant for his observations. the route proposed was from washington by fredericksburg, cartersville, lower sauratown, salisbury, franklin court-house in georgia, tuckabachee, fort stoddert, and the mouth of pearl river to new orleans. it is believed he followed this route generally, deviating at times only for special purposes, and returning again into it. his letters, herewith communicated, will shew his opinion to have been, after completing his journey, that the practicable distance between washington and new orleans will be a little over 1,000 miles. he expected to forward his map and special report within one week from the date of his last letter, but a letter of december 10, from another person, informs me he had been unwell, but would forward them within a week from that time. so soon as they shall be received they shall be communicated to the house of representatives. th. jefferson. february 5, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the secretary of state has lately received a note from the danish chargã© d'affaires, claiming, _in the name of his government_, restitution in the case of the brig _henrich_, communicated to congress at a former session, in which note were transmitted sundry documents chiefly relating to the value and neutral character of the vessel, and to the question whether the judicial proceedings were instituted and conducted without the concurrence of the captain of the _henrich_. as these documents appear to form a necessary appendage to those already before congress, and throw additional light on the subject, i transmit copies of them herewith. th. jefferson. february 13, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in the message to congress at the opening of the present session i informed them that treaties had been entered into with the delaware and piankeshaw indians for the purchase of their right to certain lands on the ohio. i have since received another, entered into with the sacs and foxes, for a portion of country on both sides of the river mississippi. these treaties, having been advised and consented to by the senate, have accordingly been ratified, but as they involve conditions which require legislative provision, they are now submitted to both branches for consideration. th. jefferson. february 20, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate, for the information of congress, a letter of september 18 from commodore preble, giving a detailed account of the transactions of the vessels under his command from july the 9th to the 10th of september last past. the energy and judgment displayed by this excellent officer through the whole course of the service lately confided to him and the zeal and valor of his officers and men in the several enterprises executed by them can not fail to give high satisfaction to congress and their country, of whom they have deserved well. th. jefferson. february 28, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before congress a statement of the militia of the united states, according to the returns last received from the several states. it will be perceived that some of these are not of recent dates, and that from the states of maryland, delaware, and tennessee no returns are stated. as far as appears from our records, none were ever rendered from either of these states. th. jefferson. february 28, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now render to congress the account of the fund established by the act of may 1, 1802, for defraying the contingent charges of government. no occasion having arisen for making use of any part of the balance of $18,560 unexpended on the 31st day of december, 1803, when the last account was rendered by message, that balance has been carried to the credit of the surplus fund. th. jefferson. second inaugural address. proceeding, fellow-citizens, to that qualification which the constitution requires before my entrance on the charge again conferred on me, it is my duty to express the deep sense i entertain of this new proof of confidence from my fellow-citizens at large, and the zeal with which it inspires me so to conduct myself as may best satisfy their just expectations. on taking this station on a former occasion i declared the principles on which i believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our commonwealth. my conscience tells me i have on every occasion acted up to that declaration according to its obvious import and to the understanding of every candid mind. in the transaction of your foreign affairs we have endeavored to cultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those with which we have the most important relations. we have clone them justice on all occasions, favored where favor was lawful, and cherished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms. we are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations as with individuals our interests soundly calculated will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties, and history bears witness to the fact that a just nation is trusted on its word when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others. at home, fellow-citizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill. the suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes. these, covering our land with officers and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation which once entered is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively every article of property and produce. if among these taxes some minor ones fell which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if they had any merit, the state authorities might adopt them instead of others less approved. the remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles is paid chiefly by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic comforts, being collected on our seaboard and frontiers only, and, incorporated with the transactions of our mercantile citizens, it may be the pleasure and the pride of an american to ask, what farmer, what mechanic, what laborer ever sees a taxgatherer of the united states? these contributions enable us to support the current expenses of the government, to fulfill contracts with foreign nations, to extinguish the native right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and to apply such a surplus to our public debts as places at a short day their final redemption, and that redemption once effected the revenue thereby liberated may, by a just repartition of it among the states and a corresponding amendment of the constitution, be applied _in time of peace_ to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education, and other great objects within each state. _in time of war_, if injustice by ourselves or others must sometimes produce war, increased as the same revenue will be by increased population and consumption, and aided by other resources reserved for that crisis, it may meet within the year all the expenses of the year without encroaching on the rights of future generations by burthening them with the debts of the past. war will then be but a suspension of useful works, and a return to a state of peace a return to the progress of improvement. i have said, fellow-citizens, that the income reserved had enabled us to extend our limits, but that extension may possibly pay for itself before we are called on, and in the meantime may keep down the accruing interest; in all events, it will replace the advances we shall have made. i know that the acquisition of louisiana has been disapproved by some from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory would endanger its union. but who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? the larger our association the less will it be shaken by local passions; and in any view is it not better that the opposite bank of the mississippi should be settled by our own brethren and children than by strangers of another family? with which should we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse? in matters of religion i have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution independent of the powers of the general government. i have therefore undertaken on no occasion to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it, but have left them, as the constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of the church or state authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies. the aboriginal inhabitants of these countries i have regarded with the commiseration their history inspires. endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores; without power to divert or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current or driven before it; now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter's state, humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encourage them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence and to prepare them in time for that state of society which to bodily comforts adds the improvement of the mind and morals. we have therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry and household use; we have placed among them instructors in the arts of first necessity, and they are covered with the aegis of the law against aggressors from among ourselves. but the endeavors to enlighten them on the fate which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances have powerful obstacles to encounter; they are combated by the habits of their bodies, prejudices of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the influence of interested and crafty individuals among them who feel themselves something in the present order of things and fear to become nothing in any other. these persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did must be done through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel in their physical, moral, or political condition is perilous innovation; that their duty is to remain as their creator made them, ignorance being safety and knowledge full of danger; in short, my friends, among them also is seen the action and counteraction of good sense and of bigotry; they too have their antiphilosophists who find an interest in keeping things in their present state, who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of habit over the duty of improving our reason and obeying its mandates. in giving these outlines i do not mean, fellow-citizens, to arrogate to myself the merit of the measures. that is due, in the first place, to the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures. it is due to the sound discretion with which they select from among themselves those to whom they confide the legislative duties. it is due to the zeal and wisdom of the characters thus selected, who lay the foundations of public happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remains for others, and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whose patriotism has associated them with me in the executive functions. during this course of administration, and in order to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been leveled against us, charged with whatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare. these abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness and to sap its safety. they might, indeed, have been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved to and provided by the laws of the several states against falsehood and defamation, but public duties more urgent press on the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation. nor was it uninteresting to the world that an experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth--whether a government conducting itself in the true spirit of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood and defamation. the experiment has been tried: you have witnessed the scene; our fellow-citizens looked on, cool and collected; they saw the latent source from which these outrages proceeded; they gathered around their public functionaries, and when the constitution called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honorable to those who had served them and consolatory to the friend of man who believes that he may be trusted with the control of his own affairs. no inference is here intended that the laws provided by the states against false and defamatory publications should not be enforced; he who has time renders a service to public morals and public tranquillity in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law; but the experiment is noted to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint; the public judgment will correct false reasonings and opinions on a full hearing of all parties; and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness. if there be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain, its supplement must be sought in the censorship of public opinion. contemplating the union of sentiment now manifested so generally as auguring harmony and happiness to our future course, i offer to our country sincere congratulations. with those, too, not yet rallied to the same point the disposition to do so is gaining strength; facts are piercing through the veil drawn over them, and our doubting brethren will at length see that the mass of their fellow-citizens with whom they can not yet resolve to act as to principles and measures, think as they think and desire what they desire; that our wish as well as theirs is that the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good, that peace be cultivated, civil and religious liberty unassailed, law and order preserved, equality of rights maintained, and that state of property, equal or unequal, which results to every man from his own industry or that of his father's. when satisfied of these views it is not in human nature that they should not approve and support them. in the meantime let us cherish them with patient affection, let us do them justice, and more than justice, in all competitions of interest, and we need not doubt that truth, reason, and their own interests will at length prevail, will gather them into the fold of their country, and will complete that entire union of opinion which gives to a nation the blessing of harmony and the benefit of all its strength. i shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow-citizens have again called me, and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved. i fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray; i am sensible of no passion which could seduce me knowingly from the path of justice, but the weaknesses of human nature and the limits of my own understanding will produce errors of judgment sometimes injurious to your interests. i shall need, therefore, all the indulgence which i have heretofore experienced from my constituents; the want of it will certainly not lessen with increasing years. i shall need, too, the favor of that being in whose hands we are, who led our fathers, as israel of old, from their native land and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life; who has covered our infancy with his providence and our riper years with his wisdom and power, and to whose goodness i ask you to join in supplications with me that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures that whatsoever they do shall result in your good, and shall secure to you the peace, friendship, and approbation of all nations. march 4, 1805. fifth annual message. december 3, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_. at a moment when the nations of europe are in commotion and arming against each other, and when those with whom we have principal intercourse are engaged in the general contest, and when the countenance of some of them toward our peaceable country threatens that even that may not be unaffected by what is passing on the general theater, a meeting of the representatives of the nation in both houses of congress has become more than usually desirable. coming from every section of our country, they bring with them the sentiments and the information of the whole, and will be enabled to give a direction to the public affairs which the will and the wisdom of the whole will approve and support. in taking a view of the state of our country we in the first place notice the late affliction of two of our cities under the fatal fever which in latter times has occasionally visited our shores. providence in his goodness gave it an early termination on this occasion and lessened the number of victims which have usually fallen before it. in the course of the several visitations by this disease it has appeared that it is strictly local, incident to cities and on the tide waters only, incommunicable in the country either by persons under the disease or by goods carried from diseased places; that its access is with the autumn and it disappears with the early frosts. these restrictions within narrow limits of time and space give security even to our maritime cities during three-fourths of the year, and to the country always. although from these facts it appears unnecessary, yet to satisfy the fears of foreign nations and cautions on their part not to be complained of in a danger whose limits are yet unknown to them i have strictly enjoined on the officers at the head of the customs to certify with exact truth for every vessel sailing for a foreign port the state of health respecting this fever which prevails at the place from which she sails. under every motive from character and duty to certify the truth, i have no doubt they have faithfully executed this injunction. much real injury has, however, been sustained from a propensity to identify with this endemic and to call by the same name fevers of very different kinds, which have been known at all times and in all countries, and never have been placed among those deemed contagious. as we advance in our knowledge of this disease, as facts develop the source from which individuals receive it, the state authorities charged with the care of the public health, and congress with that of the general commerce, will become able to regulate with effect their respective functions in these departments. the burthen of quarantines is felt at home as well as abroad; their efficacy merits examination. although the health laws of the states should be found to need no present revisal by congress, yet commerce claims that their attention be ever awake to them. since our last meeting the aspect of our foreign relations has considerably changed. our coasts have been infested and our harbors watched by private armed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others with those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the authority of their commissions. they have captured in the very entrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. they have carried them off under pretense of legal adjudication, but not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way or in obscure places where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea or on desert shores without food or covering. these enormities appearing to be unreached by any control of their sovereigns, i found it necessary to equip a force to cruise within our own seas, to arrest all vessels of these descriptions found hovering on our coasts within the limits of the gulf stream and to bring the offenders in for trial as pirates. the same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors under color of seeking enemies has been also carried on by public armed ships to the great annoyance and oppression of our commerce. new principles, too, have been interpolated into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor the usage or acknowledgment of nations. according to these a belligerent takes to itself a commerce with its own enemy which it denies to a neutral on the ground of its aiding that enemy in the war; but reason revolts at such an inconsistency, and the neutral having equal right with the belligerent to decide the question, the interests of our constituents and the duty of maintaining the authority of reason, the only umpire between just nations, impose on us the obligation of providing an effectual and determined opposition to a doctrine so injurious to the rights of peaceable nations. indeed, the confidence we ought to have in the justice of others still countenances the hope that a sounder view of those rights will of itself induce from every belligerent a more correct observance of them. with spain our negotiations for a settlement of differences have not had a satisfactory issue. spoliations during a former war, for which she had formally acknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated but on conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them. yet the same practices are renewed in the present war and are already of great amount. on the mobile, our commerce passing through that river continues to be obstructed by arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. propositions for adjusting amicably the boundaries of louisiana have not been acceded to. while, however, the right is unsettled, we have avoided changing the state of things by taking new posts or strengthening ourselves in the disputed territories, in the hope that the other power would not by a contrary conduct oblige us to meet their example and endanger conflicts of authority the issue of which may not be easily controlled. but in this hope we have now reason to lessen our confidence. inroads have been recently made into the territories of orleans and the mississippi, our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in the very parts of the former which had been actually delivered up by spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that government. i have therefore found it necessary at length to give orders to our troops on that frontier to be in readiness to protect our citizens, and to repel by arms any similar aggressions in future. other details necessary for your full information of the state of things between this country and that shall be the subject of another communication. in reviewing these injuries from some of the belligerent powers the moderation, the firmness, and the wisdom of the legislature will all be called into action. we ought still to hope that time and a more correct estimate of interest as well as of character will produce the justice we are bound to expect. but should any nation deceive itself by false calculations, and disappoint that expectation, we must join in the unprofitable contest of trying which party can do the other the most harm. some of these injuries may perhaps admit a peaceable remedy. where that is competent it is always the most desirable. but some of them are of a nature to be met by force only, and all of them may lead to it. i can not, therefore, but recommend such preparations as circumstances call for. the first object is to place our seaport towns out of the danger of insult. measures have been already taken for furnishing them with heavy cannon for the service of such land batteries as may make a part of their defense against armed vessels approaching them. in aid of these it is desirable we should have a competent number of gunboats, and the number, to be competent, must be considerable. if immediately begun, they may be in readiness for service at the opening of the next season. whether it will be necessary to augment our land forces will be decided by occurrences probably in the course of your session. in the meantime you will consider whether it would not be expedient for a state of peace as well as of war so to organize or class the militia as would enable us on any sudden emergency to call for the services of the younger portions, unencumbered with the old and those having families. upward of 300,000 able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 26 years, which the last census shews we may now count within our limits, will furnish a competent number for offense or defense in any point where they may be wanted, and will give time for raising regular forces after the necessity of them shall become certain; and the reducing to the early period of life all its active service can not but be desirable to our younger citizens of the present as well as future times, inasmuch as it engages to them in more advanced age a quiet and undisturbed repose in the bosom of their families. i can not, then, but earnestly recommend to your early consideration the expediency of so modifying our militia system as, by a separation of the more active part from that which is less so, we may draw from it when necessary an efficient corps fit for real and active service, and to be called to it in regular rotation. considerable provision has been made under former authorities from congress of materials for the construction of ships of war of 74 guns. these materials are on hand subject to the further will of the legislature. an immediate prohibition of the exportation of arms and ammunition is also submitted to your determination. turning from these unpleasant views of violence and wrong, i congratulate you on the liberation of our fellow-citizens who were stranded on the coast of tripoli and made prisoners of war. in a government bottomed on the will of all the life and liberty of every individual citizen become interesting to all. in the treaty, therefore, which has concluded our warfare with that state an article for the ransom of our citizens has been agreed to. an operation by land by a small band of our countrymen and others, engaged for the occasion in conjunction with the troops of the ex-bashaw of that country, gallantly conducted by our late consul, eaton, and their successful enterprise on the city of derne, contributed doubtless to the impression which produced peace, and the conclusion of this prevented opportunities of which the officers and men of our squadron destined for tripoli would have availed themselves to emulate the acts of valor exhibited by their brethren in the attack of the last year. reflecting with high satisfaction on the distinguished bravery displayed whenever occasions permitted in the late mediterranean service, i think it would be an useful encouragement as well as a just reward to make an opening for some present promotion by enlarging our peace establishment of captains and lieutenants. with tunis some misunderstandings have arisen not yet sufficiently explained, but friendly discussions with their ambassador recently arrived and a mutual disposition to do whatever is just and reasonable can not fail of dissipating these, so that we may consider our peace on that coast, generally, to be on as sound a footing as it has been at any preceding time. still, it will not be expedient to withdraw immediately the whole of our force from that sea. the law providing for a naval peace establishment fixes the number of frigates which shall be kept in constant service in time of peace, and prescribes that they shall be manned by not more than two-thirds of their complement of seamen and ordinary seamen. whether a frigate may be trusted to two-thirds only of her proper complement of men must depend on the nature of the service on which she is ordered; that may sometimes, for her safety as well as to insure her object, require her fullest complement. in adverting to this subject congress will perhaps consider whether the best limitation on the executive discretion in this case would not be by the number of seamen which may be employed in the whole service rather than by the number of the vessels. occasions oftener arise for the employment of small than of large vessels, and it would lessen risk as well as expense to be authorized to employ them of preference. the limitation suggested by the number of seamen would admit a selection of vessels best adapted to the service. our indian neighbors are advancing, many of them with spirit, and others beginning to engage in the pursuits of agriculture and household manufacture. they are becoming sensible that the earth yields subsistence with less labor and more certainty than the forest, and find it their interest from time to time to dispose of parts of their surplus and waste lands for the means of improving those they occupy and of subsisting their families while they are preparing their farms. since your last session the northern tribes have sold to us the lands between the connecticut reserve and the former indian boundary and those on the ohio from the same boundary to the rapids and for a considerable depth inland. the chickasaws and cherokees have sold us the country between and adjacent to the two districts of tennessee, and the creeks the residue of their lands in the fork of ocmulgee up to the ulcofauhatche. the three former purchases are important, inasmuch as they consolidate disjoined parts of our settled country and render their intercourse secure; and the second particularly so, as, with the small point on the river which we expect is by this time ceded by the piankeshaws, it completes our possession of the whole of both banks of the ohio from its source to near its mouth, and the navigation of that river is thereby rendered forever safe to our citizens settled and settling on its extensive waters. the purchase from the creeks, too, has been for some time particularly interesting to the state of georgia. the several treaties which have been mentioned will be submitted to both houses of congress for the exercise of their respective functions. deputations now on their way to the seat of government from various nations of indians inhabiting the missouri and other parts beyond the mississippi come charged with assurances of their satisfaction with the new relations in which they are placed with us, of their dispositions to cultivate our peace and friendship, and their desire to enter into commercial intercourse with us. a state of our progress in exploring the principal rivers of that country, and of the information respecting them hitherto obtained, will be communicated so soon as we shall receive some further relations which we have reason shortly to expect. the receipts at the treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of september last have exceeded the sum of $13,000,000, which, with not quite five millions in the treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us after meeting other demands to pay nearly two millions of the debt contracted under the british treaty and convention, upward of four millions of principal of the public debt, and four millions of interest. these payments, with those which had been made in three years and a half preceding, have extinguished of the funded debt nearly eighteen millions of principal. congress by their act of november 10, 1803, authorized us to borrow $1,750,000 toward meeting the claims of our citizens assumed by the convention with france. we have not, however, made use of this authority, because the sum of four millions and a half, which remained in the treasury on the same 30th day of september last, with the receipts which we may calculate on for the ensuing year, besides paying the annual sum of $8,000,000 appropriated to the funded debt and meeting all the current demands which may be expected, will enable us to pay the whole sum of $3,750,000 assumed by the french convention and still leave us a surplus of nearly $1,000,000 at our free disposal. should you concur in the provisions of arms and armed vessels recommended by the circumstances of the times, this surplus will furnish the means of doing so. on this first occasion of addressing congress since, by the choice of my constituents, i have entered on a second term of administration, i embrace the opportunity to give this public assurance that i will exert my best endeavors to administer faithfully the executive department, and will zealously cooperate with you in every measure which may tend to secure the liberty, property, and personal safety of our fellow-citizens, and to consolidate the republican forms and principles of our government. in the course of your session you shall receive all the aid which i can give for the dispatch of public business, and all the information necessary for your deliberations, of which the interests of our own country and the confidence reposed in us by others will admit a communication. th. jefferson. special messages. december 6, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the depredations which had been committed on the commerce of the united states during a preceding war by persons under the authority of spain are sufficiently known to all. these made it a duty to require from that government indemnifications for our injured citizens. a convention was accordingly entered into between the minister of the united states at madrid and the minister of that government for foreign affairs, by which it was agreed that spoliations committed by spanish subjects and carried into ports of spain should be paid for by that nation, and that those committed by french subjects and carried into spanish ports should remain for further discussion. before this convention was returned to spain with our ratification the transfer of louisiana by france to the united states took place, an event as unexpected as disagreeable to spain. from that moment she seemed to change her conduct and dispositions toward us. it was first manifested by her protest against the right of france to alienate louisiana to us, which, however, was soon retracted and the right confirmed. then high offense was manifested at the act of congress establishing a collection district on the mobile, although by an authentic declaration immediately made it was expressly confined to our acknowledged limits; and she now refused to ratify the convention signed by her own minister under the eye of his sovereign unless we would consent to alterations of its terms which would have affected our claims against her for the spoliations by french subjects carried into spanish ports. to obtain justice as well as to restore friendship i thought a special mission advisable, and accordingly appointed james monroe minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary to repair to madrid, and in conjunction with our minister resident there to endeavor to procure a ratification of the former convention and to come to an understanding with spain as to the boundaries of louisiana. it appeared at once that her policy was to reserve herself for events, and in the meantime to keep our differences in an undetermined state. this will be evident from the papers now communicated to you. after nearly five months of fruitless endeavor to bring them to some definite and satisfactory result, our ministers ended the conferences without having been able to obtain indemnity for spoliations of any description or any satisfaction as to the boundaries of louisiana, other than a declaration that we had no rights eastward of the iberville, and that our line to the west was one which would have left us but a string of land on that bank of the river mississippi. our injured citizens were thus left without any prospect of retribution from the wrongdoer, and as to boundary each party was to take its own course. that which they have chosen to pursue will appear from the documents now communicated. they authorize the inference that it is their intention to advance on our possessions until they shall be repressed by an opposing force. considering that congress alone is constitutionally invested with the power of changing our condition from peace to war, i have thought it my duty to await their authority for using force in any degree which could be avoided. i have barely instructed the officers stationed in the neighborhood of the aggressions to protect our citizens from violence, to patrol within the borders actually delivered to us, and not to go out of them but when necessary to repel an inroad or to rescue a citizen or his property; and the spanish officers remaining at new orleans are required to depart without further delay. it ought to be noted here that since the late change in the state of affairs in europe spain has ordered her cruisers and courts to respect our treaty with her. the conduct of france and the part she may take in the misunderstandings between the united states and spain are too important to be unconsidered. she was prompt and decided in her declarations that our demands on spain for french spoliations carried into spanish ports were included in the settlement between the united states and france. she took at once the ground that she had acquired no right from spain, and had meant to deliver us none eastward of the iberville, her silence as to the western boundary leaving us to infer her opinion might be against spain in that quarter. whatever direction she might mean to give to these differences, it does not appear that she has contemplated their proceeding to actual rupture, or that at the date of our last advices from paris her government had any suspicion of the hostile attitude spain had taken here; on the contrary, we have reason to believe that she was disposed to effect a settlement on a plan analogous to what our ministers had proposed, and so comprehensive as to remove as far as possible the grounds of future collision and controversy on the eastern as well as western side of the mississippi. the present crisis in europe is favorable for pressing such a settlement, and not a moment should be lost in availing ourselves of it. should it pass unimproved, our situation would become much more difficult. formal war is not necessary--it is not probable it will follow; but the protection of our citizens, the spirit and honor of our country require that force should be interposed to a certain degree it will probably contribute to advance the object of peace, but the course to be pursued will require the command of means which it belongs to congress exclusively to yield or to deny. to them i communicate every fact material for their information and the documents necessary to enable them to judge for themselves. to their wisdom, then, i look for the course i am to pursue, and will pursue with sincere zeal that which they shall approve. th. jefferson. december 11, 1805. _to the senate of the united states_: i now lay before the senate the several treaties and conventions following, which have been entered into on the part of the united states since their last session: 1. a treaty of peace and amity between the united states of america and the bashaw, bey, and subjects of tripoli, in barbary. 2. a treaty between the united states and the wyandot, ottawa, chippewa, munsee, and delaware, shawnee, and potawatamie nations of indians. 3. a treaty between the united states and the agents of the connecticut land companies on one part and the wyandot, ottawa, chippewa, munsee, and delaware, shawnee, and potawatamie nations of indians. 4. a treaty between the united states and the delawares, potawatamies, miamis, eel-rivers, and weeas. 5. a treaty between the united states and the chickasaw nation of indians. 6. a treaty between the united states of america and the cherokee indians. 7. a convention between the united states and the creek nation of indians; with the several documents necessary for their explanation. the senate having dissented to the ratification of the treaty with the creeks submitted to them at their last session, which gave a sum of $200,000 for the country thereby conveyed, it is proper now to observe that instead of that sum, which was equivalent to a perpetual annuity of $12,000, the present purchase gives them an annuity of $12,000 for eight years only and of $11,000 for ten years more, the payments of which would be effected by a present sum of $130,000 placed at an annual interest of 6 per cent. if from this sum we deduct the reasonable value of the road ceded through the whole length of their country from ocmulgee toward new orleans, a road of indispensable necessity to us, the present convention will be found to give little more than the half of the sum which was formerly proposed to be given. this difference is thought sufficient to justify the presenting this subject a second time to the senate. on these several treaties i have to request that the senate will advise whether i shall ratify them or not. th. jefferson. december 23, 1805. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the governor and presiding judge of the territory of michigan have made a report to me of the state of that territory, several matters in which being within the reach of the legislative authority only, i lay the report before congress. th. jefferson. december 31, 1805. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: i now communicate to the house of representatives all the information which the executive offices furnish on the subject of their resolution of the 23d instant respecting the states indebted to the united states. th. jefferson. january 10, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: in compliance with the request of the senate expressed in their resolution of december 27, i now lay before them such documents and papers (there being no other information in my possession) as relate to complaints by the government of france against the commerce carried on by the citizens of the united states to the french island of st. domingo. th. jefferson. january 13, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: according to the request of the senate of december 30, i now lay before them the correspondence of the naval commanders barron and rodgers and of mr. eaton, late consul at tunis, respecting the progress of the war with tripoli, antecedent to the treaty with the bey and regency of tripoli, and respecting the negotiations for the same, and the commission and instructions of mr. eaton, with such other correspondence in possession of the offices as i suppose may be useful to the senate in their deliberations upon the said treaty. the instructions which were given to mr. lear, the consul-general at algiers, respecting the negotiations for the said treaty accompanied the treaty and the message concerning the same, and are now with them in possession of the senate. so much of these papers has been extracted and communicated to the house of representatives as relates to the principles of the cooperation between the united states and hamet caramalli, which is the subject of a joint message to both houses of congress bearing equal date with the present, and as those now communicated to the senate comprehend the whole of that matter, i request that they may be considered as comprising the documents stated in that message as accompanying it. being mostly originals or sole copies, a return of them is requested at the convenience of the senate. we have no letter from mr. lear respecting tripoline affairs of later date than that of july 5, which was transmitted to the senate with the treaty, nor, consequently, any later information what steps have been taken to carry into effect the stipulation for the delivery of the wife and children of the brother of the reigning bashaw of tripoli. th. jefferson. january 13, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i lay before congress the application of hamet caramalli, elder brother of the reigning bashaw of tripoli, soliciting from the united states attention to his services and sufferings in the late war against that state; and in order to possess them of the ground on which that application stands, the facts shall be stated according to the views and information of the executive. during the war with tripoli it was suggested that hamet caramalli, elder brother of the reigning bashaw, and driven by him from his throne, meditated the recovery of his inheritance, and that a concert in action with us was desirable to him. we considered that concerted operations by those who have a common enemy were entirely justifiable, and might produce effects favorable to both without binding either to guarantee the objects of the other. but the distance of the scene, the difficulties of communication, and the uncertainty of our information inducing the less confidence in the measure, it was committed to our agents as one which might be resorted to if it promised to promote our success. mr. eaton, however (our late consul), on his return from the mediterranean, possessing personal knowledge of the scene and having confidence in the effect of a joint operation, we authorized commodore barron, then proceeding with his squadron, to enter into an understanding with hamet if he should deem it useful; and as it was represented that he would need some aids of arms and ammunition, and even of money, he was authorized to furnish them to a moderate extent, according to the prospect of utility to be expected from it. in order to avail him of the advantages of mr. eaton's knowledge of circumstances, an occasional employment was provided for the latter as an agent for the navy in that sea. our expectation was that an intercourse should be kept up between the ex-bashaw and the commodore; that while the former moved on by land our squadron should proceed with equal pace, so as to arrive at their destination together and to attack the common enemy by land and sea at the same time. the instructions of june 6 to commodore barron shew that a cooperation only was intended, and by no means an union of our object with the fortune of the ex-bashaw, and the commodore's letters of march 22 and may 19 prove that he had the most correct idea of our intentions. his verbal instructions, indeed, to mr. eaton and captain hull, if the expressions are accurately committed to writing by those gentlemen, do not limit the extent of his cooperation as rigorously as he probably intended; but it is certain from the ex-bashaw's letter of january 3, written when he was proceeding to join mr. eaton, and in which he says, "your operations should be carried on by sea, mine by land," that he left the position in which he was with a proper idea of the nature of the cooperation. if mr. eaton's subsequent convention should appear to bring forward other objects, his letter of april 29 and may 1 views this convention but as provisional, the second article, as he expressly states, guarding it against any ill effect; and his letter of june 30 confirms this construction. in the event it was found that after placing the ex-bashaw in possession of derne, one of the most important cities and provinces of the country, where he had resided himself as governor, lie was totally unable to command any resources or to bear any part in cooperation with us. this hope was then at an end, and we certainly had never contemplated, nor were we prepared, to land an army of our own, or to raise, pay, or subsist an army of arabs to march from derne to tripoli and to carry on a land war at such a distance from our resources. our means and our authority were merely naval, and that such were the expectations of hamet his letter of june 29 is an unequivocal acknowledgment. while, therefore, an impression from the capture of derne might still operate at tripoli, and an attack on that place from our squadron was daily expected. colonel lear thought it the best moment to listen to overtures of peace then made by the bashaw. he did so, and while urging provisions for the united states he paid attention also to the interests of hamet, but was able to effect nothing more than to engage the restitution of his family, and even the persevering in this demand suspended for some time the conclusion of the treaty. in operations at such a distance it becomes necessary to leave much to the discretion of the agents employed, but events may still turn up beyond the limits of that discretion. unable in such a case to consult his government, a zealous citizen will act as he believes that would direct him were it apprised of the circumstances, and will take on himself the responsibility. in all these cases the purity and patriotism of the motives should shield the agent from blame, and even secure a sanction where the error is not too injurious. should it be thought by any that the verbal instructions said to have been given by commodore barron to mr. eaton amount to a stipulation that the united states should place hamet caramalli on the throne of tripoli--a stipulation so entirely unauthorized, so far beyond our views, and so onerous could not be sanctioned by our government--or should hamet caramalli, contrary to the evidence of his letters of january 3 and june 29, be thought to have left the position which he now seems to regret, under a mistaken expectation that we were at all events to place him on his throne, on an appeal to the liberality of the nation something equivalent to the replacing him in his former situation might be worthy its consideration. a nation by establishing a character of liberality and magnanimity gains in the friendship and respect of others more than the worth of mere money. this appeal is now made by hamet caramalli to the united states. the ground he has taken being different not only from our views but from those expressed by himself on former occasions, mr. eaton was desired to state whether any verbal communications passed from him to hamet which had varied what we saw in writing. his answer of december 5 is herewith transmitted, and has rendered it still more necessary that in presenting to the legislature the application of hamet i should present them at the same time an exact statement of the views and proceedings of the executive through this whole business, that they may clearly understand the ground on which we are placed. it is accompanied by all the papers which bear any relation to the principles of the cooperation, and which can inform their judgment in deciding on the application of hamet caramalli. th. jefferson. january 15, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now render to congress an account of the grant of $20,000 for the contingent charges of government by an act making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1805. of that sum $1,987.50 have been necessarily applied to the support of the territorial governments of michigan and louisiana until an opportunity could occur of making a specific appropriation for that purpose. the balance of $18,012.50 remains in the treasury. th. jefferson. january 17, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in my message to both houses of congress at the opening of their present session i submitted to their attention, among other subjects, the oppression of our commerce and navigation by the irregular practices of armed vessels, public and private, and by the introduction of new principles derogatory of the rights of neutrals and unacknowledged by the usage of nations. the memorials of several bodies of merchants of the united states are now communicated, and will develop these principles and practices which are producing the most ruinous effects on our lawful commerce and navigation. the rights of a neutral to carry on commercial intercourse with every part of the dominions of a belligerent permitted by the laws of the country (with the exception of blockaded ports and contraband of war) was believed to have been decided between great britain and the united states by the sentence of their commissioners mutually appointed to decide on that and other questions of difference between the two nations, and by the actual payment of the damages awarded by them against great britain for the infractions of that right. when, therefore, it was perceived that the same principle was revived with others more novel and extending the injury, instructions were given to the minister plenipotentiary of the united states at the court of london, and remonstrances duly made by him on this subject, as will appear by documents transmitted herewith. these were followed by a partial and temporary suspension only, without any disavowal of the principle. he has therefore been instructed to urge this subject anew, to bring it more fully to the bar of reason, and to insist on rights too evident and too important to be surrendered. in the meantime the evil is proceeding under adjudications founded on the principle which is denied. under these circumstances the subject presents itself for the consideration of congress. on the impressment of our seamen our remonstrances have never been intermitted. a hope existed at one moment of an arrangement which might have been submitted to, but it soon passed away, and the practice, though relaxed at times in the distant seas, has been constantly pursued in those in our neighborhood. the grounds on which the reclamations on this subject have been urged will appear in an extract from instructions to our minister at london now communicated. th. jefferson. january 17, 1806 _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the inclosed letter from the minister plenipotentiary of the united states at the court of london contains interesting information on the subjects of my other message of this date. it is sent separately and confidentially because its publication may discourage frank communications between our ministers generally and the governments with which they reside, and especially between the same ministers. th. jefferson. january 24, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: a convention has been entered into between the united states and the cherokee nation for the extinguishment of the rights of the latter, and of some unsettled claims in the country north of the river tennessee, therein described. this convention is now laid before the senate for their advice and consent as to its ratification. th. jefferson. january 27, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: according to the desire of the senate expressed in their resolution of the 10th instant, i now communicate to them a report of the secretary of state, with its documents, stating certain new principles attempted to be introduced on the subject of neutral rights, injurious to the rights and interests of the united states. these, with my message to both houses of the 17th instant and the documents accompanying it, fulfill the desires of the senate as far as it can be done by any information in my possession which is authentic and not publicly known. th. jefferson. january 29, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: having received from sundry merchants at baltimore a memorial on the same subject with those i communicated to congress with my message of the 17th instant, i now communicate this also as a proper sequel to the former, and as making a part of the mass of evidence of the violations of our rights on the ocean. th. jefferson. february 3, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: a letter has been received from the governor of south carolina covering an act of the legislature of that state ceding to the united states various forts and fortifications and sites for the erection of forts in that state on the conditions therein expressed. this letter and the act it covered are now communicated to congress. i am not informed whether the positions ceded are the best which can be taken for securing their respective objects. no doubt is entertained that the legislature deemed them such. the river of beaufort, particularly, said to be accessible to ships of very large size and capable of yielding them a protection which they can not find elsewhere but very far to the north, is from these circumstances so interesting to the union in general as to merit particular attention and inquiry as to the positions on it best calculated for health as well as safety. th. jefferson. february 3, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in the course of the last year the following treaties and conventions for the extinguishment of indian title to lands within our limits were entered into on behalf of the united states: a treaty between the united states and the wyandot, ottawa, chippeway, munsee and delaware, shawanee and pottawatamy nations of indians. a treaty between the united states and the agents of the connecticut land company on one part and the wyandot and ottawa, chippeway, munsey and delaware, shawanee and pottawatamy nations of indians. a treaty between the united states and the delawares, pottawatamies, miamis, eel-rivers, and weas. a treaty between the united states and the chickasaw nation of indians. two treaties between the united states and the cherokee indians. a convention between the united states and the creek nation of indians. the senate having advised and consented to the ratification of these several treaties and conventions, i now lay them before both houses of congress for the exercise of their constitutional powers as to the means of fulfilling them. th. jefferson. february 6, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: since the date of my message of january 17 a letter of the 26th of november has been received from the minister plenipotentiary of the united states at london, covering one from the secretary for foreign affairs of that government, which, being on the subject of that message, is now transmitted for the information of congress. although nothing forbids the substance of these letters from being communicated without reserve, yet so many ill effects proceed from the publications of correspondences between ministers remaining still in office that i can not but recommend that these letters be not permitted to be formally published. th; jefferson. february 19, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in pursuance of a measure proposed to congress by a message of january 18, 1803, and sanctioned by their approbation for carrying it into execution, captain meriwether lewis, of the first regiment of infantry, was appointed, with a party of men, to explore the river missouri from its mouth to its source, and, crossing the highlands by the shortest portage, to seek the best water communication thence to the pacific ocean; and lieutenant clarke was appointed second in command. they were to enter into conference with the indian nations on their route with a view to the establishment of commerce with them. they entered the missouri may 14, 1804, and on the 1st of november took up their winter quarters near the mandan towns, 1,609 miles above the mouth of the river, in latitude 47â° 21' 47" north and longitude 99â° 24' 45" west from greenwich. on the 8th of april, 1805, they proceeded up the river in pursuance of the objects prescribed to them. a letter of the preceding day, april 7th, from captain lewis is herewith communicated. during his stay among the mandans he had been able to lay down the missouri according to courses and distances taken on his passage up it, corrected by frequent observations of longitude and latitude, and to add to the actual survey of this portion of the river a general map of the country between the mississippi and pacific from the thirty-fourth to the fifty-fourth degree of latitude. these additions are from information collected from indians with whom he had opportunities of communicating during his journey and residence with them. copies of this map are now presented to both houses of congress. with these i communicate also a statistical view, procured and forwarded by him, of the indian nations inhabiting the territory of louisiana and the countries adjacent to its northern and western borders, of their commerce, and of other interesting circumstances respecting them. in order to render the statement as complete as may be of the indians inhabiting the country west of the mississippi, i add dr. sibley's account of those residing in and adjacent to the territory of orleans. i communicate also, from the same person, an account of the red river, according to the best information he had been able to collect. having been disappointed, after considerable preparation, in the purpose of sending an exploring party up that river in the summer of 1804, it was thought best to employ the autumn of that year in procuring a knowledge of an interesting branch of the river called the washita. this was undertaken under the direction of mr. dunbar, of natchez, a citizen of distinguished science, who had aided and continues to aid us with his disinterested and valuable services in the prosecution of these enterprises. he ascended the river to the remarkable hot springs near it, in latitude 34â° 31' 4.16", longitude 92â° 50' 45" west from greenwich, taking its courses and distances, and correcting them by frequent celestial observations. extracts from his observations and copies of his map of the river from its mouth to the hot springs make part of the present communications. the examination of the red river itself is but now commencing. th. jefferson. march 5, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: according to the request of the senate expressed in their resolution of 3d instant, i now transmit the extract of a letter from the secretary of state to the minister plenipotentiary of the united states at paris, the answer to that letter, and two letters from henry waddell, a citizen of the united states, relative to the interference of the said minister in the case of the ship _new jersey_ and to the principles alleged to have been laid down on that occasion. there are in the office of the department of state several printed documents in this case by the agent of those interested in the ship, which are voluminous and in french. if these be within the scope of the request of the senate, the printed copies can be sent in immediately, but if translations be necessary some considerable time will be requisite for their execution. on this subject any further desire which the senate shall think proper to express shall be complied with. th. jefferson. march 7, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: according to the request of the senate of yesterday, i now transmit the five printed memorials of the agent for the ship _new jersey_, in the one of which marked b, at the ninth page, will be found the letter relative to it from the minister plenipotentiary of the united states at paris to the french minister of the treasury, supposed to be the one designated in the resolution. we have no information of this letter but through the channel of the party interested in the ship, nor any proof of it more authentic than that now communicated. th. jefferson. march 19, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: it was reasonably expected that while the limits between the territories of the united states and of spain were unsettled neither party would have innovated on the existing state of their respective positions. some time since, however, we learnt that the spanish authorities were advancing into the disputed country to occupy new posts and make new settlements. unwilling to take any measures which might preclude a peaceable accommodation of differences, the officers of the united states were ordered to confine themselves within the country on this side of the sabine river which, by delivery of its principal post, natchitoches, was understood to have been itself delivered up by spain, and at the same time to permit no adverse post to be taken nor armed men to remain within it. in consequence of these orders the commanding officer of natchitoches, learning that a party of spanish troops had crossed the sabine river and were posting themselves on this side the adais, sent a detachment of his force to require them to withdraw to the other side of the sabine, which they accordingly did. i have thought it proper to communicate to congress the letter detailing this incident, that they may fully understand the state of things in that quarter and be enabled to make such provision for its security as, in their wisdom, they shall deem sufficient. th. jefferson. april 11, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before congress a statement of the militia of the united states according to the returns last received from the several states and territories. it will be perceived that some of these are not of recent dates, and that from the states of maryland and delaware no returns are stated. as far as appears from our records, none were ever rendered from either of these states. from the territories of orleans, louisiana, and michigan complete returns have not yet been received. th. jefferson. april 14, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: during the blockade of tripoli by the squadron of the united states a small cruiser, under the flag of tunis, with two prizes, all of trifling value, attempted to enter tripoli; was turned back, warned, and, attempting again to enter, was taken and detained as prize by the squadron. her restitution was claimed by the bey of tunis with a threat of war in terms so serious that on withdrawing from the blockade of tripoli the commanding officer of the squadron thought it his duty to repair to tunis with his squadron and to require a categorical declaration whether peace or war was intended. the bey preferred explaining himself by an ambassador to the united states, who on his arrival renewed the request that the vessel and her prizes should be restored. it was deemed proper to give this proof of friendship to the bey, and the ambassador was informed the vessels would be restored. afterwards he made a requisition of naval stores to be sent to the bey, in order to secure a peace for the term of three years, with a threat of war if refused. it has been refused, and the ambassador is about to depart without receding from his threat or demand. under these circumstances, and considering that the several provisions of the act of march 25, 1804, will cease in consequence of the ratification of the treaty of peace with tripoli, now advised and consented to by the senate, i have thought it my duty to communicate these facts, in order that congress may consider the expediency of continuing the same provisions for a limited time or making others equivalent. th. jefferson. april 15, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the senate having advised and consented to the ratification of a treaty concluded with the piankeshaw indians for extinguishing their claim to the country between the wabash and kaskaskia cessions, it is now laid before both houses for the exercise of their constitutional powers as to the means of fulfilling it on our part. th. jefferson. april 17, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the senate having advised and consented to the ratification of a convention between the united states and the cherokee indians, concluded at washington on the 7th day of january last, for the cession of their right to the tract of country therein described, it is now laid before both houses of congress for the exercise of their constitutional powers toward the fulfillment thereof. th. jefferson. april 18, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: in compliance with the request of the senate of yesterday's date, i now communicate the entire correspondence between the ambassador of tunis and the secretary of state, from which the senate will see that the first application by the ambassador for restitution of the vessels taken in violation of blockade having been yielded to, the only remaining cause of difference brought forward by him is the requisition of a present of naval stores to secure a peace for three years, after which the inference is obvious that a renewal of the presents is to be expected to renew the prolongation of peace for another term. but this demand has been pressed in verbal conferences much more explicitly and pertinaciously than appears in the written correspondence. to save the delay of copying, some originals are inclosed, with a request that they be returned. th. jefferson. april 19, 1806. _to the senate of the united states_: i nominate james monroe, now minister plenipotentiary of the united states at the court of london, and william pinkney, of maryland, to be commissioners plenipotentiary and extraordinary for settling all matters of difference between the united states and the united kingdoms of great britain and ireland relative to wrongs committed between the parties on the high seas or other waters, and for establishing the principles of navigation and commerce between them. james houston, of maryland, to be judge of the court of the united states for the district of maryland. willis w. parker, of virginia, to be collector of the district and inspector of the revenue for the port of south quay. th. jefferson. proclamations. [from annals of congress, ninth congress, second session, 685.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas satisfactory information has been received that henry whitby, commanding a british armed vessel called the _leander_, did on the 25th day of the month of april last, within the waters and jurisdiction of the united states, and near to the entrance of the harbor of new york, by a cannon shot fired from the said vessel _leander_, commit a murder on the body of john pierce, a citizen of the united states, then pursuing his lawful vocation within the same waters and jurisdiction of the united states and near to their shores; and that the said henry whitby can not at this time be brought to justice by the ordinary process of law; and whereas it does further appear that both before and after the said day sundry trespasses, wrongs, and unlawful interruptions and vexations on trading vessels coming to the united states, and within their waters and vicinity, were committed by the said armed vessel the _leander_, her officers and people; by one other armed vessel called the _cambrian_, commanded by john nairne, her officers and people; and by one other armed vessel called the _driver_, commanded by slingsby simpson, her officers and people; which vessels, being all of the same nation, were aiding and assisting each other in the trespasses, interruptions, and vexations aforesaid: now, therefore, to the end that the said henry whitby may be brought to justice and due punishment inflicted for the said murder, i do hereby especially enjoin and require all officers having authority, civil or military, and all other persons within the limits or jurisdiction of the united states, wheresoever the said henry whitby may be found, now or hereafter, to apprehend and secure the said henry whitby, and him safely and diligently to deliver to the civil authority of the place, to be proceeded against according to law. and i do hereby further require that the said armed vessel the _leander_, with her officers and people, and the said armed vessels the _cambrian_ and _driver_, their officers and people, immediately and without any delay depart from the harbors and wraters of the united states. and i do forever interdict the entrance of all other vessels which shall be commanded by the said henry whitby, john nairne, and slingsby simpson, or either of them. and if the said vessels, or any of them, shall fail to depart as aforesaid, or shall reenter the harbors or waters aforesaid, i do in that case forbid all intercourse with the said armed vessels the _leander_, the _cambrian_, and the _driver_, or with any of them, and the officers and crews thereof, and do prohibit all supplies and aid from being furnished them, or any of them. and i do declare and make known that if any person from or within the jurisdictional limits of the united states shall afford any aid to either of the said armed vessels contrary to the prohibition contained in this proclamation, either in repairing such vessel or in furnishing her, her officers or crew, with supplies of any kind or in any manner whatever; or if any pilot shall assist in navigating any of the said armed vessels, unless it be for the purpose of carrying them in the first instance beyond the limits and jurisdiction of the united states, such person or persons shall on conviction suffer all the pains and penalties by the laws provided for such offenses. and i do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the united states, and all others citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, with vigilance and promptitude to exert their respective authorities and to be aiding and assisting to the carrying this proclamation and every part thereof into full effect. [seal.] in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. given at the city of washington, the 3d day of may, a.d. 1806, and of the sovereignty and independence of the united states the thirtieth. th. jefferson. by the president: james madison, _secretary of state_. [from annals of congress, ninth congress, second session, 686.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas information has been received that sundry persons, citizens of the united states or residents within the same, are conspiring and confederating together to begin and set on foot, provide, and prepare the means for a military expedition or enterprise against the dominions of spain; that for this purpose they are fitting out and arming vessels in the western waters of the united states, collecting provisions, arms, military stores, and means; are deceiving and seducing honest and well-meaning citizens, under various pretenses, to engage in their criminal enterprises; are organizing, officering, and arming themselves for the same, contrary to the laws in such cases made and provided: i have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation, warning and enjoining all faithful citizens who have been led without due knowledge or consideration to participate in the said unlawful enterprises to withdraw from the same without delay, and commanding all persons whatsoever engaged or concerned in the same to cease all further proceedings therein, as they will answer the contrary at their peril and incur prosecution with all the rigors of the law. and i hereby enjoin and require all officers, civil and military, of the united states, or of any of the states or territories, and especially all governors and other executive authorities, all judges, justices, and other officers of the peace, all military officers of the army or navy of the united states, or officers of the militia, to be vigilant, each within his respective department and according to his functions, in searching out and bringing to condign punishment all persons engaged or concerned in such enterprise, in seizing and detaining, subject to the disposition of the law, all vessels, arms, military stores, or other means provided or providing for the same, and, in general, in preventing the carrying on such expedition or enterprise by all lawful means within their power; and i require all good and faithful citizens and others within the united states to be aiding and assisting herein, and especially in the discovery, apprehension, and bringing to justice of all such offenders, in preventing the execution of their unlawful designs, and in giving information against them to the proper authorities. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents, and have signed the same with my hand. [seal.] given at the city of washington on the 27th day of november, 1806, and in the year of the sovereignty of the united states the thirty-first. th. jefferson. by the president: james madison, _secretary of state_. sixth annual message. december 2, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled_: it would have given me, fellow-citizens, great satisfaction to announce in the moment of your meeting that the difficulties in our foreign relations existing at the time of your last separation had been amicably and justly terminated. i lost no time in taking those measures which were most likely to bring them to such a termination--by special missions charged with such powers and instructions as in the event of failure could leave no imputation on either our moderation or forbearance. the delays which have since taken place in our negotiations with the british government appear to have proceeded from causes which do not forbid the expectation that during the course of the session i may be enabled to lay before you their final issue. what will be that of the negotiations for settling our differences with spain nothing which had taken place at the date of the last dispatches enables us to pronounce. on the western side of the mississippi she advanced in considerable force, and took post at the settlement of bayou pierre, on the red river. this village was originally settled by france, was held by her as long as she held louisiana, and was delivered to spain only as a part of louisiana. being small, insulated, and distant, it was not observed at the moment of redelivery to france and the united states that she continued a guard of half a dozen men which had been stationed there. a proposition, however, having been lately made by our commander in chief to assume the sabine river as a temporary line of separation between the troops of the two nations until the issue of our negotiations shall be known, this has been referred by the spanish commandant to his superior, and in the meantime he has withdrawn his force to the western side of the sabine river. the correspondence on this subject now communicated will exhibit more particularly the present state of things in that quarter. the nature of that country requires indispensably that an unusual proportion of the force employed there should be cavalry or mounted infantry. in order, therefore, that the commanding officer might be enabled to act with effect, i had authorized him to call on the governors of orleans and mississippi for a corps of 500 volunteer cavalry. the temporary arrangement he has proposed may perhaps render this unnecessary; but i inform you with great pleasure of the promptitude with which the inhabitants of those territories have tendered their services in defense of their country. it has done honor to themselves, entitled them to the confidence of their fellow-citizens in every part of the union, and must strengthen the general determination to protect them efficaciously under all circumstances which may occur. having received information that in another part of the united states a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing themselves contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition against the territories of spain, i thought it necessary, by proclamation as well as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and suppressing this enterprise, for seizing the vessels, arms, and other means provided for it, and for arresting and bringing to justice its authors and abettors. it was due to that good faith which ought ever to be the rule of action in public as well as in private transactions, it was due to good order and regular government, that while the public force was acting strictly on the defensive and merely to protect our citizens from aggression the criminal attempts of private individuals to decide for their country the question of peace or war by commencing active and unauthorized hostilities should be promptly and efficaciously suppressed. whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular force will depend on the result of our negotiations with spain; but as it is uncertain when that result will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that, and to meet any pressure intervening in that quarter, will be a subject for your early consideration. the possession of both banks of the mississippi reducing to a single point the defense of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent, it becomes highly necessary to provide for that point a more adequate security. some position above its mouth, commanding the passage of the river, should be rendered sufficiently strong to cover the armed vessels which may be stationed there for defense, and in conjunction with them to present an insuperable obstacle to any force attempting to pass. the approaches to the city of new orleans from the eastern quarter also will require to be examined and more effectually guarded. for the internal support of the country the encouragement of a strong settlement on the western side of the mississippi, within reach of new orleans, will be worthy the consideration of the legislature. the gunboats authorized by an act of the last session are so advanced that they will be ready for service in the ensuing spring. circumstances permitted us to allow the time necessary for their more solid construction. as a much larger number will still be wanting to place our seaport towns and waters in that state of defense to which we are competent and they entitled, a similar appropriation for a further provision for them is recommended for the ensuing year. a further appropriation will also be necessary for repairing fortifications already established and the erection of such other works as may have real effect in obstructing the approach of an enemy to our seaport towns, or their remaining before them. in a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people, directly expressed by their free suffrages; where the principal executive functionaries and those of the legislature are renewed by them at short periods; where under the character of jurors they exercise in person the greatest portion of the judiciary powers; where the laws are consequently so formed and administered as to bear with equal weight and favor on all, restraining no man in the pursuits of honest industry and securing to everyone the property which that acquires, it would not be supposed that any safeguards could be needed against insurrection or enterprise on the public peace or authority. the lawrs, however, aware that these should not be trusted to moral restraints only, have wisely provided punishment for these crimes when committed. but would it not be salutary to give also the means of preventing their commission? where an enterprise is meditated by private individuals against a foreign nation in amity with the united states, powers of prevention to a certain extent are given by the laws. would they not be as reasonable and useful where the enterprise preparing is against the united states? while adverting to this branch of law it is proper to observe that in enterprises meditated against foreign nations the ordinary process of binding to the observance of the peace and good behavior, could it be extended to acts to be done out of the jurisdiction of the united states, would be effectual in some cases where the offender is able to keep out of sight every indication of his purpose which could draw on him the exercise of the powers now given by law. the states on the coast of barbary seem generally disposed at present to respect our peace and friendship; with tunis alone some uncertainty remains. persuaded that it is our interest to maintain our peace with them on equal terms or not at all, i propose to send in due time a reen-forcement into the mediterranean unless previous information shall shew it to be unnecessary. we continue to receive proofs of the growing attachment of our indian neighbors and of their disposition to place all their interests under the patronage of the united states. these dispositions are inspired by their confidence in our justice and in the sincere concern we feel for their welfare; and as long as we discharge these high and honorable functions with the integrity and good faith which alone can entitle us to their continuance we may expect to reap the just reward in their peace and friendship. the expedition of messrs. lewis and clarke for exploring the river missouri and the best communication from that to the pacific ocean has had all the success which could have been expected. they have traced the missouri nearly to its source, descended the columbia to the pacific ocean; ascertained with accuracy the geography of that interesting communication across our continent, learnt the character of the country, of its commerce and inhabitants; and it is but justice to say that messrs. lewis and clarke and their brave companions have by this arduous service deserved well of their country. the attempt to explore the red river, under the direction of mr. freeman, though conducted with a zeal and prudence meriting entire approbation, has not been equally successful. after proceeding up it about 600 miles, nearly as far as the french settlements had extended while the country was in their possession, our geographers were obliged to return without completing their work. very useful additions have also been made to our knowledge of the mississippi by lieutenant pike, who has ascended it to its source, and whose journal and map, giving the details of his journey, will shortly be ready for communication to both houses of congress. those of messrs. lewis, clarke, and freeman will require further time to be digested and prepared. these important surveys, in addition to those before possessed, furnish materials for commencing an accurate map of the mississippi and its western waters. some principal rivers, however, remain still to be explored, toward which the authorization of congress by moderate appropriations will be requisite. i congratulate you, fellow-citizens, on the approach of the period at which you may interpose your authority constitutionally to withdraw the citizens of the united states from all further participation in those violations of human rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of africa, and which the morality, the reputation, and the best interests of our country have long been eager to proscribe. although no law you may pass can take prohibitory effect till the first day of the year 1808, yet the intervening period is not too long to prevent by timely notice expeditions which can not be completed before that day. the receipts at the treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of september last have amounted to near $15,000,000, which have enabled us, after meeting the current demands, to pay $2,700,000 of the american claims in part of the price of louisiana; to pay of the funded debt upward of three millions of principal and nearly four of interest, and, in addition, to reimburse in the course of the present month near two millions of 5-1/2 per cent stock. these payments and reimbursements of the funded debt, with those which had been made in the four years and a half preceding, will at the close of the present year have extinguished upward of twenty-three millions of principal. the duties composing the mediterranean fund will cease by law at the end of the present session. considering, however, that they are levied chiefly on luxuries and that we have an impost on salt, a necessary of life, the free use of which otherwise is so important, i recommend to your consideration the suppression of the duties on salt and the continuation of the mediterranean fund instead thereof for a short time, after which that also will become unnecessary for any purpose now within contemplation. when both of these branches of revenue shall in this way be relinquished there will still ere long be an accumulation of moneys in the treasury beyond the installments of public debt which we are permitted by contract to pay. they can not then, without a modification assented to by the public creditors, be applied to the extinguishment of this debt and the complete liberation of our revenues, the most desirable of all objects. nor, if our peace continues, will they be wanting for any other existing purpose. the question therefore now comes forward, to what other objects shall these surpluses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impost, after the entire discharge of the public debt, and during those intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them? shall we suppress the impost and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? on a few articles of more general and necessary use the suppression in due season will doubtless be right, but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid are foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance and application to the great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers. by these operations new channels of communication will be opened between the states, the lines of separation will disappear, their interests will be identified, and their union cemented by new and indissoluble ties. education is here placed among the articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal, but a public institution can alone supply those sciences which though rarely called for are yet necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of the country and some of them to its preservation. the subject is now proposed for the consideration of congress, because if approved by the time the state legislatures shall have deliberated on this extension of the federal trusts, and the laws shall be passed and other arrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will be on hand and without employment. i suppose an amendment to the constitution, by consent of the states, necessary, because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated in the constitution, and to which it permits the public moneys to be applied. the present consideration of a national establishment for education particularly is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if congress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow it with those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary income. this foundation would have the advantage of being independent of war, which may suspend other improvements by requiring for its own purposes the resources destined for them. this, fellow-citizens, is the state of the public interests at the present moment and according to the information now possessed. but such is the situation of the nations of europe and such, too, the predicament in which we stand with some of them that we can not rely with certainty on the present aspect of our affairs, that may change from moment to moment during the course of your session or after you shall have separated. our duty is, therefore, to act upon things as they are and to make a reasonable provision for whatever they may be. were armies to be raised whenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never should have been without them. our resources would have been exhausted on dangers which have never happened, instead of being reserved for what is really to take place. a steady, perhaps a quickened, pace in preparations for the defense of our seaport towns and waters; an early settlement of the most exposed and vulnerable parts of our country; a militia so organized that its effective portions can be called to any point in the union, or volunteers instead of them to serve a sufficient time, are means which may always be ready, yet never preying on our resources until actually called into use. they will maintain the public interests while a more permanent force shall be in course of preparation. but much will depend on the promptitude with which these means can be brought into activity. if war be forced upon us, in spite of our long and vain appeals to the justice of nations, rapid and vigorous movements in its outset will go far toward securing us in its course and issue, and toward throwing its burthens on those who render necessary the resort from reason to force. the result of our negotiations, or such incidents in their course as may enable us to infer their probable issue; such further movements also on our western frontiers as may shew whether war is to be pressed there while negotiation is protracted elsewhere, shall be communicated to you from time to time as they become known to me, with whatever other information i possess or may receive, which may aid your deliberations on the great national interests committed to your charge. th. jefferson. special messages. december 3, 1806. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i have the satisfaction to inform you that the negotiation depending between the united states and the government of great britain is proceeding in a spirit of friendship and accommodation which promises a result of mutual advantage. delays, indeed, have taken place, occasioned by the long illness and subsequent death of the british minister charged with that duty. but the commissioners appointed by that government to resume the negotiation have shewn every disposition to hasten its progress. it is, however, a work of time, as many arrangements are necessary to place our future harmony on stable grounds. in the meantime we find by the communications of our plenipotentiaries that a temporary suspension of the act of the last session prohibiting certain importations would, as a mark of candid disposition on our part and of confidence in the temper and views with which they have been met, have a happy effect on its course. a step so friendly will afford further evidence that all our proceedings have flowed from views of justice and conciliation, and that we give them willingly that form which may best meet corresponding dispositions. add to this that the same motives which produced the postponement of the act till the 15th of november last are in favor of its further suspension, and as we have reason to hope that it may soon yield to arrangements of mutual consent and convenience, justice seems to require that the same measure may be dealt out to the few cases which may fall within its short course as to all others preceding and following it. i can not, therefore, but recommend the suspension of this act for a reasonable time, on considerations of justice, amity, and the public interests. th. jefferson. december 15, 1806, _to the house of representatives of the united states_: i lay before congress a report of the surveyor of the public buildings, stating the progress made on them during the last season and what is proposed for the ensuing one. i took every measure within my power for carrying into effect the request of the house of representatives of the 17th of april last to cause the south wing of the capitol to be prepared for their accommodation by the commencement of the present session. with great regret i found it was not to be accomplished. the quantity of freestone necessary, with the size and quality of many of the blocks, was represented as beyond what could be obtained from the quarries by any exertions which could be commanded. the other parts of the work, which might all have been completed in time, were necessarily retarded by the insufficient progress of the stonework. th. jefferson. january 5, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i transmit to each house of congress a copy of the laws of the territory of michigan passed by the governor and judges of the territory during the year 1805. th. jefferson. january 22, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: agreeably to the request of the house of representatives communicated in their resolution of the 16th instant, i proceed to state, under the reserve therein expressed, information received touching an illegal combination of private individuals against the peace and safety of the union, and a military expedition planned by them against the territories of a power in amity with the united states, with the measures i have pursued for suppressing the same. i had for some time been in the constant expectation of receiving such further information as would have enabled me to lay before the legislature the termination as well as the beginning and progress of this scene of depravity so far as it has been acted on the ohio and its waters. from this the state of safety of the lower country might have been estimated on probable grounds, and the delay was indulged the rather because no circumstance had yet made it necessary to call in the aid of the legislative functions. information now recently communicated has brought us nearly to the period contemplated. the mass of what i have received in the course of these transactions is voluminous, but little has been given under the sanction of an oath so as to constitute formal and legal evidence. it is chiefly in the form of letters, often containing such a mixture of rumors, conjectures, and suspicions as renders it difficult to sift out the real facts and unadvisable to hazard more than general outlines, strengthened by concurrent information or the particular credibility of the relator. in this state of the evidence, delivered sometimes, too, under the restriction of private confidence, neither safety nor justice will permit the exposing names, except that of the principal actor, whose guilt is placed beyond question. some time in the latter part of september i received intimations that designs were in agitation in the western country unlawful and unfriendly to the peace of the union, and that the prime mover in these was aaron burr, heretofore distinguished by the favor of his country. the grounds of these intimations being inconclusive, the objects uncertain, and the fidelity of that country known to be firm, the only measure taken was to urge the informants to use their best endeavors to get further insight into the designs and proceedings of the suspected persons and to communicate them to me. it was not till the latter part of october that the objects of the conspiracy began to be perceived, but still so blended and involved in mystery that nothing distinct could be singled out for pursuit. in this state of uncertainty as to the crime contemplated, the acts done, and the legal course to be pursued, i thought it best to send to the scene where these things were principally in transaction a person in whose integrity, understanding, and discretion entire confidence could be reposed, with instructions to investigate the plots going on, to enter into conference (for which he had sufficient credentials) with the governors and all other officers, civil and military, and with their aid to do on the spot whatever should be necessary to discover the designs of the conspirators, arrest their means, bring their persons to punishment, and to call out the force of the country to suppress any unlawful enterprise in which it should be found they were engaged. by this time it was known that many boats were under preparation, stores of provisions collecting, and an unusual number of suspicious characters in motion on the ohio and its waters. besides dispatching the confidential agent to that quarter, orders were at the same time sent to the governors of the orleans and mississippi territories and to the commanders of the land and naval forces there to be on their guard against surprise and in constant readiness to resist any enterprise which might be attempted on the vessels, posts, or other objects under their care; and on the 8th of november instructions were forwarded to general wilkinson to hasten an accommodation with the spanish commandant on the sabine, and as soon as that was effected to fall back with his principal force to the hither bank of the mississippi for the defense of the interesting points on that river. by a letter received from that officer on the 25th of november, but dated october 21, we learnt that a confidential agent of aaron burr had been deputed to him with communications, partly written in cipher and partly oral, explaining his designs, exaggerating his resources, and making such offers of emolument and command to engage him and the army in his unlawful enterprise as he had flattered himself would be successful. the general, with the honor of a soldier and fidelity of a good citizen, immediately dispatched a trusty officer to me with information of what had passed, proceeding to establish such an understanding with the spanish commandant on the sabine as permitted him to withdraw his force across the mississippi and to enter on measures for opposing the projected enterprise. the general's letter, which came to hand on the 25th of november, as has been mentioned, and some other information received a few days earlier, when brought together developed burr's general designs, different parts of which only had been revealed to different informants. it appeared that he contemplated two distinct objects, which might be carried on either jointly or separately, and either the one or the other first, as circumstances should direct. one of these was the severance of the union of these states by the alleghany mountains; the other an attack on mexico. a third object was provided, merely ostensible, to wit, the settlement of a pretended purchase of a tract of country on the washita claimed by a baron bastrop. this was to serve as the pretext for all his preparations, an allurement for such followers as really wished to acquire settlements in that country and a cover under which to retreat in the event of a final discomfiture of both branches of his real design. he found at once that the attachment of the western country to the present union was not to be shaken; that its dissolution could not be effected with the consent of its inhabitants, and that his resources were inadequate as yet to effect it by force. he took his course then at once, determined to seize on new orleans, plunder the bank there, possess himself of the military and naval stores, and proceed on his expedition to mexico, and to this object all his means and preparations were now directed. he collected from all the quarters where himself or his agents possessed influence all the ardent, restless, desperate, and disaffected persons who were ready for any enterprise analogous to their characters. he seduced good and well-meaning citizens, some by assurances that he possessed the confidence of the government and was acting under its secret patronage, a pretense which procured some credit from the state of our differences with spain, and others by offers of land in bastrop's claim on the washita. this was the state of my information of his proceedings about the last of november, at which time, therefore, it was first possible to take specific measures to meet them. the proclamation of november 27, two days after the receipt of general wilkinson's information, was now issued. orders were dispatched to every interesting point on the ohio and mississippi from pittsburg to new orleans for the employment of such force either of the regulars or of the militia and of such proceedings also of the civil authorities as might enable them to seize on all the boats and stores provided for the enterprise, to arrest the persons concerned, and to suppress effectually the further progress of the enterprise. a little before the receipt of these orders in the state of ohio our confidential agent, who had been diligently employed in investigating the conspiracy, had acquired sufficient information to open himself to the governor of that state and apply for the immediate exertion of the authority and power of the state to crush the combination. governor tiffin and the legislature, with a promptitude, an energy, and patriotic zeal which entitle them to a distinguished place in the affection of their sister states, effected the seizure of all the boats, provisions, and other preparations within their reach, and thus gave a first blow, materially disabling the enterprise in its outset. in kentucky a premature attempt to bring burr to justice without sufficient evidence for his conviction had produced a popular impression in his favor and a general disbelief of his guilt. this gave him an unfortunate opportunity of hastening his equipments. the arrival of the proclamation and orders and the application and information of our confidential agent at length awakened the authorities of that state to the truth, and then produced the same promptitude and energy of which the neighboring state had set the example. under an act of their legislature of december 23 militia was instantly ordered to different important points, and measures taken for doing whatever could yet be done. some boats (accounts vary from five to double or treble that number) and persons (differently estimated from 100 to 300) had in the meantime passed the falls of ohio to rendezvous at the mouth of cumberland with others expected down that river. not apprised till very late that any boats were building on cumberland, the effect of the proclamation had been trusted to for some time in the state of tennessee; but on the *19th of december similar communications and instructions with those to the neighboring states were dispatched by express to the governor and a general officer of the western division ofthe state, and on the 23d of december our confidential agent left frankfort for nashville to put into activity the means of that state also. but by information received yesterday i learn that on the 22d of december mr. burr descended the cumberland with two boats merely of accommodation, carrying with him from that state no quota toward his unlawful enterprise. whether after the arrival of the proclamation, of the orders, or of our agent any exertion which could be made by that state or the orders of the governor of kentucky for calling out the militia at the mouth of cumberland would be in time to arrest these boats and those from the falls of ohio is still doubtful. on the whole, the fugitives from the ohio, with their associates from cumberland or any other place in that quarter, can not threaten serious danger to the city of new orleans. by the same express of december 19 orders were sent to the governors of orleans and mississippi, supplementary to those which had been given onthe 25th of november, to hold the militia of their territories in readiness to cooperate for their defense with the regular troops and armed vessels then under command of general wilkinson. great alarm, indeed, was excited at new orleans by the exaggerated accounts of mr. burr, disseminated through his emissaries, of the armies and navies he was to assemble there. general wilkinson had arrived there himself on the 24th of november, and had immediately put into activity the resources of the place for the purpose of its defense, and on the 10th of december he was joined by his troops from the sabine. great zeal was shewn by the inhabitants generally, the merchants of the place readily agreeing to the most laudable exertions and sacrifices for manning the armed vessels with their seamen, and the other citizens manifesting unequivocal fidelity to the union and a spirit of determined resistance to their expected assailants. surmises have been hazarded that this enterprise is to receive aid from certain foreign powers; but these surmises are without proof or probability. the wisdom of the measures sanctioned by congress at its last session has placed us in the paths of peace and justice with the only powers with whom we had any differences, and nothing has happened since which makes it either their interest or ours to pursue another course. no change of measures has taken place on our part; none ought to take place at this time. with the one, friendly arrangement was then proposed, and the law deemed necessary on the failure of that was suspended to give time for a fair trial of the issue. with the same power friendly arrangement is now proceeding under good expectations, and the same law deemed necessary on failure of that is still suspended, to give time for a fair trial of the issue. with the other, negotiation was in like manner then preferred, and provisional measures only taken to meet the event of rupture. with the same power negotiation is still preferred, and provisional measures only are necessary to meet the event of rupture. while, therefore, we do not deflect in the slightest degree from the course we then assumed and are still pursuing with mutual consent to restore a good understanding, we arc not to impute to them practices as irreconcilable to interest as to good faith, and changing necessarily the relations of peace and justice between us to those of war. these surmises are therefore to be imputed to the vauntings of the author of this enterprise to multiply his partisans by magnifying the belief of his prospects and support. by letters from general wilkinson of the 14th and 18th of december, which came to hand two days after the date of the resolution of the house of representatives--that is to say, on the morning of the 18th instant--i received the important affidavit a copy of which i now communicate, with extracts of so much of the letters as comes within the scope of the resolution. by these it will be seen that of three of the principal emissaries of mr. burr whom the general had caused to be apprehended, one had been liberated by habeas corpus, and two others, being those particularly employed in the endeavor to corrupt the general and army of the united states, have been embarked by him for ports in the atlantic states, probably on the consideration that an impartial trial could not be expected during the present agitations of new orleans, and that that city was not as yet a safe place of confinement. as soon as these persons shall arrive they will be delivered to the custody of the law and left to such course of trial, both as to place and process, as its functionaries may direct. the presence of the highest judicial authorities, to be assembled at this place within a few days, the means of pursuing a sounder course of proceedings here than elsewhere, and the aid of the executive means, should the judges have occasion to use them, render it equally desirable for the criminals as for the public that, being already removed from the place where they were first apprehended, the first regular arrest should take place here, and the course of proceedings receive here its proper direction. th. jefferson. january 26, 1807. _to the senate, and house of representatives of the united states_: i received from general wilkinson on the 23d instant his affidavit charging samuel swartwout, peter v. ogden, and james alexander with the crimes described in the affidavit a copy of which is now communicated to both houses of congress. it was announced to me at the same time that swartwout and bollman, two of the persons apprehended by him, were arrived in this city in custody each of a military officer. i immediately delivered to the attorney of the united states in this district the evidence received against them, with instructions to lay the same before the judges and apply for their process to bring the accused to justice, and put into his hands orders to the officers having them in custody to deliver them to the marshal on his application. th. jefferson. january 27, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now render to congress the account of the fund established for defraying the contingent expenses of government for the year 1806. no occasion having arisen for making use of any part of the balance of $18,012.50, unexpended on the 31st day of december, 1805, that balance remains in the treasury. th. jefferson. january 28, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: by the letters of captain bissel, who commands at fort massac, and of mr. murrell, to general jackson, of tennessee, copies of which are now communicated to congress, it will be seen that aaron burr passed fort massac on the 31st december with about ten boats, navigated by about six hands each, without any military appearance, and that three boats with ammunition were said to have been arrested by the militia at louisville. as the guards of militia posted on various points of the ohio will be able to prevent any further aids passing through that channel, should any be attempted, we may now estimate with tolerable certainty the means derived from the ohio and its waters toward the accomplishment of the purposes of mr. burr. th. jefferson. january 31, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in execution of the act of the last session of congress entitled "an act to regulate the laying out and making a road from cumberland, in the state of maryland, to the state of ohio," i appointed thomas moore, of maryland; joseph kerr, of ohio, and eli williams, of maryland, commissioners to lay out the said road, and to perform the other duties assigned to them by the act. the progress which they made in the execution of the work during the last season will appear in their report now communicated to congress. on the receipt of it i took measures to obtain consent for making the road of the states of pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, through which the commissioners proposed to lay it out. i have received acts of the legislatures of maryland and virginia giving the consent desired; that of pennsylvania has the subject still under consideration, as is supposed. until i receive full consent to a free choice of route through the whole distance i have thought it safest neither to accept nor reject finally the partial report of the commissioners. some matters suggested in the report belong exclusively to the legislature. th. jefferson. february 6, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i lay before congress the laws for the government of louisiana, passed by the governor and judges of the indiana territory at their session at vincennes begun on the 1st of october, 1804. th. jefferson. february 6, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the government of france having examined into the claim of m. de beaumarchais against the united states, and considering it as just and legal, has instructed its minister here to make representations on the subject to the government of the united states. i now lay his memoir thereon before the legislature, the only authority competent to a final decision on the same. th. jefferson. february 10, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate, for the information of congress, a letter from cowles mead, secretary of the mississippi territory, to the secretary of war, by which it will be seen that mr. burr had reached that neighborhood on the 13th of january. th. jefferson. february 10, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in compliance with the request of the house of representatives expressed in their resolution of the 5th instant, i proceed to give such information as is possessed of the effect of gunboats in the protection and defense of harbors, of the numbers thought necessary, and of the proposed distribution of them among the ports and harbors of the united states. under present circumstances, and governed by the intentions of the legislature as manifested by their annual appropriations of money for the purposes of defense, it has been concluded to combine, first, land batteries furnished with heavy cannon and mortars, and established on all the points around the place favorable for preventing vessels from lying before it; second, movable artillery, which may be carried, as occasion may require, to points unprovided with fixed batteries; third, floating batteries, and fourth, gunboats which may oppose an enemy at his entrance and cooperate with the batteries for his expulsion. on this subject professional men were consulted as far as we had opportunity. general wilkinson and the late general gates gave their opinions in writing in favor of the system, as will be seen by their letters now communicated. the higher officers of the navy gave the same opinions in separate conferences, as their presence at the seat of government offered occasions of consulting them, and no difference of judgment appeared on the subject. those of commodore barren and captain tingey, now here, are recently furnished in writing, and transmitted herewith to the legislature. the efficacy of gunboats for the defense of harbors and of other smooth and inclosed waters may be estimated in part from that of galleys formerly much used but less powerful, more costly in their construction and maintenance, and requiring more men. but the gunboat itself is believed to be in use with every modern maritime nation for the purposes of defense. in the mediterranean, on which are several small powers whose system, like ours, is peace and defense, few harbors are without this article of protection. our own experience there of the effect of gunboats for harbor service is recent. algiers is particularly known to have owed to a great provision of these vessels the safety of its city since the epoch of their construction, before that it had been repeatedly insulted and injured. the effect of gunboats at present in the neighborhood of gibraltar is well known, and how much they were used both in the attack and defense of that place during a former war. the extensive resort to them by the two greatest naval powers in the world on an enterprise of invasion not long since in prospect shews their confidence in their efficacy for the purposes for which they are suited. by the northern powers of europe, whose seas are particularly adapted to them, they are still more used. the remarkable action between the russian flotilla of gunboats and galleys and a turkish fleet of ships of the line and frigates in the liman sea in 1788 will be readily recollected. the latter, commanded by their most celebrated admiral, were completely defeated, and several of their ships of the line destroyed. from the opinions given as to the number of gunboats necessary for some of the principal seaports, and from a view of all the towns and ports from orleans to maine, inclusive, entitled to protection in proportion to their situation and circumstances, it is concluded that to give them a due measure of protection in times of war about 200 gunboats will be requisite. according to first ideas the following would be their general distribution, liable to be varied on more mature examination and as circumstances shall vary; that is to say: to the mississippi and its neighboring waters, 40 gunboats. to savannah and charleston, and the harbors on each side from st. marys to currituck, 25. to the chesapeake and its waters, 20. to delaware bay and river, 15. to new york, the sound, and waters as far as cape cod, 50. to boston and the harbors north of cape cod, 50. the flotillas assigned to these several stations might each be under the care of a particular commandant, and the vessels composing them would in ordinary be distributed among the harbors within the station in proportion to their importance. of these boats a proper proportion would be of the larger size, such as those heretofore built, capable of navigating any seas and of reenforcing occasionally the strength of even the most distant ports when menaced with danger. the residue would be confined to their own or the neighboring harbors, would be smaller, less furnished for accommodation, and consequently less costly. of the number supposed necessary, 73 are built or building, and the 127 still to be provided would cost from $500,000 to $600,000. having regard to the convenience of the treasury as well as to the resources for building, it has been thought that the one-half of these might be built in the present year and the other half the next. with the legislature, however, it will rest to stop where we are, or at any further point, when they shall be of opinion that the number provided shall be sufficient for the object. at times when europe as well as the united states shall be at peace it would not be proposed that more than six or eight of these vessels should be kept afloat. when europe is in war, treble that number might be necessary, to be distributed among those particular harbors which foreign vessels of war are in the habit of frequenting for the purpose of preserving order therein. but they would be manned in ordinary, with only their complement for navigation, relying on the seamen and militia of the port if called into action on any sudden emergency. it would be only when the united states should themselves be at war that the whole number would be brought into active service, and would be ready in the first moments of the war to cooperate with the other means for covering at once the line of our seaports. at all times those unemployed would be withdrawn into places not exposed to sudden enterprise, hauled up under sheds from the sun and weather, and kept in preservation with little expense for repairs or maintenance. it must be superfluous to observe that this species of naval armament is proposed merely for defensive operation; that it can have but little effect toward protecting our commerce in the open seas, even on our own coast; and still less can it become an excitement to engage in offensive maritime war, toward which it would furnish no means. th. jefferson. february 11, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before congress a statement of the militia of the united states according to the latest returns received by the department of war. from two of the states no returns have ever been received. th. jefferson. february 19, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i transmit to congress a letter from our ministers plenipotentiary at london, informing us that they have agreed with the british commissioners to conclude a treaty on all the points which had formed the object of their negotiation, and on terms which they trusted we would approve. also a letter from our minister plenipotentiary at paris covering one to him from the minister of marine of that government assuring him that the imperial decree lately passed was not to affect our commerce, which would still be governed by the rules of the treaty established between the two countries. also a letter from cowles mead, secretary of the mississippi territory, acting as governor, informing us that aaron burr had surrendered himself to the civil authority of that territory. th. jefferson. proclamations. by thomas jefferson, president of the united states of america. a proclamation. during the wars which for some time have unhappily prevailed among the powers of europe the united states of america, firm in their principles of peace, have endeavored, by justice, by a regular discharge of all their national and social duties, and by every friendly office their situation has admitted, to maintain with all the belligerents their accustomed relations of friendship, hospitality, and commercial intercourse. taking no part in the questions which animate these powers against each other, nor permitting themselves to entertain a wish but for the restoration of general peace, they have observed with good faith the neutrality they assumed, and they believe that no instance of a departure from its duties can be justly imputed to them by any nation. a free use of their harbors and waters, the means of refitting and of refreshment, of succor to their sick and suffering, have at all times and on equal principles been extended to all, and this, too, amidst a constant recurrence of acts of insubordination to the laws, of violence to the persons, and of trespasses on the property of our citizens committed by officers of one of the belligerent parties received among us. in truth, these abuses of the laws of hospitality have, with few exceptions, become habitual to the commanders of the british armed vessels hovering on our coasts and frequenting our harbors. they have been the subject of repeated representations to their government. assurances have been given that proper orders should restrain them within the limits of the rights and of the respect due to a friendly nation; but those orders and assurances have been without effect--no instance of punishment for past wrongs has taken place. at length a deed transcending all we have hitherto seen or suffered brings the public sensibility to a serious crisis and our forbearance to a necessary pause. a frigate of the united states, trusting to a state of peace, and leaving her harbor on a distant service, has been surprised and attacked by a british vessel of superior force--one of a squadron then lying in our waters and covering the transaction--and has been disabled from service, with the loss of a number of men killed and wounded. this enormity was not only without provocation or justifiable cause, but was committed with the avowed purpose of taking by force from a ship of war of the united states a part of her crew; and that no circumstance might be wanting to mark its character, it had been previously ascertained that the seamen demanded were native citizens of the united states. having effected her purpose, she returned to anchor with her squadron within our jurisdiction. hospitality under such circumstances ceases to be a duty, and a continuance of it with such uncontrolled abuses would tend only, by multiplying injuries and irritations, to bring on a rupture between the two nations. this extreme resort is equally opposed to the interests of both, as it is to assurances of the most friendly dispositions on the part of the british government, in the midst of which this outrage has been committed. in this light the subject can not but present itself to that government and strengthen the motives to an honorable reparation of the wrong which has been done, and to that effectual control of its naval commanders which alone can justify the government of the united states in the exercise of those hospitalities it is now constrained to discontinue. in consideration of these circumstances and of the right of every nation to regulate its own police, to provide for its peace and for the safety of its citizens, and consequently to refuse the admission of armed vessels into its harbors or waters, either in such numbers or of such descriptions as are inconsistent with these or with the maintenance of the authority of the laws, i have thought proper, in pursuance of the authorities specially given by law, to issue this my proclamation, hereby requiring all armed vessels bearing commissions under the government of great britain now within the harbors or waters of the united states immediately and without any delay to depart from the same, and interdicting the entrance of all the said harbors and waters to the said armed vessels and to all others bearing commissions under the authority of the british government. and if the said vessels, or any of them, shall fail to depart as aforesaid, or if they or any others so interdicted shall hereafter enter the harbors or waters aforesaid, i do in that case forbid all intercourse with them, or any of them, their officers or crews, and do prohibit all supplies and aid from being furnished to them, or any of them. and i do declare and make known that if any person from or within the jurisdictional limits of the united states shall afford any aid to any such vessel contrary to the prohibition contained in this proclamation, either in repairing any such vessel or in furnishing her, her officers or crew, with supplies of any kind or in any manner whatsoever; or if any pilot shall assist in navigating any of the said armed vessels, unless it be for the purpose of carrying them in the first instance beyond the limits and jurisdiction of the united states, or unless it be in the case of a vessel forced by distress or charged with public dispatches, as hereinafter provided for, such person or persons shall on conviction suffer all the pains and penalties by the laws provided for such offenses. and i do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within or under the authority of the united states, and all others citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, with vigilance and promptitude to exert their respective authorities and to be aiding and assisting to the carrying this proclamation and every part thereof into full effect. provided, nevertheless, that if any such vessel shall be forced into the harbors or waters of the united states by distress, by the dangers of the sea, or by the pursuit of an enemy, or shall enter them charged with dispatches or business from their government, or shall be a public packet for the conveyance of letters and dispatches, the commanding officer, immediately reporting his vessel to the collector of the district, stating the object or causes of entering the said harbors or waters, and conforming himself to the regulations in that case prescribed under the authority of the laws, shall be allowed the benefit of such regulations respecting repairs, supplies, stay, intercourse, and departure as shall be permitted under the same authority. [seal.] in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same. given at the city of washington, the 2d day of july, a.d. 1807, and of the sovereignty and independence of the united states the thirty-first. th. jefferson. by the president: james madison, _secretary of state_. [from annals of congress, tenth congress, first session, vol. i, 9.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas great and weighty matters claiming the consideration of the congress of the united states form an extraordinary occasion for convening them, i do by these presents appoint monday, the 26th day of october next, for their meeting at the city of washington, hereby requiring the respective senators and representatives then and there to assemble in congress, in order to receive such communications as may then be made to them, and to consult and determine on such measures as in their wisdom may be deemed meet for the welfare of the united states. [seal.] in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand. done at the city of washington, the 30th day of july, a.d. 1807, and in the thirty-second year of the independence of the united states. th. jefferson. by the president: james madison, _secretary of state_. [from the national intelligencer, october 19, 1807.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas information has been received that a number of individuals who have deserted from the army of the united states and sought shelter without the jurisdiction thereof have become sensible of their offense and are desirous of returning to their duty, a full pardon is hereby proclaimed to each and all of such individuals as shall within four months from the date hereof surrender themselves to the commanding officer of any military post within the united states or the territories thereof. [seal.] in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. done at the city of washington, the 15th day of october, a.d. 1807, and of the independence of the united states of america the thirty-second. th. jefferson. by the president: james madison, _secretary of state_. seventh annual message. october 27, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: circumstances, fellow-citizens, which seriously threatened the peace of our country have made it a duty to convene you at an earlier period than usual. the love of peace so much cherished in the bosoms of our citizens, which has so long guided the proceedings of their public councils and induced forbearance under so many wrongs, may not insure our continuance in the quiet pursuits of industry. the many injuries and depredations committed on our commerce and navigation upon the high seas for years past, the successive innovations on those principles of public law which have been established by the reason and usage of nations as the rule of their intercourse and the umpire and security of their rights and peace, and all the circumstances which induced the extraordinary mission to london are already known to you. the instructions given to our ministers were framed in the sincerest spirit of amity and moderation. they accordingly proceeded, in conformity therewith, to propose arrangements which might embrace and settle all the points in difference between us, which might bring us to a mutual understanding on our neutral and national rights and provide for a commercial intercourse on conditions of some equality. after long and fruitless endeavors to effect the purposes of their mission and to obtain arrangements within the limits of their instructions, they concluded to sign such as could be obtained and to send them for consideration, candidly declaring to the other negotiators at the same time that they were acting against their instructions, and that their government, therefore, could not be pledged for ratification. some of the articles proposed might have been admitted on a principle of compromise, but others were too highly disadvantageous, and no sufficient provision was made against the principal source of the irritations and collisions which were constantly endangering the peace of the two nations. the question, therefore, whether a treaty should be accepted in that form could have admitted but of one decision, even had no declarations of the other party impaired our confidence in it. still anxious not to close the door against friendly adjustment, new modifications were framed and further concessions authorized than could before have been supposed necessary; and our ministers were instructed to resume their negotiations on these grounds. on this new reference to amicable discussion we were reposing in confidence, when on the 22d day of june last by a formal order from a british admiral the frigate _chesapeake_, leaving her port for a distant service, was attacked by one of those vessels which had been lying in our harbors under the indulgences of hospitality, was disabled from proceeding, had several of her crew killed and four taken away. on this outrage no commentaries are necessary. its character has been pronounced by the indignant voice of our citizens with an emphasis and unanimity never exceeded. i immediately, by proclamation, interdicted our harbors and waters to all british armed vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and uncertain how far hostilities were intended, and the town of norfolk, indeed, being threatened with immediate attack, a sufficient force was ordered for the protection of that place, and such other preparations commenced and pursued as the prospect rendered proper. an armed vessel of the united states was dispatched with instructions to our ministers at london to call on that government for the satisfaction and security required by the outrage. a very short interval ought now to bring the answer, which shall be communicated to you as soon as received; then also, or as soon after as the public interests shall be found to admit, the unratified treaty and proceedings relative to it shall be made known to you. the aggression thus begun has been continued on the part of the british commanders by remaining within our waters in defiance of the authority of the country, by habitual violations of its jurisdiction, and at length by putting to death one of the persons whom they had forcibly taken from on board the _chesapeake_. these aggravations necessarily lead to the policy either of never admitting an armed vessel into our harbors or of maintaining in every harbor such an armed force as may constrain obedience to the laws and protect the lives and property of our citizens against their armed guests; but the expense of such a standing force and its inconsistence with our principles dispense with those courtesies which would necessarily call for it, and leave us equally free to exclude the navy, as we are the army, of a foreign power from entering our limits. to former violations of maritime rights another is now added of very extensive effect. the government of that nation has issued an order interdicting all trade by neutrals between ports not in amity with them; and being now at war with nearly every nation on the atlantic and mediterranean seas, our vessels are required to sacrifice their cargoes at the first port they touch or to return home without the benefit of going to any other market. under this new law of the ocean our trade on the mediterranean has been swept away by seizures and condemnations, and that in other seas is threatened with the same fate. our differences with spain remain still unsettled, no measure having been taken on her part since my last communications to congress to bring them to a close. but under a state of things which may favor reconsideration they have been recently pressed, and an expectation is entertained that they may now soon be brought to an issue of some sort. with their subjects on our borders no new collisions have taken place nor seem immediately to be apprehended. to our former grounds of complaint has been added a very serious one, as you will see by the decree a copy of which is now communicated. whether this decree, which professes to be conformable to that of the french government of november 21, 1806, heretofore communicated to congress, will also be conformed to that in its construction and application in relation to the united states had not been ascertained at the date of our last communications. these, however, gave reason to expect such a conformity. with the other nations of europe our harmony has been uninterrupted, and commerce and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual footing. our peace with the several states on the coast of barbary appears as firm as at any former period and as likely to continue as that of any other nation. among our indian neighbors in the northwestern quarter some fermentation was observed soon after the late occurrences, threatening the continuance of our peace. messages were said to be interchanged and tokens to be passing, which usually denote a state of restlessness among them, and the character of the agitators pointed to the sources of excitement. measures were immediately taken for providing against that danger; instructions were given to require explanations, and, with assurances of our continued friendship, to admonish the tribes to remain quiet at home, taking no part in quarrels not belonging to them. as far as we are yet informed, the tribes in our vicinity, who are most advanced in the pursuits of industry, are sincerely disposed to adhere to their friendship with us and to their peace with all others, while those more remote do not present appearances sufficiently quiet to justify the intermission of military precaution on our part. the great tribes on our southwestern quarter, much advanced beyond the others in agriculture and household arts, appear tranquil and identifying their views with ours in proportion to their advancement. with the whole of these people, in every quarter, i shall continue to inculcate peace and friendship with all their neighbors and perseverance in those occupations and pursuits which will best promote their own well-being. the appropriations of the last session for the defense of our seaport towns and harbors were made under expectation that a continuance of our peace would permit us to proceed in that work according to our convenience. it has been thought better to apply the sums then given toward the defense of new york, charleston, and new orleans chiefly, as most open and most likely first to need protection, and to leave places less immediately in danger to the provisions of the present session. the gunboats, too, already provided have on a like principle been chiefly assigned to new york, new orleans, and the chesapeake. whether our movable force on the water, so material in aid of the defensive works on the land, should be augmented in this or any other form is left to the wisdom of the legislature. for the purpose of manning these vessels in sudden attacks on our harbors it is a matter for consideration whether the seamen of the united states may not justly be formed into a special militia, to be called on for tours of duty in defense of the harbors where they shall happen to be, the ordinary militia of the place furnishing that portion which may consist of landsmen. the moment our peace was threatened i deemed it indispensable to secure a greater provision of those articles of military stores with which our magazines were not sufficiently furnished. to have awaited a previous and special sanction by law would have lost occasions which might not be retrieved. i did not hesitate, therefore, to authorize engagements for such supplements to our existing stock as would render it adequate to the emergencies threatening us, and i trust that the legislature, feeling the same anxiety for the safety of our country, so materially advanced by this precaution, will approve, when done, what they would have seen so important to be done if then assembled. expenses, also unprovided for, arose out of the necessity of calling all our gunboats into actual service for the defense of our harbors; of all which accounts will be laid before you. whether a regular army is to be raised, and to what extent, must depend on the information so shortly expected. in the meantime i have called on the states for quotas of militia, to be in readiness for present defense, and have, moreover, encouraged the acceptance of volunteers; and i am happy to inform you that these have offered themselves with great alacrity in every part of the union. they are ordered to be organized and ready at a moment's warning to proceed on any service to which they may be called, and every preparation within the executive powers has been made to insure us the benefit of early exertions. i informed congress at their last session of the enterprises against the public peace which were believed to be in preparation by aaron burr and his associates, of the measures taken to defeat them and to bring the offenders to justice. their enterprises were happily defeated by the patriotic exertions of the militia whenever called into action, by the fidelity of the army, and energy of the commander in chief in promptly arranging the difficulties presenting themselves on the sabine, repairing to meet those arising on the mississippi, and dissipating before their explosion plots engendering there. i shall think it my duty to lay before you the proceedings and the evidence publicly exhibited on the arraignment of the principal offenders before the circuit court of virginia. you will be enabled to judge whether the defect was in the testimony, in the law, or in the administration of the law; and wherever it shall be found, the legislature alone can apply or originate the remedy. the framers of our constitution certainly supposed they had guarded as well their government against destruction by treason as their citizens against oppression under pretense of it, and if these ends are not attained it is of importance to inquire by what means more effectual they may be secured. the accounts of the receipts of revenue during the year ending on the 30th day of september last being not yet made up, a correct statement will be hereafter transmitted from the treasury. in the meantime, it is ascertained that the receipts have amounted to near $16,000,000, which, with the five millions and a half in the treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us, after meeting the current demands and interest incurred, to pay more than four millions of the principal of our funded debt. these payments, with those of the preceding five and a half years, have extinguished of the funded debt $25,500,000, being the whole which could be paid or purchased within the limits of the law and of our contracts, and have left us in the treasury $8,500,000. a portion of this sum may be considered as a commencement of accumulation of the surpluses of revenue which, after paying the installments of debt as they shall become payable, will remain without any specific object. it may partly, indeed, be applied toward completing the defense of the exposed points of our country, on such a scale as shall be adapted to our principles and circumstances. this object is doubtless among the first entitled to attention in such a state of our finances, and it is one which, whether we have peace or war, will provide security where it is due. whether what shall remain of this, with the future surpluses, may be usefully applied to purposes already authorized or more usefully to others requiring new authorities, or how otherwise they shall be disposed of, are questions calling for the notice of congress, unless, indeed, they shall be superseded by a change in our public relations now awaiting the determination of others. whatever be that determination, it is a great consolation that it will become known at a moment when the supreme council of the nation is assembled at its post, and ready to give the aids of its wisdom and authority to whatever course the good of our country shall then call us to pursue. matters of minor importance will be the subjects of future communications, and nothing shall be wanting on my part which may give information or dispatch to the proceedings of the legislature in the exercise of their high duties, and at a moment so interesting to the public welfare. th. jefferson. special messages. november 11, 1807. _to the senate of the united states_: some time had elapsed after the receipt of the late treaty between the united states and tripoli before the circumstance drew particular attention that, although by the third article the wife and children of the ex-bashaw were to be restored to him, this did not appear either to have been done or demanded; still, it was constantly expected that explanations on the subject would be received. none, however, having arrived when mr. davis went as consul to tripoli, he was instructed to demand the execution of the article. he did so, but was answered by the exhibition of a declaration, signed by our negotiator the day after the signature of the treaty, allowing four years for the restoration of the family. this declaration and the letter of mr. davis stating what passed on the occasion are now communicated to the senate. on the receipt of this letter i caused the correspondence of mr. lear to be diligently reexamined in order to ascertain whether there might have been a communication of this paper made and overlooked or forgotten. none such, however, is found. there appears only in a journalized account of the transaction by mr. lear, under date of june 3, a passage intimating that he should be disposed to give time rather than suffer the business to be broken off and our countrymen left in slavery; and again, that on the return of the person who passed between himself and the bashaw, and information that the bashaw would require time for the delivery of the family, he consented, and went ashore to consummate the treaty. this was done the next day, and being forwarded to us as ultimately signed, and found to contain no allowance of time nor any intimation that there was any stipulation but what was in the public treaty, it was supposed that the bashaw had, in fine, abandoned the proposition, and the instructions before mentioned were consequently given to mr. davis. an extract of so much of mr. lear's communication as relates to this circumstance is now transmitted to the senate, the whole of the papers having been laid before them on a former occasion. how it has happened that the declaration of june 5 has never before come to our knowledge can not with certainty be said, but whether there has been a miscarriage of it or a failure of the ordinary attention and correctness of that officer in making his communications, i have thought it due to the senate as well as to myself to explain to them the circumstances which have withheld from their knowledge, as they did from my own, a modification which, had it been placed in the public treaty, would have been relieved from the objections which candor and good faith can not but feel in its present form. as the restoration of the family has probably been effected, a just regard to the character of the united states will require that i make to the bashaw a candid statement of facts, and that the sacrifices of his right to the peace and friendship of the two countries, by yielding finally to the demand of mr. davis, be met by proper acknowledgments and reparation on our part. th. jefferson. november 19, 1807. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: according to the request expressed in your resolution of the 18th instant, i now transmit a copy of my proclamation interdicting our harbors and waters to british armed vessels and forbidding intercourse with them, referred to in my message of the 27th of october last. th. jefferson. november 23, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: agreeably to the assurance given in my message at the opening of the present session of congress, i now lay before you a copy of the proceedings and of the evidence exhibited on the arraignment of aaron burr and others before the circuit court of the united states held in virginia in the course of the present year, in as authentic form as their several parts have admitted. th. jefferson. november 23, 1807. _to the senate of the united states_: some circumstance, which can not now be ascertained, induced a belief that an act had passed at the last session of congress for establishing a surveyor and inspector of revenue for the port of stonington, in connecticut, and commissions were signed appointing jonathan palmer, of connecticut, to those offices. the error was discovered at the treasury, and the commissions were retained; but not having been notified to me, i renewed the nomination in my message of the 9th instant to the senate. in order to correct the error, i have canceled the temporary commissions, and now revoke the nomination which i made of the said jonathan palmer to the senate. th. jefferson. december 2, 1807. _to the senate of the united states_: in compliance with the request made in the resolution of the senate of november 30, i must inform them that when the prosecutions against aaron burr and his associates were instituted i delivered to the attorney-general all the evidence on the subject, formal and informal, which i had received, to be used by those employed in the prosecutions. on the receipt of the resolution of the senate i referred it to the attorney-general, with a request that he would enable me to comply with it by putting into my hands such of the papers as might give information relative to the conduct of john smith, a senator from the state of ohio, as an alleged associate of aaron burr, and having this moment received from him the affidavit of elias glover, with an assurance that it is the only paper in his possession which is within the term of the request of the senate, i now transmit it for their use. th. jefferson. december 7, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: having recently received from our late minister plenipotentiary at the court of london a duplicate of dispatches, the original of which has been sent by the _revenge_ schooner, not yet arrived, i hasten to lay them before both houses of congress. they contain the whole of what has passed between the two governments on the subject of the outrage committed by the british ship _leopard_ on the frigate _chesapeake_. congress will learn from these papers the present state of the discussion on that transaction, and that it is to be transferred to this place by the mission of a special minister. while this information will have its proper effect on their deliberations and proceedings respecting the relations between the two countries, they will be sensible that, the negotiation being still depending, it is proper for me to request that the communications may be considered as confidential. th. jefferson. december 18, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the communications now made, shewing the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere from the belligerent powers of europe, and it being of the greatest importance to keep in safety these essential resources, i deem it my duty to recommend the subject to the consideration of congress, who will doubtless perceive all the advantages which may be expected from an inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the united states. their wisdom will also see the necessity of making every preparation for whatever events may grow out of the present crisis. th. jefferson. december 30, 1807. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate to congress the inclosed letters from governor hull, respecting the indians in the vicinity of detroit residing within our lines. they contain information of the state of things in that quarter which will properly enter into their view in estimating the means to be provided for the defense of our country generally. th. jefferson. january 8, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now render to congress the account of the fund established for defraying the contingent expenses of government for the year 1807. of the sum of $18,012.50, which remained unexpended at the close of the year 1806, $8,731.11 have been placed in the hands of the attorney-general of the united states, to enable him to defray sundry expenses incident to the prosecution of aaron burr and his accomplices for treasons and misdemeanors alleged to have been committed by them, and the unexpended balance of $9,275.39 is now carried according to law to the credit of the surplus fund. th. jefferson. january 15, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: the posts of detroit and mackinac having been originally intended by the governments which established and held them as mere depots for commerce with the indians, very small cessions of land around them were obtained or asked from the native proprietors, and these posts depended for protection on the strength of their garrisons. the principles of our government leading us to the employment of such moderate garrisons in time of peace as may merely take care of the post, and to a reliance on the neighboring militia for its support in the first moments of war, i have thought it would be important to obtain from the indians such a cession in the neighborhood of these posts as might maintain a militia proportioned to this object; and i have particularly contemplated, with this view, the acquisition of the eastern moiety of the peninsula between lakes michigan and huron, comprehending the waters of the latter and of detroit river, so soon as it could be effected with the perfect good will of the natives. governor hull was therefore appointed a commissioner to treat with them on this subject, but was instructed to confine his propositions for the present to so much of the tract before described as lay south of saguina bay and round to the connecticut reserve, so as to consolidate the new with the present settled country. the result has been an acquisition of so much only of what would have been acceptable as extends from the neighborhood of saguina bay to the miami of the lakes, with a prospect of soon obtaining a breadth of 2 miles for a communication from the miami to the connecticut reserve. the treaty for this purpose entered into with the ottoways, chippeways, wyandots, and pottawattamies at detroit on the 17th of november last is now transmitted to the senate, and i ask their advice and consent as to its ratification. i communicate herewith such papers as bear any material relation to the subject. th. jefferson. january 15, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: although it is deemed very desirable that the united states should obtain from the native proprietors the whole left bank of the mississippi to a certain breadth, yet to obliterate from the indian mind an impression deeply made in it that we are constantly forming designs on their lands i have thought it best where urged by no peculiar necessity to leave to themselves and to the pressure of their own convenience only to come forward with offers of sale to the united states. the choctaws, being indebted to certain mercantile characters beyond what could be discharged by the ordinary proceeds of their huntings, and pressed for payment by those creditors, proposed at length to the united states to cede lands to the amount of their debts, and designated them in two different portions of their country. these designations not at all suiting us, their proposals were declined for that reason, and with an intimation that if their own convenience should ever dispose them to cede their lands on the mississippi we should be willing to purchase. still urged by their creditors, as well as by their own desire to be liberated from debt, they at length proposed to make a cession which should be to our convenience. james robertson, of tennessee, and silas dinsmore were thereupon appointed commissioners to treat with them on that subject, with instructions to purchase only on the mississippi. on meeting their chiefs, however, it was found that such was the attachment of the nation to their lands on the mississippi that their chiefs could not undertake to cede them; but they offered all their lands south of a line to be run from their and our boundary at the omochita eastwardly to their boundary with the creeks, on the ridge between the tombigbee and alabama, which would unite our possessions there from natchez to tombigbee. a treaty to this effect was accordingly signed at pooshapekanuk on the 16th of november, 1805; but this being against express instructions, and not according with the object then in view, i was disinclined to its ratification, and therefore did not at the last session of congress lay it before the senate for their advice, but have suffered it to lie unacted on. progressive difficulties, however, in our foreign relations have brought into view considerations other than those which then prevailed. it is now, perhaps, become as interesting to obtain footing for a strong settlement of militia along our southern frontier eastward of the mississippi as on the west of that river, and more so than higher up the river itself. the consolidation of the mississippi territory and the establishing a barrier of separation between the indians and our southern neighbors are also important objects. the cession is supposed to contain about 5,000,000 acres, of which the greater part is said to be fit for cultivation, and no inconsiderable proportion of the first quality, on the various waters it includes; and the choctaws and their creditors are still anxious for the sale. i therefore now transmit the treaty for the consideration of the senate, and i ask their advice and consent as to its ratification. i communicate at the same time such papers as bear any material relation to the subject, together with a map on which is sketched the northern limit of the cession, rather to give a general idea than with any pretension to exactness, which our present knowledge of the country would not warrant. th. jefferson. january 20, 1808. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: some days previous to your resolutions of the 13th instant a court of inquiry had been instituted at the request of general wilkinson, charged to make the inquiry into his conduct which the first resolution desires, and had commenced their proceedings. to the judge-advocate of that court the papers and information on that subject transmitted to me by the house of representatives have been delivered, to be used according to the rules and powers of that court. the request of a communication of any information which may have been received at any time since the establishment of the present government touching combinations with foreign agents for dismembering the union or the corrupt receipt of money by any officer of the united states from the agents of foreign governments can be complied with but in a partial degree. it is well understood that in the first or second year of the presidency of general washington information was given to him relating to certain combinations with the agents of a foreign government for the dismemberment of the union, which combinations had taken place before the establishment of the present federal government. this information, however, is believed never to have been deposited in any public office, or left in that of the president's secretary, these having been duly examined, but to have been considered as personally confidential, and therefore retained among his private papers. a communication from the governor of virginia to president washington is found in the office of the president's secretary, which, although not strictly within the terms of the request of the house of representatives, is communicated, inasmuch as it may throw some light on the subjects of the correspondence of that time between certain foreign agents and citizens of the united states. in the first or second year of the administration of president adams andrew ellicott, then employed in designating, in conjunction with the spanish authorities, the boundaries between the territories of the united states and spain, under the treaty with that nation, communicated to the executive of the united states papers and information respecting the subjects of the present inquiry, which were deposited in the office of state. copies of these are now transmitted to the house of representatives, except of a single letter and a reference from the said andrew ellicott, which, being expressly desired to be kept secret, is therefore not communicated, but its contents can be obtained from himself in a more legal form, and directions have been given to summon him to appear as a witness before the court of inquiry. a paper on "the commerce of louisiana," bearing date the 18th of april, 1798, is found in the office of state, supposed to have been communicated by mr. daniel clark, of new orleans, then a subject of spain, and now of the house of representatives of the united states, stating certain commercial transactions of general wilkinson in new orleans. an extract from this is now communicated, because it contains facts which may have some bearing on the questions relating to him. the destruction of the war office by fire in the close of 1800 involved all information it contained at that date. the papers already described therefore constitute the whole of the information on the subjects deposited in the public offices during the preceding administrations, as far as has yet been found; but it can not be affirmed that there may be no other, because, the papers of the office being filed for the most part alphabetically, unless aided by the suggestion of any particular name which may have given such information, nothing short of a careful examination of the papers in the offices generally could authorize such an affirmation. about a twelvemonth after i came to the administration of the government mr. clark gave some verbal information to myself, as well as to the secretary of state, relating to the same combinations for the dismemberment of the union. he was listened to freely, and he then delivered the letter of governor gayoso, addressed to himself, of which a copy is now communicated. after his return to new orleans he forwarded to the secretary of state other papers, with a request that after perusal they should be burnt. this, however, was not done, and he was so informed by the secretary of state, and that they would be held subject to his orders. these papers have not yet been found in the office. a letter, therefore, has been addressed to the former chief clerk, who may perhaps give information respecting them. as far as our memories enable us to say, they related only to the combinations before spoken of, and not at all to the corrupt receipt of money by any officer of the united states; consequently they respected what was considered as a dead matter, known to the preceding administrations, and offering nothing new to call for investigations, which those nearest the dates of the transactions had not thought proper to institute. in the course of the communications made to me on the subject of the conspiracy of aaron burr i sometimes received letters, some of them anonymous, some under names true or false, expressing suspicions and insinuations against general wilkinson; but one only of them, and that anonymous, specified any particular fact, and that fact was one of those which had been already communicated to a former administration. no other information within the purview of the request of the house is known to have been received by any department of the government from the establishment of the present federal government. that which has been recently communicated to the house of representatives, and by them to me, is the first direct testimony ever made known to me charging general wilkinson with the corrupt receipt of money, and the house of representatives may be assured that the duties which this information devolves on me shall be exercised with rigorous impartiality. should any want of power in the court to compel the rendering of testimony obstruct that full and impartial inquiry which alone can establish guilt or innocence and satisfy justice, the legislative authority only will be competent to the remedy. th. jefferson. january 30, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the choctaws, being indebted to their merchants beyond what could be discharged by the ordinary proceeds of their buntings, and pressed for payment, proposed to the united states to cede lands to the amount of their debts, and designated them in two different portions of their country. these designations, not at all suiting us, were declined. still urged by their creditors, as well as by their own desire to be liberated from debt, they at length proposed to make a cession which should be to our convenience. by a treaty signed at pooshapuckanuck on the 16th of november, 1805, they accordingly ceded all their lands south of a line to be run from their and our boundary at the omochita eastwardly to their boundary with the creeks, on the ridge between the tombigbee and alabama, as is more particularly described in the treaty, containing about 5,000,000 acres, as is supposed, and uniting our possessions there from adams to washington county. the location contemplated in the instructions to the commissioners was on the mississippi. that in the treaty being entirely different, i was at that time disinclined to its ratification, and i have suffered it to lie unacted on. but progressive difficulties in our foreign relations have brought into view considerations other than those which then prevailed. it is now, perhaps, as interesting to obtain footing for a strong settlement of militia along our southern frontier eastward of the mississippi as on the west of that river, and more so than higher up the river itself. the consolidation of the mississippi territory and the establishment of a barrier of separation between the indians and our southern neighbors are also important objects; and the choctaws and their creditors being still anxious that the sale should be made, i submitted the treaty to the senate, who have advised and consented to its ratification. i therefore now lay it before both houses of congress for the exercise of their constitutional powers as to the means of fulfilling it. th. jefferson. january 30, 1808. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: the posts of detroit and mackinac having been originally intended by the governments which established and held them as mere depots for commerce with the indians, very small cessions of land around them were obtained or asked from the native proprietors, and these posts depended for protection on the strength of their garrisons. the principles of our government leading us to the employment of such moderate garrisons in time of peace as may merely take care of the post, and to a reliance on the neighboring militia for its support in the first moments of war, i have thought it would be important to obtain from the indians such a cession in the neighborhood of these posts as might maintain a militia proportioned to this object; and i have particularly contemplated, with this view, the acquisition of the eastern moiety of the peninsula between the lakes michigan, huron, and erie, extending it to the connecticut reserve so soon as it could be effected with the perfect good will of the natives. by a treaty concluded at detroit on the 17th of november last with the ottoways, chippeways, wyandots, and pattawatimas so much of this country has been obtained as extends from about saguina bay southwardly to the miami of the lakes, supposed to contain upward of 5,000,000 acres, with a prospect of obtaining for the present a breadth of 2 miles for a communication from the miami to the connecticut reserve. the senate having advised and consented to the ratification of this treaty, i now lay it before both houses of congress for the exercise of their constitutional powers as to the means of fulfilling it. th. jefferson. february 2, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: having received an official communication of certain orders of the british government against the maritime rights of neutrals, bearing date the 11th of november, 1807, i transmit them to congress, as a further proof of the increasing dangers to our navigation and commerce, which led to the provident measure of the act of the present session laying an embargo on our own vessels, th. jefferson. february 4, 1808. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: in my message of january 20 i stated that some papers forwarded by mr. daniel clark, of new orleans, to the secretary of state in 1803 had not then been found in the office of state, and that a letter had been addressed to the former chief clerk, in the hope that he might advise where they should be sought for. by indications received from him they are now found. among them are two letters from the baron de carondelet to an officer serving under him at a separate post, in which his views of a dismemberment of our union are expressed. extracts of so much of these letters as are within the scope of the resolution of the house are now communicated. with these were found the letters written by mr. clark to the secretary of state in 1803. a part of one only of these relates to this subject, and is extracted and inclosed for the information of the house. in no part of the papers communicated by mr. clark, which are voluminous and in different languages, nor in his letters, have we found any intimation of the corrupt receipt of money by any officer of the united states from any foreign agent. as to the combinations with foreign agents for dismembering the union, these papers and letters offer nothing which was not probably known to my predecessors, or which could call anew for inquiries, which they had not thought necessary to institute, when the facts were recent and could be better proved. they probably believed it best to let pass into oblivion transactions which, however culpable, had commenced before this government existed, and had been finally extinguished by the treaty of 1795. th. jefferson. february 9, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate to congress, for their information, a letter from the person acting in the absence of our consul at naples, giving reason to believe, on the affidavit of a captain sheffield, of the american schooner _mary ann_, that the dey of algiers has commenced war against the united states. for this no just cause has been given on our part within my knowledge. we may daily expect more authentic and particular information on the subject from mr. lear, who was residing as our consul at algiers. th. jefferson. february 15, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate for the information of congress a letter from the consul of the united states at malaga to the secretary of state, covering one from mr. lear, our consul at algiers, which gives information that the rupture threatened on the part of the dey of algiers has been amicably settled, and the vessels seized by him are liberated. th. jefferson. february 19, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the states of pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia having by their several acts consented that the road from cumberland to the state of ohio, authorized by the act of congress of the 29th of march, 1806, should pass through those states, and the report of the commissioners, communicated to congress with my message of the 31st january, 1807, having been duly considered, i have approved of the route therein proposed for the said road as far as brownsville, with a single deviation, since located, which carries it through uniontown. from thence the course to the ohio and the point within the legal limits at which it shall strike that river is still to be decided. in forming this decision i shall pay material regard to the interests and wishes of the populous parts of the state of ohio and to a future and convenient connection with the road which is to lead from the indian boundary near cincinnati by vincennes to the mississippi at st. louis, under authority of the act of the 21st april, 1806. in this way we may accomplish a continued and advantageous line of communication from the seat of the general government to st. louis, passing through several very interesting points of the western country. i have thought it advisable also to secure from obliteration the trace of the road so far as it has been approved, which has been executed at such considerable expense, by opening one-half of its breadth through its whole length. the report of the commissioners, herewith transmitted, will give particular information of their proceedings under the act of the 29th march, 1806, since the date of my message of the 31st january, 1807, and will enable congress to adopt such further measures relative thereto as they may deem proper under existing circumstances. th. jefferson. february 25, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the dangers to our country arising from the contests of other nations and the urgency of making preparation for whatever events might affect our relations with them have been intimated in preceding messages to congress. to secure ourselves by due precautions an augmentation of our military force, as well regular as of volunteer militia, seems to be expedient. the precise extent of that augmentation can not as yet be satisfactorily suggested, but that no time may be lost, and especially at a season deemed favorable to the object, i submit to the wisdom of the legislature whether they will authorize a commencement of this precautionary work by a present provision for raising and organizing some additional force, reserving to themselves to decide its ultimate extent on such views of our situation as i may be enabled to present at a future day of the session. if an increase of force be now approved, i submit to their consideration the outlines of a plan proposed in the inclosed letter from the secretary of war. i recommend also to the attention of congress the term at which the act of april 18, 1806, concerning the militia, will expire, and the effect of that expiration. th. jefferson. february 26, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i inclose, for the information of congress, letters recently received from our ministers at paris and london, communicating their representations against the late decrees and orders of france and great britain, heretofore transmitted to congress. these documents will contribute to the information of congress as to the dispositions of those powers and the probable course of their proceedings toward neutrals, and will doubtless have their due influence in adopting the measures of the legislature to the actual crisis. although nothing forbids the general matter of these letters from being spoken of without reserve, yet as the publication of papers of this description would restrain injuriously the freedom of our foreign correspondence, they are communicated so far confidentially and with a request that after being read to the satisfaction of both houses they may be returned. th. jefferson. march 1, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: in compliance with the resolution of the senate of february 26, i now lay before them such memorials and petitions for the district of detroit, and such other information as is in my possession, in relation to the conduct of william hull, governor of the territory of michigan, and stanley griswold, esq., while acting as secretary of that territory. th. jefferson. march 2, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: in compliance with the resolution of the senate of november 30, 1807, i now transmit a report of the secretary of state on the subject of impressments, as requested in that resolution. the great volume of the documents and the time necessary for the investigation will explain to the senate the causes of the delay which has intervened. th. jefferson. march 7, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in the city of new orleans and adjacent to it are sundry parcels of ground, some of them with buildings and other improvements on them, which it is my duty to present to the attention of the legislature. the title to these grounds appears to have been retained in the former sovereigns of the province of louisiana as public fiduciaries and for the purposes of the province. some of them were used for the residence of the governor, for public offices, hospitals, barracks, magazines, fortifications, levees, etc., others for the townhouse, schools, markets, landings, and other purposes of the city of new orleans; some were held by religious corporations or persons, others seem to have been reserved for future disposition. to these must be added a parcel called the batture, which requires more particular description. it is understood to have been a shoal or elevation of the bottom of the river adjacent to the bank of the suburbs of st. mary, produced by the successive depositions of mud during the annual inundations of the river, and covered with water only during those inundations. at all other seasons it has been used by the city immemorially to furnish earth for raising their streets and courtyards, for mortar, and other necessary purposes, and as a landing or quay for unlading firewood, lumber, and other articles brought by water. this having been lately claimed, by a private individual, the city opposed the claim on a supposed legal title in itself; but it has been adjudged that the legal title was not in the city. it is, however, alleged that that title, originally in the former sovereigns, was never parted with by them, but was retained in them for the uses of the city and province, and consequently has now passed over to the united states. until this question can be decided under legislative authority, measures have been taken according to law to prevent any change in the state of things and to keep the grounds clear of intruders. the settlement of this title, the appropriation of the grounds and improvements formerly occupied for provincial purposes to the same or such other objects as may be better suited to present circumstances, the confirmation of the uses in other parcels to such bodies, corporate or private, as may of right or on other reasonable considerations expect them, are matters now submitted to the determination of the legislature. the papers and plans now transmitted will give them such information on the subject as i possess, and being mostly originals, i must request that they may be communicated from the one to the other house, to answer the purposes of both. th. jefferson. march 10, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: a purchase having lately been made from the cherokee indians of a tract of land 6 miles square at the mouth of the chickamogga, on the tennessee, i now lay the treaty and papers relating to it before the senate, with an explanation of the views which have led to it. it was represented that there was within that tract a great abundance of iron ore of excellent quality, with a stream and fall of water suitable for iron works; that the cherokees were anxious to have works established there, in the hope of having a better supply of those implements of household and agriculture of which they have learned the use and necessity, but on the condition that they should be under the authority and control of the united states. as such an establishment would occasion a considerable and certain demand for corn and other provisions and necessaries, it seemed probable that it would immediately draw around it a close settlement of the cherokees, would encourage them to enter on a regular life of agriculture, familiarize them with the practice and value of the arts, attach them to property, lead them of necessity and without delay to the establishment of laws and government, and thus make a great and important advance toward assimilating their condition to ours. at the same time it offers considerable accommodation to the government by enabling it to obtain more conveniently than it now can the necessary supplies of cast and wrought iron for all the indians south of the tennessee, and for those also to whom st. louis is a convenient deposit, and will benefit such of our own citizens likewise as shall be within its reach. under these views the purchase has been made, with the consent and desire of the great body of the nation, although not without some dissenting members, as must be the case will all collections of men. but it is represented that the dissentients are few, and under the influence of one or two interested individuals. it is by no means proposed that these works should be conducted on account of the united states. it is understood that there are private individuals ready to erect them, subject to such reasonable rent as may secure a reimbursement to the united states, and to such other conditions as shall secure to the indians their rights and tranquillity. the instrument is now submitted to the senate, with a request of their advice and consent as to its ratification. th. jefferson. march 17, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i have heretofore communicated to congress the decrees of the government of france of november 21, 1806, and of spain of february 19, 1807, with the orders of the british government of january and november, 1807. i now transmit a decree of the emperor of france of december 17,1807, and a similar decree of the 3d of january last by his catholic majesty. although the decree of france has not been received by official communication, yet the different channels of promulgation through which the public are possessed of it, with the formal testimony furnished by the government of spain in their decree, leave us without a doubt that such a one has been issued. these decrees and orders, taken together, want little of amounting to a declaration that every neutral vessel found on the high seas, whatsoever be her cargo and whatsoever foreign port be that of her departure or destination, shall be deemed lawful prize; and they prove more and more the expediency of retaining our vessels, our seamen, and property within our own harbors until the dangers to which they are exposed can be removed or lessened. th. jefferson. march 18, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the scale on which the military academy at west point was originally established is become too limited to furnish the number of well-instructed subjects in the different branches of artillery and engineering which the public service calls for. the want of such characters is already sensibly felt, and will be increased with the enlargement of our plans of military preparation. the chief engineer, having been instructed to consider the subject and to propose an augmentation which might render the establishment commensurate with the present circumstances of our country, has made the report which i now transmit for the consideration of congress. the idea suggested by him of removing the institution to this place is also worthy of attention. besides the advantage of placing it under the immediate eye of the government, it may render its benefits common to the naval department, and will furnish opportunities of selecting on better information the characters most qualified to fulfill the duties which the public service may call for. th. jefferson. march 22, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: at the opening of the present session i informed the legislature that the measures which had been taken with the government of great britain for the settlement of our neutral and national rights and of the conditions of commercial intercourse with that nation had resulted in articles of a treaty which could not be acceded to on our part; that instructions had been consequently sent to our ministers there to resume the negotiations, and to endeavor to obtain certain alterations, and that this was interrupted by the transaction which took place betweenthe frigates _leopard_ and _chesapeake_. the call on that government for reparation of this wrong produced, as congress has been already informed, the mission of a special minister to this country, and the occasion is now arrived when the public interest permits and requires that the whole of these proceedings should be made known to you. i therefore now communicate the instructions given to our minister resident at london and his communications with that government on the subject of the _chesapeake_, with the correspondence which has taken place here between the secretary of state and mr. rose, the special minister charged with the adjustment of that difference; the instructions to our ministers for the formation of a treaty; their correspondence with the british commissioners and with their own government on that subject; the treaty itself and written declaration of the british commissioners accompanying it, and the instructions given by us for resuming the negotiation, with the proceedings and correspondence subsequent thereto. to these i have added a letter lately addressed to the secretary of state from one of our late ministers, which, though not strictly written in an official character, i think it my duty to communicate, in order that his views of the proposed treaty and of its several articles may be fairly presented and understood. although i have heretofore and from time to time made such communications to congress as to keep them possessed of a general and just view of the proceedings and dispositions of the government of france toward this country, yet in our present critical situation, when we find that no conduct on our part, however impartial and friendly, has been sufficient to insure from either belligerent a just respect for our rights, i am desirous that nothing shall be omitted on my part which may add to your information on this subject or contribute to the correctness of the views which should be formed. the papers which for these reasons i now lay before you embrace all the communications, official or verbal, from the french government respecting the general relations between the two countries which have been transmitted through our minister there, or through any other accredited channel, since the last session of congress, to which time all information of the same kind had from time to time been given them. some of these papers have already been submitted to congress, but it is thought better to offer them again in order that the chain of communications of which they make a part may be presented unbroken. when, on the 26th of february, i communicated to both houses the letter of general armstrong to m. champagny, i desired it might not be published because of the tendency of that practice to restrain injuriously the freedom of our foreign correspondence. but perceiving that this caution, proceeding purely from a regard to the public good, has furnished occasion for disseminating unfounded suspicions and insinuations, i am induced to believe that the good which will now result from its publication, by confirming the confidence and union of our fellow-citizens, will more than countervail the ordinary objection to such publications. it is my wish, therefore, that it may be now published. th. jefferson. march 22, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in a separate message of this date i have communicated to congress so much as may be made public of papers which give a full view of the present state of our relations with the two contending powers, france and england. everyone must be sensible that in the details of instructions for negotiating a treaty and in the correspondence and conferences respecting it matters will occur which interest sometimes and sometimes respect or other proper motives forbid to be made public. to reconcile my duty in this particular with my desire of letting congress know everything which can give them a full understanding of the subjects on which they are to act, i have suppressed in the documents of the other message the parts which ought not to be made public and have given them in the supplementary and confidential papers herewith inclosed, with such references as that they may be read in their original places as if still standing in them; and when these confidential papers shall have been read to the satisfaction of the house, i request their return, and that their contents may not be made public. th. jefferson. march 25, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: in proceeding to carry into execution the act for fortifying our forts and harbors it is found that the sites most advantageous for their defense, and sometimes the only sites competent to that defense, are in some cases the property of minors incapable of giving a valid consent to their alienation; in others belong to persons who may refuse altogether to alienate, or demand a compensation far beyond the liberal justice allowable in such cases. from these causes the defense of our seaboard, so necessary to be pressed during the present season, will in various parts be defeated unless a remedy can be applied. with a view to this i submit the case to the consideration of congress, who, estimating its importance and reviewing the powers vested in them by the constitution, combined with the amendment providing that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation, will decide on the course most proper to be pursued. i am aware that as the consent of the legislature of the state to the purchase of the site may not in some instances have been previously obtained, exclusive legislation can not be exercised therein by congress until that consent is given. but in the meantime it will be held under the same laws which protect the property of individuals and other property of the united states in the same state, and the legislatures at their next meetings will have opportunities of doing what will be so evidently called for by the particular interest of their own state. th. jefferson. march 25, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before congress a statement of the militia of the united states according to the latest returns received by the department of war. from the state of delaware alone no return has been made. th. jefferson. march 25, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i transmit to both houses of congress a report from the surveyor on the public buildings of the progress made on them during the last session, of their present state, and of that of the funds appropriated to them. these have been much exceeded by the cost of the work done, a fact not known to me till the close of the season. the circumstances from which it arose are stated in the report of the surveyor. th. jefferson. march 29, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: when the convention of the 7th of january, 1806, was entered into with the cherokees for the purchase of certain lands, it was believed by both parties that the eastern limit, when run in the direction therein prescribed, would have included all the waters of elk river. on proceeding to run that line, however, it was found to omit a considerable extent of those waters, on which were already settled about 200 families. the cherokees readily consented, for a moderate compensation, that the line should be so run as to include all the waters of that river. our commissioners accordingly entered into an explanatory convention for that purpose, which i now lay before the senate for consideration whether they will advise and consent to its ratification. a letter from one of the commissioners, now also inclosed, will more fully explain the circumstances which led to it. lieutenant pike on his journey up the mississippi in 1805-6, being at the village of the sioux, between the rivers st. croix and st. peters, conceived that the position was favorable for a military and commercial post for the united states whenever it should be thought expedient to advance in that quarter. he therefore proposed to the chiefs a cession of lands for that purpose. their desire of entering into connection with the united states and of getting a trading house established there induced a ready consent to the proposition, and they made, by articles of agreement now inclosed, a voluntary donation to the united states of two portions of land, the one of 9 miles square at the mouth of the st. croix, the other from below the mouth of st. peters up the mississippi to st. anthonys falls, extending 9 miles in width on each side of the mississippi. these portions of land are designated on the map now inclosed. lieutenant pike on his part made presents to the indians to some amount. this convention, though dated the 23d of september, 1805, is but lately received, and although we have no immediate view of establishing a trading post at that place, i submit it to the senate for the sanction of their advice and consent to its ratification, in order to give to our title a full validity on the part of the united states, whenever it may be wanting, for the special purpose which constituted in the mind of the donors the sole consideration and inducement to the cession. th. jefferson. march 30, 1808, _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: since my message of the 22d instant letters have been received from our ministers at paris and london, extracts from which, with a letter to general armstrong from the french minister of foreign relations, and a letter from the british envoy residing here to the secretary of state, i now communicate to congress. they add to the materials for estimating the dispositions of those governments toward this country. the proceedings of both indicate designs of drawing us, if possible, into the vortex of their contests; but every new information confirms the prudence of guarding against these designs as it does of adhering to the precautionary system hitherto contemplated. th. jefferson. april 2, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: believing that the confidence and union of our fellow-citizens at the present crisis will be still further confirmed by the publication of the letter of mr. champagny to general armstrong and that of mr. erskine to the secretary of state, communicated with my message of the 30th ultimo, and therefore that it may be useful to except them from the confidential character of the other documents accompanying that message, i leave to the consideration of congress the expediency of making them public. th. jefferson. april 8, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: agreeably to the request of the senate in their resolution of yesterday, i have examined my papers and find no letter from matthew nimmo of the date of november 28, 1806, nor any other from him of any date but that of january 23, 1807, now transmitted, with all the papers in my possession which accompanied it. nor do i find any letter from john smith, of ohio, bearing date at any time in the month of january, 1807. having delivered to the attorney-general all the papers respecting the conspiracy of aaron burr which came to my hands during or before his prosecution, i might suppose the letters above requested had been delivered to him; but i must add my belief that i never received such letters, and the ground of it. i am in the habit of noting daily in the list kept for that purpose the letters i receive daily by the names of the writers, and dates of time, and place, and this has been done with such exactness that i do not recollect ever to have detected a single omission. i have carefully examined that list from the 1st of november, 1806, to the last of june, 1807, and i find no note within that period of the receipt of any letter from matthew nimmo but that now transmitted, nor of any one of the date of january, 1807, from john smith, of ohio. the letters noted as received from him within that period are dated at washington, february 2, 2, 7, and 21, which i have examined, and find relating to subjects entirely foreign to the objects of the resolution of the 7th instant; and others, dated at cincinnati, march 27, april 6, 13, and 17, which, not being now in my possession, i presume have related to burr's conspiracy, and have been delivered to the attorney-general. i recollect nothing of their particular contents. i must repeat, therefore, my firm belief that the letters of nimmo of november 28, 1806, and of john smith of january, 1807, never came to my hands, and that if such were written (and nimmo's letter expressly mentions his of november 28), they have been intercepted or otherwise miscarried. th. jefferson. april 22, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i transmit to both houses of congress a letter from the envoy of his britannic majesty at this place to the secretary of state on the subject of certain british claims to lands in the territory of mississippi, relative to which several acts have been heretofore passed by the legislature. th. jefferson. proclamation. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas information has been received that sundry persons are combined or combining and confederating together on lake champlain and the country thereto adjacent for the purposes of forming insurrections against the authority of the laws of the united states, for opposing the same and obstructing their execution, and that such combinations are too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshals by the laws of the united states: now, therefore, to the end that the authority of the laws may be maintained, and that those concerned, directly or indirectly, in any insurrection or combination against the same may be duly warned, i have issued this my proclamation, hereby commanding such insurgents and all concerned in such combination instantly and without delay to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes. and i do hereby further require and command all officers having authority, civil or military, and all other persons, civil or military, who shall be found within the vicinage of such insurrections or combinations to be aiding and assisting by all the means in their power, by force of arms or otherwise, to quell and subdue such insurrections or combinations, to seize upon all those therein concerned who shall not instantly and without delay disperse and retire to their respective abodes, and to deliver them over to the civil authority of the place, to be proceeded against according to law. [seal.] in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. given at the city of washington, the 19th day of april, 1808, and in the year of the sovereignty and independence of the united states the thirty-second. th. jefferson. by the president: james madison, _secretary of state_. eighth annual message. november 8, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: it would have been a source, fellow-citizens, of much gratification if our last communications from europe had enabled me to inform you that the belligerent nations, whose disregard of neutral rights has been so destructive to our commerce, had become awakened to the duty and true policy of revoking their unrighteous edicts. that no means might be omitted to produce this salutary effect, i lost no time in availing myself of the act authorizing a suspension, in whole or in part, of the several embargo laws. our ministers at london and paris were instructed to explain to the respective governments there our disposition to exercise the authority in such manner as would withdraw the pretext on of which the aggressions were originally founded and open the way for a renewal of that commercial intercourse which it was alleged on all sides had been reluctantly obstructed. as each of those governments had pledged its readiness to concur in renouncing a measure which reached its adversary through the incontestable rights of neutrals only, and as the measure had been assumed by each as a retaliation for an asserted acquiescence in the aggressions of the other, it was reasonably expected that the occasion would have been seized by both for evincing the sincerity of their professions, and for restoring to the commerce of the united states its legitimate freedom. the instructions to our ministers with respect to the different belligerents were necessarily modified with a reference to their different circumstances, and to the condition annexed by law to the executive power of suspension, requiring a decree of security to our commerce which would not result from a repeal of the decrees of france. instead of a pledge, therefore, of a suspension of the embargo as to her in case of such a repeal, it was presumed that a sufficient inducement might be found in other considerations, and particularly in the change produced by a compliance with our just demands by one belligerent and a refusal by the other in the relations between the other and the united states. to great britain, whose power on the ocean is so ascendant, it was deemed not inconsistent with that condition to state explicitly that on her rescinding her orders in relation to the united states their trade would be opened with her, and remain shut to her enemy in case of his failure to rescind his decrees also. from france no answer has been received, nor any indication that the requisite change in her decrees is contemplated. the favorable reception of the proposition to great britain was the less to be doubted, as her orders of council had not only been referred for their vindication to an acquiescence on the part of the united states no longer to be pretended, but as the arrangement proposed, whilst it resisted the illegal decrees of france, involved, moreover, substantially the precise advantages professedly aimed at by the british orders. the arrangement has nevertheless been rejected. this candid and liberal experiment having thus failed, and no other event having occurred on which a suspension of the embargo by the executive was authorized, it necessarily remains in the extent originally given to it. we have the satisfaction, however, to reflect that in return for the privations imposed by the measure, and which our fellow-citizens in general have borne with patriotism, it has had the important effects of saving our mariners and our vast mercantile property, as well as of affording time for prosecuting the defensive and provisional measures called for by the occasion. it has demonstrated to foreign nations the moderation and firmness which govern our councils, and to our citizens the necessity of uniting in support of the laws and the rights of their country, and has thus long frustrated those usurpations and spoliations which, if resisted, involved war; if submitted to, sacrificed a vital principle of our national independence. under a continuance of the belligerent measures which, in defiance of laws which consecrate the rights of neutrals, overspread the ocean with danger, it will rest with the wisdom of congress to decide on the course best adapted to such a state of things; and bringing with them, as they do, from every part of the union the sentiments of our constituents, my confidence is strengthened that in forming this decision they will, with an unerring regard to the essential rights and interests of the nation, weigh and compare the painful alternatives out of which a choice is to be made. nor should i do justice to the virtues which on other occasions have marked the character of our fellow-citizens if i did not cherish an equal confidence that the alternative chosen, whatever it may be, will be maintained with all the fortitude and patriotism which the crisis ought to inspire. the documents containing the correspondences on the subject of the foreign edicts against our commerce, with the instructions given to our ministers at london and paris, are now laid before you. the communications made to congress at their last session explained the posture in which the close of the discussions relating to the attack by a british ship of war on the frigate _chesapeake_ left a subject on which the nation had manifested so honorable a sensibility. every view of what had passed authorized a belief that immediate steps would be taken by the british government for redressing a wrong which the more it was investigated appeared the more clearly to require what had not been provided for in the special mission. it is found that no steps have been taken for the purpose. on the contrary, it will be seen in the documents laid before you that the inadmissible preliminary which obstructed the adjustment is still adhered to, and, moreover, that it is now brought into connection with the distinct and irrelative case of the orders in council. the instructions which had been given to our minister at london with a view to facilitate, if necessary, the reparation claimed by the united states are included in the documents communicated. our relations with the other powers of europe have undergone no material changes since your last session. the important negotiations with spain which had been alternately suspended and resumed necessarily experience a pause under the extraordinary and interesting crisis which distinguishes her internal situation. with the barbary powers we continue in harmony, with the exception of an unjustifiable proceeding of the dey of algiers toward our consul to that regency. its character and circumstances are now laid before you, and will enable you to decide how far it may, either now or hereafter, call for any measures not within the limits of the executive authority. with our indian neighbors the public peace has been steadily maintained. some instances of individual wrong have, as at other times, taken place, but in no wise implicating the will of the nation. beyond the mississippi the loways, the sacs, and the alabamas have delivered up for trial and punishment individuals from among themselves accused of murdering citizens of the united states. on this side of the mississippi the creeks are exerting themselves to arrest offenders of the same kind, and the choctaws have manifested their readiness and desire for amicable and just arrangements respecting depredations committed by disorderly persons of their tribe. and, generally, from a conviction that we consider them as a part of ourselves, and cherish with sincerity their rights and interests, the attachment of the indian tribes is gaining strength daily--is extending from the nearer to the more remote, and will amply requite us for the justice and friendship practiced toward them. husbandry and household manufacture are advancing among them more rapidly with the southern than northern tribes, from circumstances of soil and climate, and one of the two great divisions of the cherokee nation have now under consideration to solicit the citizenship of the united states, and to be identified with us in laws and government in such progressive manner as we shall think best. in consequence of the appropriations of the last session of congress for the security of our seaport towns and harbors, such works of defense have been erected as seemed to be called for by the situation of the several places, their relative importance, and the scale of expense indicated by the amount of the appropriation. these works will chiefly be finished in the course of the present season, except at new york and new orleans, where most was to be done; and although a great proportion of the last appropriation has been expended on the former place, yet some further views will be submitted to congress for rendering its security entirely adequate against naval enterprise. a view of what has been done at the several places, and of what is proposed to be done, shall be communicated as soon as the several reports are received. of the gunboats authorized by the act of december last, it has been thought necessary to build only 103 in the present year. these, with those before possessed, are sufficient for the harbors and waters most exposed, and the residue will require little time for their construction when it shall be deemed necessary. under the act of the last session for raising an additional military force so many officers were immediately appointed as were necessary for carrying on the business of recruiting, and in proportion as it advanced others have been added. we have reason to believe their success has been satisfactory, although such returns have not yet been received as enable me to present you a statement of the numbers engaged. i have not thought it necessary in the course of the last season to call for any general detachments of militia or of volunteers under the laws passed for that purpose. for the ensuing season, however, they will be required to be in readiness should their service be wanted, some small and special detachments have been necessary to maintain trie laws of embargo on that portion of our northern frontier which offered peculiar facilities for evasion, but these were replaced as soon as it could be done by bodies of new recruits. by the aid of these and of the armed vessels called into service in other quarters the spirit of disobedience and abuse, which manifested itself early and with sensible effect while we were unprepared to meet it, has been considerably repressed. considering the extraordinary character of the times in which we live, our attention should unremittingly be fixed on the safety of our country. for a people who are free, and who mean to remain so, a well organized and armed militia is their best security. it is therefore incumbent on us at every meeting to revise the condition of the militia, and to ask ourselves if it is prepared to repel a powerful enemy at every point of our territories exposed to invasion. some of the states have paid a laudable attention to this object, but every degree of neglect is to be found among others. congress alone having the power to produce an uniform state of preparation in this great organ of defense, the interests which they so deeply feel in their own and their country's security will present this as among the most important objects of their deliberation. under the acts of march 11 and april 23 respecting arms, the difficulty of procuring them from abroad during the present situation and dispositions of europe induced us to direct our whole efforts to the means of internal supply. the public factories have therefore been enlarged, additional machineries erected, and, in proportion as artificers can be found or formed, their effect, already more than doubled, may be increased so as to keep pace with the yearly increase of the militia. the annual sums appropriated by the latter act have been directed to the encouragement of private factories of arms, and contracts have been entered into with individual undertakers to nearly the amount of the first year's appropriation. the suspension of our foreign commerce, produced by the injustice of the belligerent powers, and the consequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens are subjects of just concern. the situation into which we have thus been forced has impelled us to apply a pbrtion of our industry and capital to internal manufactures and improvements. the extent of this conversion is daily increasing, and little doubt remains that the establishments formed and forming will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent. the commerce with the indians, too, within our own boundaries is likely to receive abundant aliment from the same internal source, and will secure to them peace and the progress of civilization, undisturbed by practices hostile to both. the accounts of the receipts and expenditures during the year ending the 30th of september last being not yet made up, a correct statement will hereafter be transmitted from the treasury. in the meantime it is ascertained that the receipts have amounted to near $18,000,000, which, with the eight millions and a half in the treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us, after meeting the current demands and interest incurred, to pay $2,300,000 of the principal of our funded debt, and left us in the treasury on that day near $14,000,000. of these, $5,350,000 will be necessary to pay what will be clue on the 1st day of january next, which will complete the reimbursement of the 8 per cent stock. these payments, with those made in the six years and a half preceding, will have extinguished $33,580,000 of the principal of the funded debt, being the whole which could be paid or purchased within the limits of the law and of our contracts, and the amount of principal thus discharged will have liberated the revenue from about $2,000,000 of interest and added that sum annually to the disposable surplus. the probable accumulation of the surpluses of revenue beyond what can be applied to the payment of the public debt whenever the freedom and safety of our commerce shall be restored merits the consideration of congress. shall it lie unproductive in the public vaults? shall the revenue be reduced? or shall it not rather be appropriated to the improvements of roads, canals, rivers, education, and other great foundations of prosperity and union under the powers which congress may already possess or such amendment of the constitution as may be approved by the states? while uncertain of the course of things, the time may be advantageously employed in obtaining the powers necessary for a system of improvement, should that be thought best. availing myself of this the last occasion which will occur of addressing the two houses of the legislature at their meeting, i can not omit the expression of my sincere gratitude for the repeated proofs of confidence manifested to me by themselves and their predecessors since my call to the administration and the many indulgences experienced at their hands. the same grateful acknowledgments are due to my fellow-citizens generally, whose support has been my great encouragement under all embarrassments. in the transaction of their business i can not have escaped error. it is incident to out imperfect nature. but i may say with truth my errors have been of the understanding, not of intention, and that the advancement of their rights and interests has been the constant motive for every measure. on these considerations i solicit their indulgence. looking forward with anxiety to their future destinies, i trust that in their steady character, unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and support of the public authorities i see a sure guaranty of the permanence of our republic; and, retiring from the charge of their affairs, i carry with me the consolation of a firm persuasion that heaven has in store for our beloved country long ages to come of prosperity and happiness. th. jefferson. special messages. november 8, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the documents communicated with my public message of this day contain such portions of the correspondences therein referred to, of the ministers of the united states at paris and london, as relate to the present state of affairs between those governments and the united states, and as may be made public. i now communicate, confidentially, such supplementary portions of the same correspondences as i deem improper for publication, yet necessary to convey to congress full information on a subject of their deliberations so interesting to our country. th. jefferson. november 11, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: * * * * * the governor of the mississippi territory having thought it expedient to dissolve the general assembly of that territory, according to the authority vested in him by the ordinance of july 13, 1787, and having declared it dissolved accordingly, some doubt was suggested whether that declaration effected the dissolution of the legislative council. on mature consideration and advice i approved of the proceeding of the governor. the house of representatives of the territory, since chosen, have consequently nominated ten persons out of whom a legislative council should be appointed. i do accordingly nominate and, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall appoint john flood mcgrew, thomas calvit, james lea, alexander montgomery, and daniel burnet, being five of the said ten persons, to serve as a legislative council for the said territory, to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed according to law. th. jefferson. december 13, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now transmit to both houses of congress a report of the commissioners appointed under the act of march 29, 1806, concerning a road from cumberland to ohio, being a statement of the proceedings under the said act since their last report communicated to congress, in order that congress may be enabled to adopt such further measures as may be proper under existing circumstances. th. jefferson. december 23, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: according to the request of the senate in their resolution of november 14, that copies should be laid before them of all the orders and decrees of the belligerent powers of europe, passed since 1791, affecting the commercial rights of the united states, i now transmit them a report of the secretary of state of such of them as have been attainable in the department of state and are supposed to have entered into the views of the senate. th. jefferson. december 27, 1808. _to the senate of the united states_: according to the request expressed by the senate in their resolution of november 14, i now transmit a report of the secretary of the treasury and statement showing, as far as returns have been received from the collectors, the number of vessels which have departed from the united states with permission, and specifying the other particulars contemplated by that resolution. th. jefferson. december 30, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: at the request of the governor, the senate, and house of representatives of the commonwealth of pennsylvania, i communicate certain resolutions entered into by the said senate and house of representatives, and approved by the governor, on the 23d instant. it can not but be encouraging to those whom the nation has placed in the direction of their affairs to see that their fellow-citizens will press forward in support of their country in proportion as it is threatened by the disorganizing conflicts of the other hemisphere. th. jefferson. december 30, 1808. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i lay before the legislature a letter from governor claiborne on the subject of a small tribe of alabama indians on the western side of the mississippi, consisting of about a dozen families. like other erratic tribes in that country, it is understood that they have hitherto moved from place to place according to their convenience, without appropriating to themselves exclusively any particular territory; but having now become habituated to some of the occupations of civilized life, they wish for a fixed residence. i suppose it will be the interest of the united states to encourage the wandering tribes of that country to reduce themselves to fixed habitations whenever they are so disposed. the establishment of towns and growing attachments to them will furnish in some degree pledges of their peaceable and friendly conduct. the case of this particular tribe is now submitted to the consideration of congress. th. jefferson. january 6, 1809. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before congress a statement of the works of defense which it has been thought necessary to provide in the first instance for the security of our seaport towns and harbors, and of the progress toward their completion. their extent has been adapted to the scale of the appropriation and to the circumstances of the several places. the works undertaken at new york are calculated to annoy and endanger any naval force which shall enter the harbor, and, still more, one which should attempt to lie before the city. to prevent altogether the entrance of large vessels, a line of blocks across the harbor has been contemplated, and would, as is believed, with the auxiliary means already provided, render that city safe against naval enterprise. the expense as well as the importance of the work renders it a subject proper for the special consideration of congress. at new orleans two separate systems of defense are necessary--the one for the river, the other for the lake, which at present can give no aid to one another. the canal now leading from the lake, if continued into the river, would enable the armed vessels in both stations to unite, and to meet in conjunction an attack from either side. half the aggregate force would then have the same effect as the whole, or the same force double the effect of what either can now have. it would also enable the vessels stationed in the lake when attacked by superior force to retire to a safer position in the river. the same considerations of expense and importance render this also a question for the special decision of congress. th. jefferson. january 13, 1809. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now render to congress the account of the fund established for defraying the contingent expenses of government for the year 1808. of the $20,000 appropriated for that purpose, $2,000 were deposited in the hands of the attorney-general of the united states to pay expenses incident to the prosecution of aaron burr and his accomplices for treason and misdemeanors alleged to have been committed by them; $990 were paid to the order of governor williams on the same account, and the balance of $17,010 remains in the treasury unexpended. th. jefferson. january 17, 1809. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i communicate to congress certain letters which passed between the british secretary of state, mr. canning, and mr. pinkney, our minister plenipotentiary at london. when the documents concerning the relations between the united states and great britain were laid before congress at the commencement of the session, the answer of mr. pinkney to the letter of mr. canning had not been received, and a communication of the latter alone would have accorded neither with propriety nor with the wishes of mr. pinkney. when that answer afterwards arrived it was considered that, as what had passed by conversation had been superseded by the written and formal correspondence on the subject, the variance in the two statements of what had verbally passed was not of sufficient importance to be made the matter of a distinct and special communication. the letter of mr. canning, however, having lately appeared in print, unaccompanied by that of mr. pinkney in reply, and having a tendency to make impressions not warranted by the statements of mr. pinkney, it has become proper that the whole should be brought into public view. th. jefferson. january 24, 1809. _to the senate of the united states_: according to the resolution of the senate of the 17th instant, i now transmit them the information therein requested, respecting the execution of the act of congress of february 21, 1806, appropriating $2,000,000 for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the united states and foreign nations. th. jefferson. january 30, 1809. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i transmit to congress a letter recently received from our minister at the court of st. james, covering one to him from the british secretary of state, with his reply. these are communicated as forming a sequel to the correspondence which accompanied my message to both houses of the 17th instant. th. jefferson. february 18, 1809. _to the senate of the united states_: i submit a treaty, concluded at brownstown, in the territory of michigan, between the united states and the chippewas, ottawas, potawattamies, wyandots, and shawnees, on the 25th day of november last, whereby those tribes grant to the united states two roads, therein described, for the decision of the senate whether they will advise and consent to the ratification of it. th. jefferson. february 24, 1809. _to the senate of the united states_: the emperor of russia has on several occasions indicated sentiments particularly friendly to the united states, and expressed a wish through different channels that a diplomatic intercourse should be established between the two countries. his high station and the relations of russia to the predominant powers of europe must give him weight with them according to the vicissitudes of the war, and his influence in negotiations for peace may be of value to the united states should arrangements of any sort affecting them be contemplated by other powers in the present extraordinary state of the world; and under the constant possibility of sudden negotiations for peace i have thought that the friendly dispositions of such a power might be advantageously cherished by a mission which should manifest our willingness to meet his good will. i accordingly commissioned in the month of august last william short, formerly minister plenipotentiary of the united states at madrid, to proceed as minister plenipotentiary to the court of st. petersburg, and he proceeded accordingly; and i now nominate him to the senate for that appointment. th. jefferson. february 25, 1809. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: i now lay before congress a statement of the militia of the united states according to the latest returns received by the department of war. th. jefferson. proclamation. [from annals of congress, tenth congress, second session, 462.] washington, _december 30, 1808_. _the president of the united states to_ ------, _senator for the state of_ ------. certain matters touching the public good requiring that the senate should be convened on saturday, the 4th day of march next, you are desired to attend at the senate chamber, in the city of washington, on that day, then and there to deliberate on such communications as shall be made to you. th. jefferson. university, and alev akman jefferson and his colleagues, a chronicle of the virginia dynasty by allen johnson contents i. president jefferson's court ii. putting the ship on her republican tack iii. the corsairs of the mediterranean iv. the shadow of the first consul v. in pursuit of the floridas vi. an american catiline vii. an abuse of hospitality viii. the pacifists of 1807 ix. the last phase of peaceable coercion x. the war-hawks xi. president madison under fire xii. the peacemakers xiii. spanish derelicts in the new world xiv. framing an american policy xv. the end of an era bibliographical note jefferson and his colleagues chapter i. president jefferson's court the rumble of president john adams's coach had hardly died away in the distance on the morning of march 4,1801, when mr. thomas jefferson entered the breakfast room of conrad's boarding house on capitol hill, where he had been living in bachelor's quarters during his vice-presidency. he took his usual seat at the lower end of the table among the other boarders, declining with a smile to accept the chair of the impulsive mrs. brown, who felt, in spite of her democratic principles, that on this day of all days mr. jefferson should have the place which he had obstinately refused to occupy at the head of the table and near the fireplace. there were others besides the wife of the senator from kentucky who felt that mr. jefferson was carrying equality too far. but mr. jefferson would not take precedence over the congressmen who were his fellow boarders. conrad's was conveniently near the capitol, on the south side of the hill, and commanded an extensive view. the slope of the hill, which was a wild tangle of verdure in summer, debouched into a wide plain extending to the potomac. through this lowland wandered a little stream, once known as goose creek but now dignified by the name of tiber. the banks of the stream as well as of the potomac were fringed with native flowering shrubs and graceful trees, in which mr. jefferson took great delight. the prospect from his drawing-room windows, indeed, quite as much as anything else, attached him to conrad's. as was his wont, mr. jefferson withdrew to his study after breakfast and doubtless ran over the pages of a manuscript which he had been preparing with some care for this fourth of march. it may be guessed, too, that here, as at monticello, he made his usual observations-noting in his diary the temperature, jotting down in the garden-book which he kept for thirty years an item or two about the planting of vegetables, and recording, as he continued to do for eight years, the earliest and latest appearance of each comestible in the washington market. perhaps he made a few notes about the "seeds of the cymbling (cucurbita vermeosa) and squash (cucurbita melopipo)" which he purposed to send to his friend philip mazzei, with directions for planting; or even wrote a letter full of reflections upon bigotry in politics and religion to dr. joseph priestley, whom he hoped soon to have as his guest in the president's house. toward noon mr. jefferson stepped out of the house and walked over to the capitol--a tall, rather loose-jointed figure, with swinging stride, symbolizing, one is tempted to think, the angularity of the american character. "a tall, large-boned farmer," an unfriendly english observer called him. his complexion was that of a man constantly exposed to the sun--sandy or freckled, contemporaries called it--but his features were clean-cut and strong and his expression was always kindly and benignant. aside from salvos of artillery at the hour of twelve, the inauguration of mr. jefferson as president of the united states was marked by extreme simplicity. in the senate chamber of the unfinished capitol, he was met by aaron burr, who had already been installed as presiding officer, and conducted to the vice-president's chair, while that debonair man of the world took a seat on his right with easy grace. on mr. jefferson's left sat chief justice john marshall, a "tall, lax, lounging virginian," with black eyes peering out from his swarthy countenance. there is a dramatic quality in this scene of the president-to-be seated between two men who are to cause him more vexation of spirit than any others in public life. burr, brilliant, gifted, ambitious, and profligate; marshall, temperamentally and by conviction opposed to the principles which seemed to have triumphed in the election of this radical virginian, to whom indeed he had a deep-seated aversion. after a short pause, mr. jefferson rose and read his inaugural address in a tone so low that it could be heard by only a few in the crowded chamber. those who expected to hear revolutionary doctrines must have been surprised by the studied moderation of this address. there was not a federalist within hearing of jefferson's voice who could not have subscribed to all the articles in this profession of political faith. "equal and exact justice to all men"--"a jealous care of the right of election by the people"--"absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority"--"the supremacy of the civil over the military authority"--"the honest payments of our debts"--"freedom of religion"--"freedom of the press"-"freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus"--what were these principles but the bright constellation, as jefferson said, "which has guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation?" john adams himself might have enunciated all these principles, though he would have distributed the emphasis somewhat differently. but what did jefferson mean when he said, "we have called by different names brethren of the same principle. we are all republicans--we are all federalists." if this was true, what, pray, became of the revolution of 1800, which jefferson had declared "as real a revolution in the principles of our government as that of 1776 was in its form?" even jefferson's own followers shook their heads dubiously over this passage as they read and reread it in the news-sheets. it sounded a false note while the echoes of the campaign of 1800 were still reverberating. if hamilton and his followers were monarchists at heart in 1800, bent upon overthrowing the government, how could they and the triumphant republicans be brethren of the same principle in 1801? the truth of the matter is that jefferson was holding out an olive branch to his political opponents. he believed, as he remarked in a private letter, that many federalists were sound republicans at heart who had been stampeded into the ranks of his opponents during the recent troubles with france. these lost political sheep jefferson was bent upon restoring to the republican fold by avoiding utterances and acts which would offend them. "i always exclude the leaders from these considerations," he added confidentially. in short, this inaugural address was less a great state paper, marking a broad path for the government to follow under stalwart leadership, than an astute effort to consolidate the victory of the republican party. disappointing the address must have been to those who had expected a declaration of specific policy. yet the historian, wiser by the march of events, may read between the lines. when jefferson said that he desired a wise and frugal government--a government "which should restrain men from injuring one another but otherwise leave them free to regulate their own pursuits--" and when he announced his purpose "to support the state governments in all their rights" and to cultivate "peace with all nations--entangling alliances with none," he was in effect formulating a policy. but all this was in the womb of the future. it was many weeks before jefferson took up his abode in the president's house. in the interval he remained in his old quarters, except for a visit to monticello to arrange for his removal, which indeed he was in no haste to make, for "the palace," as the president's house was dubbed satirically, was not yet finished; its walls were not fully plastered, and it still lacked the main staircase-which, it must be admitted, was a serious defect if the new president meant to hold court. besides, it was inconveniently situated at the other end of the, straggling, unkempt village. at conrad's jefferson could still keep in touch with those members of congress and those friends upon whose advice he relied in putting "our argosie on her republican tack," as he was wont to say. here, in his drawing-room, he could talk freely with practical politicians such as charles pinckney, who had carried the ticket to success in south carolina and who might reasonably expect to be consulted in organizing the new administration. the chief posts in the president's official household, save one, were readily filled. there were only five heads of departments to be appointed, and of these the attorney-general might be described as a head without a department, since the duties of his office were few and required only his occasional attention. as it fell out, however, the attorney-general whom jefferson appointed, levi lincoln of massachusetts, practically carried on the work of all the executive departments until his colleagues were duly appointed and commissioned. for secretary of war jefferson chose another reliable new englander, henry dearborn of maine. the naval portfolio went begging, perhaps because the navy was not an imposing branch of the service, or because the new president had announced his desire to lay up all seven frigates in the eastern branch of the potomac, where "they would be under the immediate eye of the department and would require but one set of plunderers to look after them." one conspicuous republican after another declined this dubious honor, and in the end jefferson was obliged to appoint as secretary of the navy robert smith, whose chief qualification was his kinship to general samuel smith, an influential politician of maryland. the appointment by jefferson of james madison as secretary of state occasioned no surprise, for the intimate friendship of the two virginians and their long and close association in politics led everyone to expect that he would occupy an important post in the new administration, though in truth that friendship was based on something deeper and finer than mere agreement in politics. "i do believe," exclaimed a lady who often saw both men in private life, "father never loved son more than mr. jefferson loves mr. madison." the difference in age, however, was not great, for jefferson was in his fifty-eighth year and madison in his fiftieth. it was rather mien and character that suggested the filial relationship. jefferson was, or could be if he chose, an imposing figure; his stature was six feet two and one-half inches. madison had the ways and habits of a little man, for he was only five feet six. madison was naturally timid and retiring in the presence of other men, but he was at his best in the company of his friend jefferson, who valued his attainments. indeed, the two men supplemented each other. if jefferson was prone to theorize, madison was disposed to find historical evidence to support a political doctrine. while jefferson generalized boldly, even rashly, madison hesitated, temporized, weighed the pros and cons, and came with difficulty to a conclusion. unhappily neither was a good judge of men. when pitted against a bonaparte, a talleyrand, or a canning, they appeared provincial in their ways and limited in their sympathetic understanding of statesmen of the old world. next to that of madison, jefferson valued the friendship of albert gallatin, whom he made secretary of the treasury by a recess appointment, since there was some reason to fear that the federalist senate would not confirm the nomination. the federalists could never forget that gallatin was a swiss by birth--an alien of supposedly radical tendencies. the partisan press never exhibited its crass provincialism more shamefully than when it made fun of gallatin's imperfect pronunciation of english. he had come to america, indeed, too late to acquire a perfect control of a new tongue, but not too late to become a loyal son of his adopted country. he brought to jefferson's group of advisers not only a thorough knowledge of public finance but a sound judgment and a statesmanlike vision, which were often needed to rectify the political vagaries of his chief. the last of his cabinet appointments made, jefferson returned to his country seat at monticello for august and september, for he was determined not to pass those two "bilious months" in washington. "i have not done it these forty years," he wrote to gallatin. "grumble who will, i will never pass those two months on tidewater." to monticello, indeed, jefferson turned whenever his duties permitted and not merely in the sickly months of summer, for when the roads were good the journey was rapidly and easily made by stage or chaise. there, in his garden and farm, he found relief from the distractions of public life. "no occupation is so delightful to me," he confessed, "as the culture of the earth, and no culture comparable to that of the garden." at monticello, too, he could gratify his delight in the natural sciences, for he was a true child of the eighteenth century in his insatiable curiosity about the physical universe and in his desire to reduce that universe to an intelligible mechanism. he was by instinct a rationalist and a foe to superstition in any form, whether in science or religion. his indefatigable pen was as ready to discuss vaccination and yellow fever with dr. benjamin rush as it was to exchange views with dr. priestley on the ethics of jesus. the diversity of jefferson's interests is truly remarkable. monticello is a monument to his almost yankee-like ingenuity. he writes to his friend thomas paine to assure him that the semi-cylindrical form of roof after the de lorme pattern, which he proposes for his house, is entirely practicable, for he himself had "used it at home for a dome, being 120 degrees of an oblong octagon." he was characteristically american in his receptivity to new ideas from any source. a chance item about eli whitney of new haven arrests his attention and forthwith he writes to madison recommending a "mr. whitney at connecticut, a mechanic of the first order of ingenuity, who invented the cotton gin," and who has recently invented "molds and machines for making all the pieces of his [musket] locks so exactly equal that take one hundred locks to pieces and mingle their parts and the hundred locks may be put together as well by taking the first pieces which come to hand." to robert fulton, then laboring to perfect his torpedoes and submarine, jefferson wrote encouragingly: "i have ever looked to the submarine boat as most to be depended on for attaching them [i. e., torpedoes].... i am in hopes it is not to be abandoned as impracticable." it was not wholly affectation, therefore, when jefferson wrote, "nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight. but the enormities of the times in which i have lived, have forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political passions." one can readily picture this virginia farmer-philosopher ruefully closing his study door, taking a last look over the gardens and fields of monticello, in the golden days of october, and mounting wildair, his handsome thoroughbred, setting out on the dusty road for that little political world at washington, where rumor so often got the better of reason and where gossip was so likely to destroy philosophic serenity. jefferson had been a widower for many years; and so, since his daughters were married and had households of their own, he was forced to preside over his menage at washington without the feminine touch and tact so much needed at this american court. perhaps it was this unhappy circumstance quite as much as his dislike for ceremonies and formalities that made jefferson do away with the weekly levees of his predecessors and appoint only two days, the first of january and the fourth of july, for public receptions. on such occasions he begged mrs. dolly madison to act as hostess; and a charming and gracious figure she was, casting a certain extenuating veil over the president's gaucheries. jefferson held, with his many political heresies, certain theories of social intercourse which ran rudely counter to the prevailing etiquette of foreign courts. among the rules which he devised for his republican court, the precedence due to rank was conspicuously absent, because he held that "all persons when brought together in society are perfectly equal, whether foreign or domestic, titled or untitled, in or out of office." one of these rules to which the cabinet gravely subscribed read as follows: "to maintain the principles of equality, or of pele mele, and prevent the growth of precedence out of courtesy, the members of the executive will practise at their own houses, and recommend an adherence to the ancient usage of the country, of gentlemen in mass giving precedence to the ladies in mass, in passing from one apartment where they are assembled into another." the application of this rule on one occasion gave rise to an incident which convulsed washington society. president jefferson had invited to dinner the new british minister merry and his wife, the spanish minister yrujo and his wife, the french minister pichon and his wife, and mr. and mrs. madison. when dinner was announced, mr. jefferson gave his hand to mrs. madison and seated her on his right, leaving the rest to straggle in as they pleased. merry, fresh from the court of st. james, was aghast and affronted; and when a few days later, at a dinner given by the secretary of state, he saw mrs. merry left without an escort, while mr. madison took mrs. gallatin to the table, he believed that a deliberate insult was intended. to appease this indignant briton the president was obliged to explain officially his rule of "pole mele"; but mrs. merry was not appeased and positively refused to appear at the president's new year's day reception. "since then," wrote the amused pichon, "washington society is turned upside down; all the women are to the last degree exasperated against mrs. merry; the federalist newspapers have taken up the matter, and increased the irritations by sarcasms on the administration and by making a burlesque of the facts." then merry refused an invitation to dine again at the president's, saying that he awaited instructions from his government; and the marquis yrujo, who had reasons of his own for fomenting trouble, struck an alliance with the merrys and also declined the president's invitation. jefferson was incensed at their conduct, but put the blame upon mrs. merry, whom he characterized privately as a "virago who has already disturbed our harmony extremely." a brilliant english essayist has observed that a government to secure obedience must first excite reverence. some such perception, coinciding with native taste, had moved george washington to assume the trappings of royalty, in order to surround the new presidential office with impressive dignity. posterity has, accordingly, visualized the first president and father of his country as a statuesque figure, posing at formal levees with a long sword in a scabbard of white polished leather, and clothed in black velvet knee-breeches, with yellow gloves and a cocked hat. the third president of the united states harbored no such illusions and affected no such poses. governments were made by rational beings--"by the consent of the governed," he had written in a memorable document--and rested on no emotional basis. thomas jefferson remained thomas jefferson after his election to the chief magistracy; and so contemporaries saw him in the president's house, an unimpressive figure clad in "a blue coat, a thick gray-colored hairy waistcoat, with a red underwaist lapped over it, green velveteen breeches, with pearl buttons, yarn stockings, and slippers down at the heels." anyone might have found him, as senator maclay did, sitting "in a lounging manner, on one hip commonly, and with one of his shoulders elevated much above the other," a loose, shackling figure with no pretense at dignity. in his dislike for all artificial distinctions between man and man, jefferson determined from the outset to dispense a true southern hospitality at the president's house and to welcome any one at any hour on any day. there was therefore some point to john quincy adams's witticism that jefferson's "whole eight years was a levee." no one could deny that he entertained handsomely. even his political opponents rose from his table with a comfortable feeling of satiety which made them more kindly in their attitude toward their host. "we sat down at the table at four," wrote senator plumer of new hampshire, "rose at six, and walked immediately into another room and drank coffee. we had a very good dinner, with a profusion of fruits and sweetmeats. the wine was the best i ever drank, particularly the champagne, which was indeed delicious." it was in the circle of his intimates that jefferson appeared at his best, and of all his intimate friends madison knew best how to evoke the true jefferson. to outsiders madison appeared rather taciturn, but among his friends he was genial and even lively, amusing all by his ready humor and flashes of wit. to his changes of mood jefferson always responded. once started jefferson would talk on and on, in a loose and rambling fashion, with a great deal of exaggeration and with many vagaries, yet always scattering much information on a great variety of topics. here we may leave him for the moment, in the exhilarating hours following his inauguration, discoursing with pinckney, gallatin, madison, burr, randolph, giles, macon, and many another good republican, and evolving the policies of his administration. chapter ii. putting the ship on her republican tack president jefferson took office in a spirit of exultation which he made no effort to disguise in his private letters. "the tough sides of our argosie," he wrote to john dickinson, "have been thoroughly tried. her strength has stood the waves into which she was steered with a view to sink her. we shall put her on her republican tack, and she will now show by the beauty of her motion the skill of her builders." in him as in his two intimates, gallatin and madison, there was a touch of that philosophy which colored the thought of reformers on the eve of the french revolution, a naive confidence in the perfectability of man and the essential worthiness of his aspirations. strike from man the shackles of despotism and superstition and accord to him a free government, and he would rise to unsuspected felicity. republican government was the strongest government on earth, because it was founded on free will and imposed the fewest checks on the legitimate desires of men. only one thing was wanting to make the american people happy and prosperous, said the president in his inaugural address "a wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, which shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned." this, he believed, was the sum of good government; and this was the government which he was determined to establish. whether government thus reduced to lowest terms would prove adequate in a world rent by war, only the future could disclose. it was only in intimate letters and in converse with gallatin and madison that jefferson revealed his real purposes. so completely did jefferson take these two advisers into his confidence, and so loyal was their cooperation, that the government for eight years has been described as a triumvirate almost as clearly defined as any triumvirate of rome. three more congenial souls certainly have never ruled a nation, for they were drawn together not merely by agreement on a common policy but by sympathetic understanding of the fundamental principles of government. gallatin and madison often frequented the president's house, and there one may see them in imagination and perhaps catch now and then a fragment of their conversation: gallatin: we owe much to geographical position; we have been fortunate in escaping foreign wars. if we can maintain peaceful relations with other nations, we can keep down the cost of administration and avoid all the ills which follow too much government. the president: after all, we are chiefly an agricultural people and if we shape our policy accordingly we shall be much more likely to multiply and be happy than as if we mimicked an amsterdam, a hamburg, or a city like london. madison (quietly): i quite agree with you. we must keep the government simple and republican, avoiding the corruption which inevitably prevails in crowded cities. gallatin (pursuing his thought): the moment you allow the national debt to mount, you entail burdens on posterity and augment the operations of government. the president (bitterly): the principle of spending money to be paid by posterity is but swindling futurity on a large scale. that was what hamilton-gallatin: just so; and if this administration does not reduce taxes, they will never be reduced. we must strike at the root of the evil and avert the danger of multiplying the functions of government. i would repeal all internal taxes. these pretended tax-preparations, treasure-preparations, and army-preparations against contingent wars tend only to encourage wars. the president (nodding his head in agreement): the discharge of the debt is vital to the destinies of our government, and for the present we must make all objects subordinate to this. we must confine our general government to foreign concerns only and let our affairs be disentangled from those of all other nations, except as to commerce. and our commerce is so valuable to other nations that they will be glad to purchase it, when they know that all we ask is justice. why, then, should we not reduce our general government to a very simple organization and a very unexpensive one--a few plain duties to be performed by a few servants? it was precisely the matter of selecting these few servants which worried the president during his first months in office, for the federal offices were held by federalists almost to a man. he hoped that he would have to make only a few removals any other course would expose him to the charge of inconsistency after his complacent statement that there was no fundamental difference between republicans and federalists. but his followers thought otherwise; they wanted the spoils of victory and they meant to have them. slowly and reluctantly jefferson yielded to pressure, justifying himself as he did so by the reflection that a due participation in office was a matter of right. and how, pray, could due participation be obtained, if there were no removals? deaths were regrettably few; and resignations could hardly be expected. once removals were decided upon, jefferson drifted helplessly upon the tide. for a moment, it is true, he wrote hopefully about establishing an equilibrium and then returning "with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be: is he honest? is he capable? is he faithful to the constitution?" that blessed expectation was never realized. by the end of his second term, a federalist in office was as rare as a republican under adams. the removal of the collector of the port at new haven and the appointment of an octogenarian whose chief qualification was his republicanism brought to a head all the bitter animosity of federalist new england. the hostility to jefferson in this region was no ordinary political opposition, as he knew full well, for it was compounded of many ingredients. in new england there was a greater social solidarity than existed anywhere else in the union. descended from english stock, imbued with common religious and political traditions, and bound together by the ties of a common ecclesiastical polity, the people of this section had, as jefferson expressed it, "a sort of family pride." here all the forces of education, property, religion, and respectability were united in the maintenance of the established order against the assaults of democracy. new england federalism was not so much a body of political doctrine as a state of mind. abhorrence of the forces liberated by the french revolution was the dominating emotion. to the federalist leaders democracy seemed an aberration of the human mind, which was bound everywhere to produce infidelity, looseness of morals, and political chaos. in the words of their jeremiah, fisher ames, "democracy is a troubled spirit, fated never to rest, and whose dreams, if it sleeps, present only visions of hell." so thinking and feeling, they had witnessed the triumph of jefferson with genuine alarm, for jefferson they held to be no better than a jacobin, bent upon subverting the social order and saturated with all the heterodox notions of voltaire and thomas paine. the appointment of the aged samuel bishop as collector of new haven was evidence enough to the federalist mind, which fed upon suspicion, that jefferson intended to reward his son, abraham bishop, for political services. the younger bishop was a stench in their nostrils, for at a recent celebration of the republican victory he had shocked the good people of connecticut by characterizing jefferson as "the illustrious chief who, once insulted, now presides over the union," and comparing him with the saviour of the world, "who, once insulted, now presides over the universe." and this had not been his first transgression: he was known as an active and intemperate rebel against the standing order. no wonder that theodore dwight voiced the alarm of all new england federalists in an oration at new haven, in which he declared that according to the doctrines of jacobinism "the greatest villain in the community is the fittest person to make and execute the laws." "we have now," said he, "reached the consummation of democratic blessedness. we have a country governed by blockheads and knaves." here was an opposition which, if persisted in, might menace the integrity of the union. scarcely less vexatious was the business of appointments in new york where three factions in the republican party struggled for the control of the patronage. which should the president support? gallatin, whose father-in-law was prominent in the politics of the state, was inclined to favor burr and his followers; but the president already felt a deep distrust of burr and finally surrendered to the importunities of dewitt clinton, who had formed an alliance with the livingston interests to drive burr from the party. despite the pettiness of the game, which disgusted both gallatin and jefferson, the decision was fateful. it was no light matter, even for the chief magistrate, to offend aaron burr. from these worrisome details of administration, the president turned with relief to the preparation of his first address to congress. the keynote was to be economy. but just how economies were actually to be effected was not so clear. for months gallatin had been toiling over masses of statistics, trying to reconcile a policy of reduced taxation, to satisfy the demands of the party, with the discharge of the public debt. by laborious calculation he found that if $7,300,000 were set aside each year, the debt--principal and interest--could be discharged within sixteen years. but if the unpopular excise were abandoned, where was the needed revenue to be found? new taxes were not to be thought of. the alternative, then, was to reduce expenditures. but how and where? under these circumstances the president and his cabinet adopted the course which in the light of subsequent events seems to have been woefully ill-timed and hazardous in the extreme. they determined to sacrifice the army and navy. in extenuation of this decision, it may be said that the danger of war with france, which had forced the adams administration to double expenditures, had passed; and that europe was at this moment at peace, though only the most sanguine and shortsighted could believe that continued peace was possible in europe with the first consul in the saddle. it was agreed, then, that the expenditures for the military and naval establishments should be kept at about $2,500,000--somewhat below the normal appropriation before the recent war-flurry; and that wherever possible expenses should be reduced by careful pruning of the list of employees at the navy yards. such was the programme of humdrum economy which president jefferson laid before congress. after the exciting campaign of 1800, when the public was assured that the forces of darkness and light were locked in deadly combat for the soul of the nation, this tame programme seemed like an anticlimax. but those who knew thomas jefferson learned to discount the vagaries to which he gave expression in conversation. as john quincy adams once remarked after listening to jefferson's brilliant table talk, "mr. jefferson loves to excite wonder." yet thomas jefferson, philosopher, was a very different person from thomas jefferson, practical politician. paradoxical as it may seem, the new president, of all men of his day, was the least likely to undertake revolutionary policies; and it was just this acquaintance with jefferson's mental habits which led his inveterate enemy, alexander hamilton, to advise his party associates to elect jefferson rather than burr. the president broke with precedent, however, in one small particular. he was resolved not to follow the practice of his federalist predecessors and address congress in person. the president's speech to the two houses in joint session savored too much of a speech from the throne; it was a symptom of the federalist leaning to monarchical forms and practices. he sent his address, therefore, in writing, accompanied with letters to the presiding officers of the two chambers, in which he justified this departure from custom on the ground of convenience and economy of time. "i have had principal regard," he wrote, "to the convenience of the legislature, to the economy of their time, to the relief from the embarrassment of immediate answers on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence resulting to the public affairs." this explanation deceived no one, unless it was the writer himself. it was thoroughly characteristic of thomas jefferson that he often explained his conduct by reasons which were obvious afterthoughts--an unfortunate habit which has led his contemporaries and his unfriendly biographers to charge him with hypocrisy. and it must be admitted that his preference for indirect methods of achieving a purpose exposed him justly to the reproaches of those who liked frankness and plain dealing. it is not unfair, then, to wonder whether the president was not thinking rather of his own convenience when he elected to address congress by written message, for he was not a ready nor an impressive speaker. at all events, he established a precedent which remained unbroken until another democratic president, one hundred and twelve years later, returned to the practice of washington and adams. if the federalists of new england are to be believed, hypocrisy marked the presidential message from the very beginning to the end. it began with a pious expression of thanks "to the beneficent being" who had been pleased to breathe into the warring peoples of europe a spirit of forgiveness and conciliation. but even the most bigoted federalist who could not tolerate religious views differing from his own must have been impressed with the devout and sincere desire of the president to preserve peace. peace! peace! it was a sentiment which ran through the message like the watermark in the very paper on which he wrote; it was the condition, the absolutely indispensable condition, of every chaste reformation which he advocated. every reduction of public expenditure was predicated on the supposition that the danger of war was remote because other nations would desire to treat the united states justly. "salutary reductions in habitual expenditures" were urged in every branch of the public service from the diplomatic and revenue services to the judiciary and the naval yards. war might come, indeed, but "sound principles would not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow-citizens to accumulate treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not, perhaps, happen but from the temptations offered by that treasure." on all concrete matters the president's message cut close to the line which gallatin had marked out. the internal taxes should now be dispensed with and corresponding reductions be made in "our habitual expenditures." there had been unwise multiplication of federal offices, many of which added nothing to the efficiency of the government but only to the cost. these useless offices should be lopped off, for "when we consider that this government is charged with the external and mutual relations only of these states,... we may well doubt whether our organization is not too complicated, too expensive." in this connection congress might well consider the federal judiciary, particularly the courts newly erected, and "judge of the proportion which the institution bears to the business it has to perform." * and finally, congress should consider whether the law relating to naturalization should not be revised. "a denial of citizenship under a residence of fourteen years is a denial to a great proportion of those who ask it"; and "shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality which savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land?" * the studied moderation of the message gave no hint of jefferson's resolute purpose to procure the repeal of the judiciary act of 1801. the history of this act and its repeal, as well as of the attack upon the judiciary, is recounted by edward s. corwin in "john marshall and the constitution" in "the chronicles of america." the most inveterate foe could not characterize this message as revolutionary, however much he might dissent from the policies advocated. it was not jefferson's way, indeed, to announce his intentions boldly and hew his way relentlessly to his objective. he was far too astute as a party leader to attempt to force his will upon republicans in congress. he would suggest; he would advise; he would cautiously express an opinion; but he would never dictate. yet few presidents have exercised a stronger directive influence upon congress than thomas jefferson during the greater part of his administration. so long as he was en rapport with nathaniel macon, speaker of the house, and with john randolph, chairman of the committee on ways and means, he could direct the policies of his party as effectively as the most autocratic dictator. when he had made up his mind that justice samuel chase of the supreme court should be impeached, he simply penned a note to joseph nicholson, who was then managing the impeachment of judge pickering, raising the question whether chase's attack on the principles of the constitution should go unpunished. "i ask these questions for your consideration," said the president deferentially; "for myself, it is better that i should not interfere." and eventually impeachment proceedings were instituted. in this memorable first message, the president alluded to a little incident which had occurred in the mediterranean, "the only exception to this state of general peace with which we have been blessed." tripoli, one of the barbary states, had begun depredations upon american commerce and the president had sent a small squadron for protection. a ship of this squadron, the schooner enterprise, had fallen in with a tripolitan man-of-war and after a fight lasting three hours had forced the corsair to strike her colors. but since war had not been declared and the president's orders were to act only on the defensive, the crew of the enterprise dismantled the captured vessel and let her go. would congress, asked the president, take under consideration the advisability of placing our forces on an equality with those of our adversaries? neither the president nor his secretary of the treasury seems to have been aware that this single cloud on the horizon portended a storm of long duration. yet within a year it became necessary to delay further reductions in the naval establishment and to impose new taxes to meet the very contingency which the peace-loving president declared most remote. moreover, the very frigates which he had proposed to lay up in the eastern branch of the potomac were manned and dispatched to the mediterranean to bring the corsairs to terms. chapter iii. the corsairs of the mediterranean shortly after jefferson's inauguration a visitor presented himself at the executive mansion with disquieting news from the mediterranean. captain william bainbridge of the frigate george washington had just returned from a disagreeable mission. he had been commissioned to carry to the dey of algiers the annual tribute which the united states had contracted to pay. it appeared that while the frigate lay at anchor under the shore batteries off algiers, the dey attempted to requisition her to carry his ambassador and some turkish passengers to constantinople. bainbridge, who felt justly humiliated by his mission, wrathfully refused. an american frigate do errands for this insignificant pirate? he thought not! the dey pointed to his batteries, however, and remarked, "you pay me tribute, by which you become my slaves; i have, therefore, a right to order you as i may think proper." the logic of the situation was undeniably on the side of the master of the shore batteries. rather than have his ship blown to bits, bainbridge swallowed his wrath and submitted. on the eve of departure, he had to submit to another indignity. the colors of algiers must fly at the masthead. again bainbridge remonstrated and again the dey looked casually at his guns trained on the frigate. so off the frigate sailed with the dey's flag fluttering from her masthead, and her captain cursing lustily. the voyage of fifty-nine days to constantinople, as bainbridge recounted it to the president, was not without its amusing incidents. bainbridge regaled the president with accounts of his mohammedan passengers, who found much difficulty in keeping their faces to the east while the frigate went about on a new tack. one of the faithful was delegated finally to watch the compass so that the rest might continue their prayers undisturbed. and at constantinople bainbridge had curious experiences with the moslems. he announced his arrival as from the united states of america he had hauled down the dey's flag as soon as he was out of reach of the batteries. the port officials were greatly puzzled. what, pray, were the united states? bainbridge explained that they were part of the new world which columbus had discovered. the grand seigneur then showed great interest in the stars of the american flag, remarking that, as his own was decorated with one of the heavenly bodies, the coincidence must be a good omen of the future friendly intercourse of the two nations. bainbridge did his best to turn his unpalatable mission to good account, but he returned home in bitter humiliation. he begged that he might never again be sent to algiers with tribute unless he was authorized to deliver it from the cannon's mouth. the president listened sympathetically to bainbridge's story, for he was not unfamiliar with the ways of the barbary corsairs and he had long been of the opinion that tribute only made these pirates bolder and more insufferable. the congress of the confederation, however, had followed the policy of the european powers and had paid tribute to secure immunity from attack, and the new government had simply continued the policy of the old. in spite of his abhorrence of war, jefferson held that coercion in this instance was on the whole cheaper and more efficacious. not long after this interview with bainbridge, president jefferson was warned that the pasha of tripoli was worrying the american consul with importunate demands for more tribute. this african potentate had discovered that his brother, the dey of algiers, had made a better bargain with the united states. he announced, therefore, that he must have a new treaty with more tribute or he would declare war. fearing trouble from this quarter, the president dispatched a squadron of four vessels under commodore richard dale to cruise in the mediterranean, with orders to protect american commerce. it was the schooner enterprise of this squadron which overpowered the tripolitan cruiser, as jefferson recounted in his message to congress. the former pasha of tripoli had been blessed with three sons, hasan, hamet, and yusuf. between these royal brothers, however, there seems to have been some incompatibility of temperament, for when their father died (blessed be allah!) yusuf, the youngest, had killed hasan and had spared hamet only because he could not lay hands upon him. yusuf then proclaimed himself pasha. it was yusuf, the pasha with this bloody record, who declared war on the united states, may 10,1801, by cutting down the flagstaff of the american consulate. to apply the term war to the naval operations which followed is, however, to lend specious importance to very trivial events. commodore dale made the most of his little squadron, it is true, convoying merchantmen through the straits and along the barbary coast, holding tripolitan vessels laden with grain in hopeless inactivity off gibraltar, and blockading the port of tripoli, now with one frigate and now with another. when the terms of enlistment of dale's crews expired, another squadron was gradually assembled in the mediterranean, under the command of captain richard v. morris, for congress had now authorized the use of the navy for offensive operations, and the secretary of the treasury, with many misgivings, had begun to accumulate his mediterranean fund to meet contingent expenses. the blockade of tripoli seems to have been carelessly conducted by morris and was finally abandoned. there were undeniably great difficulties in the way of an effective blockade. the coast afforded few good harbors; the heavy northerly winds made navigation both difficult and hazardous; the tripolitan galleys and gunboats with their shallow draft could stand close in shore and elude the american frigates; and the ordnance on the american craft was not heavy enough to inflict any serious damage on the fortifications guarding the harbor. probably these difficulties were not appreciated by the authorities at washington; at all events, in the spring of 1803 morris was suspended from his command and subsequently lost his commission. in the squadron of which commodore preble now took command was the philadelphia, a frigate of thirty-six guns, to which captain bainbridge, eager to square accounts with the corsairs, had been assigned. late in october bainbridge sighted a tripolitan vessel standing in shore. he gave chase at once with perhaps more zeal than discretion, following his quarry well in shore in the hope of disabling her before she could make the harbor. failing to intercept the corsair, he went about and was heading out to sea when the frigate ran on an uncharted reef and stuck fast. a worse predicament could scarcely be imagined. every device known to yankee seamen was employed to free the unlucky vessel. "the sails were promptly laid a-back," bainbridge reported, "and the forward guns run aft, in hopes of backing her off, which not producing the desired effect, orders were given to stave the water in her hold and pump it out, throw overboard the lumber and heavy articles of every kind, cut away the anchors... and throw over all the guns, except a few for our defence.... as a last resource the foremast and main-topgallant mast were cut away, but without any beneficial effect, and the ship remained a perfect wreck, exposed to the constant fire of the gunboats, which could not be returned." the officers advised bainbridge that the situation was becoming intolerable and justified desperate measures. they had been raked by a galling fire for more than four hours; they had tried every means of floating the ship; humiliating as the alternative was, they saw no other course than to strike the colors. all agreed, therefore, that they should flood the magazine, scuttle the ship, and surrender to the tripolitan small craft which hovered around the doomed frigate like so many vultures. for the second time off this accursed coast bainbridge hauled down his colors. the crews of the tripolitan gunboats swarmed aboard and set about plundering right and left. swords, epaulets, watches, money, and clothing were stripped from the officers; and if the crew in the forecastle suffered less it was because they had less to lose. officers and men were then tumbled into boats and taken ashore, half-naked and humiliated beyond words. escorted by the exultant rabble, these three hundred luckless americans were marched to the castle, where the pasha sat in state. his highness was in excellent humor. three hundred americans! he counted them, each worth hundreds of dollars. allah was good! a long, weary bondage awaited the captives. the common seamen were treated like galley slaves, but the officers were given some consideration through the intercession of the danish consul. bainbridge was even allowed to correspond with commodore preble, and by means of invisible ink he transmitted many important messages which escaped the watchful eyes of his captors. depressed by his misfortune--for no one then or afterwards held him responsible for the disaster--bainbridge had only one thought, and that was revenge. day and night he brooded over plans of escape and retribution. as though to make the captive americans drink the dregs of humiliation, the philadelphia was floated off the reef in a heavy sea and towed safely into the harbor. the scuttling of the vessel had been hastily contrived, and the jubilant tripolitans succeeded in stopping her seams before she could fill. a frigate like the philadelphia was a prize the like of which had never been seen in the pasha's reign. he rubbed his hands in glee and taunted her crew. the sight of the frigate riding peacefully at anchor in the harbor was torture to poor bainbridge. in feverish letters he implored preble to bombard the town, to sink the gunboats in the harbor, to recapture the frigate or to burn her at her moorings--anything to take away the bitterness of humiliation. the latter alternative, indeed, preble had been revolving in his own mind. toward midnight of february 16, 1804, bainbridge and his companions were aroused by the guns of the fort. they sprang to the window and witnessed the spectacle for which the unhappy captain had prayed long and devoutly. the philadelphia was in flames--red, devouring flames, pouring out of her hold, climbing the rigging, licking her topmasts, forming fantastic columns--devastating, unconquerable flames--the frigate was doomed, doomed! and every now and then one of her guns would explode as though booming out her requiem. bainbridge was avenged. how had it all happened? the inception of this daring feat must be credited to commodore preble; the execution fell to young stephen decatur, lieutenant in command of the sloop enterprise. the plan was this: to use the intrepid, a captured tripolitan ketch, as the instrument of destruction, equipping her with combustibles and ammunition, and if possible to burn the philadelphia and other ships in the harbor while raking the pasha's castle with the frigate's eighteen-pounders. when decatur mustered his crew on the deck of the enterprise and called for volunteers for this exploit, every man jack stepped forward. not a man but was spoiling for excitement after months of tedious inactivity; not an american who did not covet a chance to avenge the loss of the philadelphia. but all could not be used, and decatur finally selected five officers and sixty-two men. on the night of the 3rd of february, the intrepid set sail from syracuse, accompanied by the brig siren, which was to support the boarding party with her boats and cover their retreat. two weeks later, the intrepid, barely distinguishable in the light of a new moon, drifted into the harbor of tripoli. in the distance lay the unfortunate philadelphia. the little ketch was now within range of the batteries, but she drifted on unmolested until within a hundred yards of the frigate. then a hail came across the quiet bay. the pilot replied that he had lost his anchors and asked permission to make fast to the frigate for the night. the tripolitan lookout grumbled assent. ropes were then thrown out and the vessels were drawing together, when the cry "americanas!" went up from the deck of the frigate. in a trice decatur and his men had scrambled aboard and overpowered the crew. it was a crucial moment. if decatur's instructions had not been imperative, he would have thrown prudence to the winds and have tried to cut out the frigate and make off in her. there were those, indeed, who believed that he might have succeeded. but the commodore's orders were to destroy the frigate. there was no alternative. combustibles were brought on board, the match applied, and in a few moments the frigate was ablaze. decatur and his men had barely time to regain the intrepid and to cut her fasts. the whole affair had not taken more than twenty minutes, and no one was killed or even seriously wounded. pulling lustily at their sweeps, the crew of the intrepid moved her slowly out of the harbor, in the light of the burning vessel. the guns of the fort were manned at last and were raining shot and shell wildly over the harbor. the jack-tars on the intrepid seemed oblivious to danger, "commenting upon the beauty of the spray thrown up by the shot between us and the brilliant light of the ship, rather than calculating any danger," wrote midshipman morris. then the starboard guns of the philadelphia, as though instinct with purpose, began to send hot shot into the town. the crew yelled with delight and gave three cheers for the redoubtable old frigate. it was her last action, god bless her! her cables soon burned, however, and she drifted ashore, there to blow up in one last supreme effort to avenge herself. at the entrance of the harbor the intrepid found the boats of the siren, and three days later both rejoined the squadron. thrilling as decatur's feat was, it brought peace no nearer. the pasha, infuriated by the loss of the philadelphia, was more exorbitant than ever in his demands. there was nothing for it but to scour the mediterranean for tripolitan ships, maintain the blockade so far as weather permitted, and await the opportunity to reduce the city of tripoli by bombardment. but tripoli was a hard nut to crack. on the ocean side it was protected by forts and batteries and the harbor was guarded by a long line of reefs. through the openings in this natural breakwater, the light-draft native craft could pass in and out to harass the blockading fleet. it was commodore preble's plan to make a carefully concerted attack upon this stronghold as soon as summer weather conditions permitted. for this purpose he had strengthened his squadron at syracuse by purchasing a number of flat-bottomed gunboats with which he hoped to engage the enemy in the shallow waters about tripoli while his larger vessels shelled the town and batteries. he arrived off the african coast about the middle of july but encountered adverse weather, so that for several weeks he could accomplish nothing of consequence. finally, on the 3rd of august, a memorable date in the annals of the american navy, he gave the signal for action. the new gunboats were deployed in two divisions, one commanded by decatur, and fully met expectations by capturing two enemy ships in most sanguinary, hand-to-hand fighting. meantime the main squadron drew close in shore, so close, it is said, that the gunners of shore batteries could not depress their pieces sufficiently to score hits. all these preliminaries were watched with bated breath by the officers of the old philadelphia from behind their prison bars. the pasha had viewed the approach of the american fleet with utter disdain. he promised the spectators who lined the terraces that they would witness some rare sport; they should see his gunboats put the enemy to flight. but as the american gunners began to get the range and pour shot into the town, and the constitution with her heavy ordnance passed and repassed, delivering broadsides within three cables' length of the batteries, the pasha's nerves were shattered and he fled precipitately to his bomb-proof shelter. no doubt the damage inflicted by this bombardment was very considerable, but tripoli still defied the enemy. four times within the next four weeks preble repeated these assaults, pausing after each bombardment to ascertain what terms the pasha had to offer; but the wily yusuf was obdurate, knowing well enough that, if he waited, the gods of wind and storm would come to his aid and disperse the enemy's fleet. it was after the fifth ineffectual assault that preble determined on a desperate stroke. he resolved to fit out a fireship and to send her into the very jaws of death, hoping to destroy the tripolitan gunboats and at the same time to damage the castle and the town. he chose for this perilous enterprise the old intrepid which had served her captors so well, and out of many volunteers he gave the command to captain richard somers and lieutenant henry wadsworth. the little ketch was loaded with a hundred barrels of gunpowder and a large quantity of combustibles and made ready for a quick run by the batteries into the harbor. certain death it seemed to sail this engine of destruction past the outlying reefs into the midst of the tripolitan gunboats; but every precaution was taken to provide for the escape of the crew. two rowboats were taken along and in these frail craft, they believed, they could embark, when once the torch had been applied, and in the ensuing confusion return to the squadron. somers selected his crew of ten men with care, and at the last moment consented to let lieutenant joseph israel join the perilous expedition. on the night of the 4th of september, the intrepid sailed off in the darkness toward the mouth of the harbor. anxious eyes followed the little vessel, trying to pierce the blackness that soon enveloped her. as she neared the harbor the shore batteries opened fire; and suddenly a blinding flash and a terrific explosion told the fate which overtook her. fragments of wreckage rose high in the air, the fearful concussion was felt by every boat in the squadron, and then darkness and awful silence enfolded the dead and the dying. two days later the bodies of the heroic thirteen, mangled beyond recognition, were cast up by the sea. even captain bainbridge, gazing sorrowfully upon his dead comrades could not recognize their features. just what caused the explosion will never be known. preble always believed that tripolitans had attempted to board the intrepid and that somers had deliberately fired the powder magazine rather than surrender. be that as it may, no one doubts that the crew were prepared to follow their commander to self-destruction if necessary. in deep gloom, the squadron returned to syracuse, leaving a few vessels to maintain a fitful blockade off the hated and menacing coast. far away from the sound of commodore preble's guns a strange, almost farcical, intervention in the tripolitan war was preparing. the scene shifts to the desert on the east, where william eaton, consul at tunis, becomes the center of interest. since the very beginning of the war, this energetic and enterprising connecticut yankee had taken a lively interest in the fortunes of hamet karamanli, the legitimate heir to the throne, who had been driven into exile by yusuf the pretender. eaton loved intrigue as preble gloried in war. why not assist hamet to recover his throne? why not, in frontier parlance, start a back-fire that would make tripoli too hot for yusuf? he laid his plans before his superiors at washington, who, while not altogether convinced of his competence to play the king-maker, were persuaded to make him navy agent, subject to the orders of the commander of the american squadron in the mediterranean. commodore samuel barron, who succeeded preble, was instructed to avail himself of the cooperation of the ex-pasha of tripoli if he deemed it prudent. in the fall of 1804 barron dispatched eaton in the argus, captain isaac hull commander, to alexandria to find hamet and to assure him of the cooperation of the american squadron in the reconquest of his kingdom. eaton entered thus upon the coveted role: twenty centuries looked down upon him as they had upon napoleon. a mere outline of what followed reads like the scenario of an opera bouffe. eaton ransacked alexandria in search, of hamet the unfortunate but failed to find the truant. then acting on a rumor that hamet had departed up the nile to join the mamelukes, who were enjoying one of their seasonal rebellions against constituted authority, eaton plunged into the desert and finally brought back the astonished and somewhat reluctant heir to the throne. with prodigious energy eaton then organized an expedition which was to march overland toward derne, meet the squadron at the bay of bomba, and descend vi et armis upon the unsuspecting pretender at tripoli. he even made a covenant with hamet promising with altogether unwarranted explicitness that the united states would use "their utmost exertions" to reestablish him in his sovereignty. eaton was to be "general and commander-in-chief of the land forces." this aggressive yankee alarmed hamet, who clearly did not want his sovereignty badly enough to fight for it. the international army which the american generalissimo mustered was a motley array: twenty-five cannoneers of uncertain nationality, thirty-eight greeks, hamet and his ninety followers, and a party of arabian horsemen and camel-drivers--all told about four hundred men. the story of their march across the desert is a modern anabasis. when the arabs were not quarreling among themselves and plundering the rest of the caravan, they were demanding more pay. rebuffed they would disappear with their camels into the fastnesses of the desert, only to reappear unexpectedly with new importunities. between hamet, who was in constant terror of his life and quite ready to abandon the expedition, and these mutinous arabs, eaton was in a position to appreciate the vicissitudes of xenophon and his ten thousand. no ordinary person, indeed, could have surmounted all obstacles and brought his balky forces within sight of derne. supported by the american fleet which had rendezvoused as agreed in the bay of bomba, the four hundred advanced upon the city. again the arab contingent would have made off into the desert but for the promise of more money. hamet was torn by conflicting emotions, in which a desire to retreat was uppermost. eaton was, as ever, indefatigable and indomitable. when his forces were faltering at the crucial moment, he boldly ordered an assault and carried the defenses of the city. the guns of the ships in the harbor completed the discomfiture of the enemy, and the international army took possession of the citadel. derne won, however, had to be resolutely defended. twice within the next four weeks, tripolitan forces were beaten back only with the greatest difficulty. the day after the second assault (june 10th) the frigate constellation arrived off derne with orders which rang down the curtain on this interlude in the tripolitan war. derne was to be evacuated! peace had been concluded! just what considerations moved the administration to conclude peace at a moment when the largest and most powerful american fleet ever placed under a single command was assembling in the mediterranean and when the land expedition was approaching its objective, has never been adequately explained. had the president's belligerent spirit oozed away as the punitive expeditions against tripoli lost their merely defensive character and took on the proportions of offensive naval operations? had the administration become alarmed at the drain upon the treasury? or did the president wish to have his hands free to deal with those depredations upon american commerce committed by british and french cruisers which were becoming far more frequent and serious than ever the attacks of the corsairs of the mediterranean had been? certain it is that overtures of peace from the pasha were welcomed by the very naval commanders who had been most eager to wrest a victory from the corsairs. perhaps they, too, were wearied by prolonged war with an elusive foe off a treacherous coast. how little prepared the administration was to sustain a prolonged expedition by land against tripoli to put hamet on his throne, appears in the instructions which commodore barron carried to the mediterranean. if he could use eaton and hamet to make a diversion, well and good; but he was at the same time to assist colonel tobias lear, american consul-general at algiers, in negotiating terms of peace, if the pasha showed a conciliatory spirit. the secretary of state calculated that the moment had arrived when peace could probably be secured "without any price and pecuniary compensation whatever." such expectations proved quite unwarranted. the pasha was ready for peace, but he still had his price. poor bainbridge, writing from captivity, assured barron that the pasha would never let his prisoners go without a ransom. nevertheless, commodore barron determined to meet the overtures which the pasha had made through the danish consul at tripoli. on the 24th of may he put the frigate essex at the disposal of lear, who crossed to tripoli and opened direct negotiations. the treaty which lear concluded on june 4, 1805, was an inglorious document. it purchased peace, it is true, and the release of some three hundred sad and woe-begone american sailors. but because the pasha held three hundred prisoners, and the united states only a paltry hundred, the pasha was to receive sixty thousand dollars. derne was to be evacuated and no further aid was to be given to rebellious subjects. the united states was to endeavor to persuade hamet to withdraw from the soil of tripoli--no very difficult matter--while the pasha on his part was to restore hamet's family to him--at some future time. nothing was said about tribute; but it was understood that according to ancient custom each newly appointed consul should carry to the pasha a present not exceeding six thousand dollars. the tripolitan war did not end in a blaze of glory for the united states. it had been waged in the spirit of "not a cent for tribute"; it was concluded with a thinly veiled payment for peace; and, worst of all, it did not prevent further trouble with the barbary states. the war had been prosecuted with vigor under preble; it had languished under barron; and it ended just when the naval forces were adequate to the task. yet, from another point of view, preble, decatur, somers, and their comrades had not fought in vain. they had created imperishable traditions for the american navy; they had established a morale in the service; and they had trained a group of young officers who were to give a good account of themselves when their foes should be not shifty tripolitans but sturdy britons. chapter iv. the shadow of the first consul bainbridge in forlorn captivity at tripoli, preble and barron keeping anxious watch off the stormy coast of africa, eaton marching through the windswept desert, are picturesque figures that arrest the attention of the historian; but they seemed like shadowy actors in a remote drama to the american at home, absorbed in the humdrum activities of trade and commerce. through all these dreary years of intermittent war, other matters engrossed the president and congress and caught the attention of the public. not the rapacious pasha of tripoli but the first consul of france held the center of the stage. at the same time that news arrived of the encounter of the enterprise with the corsairs came also the confirmation of rumors current all winter in europe. bonaparte had secured from spain the retrocession of the province of louisiana. from every point of view, as the president remarked, the transfer of this vast province to a new master was "an inauspicious circumstance." the shadow of the corsican, already a menace to the peace of europe, fell across the seas. a strange chain of circumstances linked bonaparte with the new world. when he became master of france by the coup d'etat of the 18th brumaire (november 9, 1799), he fell heir to many policies which the republic had inherited from the old regime. frenchmen had never ceased to lament the loss of colonial possessions in north america. from time to time the hope of reviving the colonial empire sprang up in the hearts of the rulers of france. it was this hope that had inspired genet's mission to the united states and more than one intrigue among the pioneers of the mississippi valley, during washington's second administration. the connecting link between the old regime and the new was the statesman talleyrand. he had gone into exile in america when the french revolution entered upon its last frantic phase and had brought back to france the plan and purpose which gave consistency to his diplomacy in the office of minister of foreign affairs, first under the directory, then under the first consul. had talleyrand alone nursed this plan, it would have had little significance in history; but it was eagerly taken up by a group of frenchmen who believed that france, having set her house in order and secured peace in europe, should now strive for orderly commercial development. the road to prosperity, they believed, lay through the acquisition of colonial possessions. the recovery of the province of louisiana was an integral part of their programme. while the directory was still in power and bonaparte was pursuing his ill-fated expedition in egypt, talleyrand had tried to persuade the spanish court to cede louisiana and the floridas. the only way for spain to put a limit to the ambitions of the americans, he had argued speciously, was to shut them up within their natural limits. only so could spain preserve the rest of her immense domain. but since spain was confessedly unequal to the task, why not let france shoulder the responsibility? "the french republic, mistress of these two provinces, will be a wall of brass forever impenetrable to the combined efforts of england and america," he assured the spaniards. but the time was not ripe. such, then, was the policy which bonaparte inherited when he became first consul and master of the destinies of his adopted country. a dazzling future opened before him. within a year he had pacified europe, crushing the armies of austria by a succession of brilliant victories, and laying prostrate the petty states of the italian peninsula. peace with england was also in sight. six weeks after his victory at marengo, bonaparte sent a special courier to spain to demand--the word is hardly too strong--the retrocession of louisiana. it was an odd whim of fate that left the destiny of half the american continent to don carlos iv, whom henry adams calls "a kind of spanish george iii "--virtuous, to be sure, but heavy, obtuse, inconsequential, and incompetent. with incredible fatuousness the king gave his consent to a bargain by which he was to yield louisiana in return for tuscany or other italian provinces which bonaparte had just overrun with his armies. "congratulate me," cried don carlos to his prime minister, his eyes sparkling, "on this brilliant beginning of bonaparte's relations with spain. the prince-presumptive of parma, my son-in-law and nephew, a bourbon, is invited by france to reign, on the delightful banks of the arno, over a people who once spread their commerce through the known world, and who were the controlling power of italy,--a people mild, civilized, full of humanity; the classical land of science and art." a few war-ridden italian provinces for an imperial domain that stretched from the gulf of mexico to lake superior and that extended westward no one knew how far! the bargain was closed by a preliminary treaty signed at san ildefonso on october 1, 1800. just one year later to a day, the preliminaries of the peace of amiens were signed, removing the menace of england on the seas. the first consul was now free to pursue his colonial policy, and the destiny of the mississippi valley hung in the balance. between the first consul and his goal, however, loomed up the gigantic figure of toussaint l'ouverture, a full-blooded negro, who had made himself master of santo domingo and had thus planted himself squarely in the searoad to louisiana. the story of this "gilded african," as bonaparte contemptuously dubbed him, cannot be told in these pages, because it involves no less a theme than the history of the french revolution in this island, once the most thriving among the colonial possessions of france in the west indies. the great plantations of french santo domingo (the western part of the island) had supplied half of europe with sugar, coffee, and cotton; three-fourths of the imports from french-american colonies were shipped from santo domingo. as the result of class struggles between whites and mulattoes for political power, the most terrific slave insurrection in the western hemisphere had deluged the island in blood. political convulsions followed which wrecked the prosperity of the island. out of this chaos emerged the one man who seemed able to restore a semblance of order--the napoleon of santo domingo, whose character, thinks henry adams, had a curious resemblance to that of the corsican. the negro was, however, a ferocious brute without the redeeming qualities of the corsican, though, as a leader of his race, his intelligence cannot be denied. though professing allegiance to the french republic, toussaint was driven by circumstances toward independence. while his corsican counterpart was executing his coup d'etat and pacifying europe, he threw off the mask, imprisoned the agent of the french directory, seized the spanish part of the island, and proclaimed a new constitution for santo domingo, assuming all power for himself for life and the right of naming his successor. the negro defied the corsican. the first consul was now prepared to accept the challenge. santo domingo must be recovered and restored to its former prosperity--even if slavery had to be reestablished--before louisiana could be made the center of colonial empire in the west. he summoned leclerc, a general of excellent reputation and husband of his beautiful sister pauline, and gave to him the command of an immense expedition which was already preparing at brest. in the latter part of november, leclerc set sail with a large fleet bearing an army of ten thousand men and on january 29, 1802, arrived off the eastern cape of santo domingo. a legend says that toussaint looking down on the huge armada exclaimed, "we must perish. all france is coming to santo domingo. it has been deceived; it comes to take vengeance and enslave the blacks." the negro leader made a formidable resistance, nevertheless, annihilating one french army and seriously endangering the expedition. but he was betrayed by his generals, lured within the french lines, made prisoner, and finally sent to france. he was incarcerated in a french fortress in the jura mountains and there perished miserably in 1803. the significance of these events in the french west indies was not lost upon president jefferson. the conquest of santo domingo was the prelude to the occupation of louisiana. it would be only a change of european proprietors, of absentee landlords, to be sure; but there was a world of difference between france, bent upon acquiring a colonial empire and quiescent spain, resting on her past achievements. the difference was personified by bonaparte and don carlos. the sovereignty of the lower mississippi country could never be a matter of indifference to those settlers of tennessee, kentucky, and ohio who in the year 1799 sent down the mississippi in barges, keel-boats, and flatboats one hundred and twenty thousand pounds of tobacco, ten thousand barrels of flour, twenty-two thousand pounds of hemp, five hundred barrels of cider, and as many more of whiskey, for transshipment and export. the right of navigation of the mississippi was a diplomatic problem bequeathed by the confederation. the treaty with spain in 1795 had not solved the question, though it had established a modus vivendi. spain had conceded to americans the so-called right of deposit for three years--that is, the right to deposit goods at new orleans free of duty and to transship them to ocean-going vessels; and the concession, though never definitely renewed, was tacitly continued. no; the people of the trans-alleghany country could not remain silent and unprotesting witnesses to the retrocession of louisiana. nor was jefferson's interest in the mississippi problem of recent origin. ten years earlier as secretary of state, while england and spain seemed about to come to blows over the nootka sound affair, he had approached both france and spain to see whether the united states might not acquire the island of new orleans or at least a port near the mouth of the river "with a circum-adjacent territory, sufficient for its support, well-defined, and extraterritorial to spain." in case of war, england would in all probability conquer spanish louisiana. how much better for spain to cede territory on the eastern side of the mississippi to a safe neighbor like the united states and thereby make sure of her possessions on the western waters of that river. it was "not our interest," wrote mr. jefferson, "to cross the mississippi for ages!" it was, then, a revival of an earlier idea when president jefferson, officially through robert r. livingston, minister to france, and unofficially through a french gentleman, dupont de nemours, sought to impress upon the first consul the unwisdom of his taking possession of louisiana, without ceding to the united states at least new orleans and the floridas as a "palliation." even so, france would become an object of suspicion, a neighbor with whom americans were bound to quarrel. undeterred by this naive threat, doubtless considering its source, the first consul pressed don carlos for the delivery of louisiana. the king procrastinated but at length gave his promise on condition that france should pledge herself not to alienate the province. of course, replied the obliging talleyrand. the king's wishes were identical with the intentions of the french government. france would never alienate louisiana. the first consul pledged his word. on october 15, 1802, don carlos signed the order that delivered louisiana to france. while the president was anxiously awaiting the results of his diplomacy, news came from santo domingo that leclerc and his army had triumphed over toussaint and his faithless generals, only to succumb to a far more insidious foe. yellow fever had appeared in the summer of 1802 and had swept away the second army dispatched by bonaparte to take the place of the first which had been consumed in the conquest of the island. twenty-four thousand men had been sacrificed at the very threshold of colonial empire, and the skies of europe were not so clear as they had been. and then came the news of leclerc's death (november 2, 1802). exhausted by incessant worry, he too had succumbed to the pestilence; and with him, as events proved, passed bonaparte's dream of colonial empire in the new world. almost at the same time with these tidings a report reached the settlers of kentucky and tennessee that the spanish intendant at new orleans had suspended the right of deposit. the mississippi was therefore closed to western commerce. here was the hand of the corsican.* now they knew what they had to expect from france. why not seize the opportunity and strike before the french legions occupied the country? the spanish garrisons were weak; a few hundred resolute frontiersmen would speedily overpower them. * it is now clear enough that bonaparte was not directly responsible for this act of the spanish intendant. see channing, "history of the united states," vol. iv, p. 312, and note, 326-327. convinced that he must resort to stiffer measures if he would not be hurried into hostilities, president jefferson appointed james monroe as minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary to france and spain. he was to act with robert livingston at paris and with charles pinckney, minister to spain, "in enlarging and more effectually securing our rights and interests in the river mississippi and in the territories eastward thereof"--whatever these vague terms might mean. the president evidently read much into them, for he assured monroe that on the event of his mission depended the future destinies of the republic. two months passed before monroe sailed with his instructions. he had ample time to study them, for he was thirty days in reaching the coast of france. the first aim of the envoys was to procure new orleans and the floridas, bidding as high as ten million dollars if necessary. failing in this object, they were then to secure the right of deposit and such other desirable concessions as they could. to secure new orleans, they might even offer to guarantee the integrity of spanish possessions on the west bank of the mississippi. throughout the instructions ran the assumption that the floridas had either passed with louisiana into the hands of france or had since been acquired. while the packet bearing monroe was buffeting stormy seas, the policy of bonaparte underwent a transformation--an abrupt transformation it seemed to livingston. on the 12th of march the american minister witnessed an extraordinary scene in madame bonaparte's drawing-room. bonaparte and lord whitworth, the british ambassador, were in conversation, when the first consul remarked, "i find, my lord, your nation want war again." "no, sir," replied the ambassador, "we are very desirous of peace." "i must either have malta or war," snapped bonaparte. the amazed onlookers soon spread the rumor that europe was again to be plunged into war; but, viewed in the light of subsequent events, this incident had even greater significance; it marked the end of bonaparte's colonial scheme. though the motives for this change of front will always be a matter of conjecture, they are somewhat clarified by the failure of the santo domingo expedition. leclerc was dead; the negroes were again in control; the industries of the island were ruined; rochambeau, leclerc's successor, was clamoring for thirty-five thousand more men to reconquer the island; the expense was alarming--and how meager the returns for this colonial venture! without santo domingo, louisiana would be of little use; and to restore prosperity to the west india island--even granting that its immediate conquest were possible--would demand many years and large disbursements. the path to glory did not lie in this direction. in europe, as henry adams observes, "war could be made to support war; in santo domingo peace alone could but slowly repair some part of this frightful waste." there may well have been other reasons for bonaparte's change of front. if he read between the lines of a memoir which pontalba, a wealthy and well-informed resident of louisiana, sent to him, he must have realized that this province, too, while it might become an inexhaustible source of wealth for france, might not be easy to hold. there was here, it is true, no toussaint l'ouverture to lead the blacks in insurrection; but there was a white menace from the north which was far more serious. these kentuckians, said pontalba trenchantly, must be watched, cajoled, and brought constantly under french influence through agents. there were men among them who thought of louisiana "as the highroad to the conquest of mexico." twenty or thirty thousand of these westerners on flatboats could come down the river and sweep everything before them. to be sure, they were an undisciplined horde with slender military equipment--a striking contrast to the french legions; but, added the frenchman, "a great deal of skill in shooting, the habit of being in the woods and of enduring fatigue--this is what makes up for every deficiency." and if bonaparte had ever read a remarkable report of the spanish governor carondelet, he must have divined that there was something elemental and irresistible in this down-the-river-pressure of the people of the west. "a carbine and a little maize in a sack are enough for an american to wander about in the forests alone for a whole month. with his carbine, he kills the wild cattle and deer for food and defends himself from the savages. the maize dampened serves him in lieu of bread .... the cold does not affright him. when a family tires of one location, it moves to another, and there it settles with the same ease. thus in about eight years the settlement of cumberland has been formed, which is now about to be created into a state." on easter sunday, 1803, bonaparte revealed his purpose, which had doubtless been slowly maturing, to two of his ministers, one of whom, barbs marbois, was attached to the united states through residence, his devotion to republican principles, and marriage to an american wife. the first consul proposed to cede louisiana to the united states: he considered the colony as entirely lost. what did they think of the proposal? marbois, with an eye to the needs of the treasury of which he was the head, favored the sale of the province; and next day he was directed to interview livingston at once. before he could do so, talleyrand, perhaps surmising in his crafty way the drift of the first consul's thoughts, startled livingston by asking what the united states would give for the whole of louisiana. livingston, who was in truth hard of hearing, could not believe his ears. for months he had talked, written, and argued in vain for a bit of territory near the mouth of the mississippi, and here was an imperial domain tossed into his lap, as it were. livingston recovered from his surprise sufficiently to name a trifling sum which talleyrand declared too low. would mr. livingston think it over? he, talleyrand, really did not speak from authority. the idea had struck him, that was all. some days later in a chance conversation with marbois, livingston spoke of his extraordinary interview with talleyrand. marbois intimated that he was not ignorant of the affair and invited livingston to a further conversation. although monroe had already arrived in paris and was now apprised of this sudden turn of affairs, livingston went alone to the treasury office and there in conversation, which was prolonged until midnight, he fenced with marbois over a fair price for louisiana. the first consul, said marbois, demanded one hundred million francs. livingston demurred at this huge sum. the united states did not want louisiana but was willing to give ten million dollars for new orleans and the floridas. what would the united states give then? asked marbois. livingston replied that he would have to confer with monroe. finally marbois suggested that if they would name sixty million francs, (less than $12,000,000) and assume claims which americans had against the french treasury for twenty million more, he would take the offer under advisement. livingston would not commit himself, again insisting that he must consult monroe. so important did this interview seem to livingston that he returned to his apartment and wrote a long report to madison without waiting to confer with monroe. it was three o'clock in the morning when he was done. "we shall do all we can to cheapen the purchase," he wrote, "but my present sentiment is that we shall buy." history does not record what monroe said when his colleague revealed these midnight secrets. but in the prolonged negotiations which followed monroe, though ill, took his part, and in the end, on april 30, 1803, set his hand to the treaty which ceded louisiana to the united states on the terms set by marbois. in two conventions bearing the same date, the commissioners bound the united states to pay directly to france the sum of sixty million francs ($11,250,000) and to assume debts owed by france to american citizens, estimated at not more than twenty million francs ($3,750,000). tradition says that after marbois, monroe, and livingston had signed their names, livingston remarked: "we have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our lives.... from this day the united states take their place among the powers of the first rank." chapter v. in pursuit of the floridas the purchase of louisiana was a diplomatic triumph of the first magnitude. no american negotiators have ever acquired so much for so little; yet, oddly enough, neither livingston nor monroe had the slightest notion of the vast extent of the domain which they had purchased. they had bought louisiana "with the same extent that it is now in the hands of spain, and that it had when france possessed it, and such as it should be after the treaties subsequently entered into between spain and other states," but what its actual boundaries were they did not know. considerably disturbed that the treaty contained no definition of boundaries, livingston sought information from the enigmatical talleyrand. "what are the eastern bounds of louisiana?" he asked. "i do not know," replied talleyrand; "you must take it as we received it." "but what did you mean to take?" urged livingston somewhat naively. "i do not know," was the answer. "then you mean that we shall construe it in our own way?" "i can give you no direction," said the astute frenchman. "you have made a noble bargain for yourselves, and i suppose you will make the most of it." and with these vague assurances livingston had to be satisfied. the first impressions of jefferson were not much more definite, for, while he believed that the acquired territory more than doubled the area of the united states, he could only describe it as including all the waters of the missouri and the mississippi. he started at once, however, to collect information about louisiana. he prepared a list of queries which he sent to reputable persons living in or near new orleans. the task was one in which he delighted: to accumulate and diffuse information--a truly democratic mission gave him more real pleasure than to reign in the executive mansion. his interest in the trans-mississippi country, indeed, was not of recent birth; he had nursed for years an insatiable curiosity about the source and course of the missouri; and in this very year he had commissioned his secretary, meriwether lewis, to explore the great river and its tributaries, to ascertain if they afforded a direct and practicable water communication across the continent. the outcome of the president's questionnaire was a report submitted to congress in the fall of 1803, which contained much interesting information and some entertaining misinformation. the statistical matter we may put to one side, as contemporary readers doubtless did; certain impressions are worth recording. new orleans, the first and immediate object of negotiations, contained, it would appear, only a small part of the population of the province, which numbered some twenty or more rural districts. on the river above the city were the plantations of the so-called upper coast, inhabited mostly by slaves whose creole masters lived in town; then, as one journeyed upstream appeared the first and second german coasts, where dwelt the descendants of those germans who had been brought to the province by john law's mississippi bubble, an industrious folk making their livelihood as purveyors to the city. every friday night they loaded their small craft with produce and held market next day on the river front at new orleans, adding another touch to the picturesque groups which frequented the levees. above the german coasts were the first and second acadian coasts, populated by the numerous progeny of those unhappy refugees who were expelled from nova scotia in 1755. acadian settlements were scattered also along the backwaters west of the great river: bayou lafourche was lined with farms which were already producing cotton; near bayou teche and bayou vermilion--the attakapas country--were cattle ranges; and to the north was the richer grazing country known as opelousas. passing beyond the iberville river, which was indeed no river at all but only an overflow of the mississippi, the traveler up-stream saw on his right hand "the government of baton rouge" with its scattered settlements and mixed population of french, spanish, and anglo-americans; and still farther on, the spanish parish of west feliciana, accounted a part of west florida and described by president jefferson as the garden of the cotton-growing region. beyond this point the president's description of louisiana became less confident, as reliable sources of information failed him. his credulity, however, led him to make one amazing statement, which provoked the ridicule of his political opponents, always ready to pounce upon the slips of this philosopher-president. "one extraordinary fact relative to salt must not be omitted," he wrote in all seriousness. "there exists, about one thousand miles up the missouri, and not far from that river, a salt mountain! the existence of such a mountain might well be questioned, were it not for the testimony of several respectable and enterprising traders who have visited it, and who have exhibited several bushels of the salt to the curiosity of the people of st. louis, where some of it still remains. a specimen of the salt has been sent to marietta. this mountain is said to be 180 miles long and 45 in width, composed of solid rock salt, without any trees or even shrubs on it." one federalist wit insisted that this salt mountain must be lot's wife; another sent an epigram to the united states gazette which ran as follows: herostratus of old, to eternalize his name sat the temple of diana all in a flame; but jefferson lately of bonaparte bought, to pickle his fame, a mountain of salt. jefferson was too much of a philosopher to be disturbed by such gibes; but he did have certain constitutional doubts concerning the treaty. how, as a strict constructionist, was he to defend the purchase of territory outside the limits of the united states, when the constitution did not specifically grant such power to the federal government? he had fought the good fight of the year 1800 to oust federalist administrators who by a liberal interpretation were making waste paper of the constitution. consistency demanded either that he should abandon the treaty or that he should ask for the powers which had been denied to the federal government. he chose the latter course and submitted to his cabinet and to his followers in congress a draft of an amendment to the constitution conferring the desired powers. to his dismay they treated his proposal with indifference, not to say coldness. he pressed his point, redrafted his amendment, and urged its consideration once again. meantime letters from livingston and monroe warned him that delay was hazardous; the first consul might change his mind, as he was wont to do on slight provocation. privately jefferson was deeply chagrined, but he dared not risk the loss of louisiana. with what grace he could summon, he acquiesced in the advice of his virginia friends who urged him to let events take their course and to drop the amendment, but he continued to believe that such a course if persisted in would make blank paper of the constitution. he could only trust, as he said in a letter, "that the good sense of the country will correct the evil of construction when it shall produce its ill effects." the debates on the treaty in, congress make interesting reading for those who delight in legal subtleties, for many nice questions of constitutional law were involved. even granting that territory could be acquired, there was the further question whether the treaty-making power was competent irrespective of the house of representatives. and what, pray, was meant by incorporating this new province in the union? was louisiana to be admitted into the union as a state by president and senate? or was it to be governed as a dependency? and how could the special privileges given to spanish and french ships in the port of new orleans be reconciled with that provision of the constitution which, expressly forbade any preference to be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another? the exigencies of politics played havoc with consistency, so that republicans supported the ratification of the treaty with erstwhile federalist arguments, while federalists used the old arguments of the republicans. yet the senate advised the ratification by a decisive vote and with surprising promptness; and congress passed a provisional act authorizing the president to take over and govern the territory of louisiana. the vast province which napoleon had tossed so carelessly into the lap of the young western republic was, strangely enough, not yet formally in his possession. the expeditionary force under general victor which was to have occupied louisiana had never left port. m. pierre clement laussat, however, who was to have accompanied the expedition to assume the duties of prefect in the province, had sailed alone in january, 1803, to receive the province from the spanish authorities. if this lonely frenchman on mission possessed the imagination of his race, he must have had some emotional thrills as he reflected that he was following the sea trail of la salle and iberville through the warm waters of the gulf of mexico. he could not have entered the great river and breasted its yellow current for a hundred miles, without seeing in his mind's eye those phantom figures of french and spanish adventurers who had voyaged up and down its turbid waters in quest of gold or of distant cathay. as his vessel dropped anchor opposite the town which bienville had founded, laussat must have felt that in some degree he was "heir of all the ages"; yet he was in fact face to face with conditions which, whatever their historic antecedents, were neither french nor spanish. on the water front of new orleans, he counted "forty-five anglo-american ships to ten french." subsequent experiences deepened this first impression: it was not spanish nor french influence which had made this port important but those "three hundred thousand planters who in twenty years have swarmed over the eastern plains of the mississippi and have cultivated them, and who have no other outlet than this river and no other port than new orleans." the outward aspect of the city, however, was certainly not american. from the masthead of his vessel laussat might have seen over a thousand dwellings of varied architecture: houses of adobe, houses of brick, houses of stucco; some with bright colors, others with the harmonious half tones produced by sun and rain. no american artisans constructed the picturesque balconies, the verandas, and belvederes which suggested the semitropical existence that nature forced upon these city dwellers for more than half the year. no american craftsmen wrought the artistic ironwork of balconies, gateways, and window gratings. here was an atmosphere which suggested the old world rather than the new. the streets which ran at right angles were reminiscent of the old regime: conde, conti, dauphine, st. louis, chartres, bourbon, orleans--all these names were to be found within the earthen rampart which formed the defense of the city. the inhabitants were a strange mixture: spanish, french, american, black, quadroon, and creole. no adequate definition has ever been formulated for "creole," but no one familiar with the type could fail to distinguish this caste from those descended from the first french settlers or from the acadians. a keen observer like laussat discerned speedily that the creole had little place in the commercial life of the city. he was your landed proprietor, who owned some of the choicest parts of the city and its growing suburbs, and whose plantations lined both banks of the mississippi within easy reach from the city. at the opposite end of the social scale were the quadroons--the demimonde of this little capital--and the negro slaves. between these extremes were the french and, in ever-growing numbers, the americans who plied every trade, while the spaniards constituted the governing class. deliberately, in the course of time, as befitted a spanish gentleman and officer, the marquis de casa calvo, resplendent with regalia, arrived from havana to act with governor don juan manuel de salcedo in transferring the province. a season of gayety followed in which the spaniards did their best to conceal any chagrin they may have felt at the relinquishment--happily, it might not be termed the surrender--of louisiana. and finally on the 30th of november, governor salcedo delivered the keys of the city to laussat, in the hall of the cabildo, while marquis de casa calvo from the balcony absolved the people in place d'armes below from their allegiance to his master, the king of spain. for the brief term of twenty days louisiana was again a province of france. within that time laussat bestirred himself to gallicize the colony, so far as forms could do so. he replaced the cabildo or hereditary council by a municipal council; he restored the civil code; he appointed french officers to civil and military posts. and all this he did in the full consciousness that american commissioners were already on their way to receive from him in turn the province which his wayward master had sold. on december 20, 1803, young william claiborne, governor of the mississippi territory, and general james wilkinson, with a few companies of soldiers, entered and received from laussat the keys of the city and the formal surrender of lower louisiana. on the place d'armes, promptly at noon, the tricolor was hauled down and the american stars and stripes took its place. louisiana had been transferred for the sixth and last time. but what were the metes and bounds of this province which had been so often bought and sold? what had laussat been instructed to take and give? what, in short, was louisiana? the elation which livingston and monroe felt at acquiring unexpectedly a vast territory beyond the mississippi soon gave way to a disquieting reflection. they had been instructed to offer ten million dollars for new orleans and the floridas: they had pledged fifteen millions for louisiana without the floridas. and they knew that it was precisely west florida, with the eastern bank of the mississippi and the gulf littoral, that was most ardently desired by their countrymen of the west. but might not louisiana include west florida? had talleyrand not professed ignorance of the eastern boundary? and had he not intimated that the americans would make the most of their bargain? within a month livingston had convinced himself that the united states could rightfully claim west florida to the perdido river, and he soon won over monroe to his way of thinking. they then reported to madison that "on a thorough examination of the subject" they were persuaded that they had purchased west florida as a part of louisiana. by what process of reasoning had livingston and monroe reached this satisfying conclusion? their argument proceeded from carefully chosen premises. france, it was said, had once held louisiana and the floridas together as part of her colonial empire in america; in 1763 she had ceded new orleans and the territory west of the mississippi to spain, and at the same time she had transferred the floridas to great britain; in 1783 great britain had returned the floridas to spain which were then reunited to louisiana as under french rule. ergo, when louisiana was retro-ceded "with the same extent that it now has in the hands of spain, and that it had when france possessed it," it must have included west florida. that livingston was able to convince himself by this logic, does not speak well for his candor or intelligence. he was well aware that bonaparte had failed to persuade don carlos to include the floridas in the retrocession; he had tried to insert in the treaty an article pledging the first consul to use his good offices to obtain the floridas for the united states; and in his midnight dispatch to madison, with the prospect of acquiring louisiana before him, he had urged the advisability of exchanging this province for the more desirable floridas. livingston therefore could not, and did not, say that spain intended to cede the floridas as a part of louisiana, but that she had inadvertently done so and that bonaparte might have claimed west florida, if he had been shrewd enough to see his opportunity. the united states was in no way prevented from pressing this claim because the first consul had not done so. the fact that france had in 1763 actually dismembered her colonial empire and that louisiana as ceded to spain extended only to the iberville, was given no weight in livingston's deductions. having the will to believe, jefferson and madison became converts to livingston's faith. madison wrote at once that in view of these developments no proposal to exchange louisiana for the floridas should be entertained; the president declared himself satisfied that "our right to the perdido is substantial and can be opposed by a quibble on form only"; and john randolph, duly coached by the administration, flatly declared in the house of representatives that "we have not only obtained the command of the mouth of the mississippi, but of the mobile, with its widely extended branches; and there is not now a single stream of note rising within the united states and falling into the gulf of mexico which is not entirely our own, the appalachicola excepted." from this moment to the end of his administration, the acquisition of west florida became a sort of obsession with jefferson. his pursuit of this phantom claim involved american diplomats in strange adventures and at times deflected the whole course of domestic politics. the first luckless minister to engage in this baffling quest was james monroe, who had just been appointed minister to the court of st. james. he was instructed to take up the threads of diplomacy at madrid where they were getting badly tangled in the hands of charles pinckney, who was a better politician than a diplomat. "your inquiries may also be directed," wrote madison, "to the question whether any, and how much, of what passes for west florida be fairly included in the territory ceded to us by france." before leaving paris on this mission, monroe made an effort to secure the good offices of the emperor, but he found talleyrand cold and cynical as ever. he was given to understand that it was all a question of money; if the united states were willing to pay the price, the emperor could doubtless have the negotiations transferred to paris and put the deal through. a loan of seventy million livres to spain, which would be passed over at once to france, would probably put the united states into possession of the coveted territory. as an honest man monroe shrank from this sort of jobbery; besides, he could hardly offer to buy a territory which his government asserted it had already bought with louisiana. with the knowledge that he was defying napoleon, or at least his ministers, he started for madrid to play a lone hand in what he must have known was a desperate game. the conduct of the administration during the next few months was hardly calculated to smooth monroe's path. in the following february (1804) president jefferson put his signature to an act which was designed to give effect to the laws of the united states in the newly acquired territory. the fourth section of this so-called mobile act included explicitly within the revenue district of mississippi all the navigable waters lying within the united states and emptying into the gulf east of the mississippi--an extraordinary provision indeed, since unless the floridas were a part of the united states there were no rivers within the limits of the united states emptying into the gulf east of the mississippi. the eleventh section was even more remarkable since it gave the president authority to erect mobile bay and river into a separate revenue district and to designate a port of entry. this cool appropriation of spanish territory was too much for the excitable spanish minister, don carlos martinez yrujo, who burst into madison's office one morning with a copy of the act in his hand and with angry protests on his lips. he had been on excellent terms with madison and had enjoyed jefferson's friendship and hospitality at monticello; but he was the accredited representative of his catholic majesty and bound to defend his sovereignty. he fairly overwhelmed the timid madison with reproaches that could never be forgiven or forgotten; and from this moment he was persona non grata in the department of state. madison doubtless took yrujo's reproaches more to heart just because he felt himself in a false position. the administration had allowed the transfer of louisiana to be made in the full knowledge that laussat had been instructed to claim louisiana as far as the rio bravo on the west but only as far as the iberville on the east. laussat had finally admitted as much confidentially to the american commissioners. yet the administration had not protested. and now it was acting on the assumption that it might dispose of the gulf littoral, the west florida coast, as it pleased. madison was bound to admit in his heart of hearts that yrujo had reason to be angry. a few weeks later the president relieved the tense situation, though at the price of an obvious evasion, by issuing a proclamation which declared all the shores and waters "lying _within the boundaries of the united states_" * to be a revenue district with fort stoddert as the port of entry. but the mischief had been done and no constructive interpretation of the act by the president could efface the impression first made upon the mind of yrujo. congress had meant to appropriate west florida and the president had suffered the bill to become law. * the italics are president jefferson's. nor was pinckney's conduct at madrid likely to make monroe's mission easier. two years before, in 1802, he had negotiated a convention by which spain agreed to pay indemnity for depredations committed by her cruisers in the late war between france and the united states. this convention had been ratified somewhat tardily by the senate and now waited on the pleasure of the spanish government. pinckney was instructed to press for the ratification by spain, which was taken for granted; but he was explicitly warned to leave the matter of the florida claims to monroe. when he presented the demands of his government to cevallos, the foreign minister, he was met in turn with a demand for explanations. what, pray, did his government mean by this act? to pinckney's astonishment, he was confronted with a copy of the mobile act, which yrujo had forwarded. the south carolinian replied, in a tone that was not calculated to soothe ruffled feelings, that he had already been advised that west florida was included in the louisiana purchase and had so reported to cevallos. he urged that the two subjects be kept separate and begged his excellency to have confidence in the honor and justice of the united states. delays followed until cevallos finally, declared sharply that the treaty would be ratified only on several conditions, one of which was that the mobile act should be revoked. pinckney then threw discretion to the winds and announced that he would ask for his passports; but his bluster did not change spanish policy, and he dared not carry out his threat. it was under these circumstances that monroe arrived in madrid on his difficult mission. he was charged with the delicate task of persuading a government whose pride had been touched to the quick to ratify the claims convention, to agree to a commission to adjudicate other claims which it had refused to recognize, to yield west florida as a part of the louisiana purchase, and to accept two million dollars for the rest of florida east of the perdido river. in preparing these extraordinary instructions, the secretary of state labored under the hallucination that spain, on the verge of war with england, would pay handsomely for the friendship of the united states, quite forgetting that the real master of spain was at paris. the story of monroe's five weary months in spain may be briefly told. he was in the unstrategic position of one who asks for everything and can concede nothing. only one consideration could probably have forced the spanish government to yield, and that was fear. spain had now declared war upon england and might reasonably be supposed to prefer a solid accommodation with the united states, as madison intimated, rather than add to the number of her foes. but cevallos exhibited no signs of fear; on the contrary he professed an amiable willingness to discuss every point at great length. every effort on the part of the american to reach a conclusion was adroitly eluded. it was a game in which the spaniard had no equal. at last, when indubitable assurances came to monroe from paris that napoleon would not suffer spain to make the slightest concession either in the matter of spoliation claims or any other claims, and that, in the event of a break between the united states and spain, he would surely take the part of spain, monroe abandoned the game and asked for his passports. late in may he returned to paris, where he joined with general armstrong, who had succeeded livingston, in urging upon the administration the advisability of seizing texas, leaving west florida alone for the present. months of vacillation followed the failure of monroe's mission. the president could not shake off his obsession, and yet he lacked the resolution to employ force to take either texas, which he did not want but was entitled to, or west florida which he ardently desired but whose title was in dispute. it was not until november of the following year (1805) that the administration determined on a definite policy. in a meeting of the cabinet "i proposed," jefferson recorded in a memorandum, "we should address ourselves to france, informing her it was a last effort at amicable settlement with spain and offer to her, or through her," a sum not to exceed five million dollars for the floridas. the chief obstacle in the way of this programme was the uncertain mood of congress, for a vote of credit was necessary and congress might not take kindly to napoleon as intermediary. jefferson then set to work to draft a message which would "alarm the fears of spain by a vigorous language, in order to induce her to join us in appealing to the interference of the emperor." the message sent to congress alluded briefly to the negotiations with spain and pointed out the unsatisfactory relations which still obtained. spain had shown herself unwilling to adjust claims or the boundaries of louisiana; her depredations on american commerce had been renewed; arbitrary duties and vexatious searches continued to obstruct american shipping on the mobile; inroads had been made on american territory; spanish officers and soldiers had seized the property of american citizens. it was hoped that spain would view these injuries in their proper light; if not, then the united states "must join in the unprofitable contest of trying which party can do the other the most harm. some of these injuries may perhaps admit a peaceable remedy. where that is competent, it is always the most desirable. but some of them are of a nature to be met by force only, and all of them may lead to it." coming from the pen of a president who had declared that peace was his passion, these belligerent words caused some bewilderment but, on the whole, very considerable satisfaction in republican circles, where the possibility of rupture had been freely discussed. the people of the southwest took the president at his word and looked forward with enthusiasm to a war which would surely overthrow spanish rule in the floridas and yield the coveted lands along the gulf of mexico. the country awaited with eagerness those further details which the president had promised to set forth in another message. these were felt to be historic moments full of dramatic possibilities. three days later, behind closed doors, congress listened to the special message which was to put the nation to the supreme test. alas for those who had expected a trumpet call to battle. never was a state paper better calculated to wither martial spirit. in dull fashion it recounted the events of monroe's unlucky mission and announced the advance of spanish forces in the southwest, which, however, the president had not repelled, conceiving that "congress alone is constitutionally invested with the power of changing our condition from peace to war." he had "barely instructed" our forces "to patrol the borders actually delivered to us." it soon dawned upon the dullest intelligence that the president had not the slightest intention to recommend a declaration of war. on the contrary, he was at pains to point out the path to peace. there was reason to believe that france was now disposed to lend her aid in effecting a settlement with spain, and "not a moment should be lost in availing ourselves of it." "formal war is not necessary, it is not probable it will follow; but the protection of our citizens, the spirit and honor of our country, require that force should be interposed to a certain degree. it will probably contribute to advance the object of peace." after the warlike tone of the first message, this sounded like a retreat. it outraged the feelings of the war party. it was, to their minds, an anticlimax, a pusillanimous surrender. none was angrier than john randolph of virginia, hitherto the leader of the forces of the administration in the house. he did not hesitate to express his disgust with "this double set of opinions and principles"; and his anger mounted when he learned that as chairman of the committee on ways and means he was expected to propose and carry through an appropriation of two million dollars for the purchase of florida. further interviews with the president and the secretary of state did not mollify him, for, according to his version of these conversations, he was informed that france would not permit spain to adjust her differences with the united states, which had, therefore, the alternative of paying france handsomely or of facing a war with both france and spain. then randolph broke loose from all restraint and swore by all his gods that he would not assume responsibility for "delivering the public purse to the first cut-throat that demanded it." randolph's opposition to the florida programme was more than an unpleasant episode in jefferson's administration; it proved to be the beginning of a revolt which was fatal to the president's diplomacy, for randolph passed rapidly from passive to active opposition and fought the two-million dollar bill to the bitter end. when the house finally outvoted him and his faction, soon to be known as the "quids," and the senate had concurred, precious weeks had been lost. yet madison must bear some share of blame for the delay since, for some reason, never adequately explained, he did not send instructions to armstrong until four weeks after the action of congress. it was then too late to bait the master of europe. just what had happened armstrong could not ascertain; but when napoleon set out in october, 1806, on that fateful campaign which crushed prussia at jena and auerstadt, the chance of acquiring florida had passed. chapter vi. an american catiline with the transfer of louisiana, the united states entered upon its first experience in governing an alien civilized people. at first view there is something incongruous in the attempt of the young republic, founded upon the consent of the governed, to rule over a people whose land had been annexed without their consent and whose preferences in the matter of government had never been consulted. the incongruity appears the more striking when it is recalled that the author of the declaration of independence was now charged with the duty of appointing all officers, civil and military, in the new territory. king george iii had never ruled more autocratically over any of his north american colonies than president jefferson over louisiana through governor william claiborne and general james wilkinson. the leaders among the creoles and better class of americans counted on a speedy escape from this autocratic government, which was confessedly temporary. the terms of the treaty, indeed, encouraged the hope that louisiana would be admitted at once as a state. the inhabitants of the ceded territory were to be "incorporated into the union." but congress gave a different interpretation to these words and dashed all hopes by the act of 1804, which, while it conceded a legislative council, made its members and all officers appointive, and divided the province. a delegation of creoles went to washington to protest against this inconsiderate treatment. they bore a petition which contained many stiletto-like thrusts at the president. what about those elemental rights of representation and election which had figured in the glorious contest for freedom? "do political axioms on the atlantic become problems when transferred to the shores of the mississippi?" to such arguments congress could not remain wholly indifferent. the outcome was a third act (march 2, 1805) which established the usual form of territorial government, an elective legislature, a delegate in congress, and a governor appointed by the president. to a people who had counted on statehood these concessions were small pinchbeck. their irritation was not allayed, and it continued to focus upon governor claiborne, the distrusted agent of a government which they neither liked nor respected. strange currents and counter-currents ran through the life of this distant province. casa calvo and morales, the former spanish officials, continued to reside in the city, like spiders at the center of a web of spanish intrigue; and the threads of their web extended to west florida, where governor folch watched every movement of americans up and down the mississippi, and to texas, where salcedo, captain-general of the internal provinces of mexico, waited for overt aggressions from land-hungry american frontiersmen. all these spanish agents knew that monroe had left madrid empty-handed yet still asserting claims that were ill-disguised threats; but none of them knew whether the impending blow would fall upon west florida or texas. then, too, right under their eyes was the mexican association, formed for the avowed purpose of collecting information about mexico which would be useful if the united states should become involved in war with spain. in the city, also, were adventurous individuals ready for any daring move upon mexico, where, according to credible reports, a revolution was imminent. the conquest of mexico was the day-dream of many an adventurer. in his memoir advising bonaparte to take and hold louisiana as an impenetrable barrier to mexico, pontalba had said with strong conviction: "it is the surest means of destroying forever the bold schemes with which several individuals in the united states never cease filling the newspapers, by designating louisiana as the highroad to the conquest of mexico." into this web of intrigue walked the late vice-president of the united states, leisurely journeying through the southwest in the summer of 1805. aaron burr is one of the enigmas of american politics. something of the mystery and romance that shroud the evil-doings of certain italian despots of the age of the renaissance envelops him. despite the researches of historians, the tangled web of burr's conspiracy has never been unraveled. it remains the most fascinating though, perhaps, the least important episode in jefferson's administration. yet burr himself repays study, for his activities touch many sides of contemporary society and illuminate many dark corners in american politics. according to the principles of eugenics, burr was well-born, and by all the laws of this pseudo-science should have left an honorable name behind him. his father was a presbyterian clergyman, sound in the faith, who presided over the infancy of the college of new jersey; his maternal grandfather was that massive divine, jonathan edwards. after graduating at princeton, burr began to study law but threw aside his law books on hearing the news of lexington. he served with distinction under arnold before quebec, under washington in the battle of long island, and later at monmouth, and retired with the rank of lieutenant colonel in 1779. before the close of the revolution he had begun the practice of law in new york, and had married the widow of a british army officer; entering politics, he became in turn a member of the state assembly, attorney-general, and united states senator. but a mere enumeration of such details does not tell the story of burr's life and character. interwoven with the strands of his public career is a bewildering succession of intrigues and adventures in which women have a conspicuous part, for burr was a fascinating man and disarmed distrust by avoiding any false assumption of virtue. his marriage, however, proved happy. he adored his wife and fairly worshiped his strikingly beautiful daughter theodosia. burr throve in the atmosphere of intrigue. new york politics afforded his proper milieu. how he ingratiated himself with politicians of high and low degree; how he unlocked the doors to political preferment; how he became one of the first bosses of the city of new york; how he combined public service with private interest; how he organized the voters--no documents disclose. only now and then the enveloping fog lifts, as, for example, during the memorable election of 1800, when the ignorant voters of the seventh ward, duly drilled and marshaled, carried the city for the republicans, and not even colonel hamilton, riding on his white horse from precinct to precinct, could stay the rout. that election carried new york for jefferson and made burr the logical candidate of the party for vice-president. these political strokes betoken a brilliant if not always a steady and reliable mind. burr, it must be said, was not trusted even by his political associates. it is significant that washington, a keen judge of men, refused to appoint burr as minister to france to succeed morris because he was not convinced of his integrity. and jefferson shared these misgivings, though the exigencies of politics made him dissemble his feelings. it is significant, also, that burr was always surrounded by men of more than doubtful intentions--place-hunters and self-seeking politicians, who had the gambler's instinct. as vice-president, burr could not hope to exert much influence upon the administration, since the office in itself conferred little power and did not even, according to custom, make him a member of the cabinet; but as republican boss of new york who had done more than any one man to secure the election of the ticket in 1800, he might reasonably expect jefferson and his virginia associates to treat him with consideration in the distribution of patronage. to his intense chagrin, he was ignored; not only ignored but discredited, for jefferson deliberately allied himself with the clintons and the livingstons, the rival factions in new york which were bent upon driving burr from the party. this treatment filled burr's heart with malice; but he nursed his wounds in secret and bided his time. realizing that he was politically bankrupt, burr made a hazard of new fortunes in 1804 by offering himself as candidate for governor of new york, an office then held by george clinton. early in the year he had a remarkable interview with jefferson in which he observed that it was for the interest of the party for him to retire, but that his retirement under existing circumstances would be thought discreditable. he asked "some mark of favor from me," jefferson wrote in his journal, "which would declare to the world that he retired with my confidence"--an executive appointment, in short. this was tantamount to an offer of peace or war. jefferson declined to gratify him, and burr then began an intrigue with the federalist leaders of new england. the rise of a republican party of challenging strength in new england cast federalist leaders into the deepest gloom. already troubled by the annexation of louisiana, which seemed to them to imperil the ascendancy of new england in the union, they now saw their own ascendancy in new england imperiled. under the depression of impending disaster, men like senator timothy pickering of massachusetts and roger griswold of connecticut broached to their new england friends the possibility of a withdrawal from the union and the formation of a northern confederacy. as the confederacy shaped itself in pickering's imagination, it would of necessity include new york; and the chaotic conditions in new york politics at this time invited intrigue. when, therefore, a group of burr's friends in the legislature named him as their candidate for governor, pickering and griswold seized the moment to approach him with their treasonable plans. they gave him to understand that as governor of new york he would naturally hold a strategic position and could, if he would, take the lead in the secession of the northern states. federalist support could be given to him in the approaching election. they would be glad to know his views. but the shifty burr would not commit himself further than to promise a satisfactory administration. though the federalist intriguers would have been glad of more explicit assurances they counted on his vengeful temper and hatred of the virginia domination at washington to make him a pliable tool. they were willing to commit the party openly to burr and trust to events to bind him to their cause. against this mad intrigue one clear-headed individual resolutely set himself--not wholly from disinterested motives. alexander hamilton had good reason to know burr. he declared in private conversation, and the remark speedily became public property, that he looked upon burr as a dangerous man who ought not to be trusted with the reins of government. he pleaded with new york federalists not to commit the fatal blunder of endorsing burr in caucus, and he finally won his point; but he could not prevent his partisans from supporting burr at the polls. the defeat of burr dashed the hopes of the federalists of new england; the bubble of a northern confederacy vanished. it dashed also burr's personal ambitions: he could no longer hope for political rehabilitation in new york. and the man who a second time had crossed his path and thwarted his purposes was his old rival, alexander hamilton. it is said that burr was not naturally vindictive: perhaps no man is naturally vindictive. certain it is that bitter disappointment had now made burr what hamilton had called him--"a dangerous man." he took the common course of men of honor at this time; he demanded prompt and unqualified acknowledgment or denial of the expression. well aware of what lay behind this demand, hamilton replied deliberately with half-conciliatory words, but he ended with the usual words of those prepared to accept a challenge, "i can only regret the circumstance, and must abide the consequences." a challenge followed. we are told that hamilton accepted to save his political leadership and influence--strange illusion in one so gifted! yet public opinion had not yet condemned dueling, and men must be judged against the background of their times. on a summer morning (july 11, 1804) burr and hamilton crossed the hudson to weehawken and there faced each other for the last time. hamilton withheld his fire; burr aimed with murderous intent, and hamilton fell mortally wounded. the shot from burr's pistol long reverberated. it woke public conscience to the horror and uselessness of dueling, and left burr an outlaw from respectable society, stunned by the recoil, and under indictment for murder. only in the south and west did men treat the incident lightly as an affair of honor. the political career of burr was now closed. when he again met the senate face to face, he had been dropped by his own party in favor of george clinton, to whom he surrendered the vice-presidency on march 5, 1805. his farewell address is described as one of the most affecting ever spoken in the senate. describing the scene to his daughter, burr said that tears flowed abundantly, but burr must have described what he wished to see. american politicians are not homeric heroes, who weep on slight provocation; and any inclination to pity burr must have been inhibited by the knowledge that he had made himself the rallying-point of every dubious intrigue at the capital. the list of burr's intimates included jonathan dayton, whose term as senator had just ended, and who, like burr, sought means of promoting his fortunes, john smith, senator from ohio, the notorious swartwouts of new york who were attached to burr as gangsters to their chief, and general james wilkinson, governor of the northern territory carved out of louisiana and commander of the western army with headquarters at st. louis. wilkinson had a long record of duplicity, which was suspected but never proved by his contemporaries. there was hardly a dubious episode from the revolution to this date with which he had not been connected. he was implicated in the conway cabal against washington; he was active in the separatist movement in kentucky during the confederation; he entered into an irregular commercial agreement with the spanish authorities at new orleans; he was suspected--and rightly, as documents recently unearthed in spain prove--of having taken an oath of allegiance to spain and of being in the pay of spain; he was also suspected--and justly--of using his influence to bring about a separation of the western states from the union; yet in 1791 he was given a lieutenant-colonel's commission in the regular army and served under st. clair in the northwest, and again as a brigadier-general under wayne. even here the atmosphere of intrigue enveloped him, and he was accused of inciting discontent among the kentucky troops and of trying to supplant wayne. when commissioners were trying to run the southern boundary in accordance with the treaty of 1795 with spain, wilkinson--still a pensioner of spain, as documents prove--attempted to delay the survey. in the light of these revelations, wilkinson appears as an unscrupulous adventurer whose thirst for lucre made him willing to betray either master--the spaniard who pensioned him or the american who gave him his command. in the spring of 1805 burr made a leisurely journey across the mountains, by way of pittsburgh, to new orleans, where he had friends and personal followers. the secretary of the territory was one of his henchmen; a justice of the superior court was his stepson; the creole petitionists who had come to washington to secure self-government had been cordially received by burr and had a lively sense of gratitude. on his way down the ohio, burr landed at blennerhassett's island, where an eccentric irishman of that name owned an estate. harman blennerhassett was to rue the day that he entertained this fascinating guest. at cincinnati he was the guest of senator smith, and there he also met dayton. at nashville he visited general andrew jackson, who was thrilled with the prospect of war with spain; at fort massac he spent four days in close conference with general wilkinson; and at new orleans he consorted with daniel clark, a rich merchant and the most uncompromising opponent of governor claiborne, and with members of the mexican association and every would-be adventurer and filibuster. in november, burr was again in washington. what was the purpose of this journey and what did it accomplish? it is far easier to tell what burr did after this mysterious western expedition than what he planned to do. there is danger of reading too great consistency into his designs. at one moment, if we may believe anthony merry, the british minister, who lent an ear to burr's proposals, he was plotting a revolution which should separate the western states from the union. to accomplish this design he needed british funds and a british naval force. jonathan dayton revealed to yrujo much the same plot--which he thought was worth thirty or forty thousand dollars to the spanish government. to such urgent necessity for funds were the conspirators driven. but dayton added further details to the story which may have been intended only to intimidate yrujo. the revolution effected by british aid, said dayton gravely, an expedition would be undertaken against mexico. subsequently dayton unfolded a still more remarkable tale. burr had been disappointed in the expectation of british aid, and he was now bent upon "an almost insane plan," which was nothing less than the seizure of the government at washington. with the government funds thus obtained, and with the necessary frigates, the conspirators would sail for new orleans and proclaim the independence of louisiana and the western states. the kernel of truth in these accounts is not easily separated from the chaff. the supposition that burr seriously contemplated a separation of the western states from the union may be dismissed from consideration. the loyalty of the mississippi valley at this time is beyond question; and burr was too keen an observer not to recognize the temper of the people with whom he sojourned. but there is reason to believe that he and his confederates may have planned an enterprise against mexico, for such a project was quite to the taste of westerners who hated spain as ardently as they loved the union. circumstances favored a filibustering expedition. the president's bellicose message of december had prepared the people of the mississippi valley for war; the spanish plotters had been expelled from louisiana; spanish forces had crossed the sabine; american troops had been sent to repel them if need be; the south american revolutionist miranda had sailed, with vessels fitted out in new york, to start a revolt against spanish rule in caracas; every revolutionist in new orleans was on the qui vive. what better time could there be to launch a filibustering expedition against mexico? if it succeeded and a republic were established, the american government might be expected to recognize a fait accompli. the success of burr's plans, whatever they may have been, depended on his procuring funds; and it was doubtless the hope of extracting aid from blennerhassett that drew him to the island in midsummer of 1806. burr was accompanied by his daughter theodosia and her husband, joseph alston, a wealthy south carolina planter, who was either the dupe or the accomplice of burr. together they persuaded the credulous irishman to purchase a tract of land on the washita river in the heart of louisiana, which would ultimately net him a profit of a million dollars when louisiana became an independent state with burr as ruler and england as protector. they even assured blennerhassett that he should go as minister to england. he was so dazzled at the prospect that he not only made the initial payment for the lands, but advanced all his property for burr's use on receiving a guaranty from alston. having landed his fish, burr set off down the river to visit general jackson at nashville and to procure boats and supplies for his expedition. meanwhile, theodosia--the brilliant, fascinating theodosia--and her husband played the game at blennerhassett's island. blennerhassett's head was completely turned. he babbled most indiscreetly about the approaching coup d'etat. colonel burr would be king of mexico, he told his gardener, and mrs. alston would be queen when colonel burr died. who could resist the charms of this young princess? blennerhassett and his wife were impatient to exchange their little isle for marble halls in far away mexico. but all was not going well with the future emperor of mexico. ugly rumors were afloat. the active preparations at blennerhassett's island, the building of boats at various points along the river, the enlistment of recruits, coupled with hints of secession, disturbed such loyal citizens as the district-attorney at frankfort, kentucky. he took it upon himself to warn the president, and then, in open court, charged burr with violating the laws of the united states by setting on foot a military expedition against mexico and with inciting citizens to rebellion in the western states. but at the meeting of the grand jury burr appeared surrounded by his friends and with young henry clay for counsel. the grand jury refused to indict him and he left the court in triumph. some weeks later the district-attorney renewed his motion; but again burr was discharged by the grand jury, amid popular applause. enthusiastic admirers in frankfort even gave a ball in his honor. notwithstanding these warnings of conspiracy, president jefferson exhibited a singular indifference and composure. to all alarmists he made the same reply. the people of the west were loyal and could be trusted. it was not until disquieting and ambiguous messages from wilkinson reached washington-disquieting because ambiguous--that the president was persuaded to act. on the 27th of november, he issued a proclamation warning all good citizens that sundry persons were conspiring against spain and enjoining all federal officers to apprehend those engaged in the unlawful enterprise. the appearance of this proclamation at nashville should have led to burr's arrest, for he was still detained there; but mysterious influences seemed to paralyze the arm of the government. on the 22d of december, burr set off, with two boats which jackson had built and some supplies, down the cumberland. at the mouth of the river, he joined forces with blennerhassett, who had left his island in haste just as the ohio militia was about to descend upon him. the combined strength of the flotilla was nine bateaux carrying less than sixty men. there was still time to intercept the expedition at fort massac, but again delays that have never been explained prevented the president's proclamation from arriving in time; and burr's little fleet floated peacefully by down stream. the scene now shifts to the lower mississippi, and the heavy villain of the melodrama appears on the stage in the uniform of a united states military officer--general james wilkinson. he had been under orders since may 6, 1806, to repair to the territory of orleans with as little delay as possible and to repel any invasion east of the river sabine; but it was now september and he had only just reached natchitoches, where the american volunteers and militiamen from louisiana and mississippi were concentrating. much water had flowed under the bridge since aaron burr visited new orleans. after president jefferson's bellicose message of the previous december, war with spain seemed inevitable. and when spanish troops crossed the sabine in july and took up their post only seventeen miles from natchitoches, western americans awaited only the word to begin hostilities. the orleans gazette declared that the time to repel spanish aggression had come. the enemy must be driven beyond the sabine. "the route from natchitoches to mexico is clear, plain, and open." the occasion was at hand "for conferring on our oppressed spanish brethren in mexico those inestimable blessings of freedom which we ourselves enjoy." "gallant louisianians! now is the time to distinguish yourselves .... should the generous efforts of our government to establish a free, independent republican empire in mexico be successful, how fortunate, how enviable would be the situation in new orleans!" the editor who sounded this clarion call was a coadjutor of burr. on the flood tide of a popular war against spain, they proposed to float their own expedition. much depended on general wilkinson; but he had already written privately of subverting the spanish government in mexico, and carrying "our conquests to california and the isthmus of darien." with much swagger and braggadocio, wilkinson advanced to the center of the stage. he would drive the spaniards over the sabine, though they outnumbered him three to one. "i believe, my friend," he wrote, "i shall be obliged to fight and to flog them." magnificent stage thunder. but to wilkinson's chagrin the spaniards withdrew of their own accord. not a spaniard remained to contest his advance to the border. yet, oddly enough, he remained idle in camp. why? some two weeks later, an emissary appeared at natchitoches with a letter from burr dated the 29th of july, in cipher. what this letter may have originally contained will probably never be known, for only wilkinson's version survives, and that underwent frequent revision.* it is quite as remarkable for its omissions as for anything that it contains. in it there is no mention of a western uprising nor of a revolution in new orleans; but only the intimation that an attack is to be made upon spanish possessions, presumably mexico, with possibly baton rouge as the immediate objective. whether or no this letter changed wilkinson's plan, we can only conjecture. certain it is, however, that about this time wilkinson determined to denounce burr and his associates and to play a double game, posing on the one hand as the savior of his country and on the other as a secret friend to spain. after some hesitation he wrote to president jefferson warning him in general terms of an expedition preparing against vera cruz but omitting all mention of burr. subsequently he wrote a confidential letter about this "deep, dark, and widespread conspiracy" which enmeshed all classes and conditions in new orleans and might bring seven thousand men from the ohio. the contents of burr's mysterious letter were to be communicated orally to the president by the messenger who bore this precious warning. it was on the strength of these communications that the president issued his proclamation of the 27th of november. * what is usually accepted as the correct version is printed by mccaleb in his "aaron burr conspiracy," pp. 74 and 75, and by henry adams in his "history of the united states," vol. iii, pp. 253-4. while wilkinson was inditing these misleading missives to the president, he was preparing the way for his entry at new orleans. to the perplexed and alarmed governor he wrote: "you are surrounded by dangers of which you dream not, and the destruction of the american government is seriously menaced. the storm will probably burst in new orleans, where i shall meet it, and triumph or perish!" just five days later he wrote a letter to the viceroy of mexico which proves him beyond doubt the most contemptible rascal who ever wore an american uniform. "a storm, a revolutionary tempest, an infernal plot threatens the destruction of the empire," he wrote; the first object of attack would be new orleans, then vera cruz, then mexico city; scenes of violence and pillage would follow; let his excellency be on his guard. to ward off these calamities, "i will hurl myself like a leonidas into the breach." but let his excellency remember what risks the writer of this letter incurs, "by offering without orders this communication to a foreign power," and let him reimburse the bearer of this letter to the amount of 121,000 pesos which will be spent to shatter the plans of these bandits from the ohio. the arrival of wilkinson in new orleans was awaited by friends and foes, with bated breath. the conspirators had as yet no intimation of his intentions: governor claiborne was torn by suspicion of this would-be savior, for at the very time he was reading wilkinson's gasconade he received a cryptic letter from andrew jackson which ran, "keep a watchful eye on our general and beware of an attack as well from your own country as spain!" if claiborne could not trust "our general," whom could he trust! the stage was now set for the last act in the drama. wilkinson arrived in the city, deliberately set claiborne aside, and established a species of martial law, not without opposition. to justify his course wilkinson swore to an affidavit based on burr's letter of the 29th of july and proceeded with his arbitrary arrests. one by one burr's confederates were taken into custody. the city was kept in a state of alarm; burr's armed thousands were said to be on the way; the negroes were to be incited to revolt. only the actual appearance of burr's expedition or some extraordinary happening could maintain this high pitch of popular excitement and save wilkinson from becoming the ridiculous victim of his own folly. on the 10th of january (1807), after an uneventful voyage down the mississippi, burr's flotilla reached the mouth of bayou pierre, some thirty miles above natchez. here at length was the huge armada which was to shatter the union--nine boats and sixty men! tension began to give way. people began to recover their sense of humor. wilkinson was never in greater danger in his life, for he was about to appear ridiculous. it was at bayou pierre that burr going ashore learned that wilkinson had betrayed him. his first instinct was to flee, for if he should proceed to new orleans he would fall into wilkinson's hands and doubtless be court-martialed and shot; but if he tarried, he would be arrested and sent to washington. indecision and despair seized him; and while blennerhassett and other devoted followers waited for their emperor to declare his intention, he found himself facing the acting-governor of the mississippi territory with a warrant for his arrest. to the chagrin of his fellow conspirators, burr surrendered tamely, even pusillanimously. the end of the drama was near at hand. burr was brought before a grand jury, and though he once more escaped indictment, he was put under bonds, quite illegally he thought, to appear when summoned. on the 1st of february he abandoned his followers to the tender mercies of the law and fled in disguise into the wilderness. a month later he was arrested near the spanish border above mobile by lieutenant gaines, in command at fort stoddert, and taken to richmond. the trial that followed did not prove burr's guilt, but it did prove thomas jefferson's credulity and cast grave doubts on james wilkinson's loyalty.* burr was acquitted of the charge of treason in court, but he remained under popular indictment, and his memory has never been wholly cleared of the suspicion of treason. * an account of the trial of burr will be found in "john marshall and the constitution" by edward s. corwin, in "the chronicles of america". chapter vii. an abuse of hospitality while captain bainbridge was eating his heart out in the pasha's prison at tripoli, his thoughts reverting constantly to his lost frigate, he reminded commodore preble, with whom he was allowed to correspond, that "the greater part of our crew consists of english subjects not naturalized in america." this incidental remark comes with all the force of a revelation to those who have fondly imagined that the sturdy jack-tars who manned the first frigates were genuine american sea-dogs. still more disconcerting is the information contained in a letter from the secretary of the treasury to president jefferson, some years later, to the effect that after 1803 american tonnage increased at the rate of seventy thousand a year, but that of the four thousand seamen required to man this growing mercantile marine, fully one-half were british subjects, presumably deserters. how are these uncomfortable facts to be explained? let a third piece of information be added. in a report of admiral nelson, dated 1803, in which he broaches a plan for manning the british navy, it is soberly stated that forty-two thousand british seamen deserted "in the late war." whenever a large convoy assembled at portsmouth, added the admiral, not less than a thousand seamen usually deserted from the navy. the slightest acquaintance with the british navy when nelson was winning immortal glory by his victory at trafalgar must convince the most sceptical that his seamen for the most part were little better than galley slaves. life on board these frigates was well-nigh unbearable. the average life of a seaman, nelson reckoned, was forty-five years. in this age before processes of refrigeration had been invented, food could not be kept edible on long voyages, even in merchantmen. still worse was the fare on men-of-war. the health of a crew was left to providence. little or no forethought was exercised to prevent disease; the commonest matters of personal hygiene were neglected; and when disease came the remedies applied were scarcely to be preferred to the disease. discipline, always brutal, was symbolized by the cat-o'-nine-tails. small wonder that the navy was avoided like the plague by every man and seaman. yet a navy had to be maintained: it was the cornerstone of the empire. and in all the history of that empire the need of a navy was never stronger than in these opening years of the nineteenth century. the practice of impressing able men for the royal navy was as old as the reign of elizabeth. the press gang was an odious institution of long standing--a terror not only to rogue and vagabond but to every able-bodied seafaring man and waterman on rivers, who was not exempted by some special act. it ransacked the prisons, and carried to the navy not only its victims but the germs of fever which infested public places of detention. but the press gang harvested its greatest crop of seamen on the seas. merchantmen were stopped at sea, robbed of their able sailors, and left to limp short-handed into port. a british east indiaman homeward bound in 1802 was stripped of so many of her crew in the bay of biscay that she was unable to offer resistance to a french privateer and fell a rich victim into the hands of the enemy. the necessity of the royal navy knew no law and often defeated its own purpose. death or desertion offered the only way of escape to the victim of the press gang. and the commander of a british frigate dreaded making port almost as much as an epidemic of typhus. the deserter always found american merchantmen ready to harbor him. fair wages, relatively comfortable quarters, and decent treatment made him quite ready to take any measures to forswear his allegiance to britannia. naturalization papers were easily procured by a few months' residence in any state of the union; and in default of legitimate papers, certificates of citizenship could be bought for a song in any american seaport, where shysters drove a thrifty traffic in bogus documents. provided the english navy took the precaution to have the description in his certificate tally with his personal appearance, and did not let his tongue betray him, he was reasonably safe from capture. facing the palpable fact that british seamen were deserting just when they were most needed and were making american merchantmen and frigates their asylum, the british naval commanders, with no very nice regard for legal distinctions, extended their search for deserters to the decks of american vessels, whether in british waters or on the high seas. if in time of war, they reasoned, they could stop a neutral ship on the high seas, search her for contraband of war, and condemn ship and cargo in a prize court if carrying contraband, why might they not by the same token search a vessel for british deserters and impress them into service again? two considerations seem to justify this reasoning: the trickiness of the smart yankees who forged citizenship papers, and the indelible character of british allegiance. once an englishman always an englishman, by jove! your hound of a sea-dog might try to talk through his nose like a yankee, you know, and he might shove a dirty bit of paper at you, but he couldn't shake off his british citizenship if he wanted to! this was good english law, and if it wasn't recognized by other nations so much the worse for them. as one of these redoubtable british captains put it, years later: "'might makes right' is the guiding, practical maxim among nations and ever will be, so long as powder and shot exist, with money to back them, and energy to wield them." of course, there were hair-splitting fellows, plenty of them, in england and the states, who told you that it was one thing to seize a vessel carrying contraband and have her condemned by judicial process in a court of admiralty, and quite another thing to carry british subjects off the decks of a merchantman flying a neutral flag; but if you knew the blasted rascals were deserters what difference did it make? besides, what would become of the british navy, if you listened to all the fine-spun arguments of landsmen? and if these stalwart blue-water britishers could have read what thomas jefferson was writing at this very time, they would have classed him with the armchair critics who had no proper conception of a sailor's duty. "i hold the right of expatriation," wrote the president, "to be inherent in every man by the laws of nature, and incapable of being rightfully taken away from him even by the united will of every other person in the nation." in the year 1805, while president jefferson was still the victim of his overmastering passion, and disposed to cultivate the good will of england, if thereby he might obtain the floridas, unforeseen commercial complications arose which not only blocked the way to a better understanding in spanish affairs but strained diplomatic relations to the breaking point. news reached atlantic seaports that american merchantmen, which had hitherto engaged with impunity in the carrying trade between europe and the west indies, had been seized and condemned in british admiralty courts. every american shipmaster and owner at once lifted up his voice in indignant protest; and all the latent hostility to their old enemy revived. here were new orders-in-council, said they: the leopard cannot change his spots. england is still england--the implacable enemy of neutral shipping. "never will neutrals be perfectly safe till free goods make free ships or till england loses two or three great naval battles," declared the salem register. the recent seizures were not made by orders-in-council, however, but in accordance with a decision recently handed down by the court of appeals in the case of the ship essex. following a practice which had become common in recent years, the essex had sailed with a cargo from barcelona to salem and thence to havana. on the high seas she had been captured, and then taken to a british port, where ship and cargo were condemned because the voyage from spain to her colony had been virtually continuous, and by the so-called rule of 1756, direct trade between a european state and its colony was forbidden to neutrals in time of war when such trade had not been permitted in time of peace. hitherto, the british courts had inclined to the view that when goods had been landed in a neutral country and duties paid, the voyage had been broken. tacitly a trade that was virtually direct had been countenanced, because the payment of duties seemed evidence enough that the cargo became a part of the stock of the neutral country and, if reshipped, was then a bona fide neutral cargo. suddenly english merchants and shippers woke to the fact that they were often victims of deception. cargoes would be landed in the united states, duties ostensibly paid, and the goods ostensibly imported, only to be reshipped in the same bottoms, with the connivance of port officials, either without paying any real duties or with drawbacks. in the case of the essex the court of appeals cut directly athwart these practices by going behind the prima facie payment and inquiring into the intent of the voyage. the mere touching at a port without actually importing the cargo into the common stock of the country did not alter the nature of the voyage. the crucial point was the intent, which the court was now and hereafter determined to ascertain by examination of facts. the court reached the indubitable conclusion that the cargo of the essex had never been intended for american markets. the open-minded historian must admit that this was a fair application of the rule of 1756, but he may still challenge the validity of the rule, as all neutral countries did, and the wisdom of the monopolistic impulse which moved the commercial classes and the courts of england to this decision.* * professor william e. lingelbach in a notable article on "england and neutral trade" in "the military historian and economist" (april, 1917) has pointed out the error committed by almost every historian from henry adams down, that the essex decision reversed previous rulings of the court and was not in accord with british law. had the impressment of seamen and the spoliation of neutral commerce occurred only on the high seas, public resentment would have mounted to a high pitch in the united states; but when british cruisers ran into american waters to capture or burn french vessels, and when british men-of-war blockaded ports, detaining and searching--and at times capturing--american vessels, indignation rose to fever heat. the blockade of new york harbor by two british frigates, the cambrian and the leander, exasperated merchants beyond measure. on board the leander was a young midshipman, basil hall, who in after years described the activities of this execrated frigate. "every morning at daybreak, we set about arresting the progress of all the vessels we saw, firing of guns to the right and left to make every ship that was running in heave to, or wait until we had leisure to send a boat on board 'to see,â¹ in our lingo, 'what she was made of.' i have frequently known a dozen, and sometimes a couple of dozen, ships lying a league or two off the port, losing their fair wind, their tide, and worse than all their market, for many hours, sometimes the whole day, before our search was completed."* * "fragments of voyages and travels," quoted by henry adams, in "history of the united states", vol. iii, p. 92. one day in april, 1806, the leander, trying to halt a merchantman that she meant to search, fired a shot which killed the helmsman of a passing sloop. the boat sailed on to new york with the mangled body; and the captain, brother of the murdered man, lashed the populace into a rage by his mad words. supplies for the frigates were intercepted, personal violence was threatened to any british officers caught on shore, the captain of the leander was indicted for murder, and the funeral of the murdered sailor was turned into a public demonstration. yet nothing came of this incident, beyond a proclamation by the president closing the ports of the united states to the offending frigates and ordering the arrest of the captain of the leander wherever found. after all, the death of a common seaman did not fire the hearts of farmers peacefully tilling their fields far beyond hearing of the leander's guns. a year full of troublesome happenings passed; scores of american vessels were condemned in british admiralty courts, and american seamen were impressed with increasing frequency, until in the early summer of 1807 these manifold grievances culminated in an outrage that shook even jefferson out of his composure and evoked a passionate outcry for war from all parts of the country. while a number of british war vessels were lying in hampton roads watching for certain french frigates which had taken refuge up chesapeake bay, they lost a number of seamen by desertion under peculiarly annoying circumstances. in one instance a whole boat's crew made off under cover of night to norfolk and there publicly defied their commander. three deserters from the british frigate melampus had enlisted on the american frigate chesapeake, which had just been fitted out for service in the mediterranean; but on inquiry these three were proven to be native americans who had been impressed into british service. unfortunately inquiry did disclose one british deserter who had enlisted on the chesapeake, a loud-mouthed tar by the name of jenkin ratford. these irritating facts stirred admiral berkeley at halifax to highhanded measures. without waiting for instructions, he issued an order to all commanders in the north atlantic squadron to search the chesapeake for deserters, if she should be encountered on the high seas. this order of the 1st of june should be shown to the captain of the chesapeake as sufficient authority for searching her. on june 22, 1807, the chesapeake passed unsuspecting between the capes on her way to the mediterranean. she was a stanch frigate carrying forty guns and a crew of 375 men and boys; but she was at this time in a distressing state of unreadiness, owing to the dilatoriness and incompetence of the naval authorities at washington. the gundeck was littered with lumber and odds and ends of rigging; the guns, though loaded, were not all fitted to their carriages; and the crew was untrained. as the guns had to be fired by slow matches or by loggerheads heated red-hot, and the ammunition was stored in the magazine, the frigate was totally unprepared for action. commodore barron, who commanded the chesapeake, counted on putting her into fighting trim on the long voyage across the atlantic. just ahead of the chesapeake as she passed out to sea, was the leopard, a british frigate of fifty-two guns, which was apparently on the lookout for suspicious merchantmen. it was not until both vessels were eight miles or more southeast of cape henry that the movements of the leopard began to attract attention. at about half-past three in the afternoon she came within hailing distance and hove to, announcing that she had dispatches for the commander. the chesapeake also hove to and answered the hail, a risky move considering that she was unprepared for action and that the leopard lay to the windward. but why should the commander of the american frigate have entertained suspicions? a boat put out from the leopard, bearing a petty officer, who delivered a note enclosing admiral berkeley's order and expressing the hope that "every circumstance... may be adjusted in a manner that the harmony subsisting between the two countries may remain undisturbed." commodore barron replied that he knew of no british deserters on his vessel and declined in courteous terms to permit his crew to be mustered by any other officers but their own. the messenger departed, and then, for the first time entertaining serious misgivings, commodore barron ordered his decks cleared for action. but before the crew could bestir themselves, the leopard drew near, her men at quarters. the british commander shouted a warning, but barron, now thoroughly alarmed, replied, "i don't hear what you say." the warning was repeated, but again barron to gain time shouted that he could not hear. the leopard then fired two shots across the bow of the chesapeake, and almost immediately without parleying further--she was now within two hundred feet of her victim--poured a broadside into the american vessel. confusion reigned on the chesapeake. the crew for the most part showed courage, but they were helpless, for they could not fire a gun for want of slow matches or loggerheads. they crowded about the magazine clamoring in vain for a chance to defend the vessel; they yelled with rage at their predicament. only one gun was discharged and that was by means of a live coal brought up from the galley after the chesapeake had received a third broadside and commodore barron had ordered the flag to be hauled down to spare further slaughter. three of his crew had already been killed and eighteen wounded, himself among the number. the whole action lasted only fifteen minutes. boarding crews now approached and several british officers climbed to the deck of the chesapeake and mustered her crew. among the ship's company they found the alleged deserters and, hiding in the coal-hole, the notorious jenkin ratford. these four men they took with them, and the leopard, having fulfilled her instructions, now suffered the chesapeake to limp back to hampton roads. "for the first time in their history," writes henry adams, * "the people of the united states learned, in june, 1807, the feeling of a true national emotion. hitherto every public passion had been more or less partial and one-sided;... but the outrage committed on the chesapeake stung through hidebound prejudices, and made democrat and aristocrat writhe alike." * history of the united states, vol. iv, p. 27. had president jefferson chosen to go to war at this moment, he would have had a united people behind him, and he was well aware that he possessed the power of choice. "the affair of the chesapeake put war into my hand," he wrote some years later. "i had only to open it and let havoc loose." but thomas jefferson was not a martial character. the state governors, to be sure, were requested to have their militia in readiness, and the governor of virginia was desired to call such companies into service as were needed for the defense of norfolk. the president referred in indignant terms to the abuse of the laws of hospitality and the "outrage" committed by the british commander; but his proclamation only ordered all british armed vessels out of american waters and forbade all intercourse with them if they remained. the tone of the proclamation was so moderate as to seem pusillanimous. john randolph called it an apology. thomas jefferson did not mean to have war. with that extraordinary confidence in his own powers, which in smaller men would be called smug conceit, he believed that he could secure disavowal and honorable reparation for the wrong committed; but he chose a frail intermediary when he committed this delicate mission to james monroe. chapter viii. the pacifists of 1807 it is one of the strange paradoxes of our time that the author of the declaration of independence, to whose principle of self-determination the world seems again to be turning, should now be regarded as a self-confessed pacifist, with all the derogatory implications that lurk in that epithet. the circumstances which made him a revolutionist in 1776 and a passionate advocate of peace in 1807 deserve some consideration. the charge made by contemporaries of jefferson that his aversion to war sprang from personal cowardice may be dismissed at once, as it was by him, with contempt. nor was his hatred of war merely an instinctive abhorrence of bloodshed. he had not hesitated to wage naval war on the barbary corsairs. it is true that he was temperamentally averse to the use of force under ordinary circumstances. he did not belong to that type of full-blooded men who find self-expression in adventurous activity. mere physical effort without conscious purpose never appealed to him. he was at the opposite pole of life from a man like aaron burr. he never, so far as history records, had an affair of honor; he never fought a duel; he never performed active military service; he never took human life. yet he was not a non-resistant. "my hope of preserving peace for our country," he wrote on one occasion, "is not founded in the quaker principle of nonresistance under every wrong." the true sources of jefferson's pacifism must be sought in his rationalistic philosophy, which accorded the widest scope to the principle of self-direction and self determination, whether on the part of the individual or of groups of individuals. to impose one's will upon another was to enslave, according to his notion; to coerce by war was to enslave a community; and to enslave a community was to provoke revolution. jefferson's thought gravitated inevitably to the center of his rational universe--to the principle of enlightened self-interest. men and women are not to be permanently moved by force but by appeals to their interests. he completed his thought as follows in the letter already quoted: "but [my hope of preserving peace is founded] in the belief that a just and friendly conduct on our part will procure justice and friendship from others. in the existing contest, each of the combatants will find an interest in our friendship." it was a chaotic world in which this philosopher-statesman was called upon to act--a world in which international law and neutral rights had been well-nigh submerged in twelve years of almost continuous war. yet with amazing self-assurance president jefferson believed that he held in his hand a master-key which would unlock all doors that had been shut to the commerce of neutrals. he called this master-key "peaceable coercion," and he explained its magic potency in this wise: "our commerce is so valuable to them [the european belligerents] that they will be glad to purchase it when the only price we ask is to do us justice. i believe that we have in our hands the means of peaceable coercion; and that the moment they see our government so united as that they can make use of it, they will for their own interest be disposed to do us justice." the idea of using commercial restrictions as a weapon to secure recognition of rights was of course not original with jefferson, but it was now to be given a trial without parallel in the history of the nation. non-importation agreements had proved efficacious in the struggle of the colonies with the mother country; it seemed not unreasonable to suppose that a well-sustained refusal to traffic in english goods would meet the emergency of 1807, when the ruling of british admiralty courts threatened to cut off the lucrative commerce between europe and the west indies. with this theory in view, the president and his secretary of state advocated the nonimportation bill of april 18, 1806, which forbade the entry of certain specified goods of british manufacture. the opposition found a leader in randolph, who now broke once and for all with the administration. "never in the course of my life," he exclaimed, "have i witnessed such a scene of indignity and inefficiency as this measure holds forth to the world. what is it? a milk-and-water bill! a dose of chicken-broth to be taken nine months hence!... it is too contemptible to be the object of consideration, or to excite the feelings of the pettiest state in europe." the administration carried the bill through congress, but randolph had the satisfaction of seeing his characterisation of the measure amply justified by the course of events. with the non-importation act as a weapon, the president was confident that monroe, who had once more returned to his post in london, could force a settlement of all outstanding differences with great britain. to his annoyance, and to monroe's chagrin, however, he was obliged to send a special envoy to act with monroe. factious opposition in the senate forced the president to placate the federalists by appointing william pinkney of maryland. the american commissioners were instructed to insist upon three concessions in the treaty which they were to negotiate: restoration of trade with enemies' colonies, indemnity for captures made since the essex decision, and express repudiation of the right of impressment. in return for these concessions, they might hold out the possible repeal of the non-importation act! only confirmed optimists could believe that the mistress of the seas, flushed with the victory of trafalgar, would consent to yield these points for so slight a compensation. the mission was, indeed, doomed from the outset, and nothing more need be said of it than that in the end, to secure any treaty at all, monroe and pinkney broke their instructions and set aside the three ultimata. what they obtained in return seemed so insignificant and doubtful, and what they paid for even these slender compensations seemed so exorbitant, that the president would not even submit the treaty to the senate. the first application of the theory of peaceable coercion thus ended in humiliating failure. jefferson thought it best "to let the negotiation take a friendly nap"; but madison, who felt that his political future depended on a diplomatic triumph over england, drafted new instructions for the two commissioners, hoping that the treaty might yet be put into acceptable form. it was while these new instructions were crossing the ocean that the chesapeake struck her colors. james monroe is one of the most unlucky diplomats in american history. from those early days when he had received the fraternal embraces of the jacobins in paris and had been recalled by president washington, to the ill-fated spanish mission, circumstances seem to have conspired against him. the honor of negotiating the purchase of louisiana should have been his alone, but he arrived just a day too late and was obliged to divide the glory with livingston. on this mission to england he was not permitted to conduct negotiations alone but was associated with william pinkney, a federalist. no wonder he suspected madison, or at least madison's friends, of wishing to discredit him. and now another impossible task was laid upon him. he was instructed to demand not only disavowal and reparation for the attack on the chesapeake and the restoration of the american seamen, but also as "an indispensable part of the satisfaction" "an entire abolition of impressments." if the secretary of state had deliberately contrived to deliver monroe into the hands of george canning, he could not have been more successful, for monroe had already protested against the chesapeake outrage as an act of aggression which should be promptly disavowed without reference to the larger question of impressment. he was now obliged to eat his own words and inject into the discussion, as canning put it, the irrelevant matters which they had agreed to separate from the present controversy. canning was quick to see his opportunity. mr. monroe must be aware, said he, that on several recent occasions his majesty had firmly declined to waive "the ancient and prescriptive usages of great britain, founded on the soundest principles of natural law," simply because they might come in contact with the interests or the feelings of the american people. if mr. monroe's instructions left him powerless to adjust this regrettable incident of the leopard and the chesapeake, without raising the other question of the right of search and impressment, then his majesty could only send a special envoy to the united states to terminate the controversy in a manner satisfactory to both countries. "but," added canning with sarcasm which was not lost on monroe, "in order to avoid the inconvenience which has arisen from the mixed nature of your instructions, that minister will not be empowered to entertain... any proposition respecting the search of merchant vessels." one more humiliating experience was reserved for monroe before his diplomatic career closed. following madison's new set of instructions, he and pinkney attempted to reopen negotiations for the revision of the discredited treaty of the preceding year. but canning had reasons of his own for wishing to be rid of a treaty which had been drawn by the late whig ministry. he informed the american commissioners arrogantly that "the proposal of the president of the united states for proceeding to negotiate anew upon the basis of a treaty already solemnly concluded and signed, is a proposal wholly inadmissible." his majesty could therefore only acquiesce in the refusal of the president to ratify the treaty. one week later, james monroe departed from london, never again to set foot on british soil, leaving pinkney to assume the duties of minister at the court of st. james. for the second time monroe returned to his own country discredited by the president who had appointed him. in both instances he felt himself the victim of injustice. in spite of his friendship for jefferson, he was embittered against the administration and in this mood lent himself all too readily to the schemes of john randolph, who had already picked him as the one candidate who could beat madison in the next presidential election. from the point of view of george canning and the tory squirearchy whose mouthpiece he was, the chesapeake affair was but an incident--an unhappy incident, to be sure, but still only an incident--in the world-wide struggle with napoleon. what was at stake was nothing less than the commercial supremacy of great britain. the astounding growth of napoleon's empire was a standing menace to british trade. the overthrow of prussia in the fall of 1806 left the corsican in control of central europe and in a position to deal his long premeditated blow. a fortnight after the battle of jena, he entered berlin and there issued the famous decree which was his answer to the british blockade of the french channel ports. since england does not recognize the system of international law universally observed by all civilized nations--so the preamble read--but by a monstrous abuse of the right of blockade has determined to destroy neutral trade and to raise her commerce and industry upon the ruins of that of the continent, and since "whoever deals on the continent in english goods thereby favors and renders himself an accomplice of her designs," therefore the british isles are declared to be in a state of blockade. henceforth all english goods were to be lawful prize in any territory held by the troops of france or her allies; and all vessels which had come from english ports or from english colonies were to be confiscated, together with their cargoes. this challenge was too much for the moral equilibrium of the squires, the shipowners, and the merchants who dominated parliament. it dulled their sense of justice and made them impatient under the pinpricks which came from the united states. "a few short months of war," declared the morning post truculently, "would convince these desperate [american] politicians of the folly of measuring the strength of a rising, but still infant and puny, nation with the colossal power of the british empire." "right," said the times, another organ of the tory government, "is power sanctioned by usage." concession to americans at this crisis was not to be entertained for a moment, for after all, said the times, they "possess all the vices of their indian neighbors without their virtues." in this temper the british government was prepared to ignore the united states and deal napoleon blow for blow. an order-in-council of january 7, 1807, asserted the right of retaliation and declared that "no vessel shall be permitted to trade from one port to another, both which ports shall belong to, or be in possession of france or her allies." the peculiar hardship of this order for american shipowners is revealed by the papers of stephen girard of philadelphia, whose shrewdness and enterprise were making him one of the merchant princes of his time. one of his ships, the liberty, of some 250 tons, was sent to lisbon with a cargo of 2052 barrels and 220 half-barrels of flour which cost the owner $10.68 a barrel. her captain, on entering port, learned that flour commanded a better price at cadiz. to cadiz, accordingly, he set sail and sold his cargo for $22.50 a barrel, winning for the owner a goodly profit of $25,000, less commission. it was such trading ventures as this that the british order-in-council doomed. what american shipmasters had now to fear from both belligerents was made startlingly clear by the fate of the ship horizon, which had sailed from charleston, south carolina, with a cargo for zanzibar. on the way she touched at various south american ports and disposed of most of her cargo. then changing her destination, and taking on a cargo for the english market, she set sail for london. on the way she was forced to put in at lisbon to refit. as she left to resume her voyage she was seized by an english frigate and brought in as a fair prize, since--according to the rule of 1756--she had been apprehended in an illegal traffic between an enemy country and its colony. the british prize court condemned the cargo but released the ship. the unlucky horizon then loaded with an english cargo and sailed again to lisbon, but misfortune overtook her and she was wrecked off the french coast. her cargo was salvaged, however, and what was not of english origin was restored to her owners by decree of a french prize court; the rest of her cargo was confiscated under the terms of the berlin decree. when the american minister protested at this decision, he was told that "since america suffers her ships to be searched, she adopts the principle that the flag does not cover the goods. since she recognizes the absurd blockades laid by england, consents to having her vessels incessantly stopped, sent to england, and so turned aside from their course, why should the americans not suffer the blockade laid by france? certainly france recognizes that these measures are unjust, illegal, and subversive of national sovereignty; but it is the duty of nations to resort to force, and to declare themselves against things which dishonor them and disgrace their independence." * but an invitation to enter the european maelstrom and battle for neutral rights made no impression upon the mild-tempered president. * henry adams, history of the united states, iv, p. 110. it is as clear as day that the british government was now determined, under pretense of retaliating upon france, to promote british trade with the continent by every means and at the expense of neutrals. another order-in-council, november 17, 1807, closed to neutrals all european ports under french control, "as if the same were actually blockaded," but permitted vessels which first entered a british port and obtained a british license to sail to any continental port. it was an order which, as henry adams has said, could have but one purpose--to make american commerce english. this was precisely the contemporary opinion of the historian's grandfather, who declared that the "orders-in-council, if submitted to, would have degraded us to the condition of colonists." only one more blow was needed, it would seem, to complete the ruin of american commerce. it fell a month later, when napoleon, having overrun the spanish peninsula and occupied portugal, issued his milan decree of december 17, 1807. henceforth any vessel which submitted to search by english cruisers, or paid any tonnage duty or tax to the english government, or sailed to or from any english port, would be captured and condemned as lawful prize. such was to be the maritime code of france "until england should return to the principles of international law which are also those of justice and honor." never was a commercial nation less prepared to defend itself against depredations than the united states of america in this year 1807. for this unpreparedness many must bear the blame, but president jefferson has become the scapegoat. this virginia farmer and landsman was not only ignorant and distrustful of all the implements of war, but utterly unfamiliar with the ways of the sea and with the first principles of sea-power. the tripolitan war seems to have inspired him with a single fixed idea--that for defensive purposes gunboats were superior to frigates and less costly. he set forth this idea in a special message to congress (february 10, 1807), claiming to have the support of "professional men," among whom he mentioned generals wilkinson and gates! he proposed the construction of two hundred of these gunboats, which would be distributed among the various exposed harbors, where in time of peace they would be hauled up on shore under sheds, for protection against sun and storm. as emergency arose these floating batteries were to be manned by the seamen and militia of the port. what appealed particularly to the president in this programme was the immunity it offered from "an excitement to engage in offensive maritime war." gallatin would have modified even this plan for economy's sake. he would have constructed only one-half of the proposed fleet since the large seaports could probably build thirty gunboats in as many days, if an emergency arose. in extenuation of gallatin's shortsightedness, it should be remembered that he was a native of switzerland, whose navy has never ploughed many seas. it is less easy to excuse the rest of the president's advisers and the congress which was beguiled into accepting this naive project. nor did the chesapeake outrage teach either congress or the administration a salutary lesson. on the contrary, when in october the news of the bombardment of copenhagen had shattered the nerves of statesmen in all neutral countries, and while the differences with england were still unsettled, jefferson and his colleagues decided to hold four of the best frigates in port and use them "as receptacles for enlisting seamen to fill the gunboats occasionally." whom the gods would punish they first make mad! the 17th of december was a memorable day in the annals of this administration. favorable tradewinds had brought into american ports a number of packets with news from europe. the revenge had arrived in new york with armstrong's dispatches announcing napoleon's purpose to enforce the berlin decree; the edward had reached boston with british newspapers forecasting the order-in-council of the 11th of november. this news burst like a bomb in washington where the genial president was observing with scientific detachment the operation of his policy of commercial coercion. the non-importation act had just gone into effect. jefferson immediately called his cabinet together. all were of one mind. the impending order-in-council, it was agreed, left but one alternative. commerce must be totally suspended until the full scope of these new aggressions could be ascertained. the president took a loose sheet of paper and drafted hastily a message to congress, recommending an embargo in anticipation of the offensive british order. but the prudent madison urged that it was better not to refer explicitly to the order and proposed a substitute which simply recommended "an immediate inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the united states," on the ground that shipping was likely to be exposed to greater dangers. only gallatin demurred: he would have preferred an embargo for a limited time. "i prefer war to a permanent embargo," he wrote next day. "government prohibitions," he added significantly, "do always more mischief than had been calculated." but gallatin was overruled and the message, in madison's form, was sent to congress on the following day. the senate immediately passed the desired bill through three readings in a single day; the house confirmed this action after only two days of debate; and on the 22d of december, the president signed the embargo act. what was this measure which was passed by congress almost without discussion? ostensibly it was an act for the protection of american ships, merchandise, and seamen. it forbade the departure of all ships for foreign ports, except vessels under the immediate direction of the president and vessels in ballast or already loaded with goods. foreign armed vessels were exempted also as a matter of course. coasting ships were to give bonds double the value of vessel and cargo to reland their freight in some port of the united states. historians have discovered a degree of duplicity in the alleged motives for this act. how, it is asked, could protection of ships and seamen be the motive when all of jefferson's private letters disclose his determination to put his theory of peaceable coercion to a practical test by this measure? the criticism is not altogether fair, for, as jefferson would himself have replied, peaceable coercion was designed to force the withdrawal of orders-in-council and decrees that menaced the safety of ships and cargoes. the policy might entail some incidental hardships, to be sure, but the end in view was protection of american lives and property. madison was not quite candid, nevertheless, when he assured the british minister that the embargo was a precautionary measure only and not conceived with hostile intent. chimerical this policy seemed to many contemporaries; chimerical it has seemed to historians, and to us who have passed through the world war. yet in the world war it was the possession of food stuffs and raw materials by the united states which gave her a dominating position in the councils of the allies. had her commerce in 1807 been as necessary to england and france as it was "at the very peak" of the world war, thomas jefferson might have proved that peaceable coercion is an effective alternative to war; but he overestimated the magnitude and importance of the carrying trade of the united states, and erred still more grievously in assuming that a public conscience existed which would prove superior to the temptation to evade the law. jefferson dreaded war quite as much because of its concomitants as because of its inevitable brutality, quite as much because it tended to exalt government and to produce corruption as because it maimed bodies and sacrificed human lives. yet he never took fully into account the possible accompaniments of his alternative to war. that the embargo would debauch public morals and make government arbitrary, he was to learn only by bitter experience and personal humiliation. just after the passage of this momentous act, canning's special envoy, george rose, arrived in the united states. a british diplomat of the better sort, with much dignity of manner and suave courtesy, he was received with more than ordinary consideration by the administration. he was commissioned, every one supposed, to offer reparation for the chesapeake affair. even after he had notified madison that his instructions bade him insist, as an indispensable preliminary, on the recall of the president's chesapeake proclamation, he was treated with deference and assured that the president was prepared to comply, if he could do so without incurring the charge of inconsistency and disregard of national honor. madison proposed to put a proclamation of recall in rose's hands, duly signed by the president and dated so as to correspond with the day on which all differences should be adjusted. rose consented to this course and the proclamation was delivered into his hands. he then divulged little by little his further instructions, which were such as no self-respecting administration could listen to with composure. canning demanded a formal disavowal of commodore barron's conduct in encouraging deserters from his majesty's service and harboring them on board his ship. "you will state," read rose's instructions, "that such disavowals, solemnly expressed, would afford to his majesty a satisfactory pledge on the part of the american government that the recurrence of similar causes will not on any occasion impose on his majesty the necessity of authorizing those means of force to which admiral berkeley has resorted without authority, but which the continued repetition of such provocations as unfortunately led to the attack upon the chesapeake might render necessary, as a just reprisal on the part of his majesty." no doubt rose did his best to soften the tone of these instructions, but he could not fail to make them clear; and madison, who had conducted these informal interviews, slowly awoke to the real nature of what he was asked to do. he closed further negotiations with the comment that the united states could not be expected "to make, as it were, an expiatory sacrifice to obtain redress, or beg for reparation." the administration determined to let the disavowal of berkeley suffice for the present and to allow the matter of reparation to await further developments. the coercive policy on which the administration had now launched would, it was confidently believed, bring his majesty's government to terms. the very suggestion of an embargo had an unexpected effect upon american shipmasters. to avoid being shut up in port, fleets of ships put out to sea half-manned, half-laden, and often without clearance papers. with freight rates soaring to unheard-of altitudes, ship-owners were willing to assume all the risks of the sea--british frigates included. so little did they appreciate the protection offered by a benevolent government that they assumed an attitude of hostility to authority and evaded the exactions of the law in every conceivable way. under guise of engaging in the coasting trade, many a ship landed her cargo in a foreign port; a brisk traffic also sprang up across the canadian border; and amelia island in st. mary's river, florida, became a notorious mart for illicit commerce. almost at once congress was forced to pass supplementary acts, conferring upon collectors of ports powers of inspection and regulation which gallatin unhesitatingly pronounced both odious and dangerous. the president affixed his signature ruefully to acts which increased the army, multiplied the number of gunboats under construction, and appropriated a million and a quarter dollars to the construction of coast defenses and the equipment of militia. "this embargo act," he confessed, "is certainly the most embarrassing we ever had to execute. i did not expect a crop of so sudden and rank growth of fraud and open opposition by force could have grown up in the united states." the worst feature of the experiment was its ineffectiveness. the inhibition of commerce had so slight an effect upon england that when pinkney approached canning with the proposal of a quid pro quo--the united states to rescind the embargo, england to revoke her orders-in-council--he was told with biting sarcasm that "if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the american people." by licensing american vessels, indeed, which had either slipped out of port before the embargo or evaded the collectors, the british government was even profiting by this measure of restriction. it was these vagrant vessels which gave napoleon his excuse for the bayonne decree of april 17, 1808, when with a stroke of the pen he ordered the seizure of all american ships in french ports and swept property to the value of ten million dollars into the imperial exchequer. since these vessels were abroad in violation of the embargo, he argued, they could not be american craft but must be british ships in disguise. general armstrong, writing from paris, warned the secretary of state not to expect that the embargo would do more than keep the united states at peace with the belligerents. as a coercive measure, its effect was nil. "here it is not felt, and in england... it is forgotten." before the end of the year the failure of the embargo was patent to every fair-minded observer. men might differ ever so much as to the harm wrought by the embargo abroad; but all agreed that it was not bringing either france or england to terms, and that it was working real hardship at home. federalists in new england, where nearly one-third of the ships in the carrying trade were owned, pointed to the schooners "rotting at their wharves," to the empty shipyards and warehouses, to the idle sailors wandering in the streets of port towns, and asked passionately how long they must be sacrificed to the theories of this charlatan in the white house. even southern republicans were asking uneasily when the president would realize that the embargo was ruining planters who could not market their cotton and tobacco. and republicans whose pockets were not touched were soberly questioning whether a policy that reduced the annual value of exports from $108,000,000 to $22,000,000, and cut the national revenue in half, had not been tested long enough. indications multiplied that "the dictatorship of mr. jefferson" was drawing to a close. in 1808, after the election of madison as his successor, he practically abdicated as leader of his party, partly out of an honest conviction that he ought not to commit the president-elect by any positive course of action, and partly no doubt out of a less praiseworthy desire not to admit the defeat of his cherished principle. his abdication left the party without resolute leadership at a critical moment. madison and gallatin tried to persuade their party associates to continue the embargo until june, and then, if concessions were not forthcoming, to declare war; but they were powerless to hold the republican majority together on this programme. setting aside the embargo and returning to the earlier policy of non-intercourse, congress adopted a measure which excluded all english and french vessels and imports, but which authorized the president to renew trade with either country if it should mend its ways. on march 1, 1809, with much bitterness of spirit, thomas jefferson signed the bill which ended his great experiment. martha jefferson once said of her father that he never gave up a friend or an opinion. a few months before his death, he alluded to the embargo, with the pathetic insistence of old age, as "a measure, which, persevered in a little longer... would have effected its object completely." chapter ix. the last phase of peaceable coercion three days after jefferson gave his consent to the repeal of the embargo, the presidency passed in succession to the second of the virginia dynasty. it was not an impressive figure that stood beside jefferson and faced the great crowd gathered in the new hall of representatives at the capitol. james madison was a pale, extremely nervous, and obviously unhappy person on this occasion. for a masterful character this would have been the day of days; for madison it was a fearful ordeal which sapped every ounce of energy. he trembled violently as he began to speak and his voice was almost inaudible. those who could not hear him but who afterward read the inaugural address doubtless comforted themselves with the reflection that they had not missed much. the new president, indeed, had nothing new to say--no new policy to advocate. he could only repeat the old platitudes about preferring "amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms." evidently, no strong assertion of national rights was to be expected from this plain, homespun president. at the inaugural ball, however, people forgot their president in admiration of the president's wife, dolly madison. "she looked a queen," wrote mrs. margaret bayard smith. "she had on a pale buff-colored velvet, made plain, with a very long train, but not the least trimming, and beautiful pearl necklace, earrings, and bracelets. her head dress was a turban of the same colored velvet and white satin (from paris) with two superb plumes, the bird of paradise feathers. it would be absolutely impossible for any one to behave with more perfect propriety than she did. unassuming dignity, sweetness, grace. mr. madison, on the contrary," continued this same warm-hearted observer, "seemed spiritless and exhausted. while he was standing by me, i said, 'i wish with all my heart i had a little bit of seat to offer you.' 'i wish so too,' said he, with a most woebegone face, and looking as if he could hardly stand. the managers came up to ask him to stay to supper, he assented, and turning to me, 'but i would much rather be in bed,' he said." quite different was mr. jefferson on this occasion. he seemed to be in high spirits and "his countenance beamed with a benevolent joy." it seemed to this ardent admirer that "every demonstration of respect to mr. m. gave mr. j. more pleasure than if paid to himself." no wonder that mr. jefferson was in good spirits. was he not now free from all the anxieties and worries of politics? already he was counting on retiring "to the elysium of domestic affections and the irresponsible direction" of his own affairs. a week later he set out for monticello on horseback, never again to set foot in the city which had witnessed his triumph and his humiliation. the election of madison had disclosed wide rifts in his party. monroe had lent himself to the designs of john randolph and had entered the list of candidates for the presidency; and vice-president clinton had also been put forward by other malcontents. it was this division in the ranks of the opposition which in the end had insured madison's election; but factional differences pursued madison into the white house. even in the choice of his official family he was forced to consider the preferences of politicians whom he despised, for when he would have appointed gallatin secretary of state, he found giles of virginia and samuel smith of maryland bent upon defeating the nomination. the smith faction was, indeed, too influential to be ignored; with a wry face madison stooped to a bargain which left gallatin at the head of the treasury but which saddled his administration with robert smith, who proved to be quite unequal to the exacting duties of the department of state. the administration began with what appeared to be a great diplomatic triumph. in april the president issued a proclamation announcing that the british orders-in-council would be withdrawn on the 10th of june, after which date commerce with great britain might be renewed. in the newspapers appeared, with this welcome proclamation, a note drafted by the british minister erskine expressing the confident hope that all differences between the two countries would be adjusted by a special envoy whom his majesty had determined to send to the united states. the republican press was jubilant. at last the sage of monticello was vindicated. "it may be boldly alleged," said the national intelligencer, "that the revocation of the british orders is attributable to the embargo." forgotten now were all the grievances against great britain. every shipping port awoke to new life. merchants hastened to consign the merchandise long stored in their warehouses; shipmasters sent out runners for crews; and ships were soon winging their way out into the open sea. for three months american vessels crossed the ocean unmolested, and then came the bitter, the incomprehensible news that erskine's arrangement had been repudiated and the over-zealous diplomat recalled. the one brief moment of triumph in madison's administration had passed. slowly and painfully the public learned the truth. erskine had exceeded his instructions. canning had not been averse to concessions, it is true, but he had named as an indispensable condition of any concession that the united states should bind itself to exclude french ships of war from its ports. instead of holding to the letter of his instructions, erskine had allowed himself to be governed by the spirit of concession and had ignored the essential prerequisite. nothing remained but to renew the nonintercourse act against great britain. this the president did by proclamation on august 9, 1809, and the country settled back sullenly into commercial inactivity. another scarcely less futile chapter in diplomacy began with the arrival of francis james jackson as british minister in september. those who knew this briton were justified in concluding that conciliation had no important place in the programme of the foreign office, for it was he who, two years before, had conducted those negotiations with denmark which culminated in the bombardment and destruction of copenhagen. "it is rather a prevailing notion here," wrote pinkney from london, "that this gentleman's conduct will not and cannot be what we all wish." and this impression was so fully shared by madison that he would not hasten his departure from montpelier but left jackson to his own devices at the capital for a full month. this interval of enforced inactivity had one unhappy consequence. not finding employment for all his idle hours, jackson set himself to read the correspondence of his predecessor, and from it he drew the conclusion that erskine was a greater fool than he had thought possible, and that the american government had been allowed to use language of which "every third word was a declaration of war." the further he read the greater his ire, so that when the president arrived in washington (october 1), jackson was fully resolved to let the american government know what was due to a british minister who had had audiences "with most of the sovereigns of europe." though neither the president nor gallatin, to whose mature judgment he constantly turned, believed that jackson had any proposals to make, they were willing to let robert smith carry on informal conversations with him. it speedily appeared that so far from making overtures, jackson was disposed to await proposals. the president then instructed the secretary of state to announce that further discussions would be "in the written form" and henceforth himself took direct charge of negotiations. the exchange of letters which followed reveals madison at his best. his rapier-like thrusts soon pierced even the thick hide of this conceited englishman. the stupid smith who signed these letters appeared to be no mean adversary after all. in one of his rejoinders the british minister yielded to a flash of temper and insinuated (as canning in his instructions had done) that the american government had known erskine's instructions and had encouraged him to set them aside--had connived in short at his wrongdoing. "such insinuations," replied madison sharply, "are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a government that understands what it owes itself." "you will find that in my correspondence with you," wrote jackson angrily, "i have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and least of all should i think of uttering an insinuation where i was unable to substantiate a fact." a fatal outburst of temper which delivered the writer into the hands of his adversary. "sir," wrote the president, still using the pen of his docile secretary, "finding that you have used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation, it only remains, in order to preclude opportunities which are thus abused, to inform you that no further communications will be received from you." therewith terminated the american mission of francis james jackson. following this diplomatic episode, congress wain sought a way of escape from the consequences of total nonintercourse. it finally enacted a bill known as macon's bill no. 2, which in a sense reversed the former policy, since it left commerce everywhere free, and authorized the president, "in case either great britain or france shall, before the 3d day of march next, so revoke or modify her edicts as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the united states," to cut off trade with the nation which continued to offend. the act thus gave the president an immense discretionary power which might bring the country face to face with war. it was the last act in that extraordinary series of restrictive measures which began with the non-intercourse act of 1806. the policy of peaceful coercion entered on its last phase. and now, once again, the shadow of the corsican fell across the seas. with the unerring shrewdness of an intellect never vexed by ethical considerations, napoleon announced that he would meet the desires of the american government. "i am authorized to declare to you, sir," wrote the duc de cadore, minister of foreign affairs, to armstrong, "that the decrees of berlin and milan are revoked, and that after november 1 they will cease to have effect--it being understood that in consequence of this declaration the english are to revoke their orders-in-council, and renounce the new principles of blockade which they have wished to establish; or that the united states, conformably to the act you have just communicated [the macon act], cause their rights to be respected by the english." it might be supposed that president madison, knowing with whom he had to deal, would have hesitated to accept napoleon's asseverations at their face value. he had, indeed, no assurances beyond cadore's letter that the french decrees had been repealed. but he could not let slip this opportunity to force great britain's hand. it seemed to be a last chance to test the effectiveness of peaceable coercion. on november 2, 1810, he issued the momentous proclamation which eventually made great britain rather than france the object of attack. "it has been officially made known to this government," said the president, "that the said edicts of france have been so revoked as that they ceased, on the first day of the present month, to violate the neutral commerce of the united states." thereupon the secretary of the treasury instructed collectors of customs that commercial intercourse with great britain would be suspended after the 2d of february of the following year. the next three months were full of painful experiences for president madison. he waited, and waited in vain, for authentic news of the formal repeal of the french decrees; and while he waited, he was distressed and amazed to learn that american vessels were still being confiscated in french ports. in the midst of these uncertainties occurred the biennial congressional elections, the outcome of which only deepened his perplexities. nearly one-half of those who sat in the existing congress failed of reelection, yet, by a vicious custom, the new house, which presumably reflected the popular mood in 1810, would not meet for thirteen months, while the old discredited congress wearily dragged out its existence in a last session. vigorous presidential leadership, it is true, might have saved the expiring congress from the reproach of incapacity, but such leadership was not to be expected from james madison. so it was that the president's message to this moribund congress was simply a counsel of prudence and patience. it pointed out, to be sure, the uncertainties of the situation, but it did not summon congress sternly to face the alternatives. it alluded mildly to the need of a continuance of our defensive and precautionary arrangements, and suggested further organization and training of the militia; it contemplated with satisfaction the improvement of the quantity and quality of the output of cannon and small arms; it set the seal of the president's approval upon the new military academy; but nowhere did it sound a trumpet-call to real preparedness. even to these mild suggestions congress responded indifferently. it slightly increased the naval appropriations, but it actually reduced the appropriations for the army; and it adjourned without acting on the bill authorizing the president to enroll fifty thousand volunteers. personal animosity and prejudice combined to defeat the proposals of the secretary of the treasury. a bill to recharter the national bank, which gallatin regarded as an indispensable fiscal agent, was defeated; and a bill providing for a general increase of duties on imports to meet the deficit was laid aside. congress would authorize a loan of five million dollars but no new taxes. only one bill was enacted which could be said to sustain the president's policy--that reviving certain parts of the non-intercourse act of 1809 against great britain. with this last helpless gasp the eleventh congress expired. the defeat of measures which the administration had made its own amounted to a vote of no confidence. under similar circumstances an english ministry would have either resigned or tested the sentiment of the country by a general election; but the american executive possesses no such means of appealing immediately and directly to the electorate. president and congress must live out their allotted terms of office, even though their antagonism paralyzes the operation of government. what, then, could be done to restore confidence in the administration of president madison and to establish a modus vivendi between executive and legislative? it seemed to the secretary of treasury, smarting under the defeat of his bank bill, that he had become a burden to the administration, an obstacle in the way of cordial cooperation between the branches of the federal government. the factions which had defeated his appointment to the department of state seemed bent upon discrediting him and his policies. "i clearly perceive," he wrote to the president, "that my continuing a member of the present administration is no longer of any public utility, invigorates the opposition against yourself, and must necessarily be attended with an increased loss of reputation by myself. under those impressions, not without reluctance, and after perhaps hesitating too long in the hopes of a favorable change, i beg leave to tender you my resignation." this timely letter probably saved the administration. not for an instant could the president consider sacrificing the man who for ten years had been the mainstay of republican power. madison acted with unwonted promptitude. he refused to accept gallatin's resignation, and determined to break once and for all with the faction which had hounded gallatin from the day of his appointment and which had foisted upon the president an unwelcome secretary of state. not gallatin but robert smith should go. still more surprising was madison's quick decision to name monroe as smith's successor, if he could be prevailed upon to accept. both virginians understood the deeper personal and political significance of this appointment. madison sought an alliance with a faction which had challenged his administrative policy; monroe inferred that no opposition would be interposed to his eventual elevation to the presidency when madison should retire. what neither for the moment understood was the effect which the appointment would have upon the foreign policy of the administration. monroe hesitated, for he and his friends had been open critics of the president's pro-french policy. was the new secretary of state to be bound by this policy, or was the president prepared to reverse his course and effect a reconciliation with england? these very natural misgivings the president brushed aside by assuring monroe's friends that he was very hopeful of settling all differences with both france and england. certainly he had in no wise committed himself to a course which would prevent a renewal of negotiations with england; he had always desired "a cordial accommodation." thus reassured, monroe accepted the invitation, never once doubting that he would reverse the policy of the administration, achieve a diplomatic triumph, and so appear as the logical successor to president madison. had the new secretary of state known the instructions which the british foreign office was drafting at this moment for mr. augustus j. foster, jackson's successor, he would have been less sanguine. this "very gentlemanlike young man," as jackson called him, was told to make some slight concessions to american sentiment--he might make proper amends for the chesapeake affair but on the crucial matter of the french decrees he was bidden to hold rigidly to the uncompromising position taken by the foreign office from the beginning--that the president was mistaken in thinking that they had been repealed. the british government could not modify its orders-in-council on unsubstantiated rumors that the offensive french decrees had been revoked. secretly foster was informed that the ministry was prepared to retaliate if the american government persisted in shutting out british importations. no one in the ministry, or for that matter in the british isles, seems to have understood that the moment had come for concession and not retaliation, if peaceful relations were to continue. it was most unfortunate that while foster was on his way to the united states, british cruisers would have renewed the blockade of new york. two frigates, the melampus and the guerriere, lay off sandy hook and resumed the old irritating practice of holding up american vessels and searching them for deserters. in the existing state of american feeling, with the chesapeake outrage still unredressed, the behavior of the british commanders was as perilous as walking through a powder magazine with a live coal. the american navy had suffered severely from jefferson's "chaste reformation" but it had not lost its fighting spirit. officers who had served in the war with tripoli prayed for a fair chance to avenge the chesapeake; and the secretary of the navy had abetted this spirit in his orders to commodore john rodgers, who was patrolling the coast with a squadron of frigates and sloops. "what has been perpetrated," rodgers was warned, "may be again attempted. it is therefore our duty to be prepared and determined at every hazard to vindicate the injured honor of our navy, and revive the drooping spirit of the nation." under the circumstances it would have been little short of a miracle if an explosion had not occurred; yet for a year rodgers sailed up and down the coast without encountering the british frigates. on may 16, 1811, however, rodgers in his frigate, the president, sighted a suspicious vessel some fifty miles off cape henry. from her general appearance he judged her to be a man-of-war and probably the guerriere. he decided to approach her, he relates, in order to ascertain whether a certain seaman alleged to have been impressed was aboard; but the vessel made off and he gave chase. by dusk the two ships were abreast. exactly what then happened will probably never be known, but all accounts agree that a shot was fired and that a general engagement followed. within fifteen minutes the strange vessel was disabled and lay helpless under the guns of the president, with nine of her crew dead and twenty-three wounded. then, to his intense disappointment, rodgers learned that his adversary was not the guerriere but the british sloop of war little belt, a craft greatly inferior to his own. however little this one-sided sea fight may have salved the pride of the american navy, it gave huge satisfaction to the general public. the chesapeake was avenged. when foster disembarked he found little interest in the reparations which he was charged to offer. he had been prepared to settle a grievance in a good-natured way; he now felt himself obliged to demand explanations. the boot was on the other leg; and the american public lost none of the humor of the situation. eventually he offered to disavow admiral berkeley's act, to restore the seamen taken from the chesapeake, and to compensate them and their families. in the course of time the two unfortunates who had survived were brought from their prison at halifax and restored to the decks of the chesapeake in boston harbor. but as for the little belt, foster had to rest content with the findings of an american court of inquiry which held that the british sloop had fired the first shot. as yet there were no visible signs that monroe had effected a change in the foreign policy of the administration, though he had given the president a momentary advantage over the opposition. another crisis was fast approaching. when congress met a month earlier than usual, pursuant to the call of the president, the leadership passed from the administration to a group of men who had lost all faith in commercial restrictions as a weapon of defense against foreign aggression. chapter x. the war-hawks among the many unsolved problems which jefferson bequeathed to his successor in office was that of the southern frontier. running like a shuttle through the warp of his foreign policy had been his persistent desire to acquire possession of the spanish floridas. this dominant desire, amounting almost to a passion, had mastered even his better judgment and had created dilemmas from which he did not escape without the imputation of duplicity. on his retirement he announced that he was leaving all these concerns "to be settled by my friend, mr. madison," yet he could not resist the desire to direct the course of his successor. scarcely a month after he left office he wrote, "i suppose the conquest of spain will soon force a delicate question on you as to the floridas and cuba, which will offer themselves to you. napoleon will certainly give his consent without difficulty to our receiving the floridas, and with some difficulty possibly cuba." in one respect jefferson's intuition was correct. the attempt of napoleon to subdue spain and to seat his brother joseph once again on the throne of ferdinand vii was a turning point in the history of the spanish colonies in america. one by one they rose in revolt and established revolutionary juntas either in the name of their deposed king or in professed cooperation with the insurrectionary government which was resisting the invader. events proved that independence was the inevitable issue of all these uprisings from the rio de la plata to the rio grande. in common with other spanish provinces, west florida felt the impact of this revolutionary spirit, but it lacked natural unity and a dominant spanish population. the province was in fact merely a strip of coast extending from the perdido river to the mississippi, indented with bays into which great rivers from the north discharged their turgid waters. along these bays and rivers were scattered the inhabitants, numbering less than one hundred thousand, of whom a considerable portion had come from the states. there, as always on the frontier, land had been a lodestone attracting both the speculator and the homeseeker. in the parishes of west feliciana and baton rouge, in the alluvial bottoms of the mississippi, and in the settlements around mobile bay, american settlers predominated, submitting with ill grace to the exactions of spanish officials who were believed to be as corrupt as they were inefficient. if events had been allowed to take their natural course, west florida would in all probability have fallen into the arms of the united states as texas did three decades later. but the virginia presidents were too ardent suitors to await the slow progress of events; they meant to assist destiny. to this end president jefferson had employed general wilkinson, with indifferent success. president madison found more trustworthy agents in governor claiborne of new orleans and governor holmes of mississippi, whose letters reveal the extent to which madison was willing to meddle with destiny. "nature had decreed the union of florida with the united states," claiborne affirmed; but he was not so sure that nature could be left to execute her own decrees, for he strained every nerve to prepare the way for american intervention when the people of west florida should declare themselves free from spain. holmes also was instructed to prepare for this eventuality and to cooperate with claiborne in west florida "in diffusing the impressions we wish to be made there." the anticipated insurrection came off just when and where nature had decreed. in the summer of 1810 a so-called "movement for self-government" started at bayou sara and at baton rouge, where nine-tenths of the inhabitants were americans. the leaders took pains to assure the spanish commandant that their motives were unimpeachable: nothing should be done which would in any wise conflict with the authority of their "loved and worthy sovereign, don ferdinand vii." they wished to relieve the people of the abuses under which they were suffering, but all should be done in the name of the king. the commandant, de lassus, was not without his suspicions of these patriotic gentlemen but he allowed himself to be swept along in the current. the several movements finally coalesced on the 25th of july in a convention near baton rouge, which declared itself "legally constituted to act in all cases of national concern... with the consent of the governor" and professed a desire "to promote the safety, honor, and happiness of our beloved king" as well as to rectify abuses in the province. it adjourned with the familiar spanish salutation which must have sounded ironical to the helpless de lassus, "may god preserve you many years!" were these pious professions farcical? or were they the sincere utterances of men who, like the patriots of 1776, were driven by the march of events out of an attitude of traditional loyalty to the king into open defence of his authority? the commandant was thus thrust into a position where his every movement would be watched with distrust. the pretext for further action was soon given. an intercepted letter revealed that delassus had written to governor folch for an armed force. that "act of perfidy" was enough to dissolve the bond between the convention and the commandant. on the 23d of september, under cover of night, an armed force shouting "hurrah! washington!" overpowered the garrison of the fort at baton rouge, and three days later the convention declared the independence of west florida, "appealing to the supreme ruler of the world" for the rectitude of their intentions. what their intentions were is clear enough. before the ink was dry on their declaration of independence, they wrote to the administration at washington, asking for the immediate incorporation of west florida into the union. here was the blessed consummation of years of diplomacy near at hand. president madison had only to reach out his hand and pluck the ripe fruit; yet he hesitated from constitutional scruples. where was the authority which warranted the use of the army and navy to hold territory beyond the bounds of the united states? would not intervention, indeed, be equivalent to an unprovoked attack on spain, a declaration of war? he set forth his doubts in a letter to jefferson and hinted at the danger which in the end was to resolve all his doubts. was there not grave danger that west florida would pass into the hands of a third and dangerous party? the conduct of great britain showed a propensity to fish in troubled waters. on the 27th of october, president madison issued a proclamation authorizing governor claiborne to take possession of west florida and to govern it as part of the orleans territory. he justified his action, which had no precedent in american diplomacy, by reasoning which was valid only if his fundamental premise was accepted. west florida, he repeated, as a part of the louisiana purchase belonged to the united states; but without abandoning its claim, the united states had hitherto suffered spain to continue in possession, looking forward to a satisfactory adjustment by friendly negotiation. a crisis had arrived, however, which had subverted spanish authority; and the failure of the united states to take the territory would threaten the interests of all parties and seriously disturb the tranquillity of the adjoining territories. in the hands of the united states, west florida would "not cease to be a subject of fair and friendly negotiation." in his annual message president madison spoke of the people of west florida as having been "brought into the bosom of the american family," and two days later governor claiborne formally took possession of the country to the pearl river. how territory which had thus been incorporated could still remain a subject of fair negotiation does not clearly appear, except on the supposition that spain would go through the forms of a negotiation which could have but one outcome. the enemies of the administration seized eagerly upon the flaws in the president's logic, and pressed his defenders sorely in the closing session of the eleventh congress. conspicuous among the champions of the administration was young henry clay, then serving out the term of senator thurston of kentucky who had resigned his office. this eloquent young lawyer, now in his thirty-third year, had been born and bred in the old dominion--a typical instance of the american boy who had nothing but his own head and hands wherewith to make his way in the world. he had a slender schooling, a much-abbreviated law education in a lawyer's office, and little enough of that intellectual discipline needed for leadership at the bar; yet he had a clever wit, an engaging personality, and a rare facility in speaking, and he capitalized these assets. he was practising law in lexington, kentucky, when he was appointed to the senate. what this persuasive westerner had to say on the american title to west florida was neither new nor convincing; but what he advocated as an american policy was both bold and challenging. "the eternal principles of self preservation" justified in his mind the occupation of west florida, irrespective of any title. with cuba and florida in the possession of a foreign maritime power, the immense extent of country watered by streams entering the gulf would be placed at the mercy of that power. neglect the proffered boon and some nation profiting by this error would seize this southern frontier. it had been intimated that great britain might take sides with spain to resist the occupation of florida. to this covert threat clay replied, "sir, is the time never to arrive, when we may manage our own affairs without the fear of insulting his britannic majesty? is the rod of british power to be forever suspended over our heads? does the president refuse to continue a correspondence with a minister, who violates the decorum belonging to his diplomatic character, by giving and deliberately repeating an affront to the whole nation? we are instantly menaced with the chastisement which english pride will not fail to inflict. whether we assert our rights by sea, or attempt their maintenance by land--whithersoever we turn ourselves, this phantom incessantly pursues us. already has it had too much influence on the councils of the nation. it contributed to the repeal of the embargo--that dishonorable repeal, which has so much tarnished the character of our government. mr. president, i have before said on this floor, and now take occasion to remark, that i most sincerely desire peace and amity with england; that i even prefer an adjustment of all differences with her, before one with any other nation. but if she persists in a denial of justice to us, or if she avails herself of the occupation of west florida, to commence war upon us, i trust and hope that all hearts will unite, in a bold and vigorous vindication of our rights. "i am not, sir, in favour of cherishing the passion of conquest. but i must be permitted, in conclusion, to indulge the hope of seeing, ere long, the new united states (if you will allow me the expression) embracing, not only the old thirteen states, but the entire country east of the mississippi, including east florida, and some of the territories of the north of us also." conquest was not a familiar word in the vocabulary of james madison, and he may well have prayed to be delivered from the hands of his friends, if this was to be the keynote of their defense of his policy in west florida. nevertheless, he was impelled in spite of himself in the direction of clay's vision. if west florida in the hands of an unfriendly power was a menace to the southern frontier, east florida from the perdido to the ocean was not less so. by the 3d of january, 1811, he was prepared to recommend secretly to congress that he should be authorized to take temporary possession of east florida, in case the local authorities should consent or a foreign power should attempt to occupy it. and congress came promptly to his aid with the desired authorization. twelve months had now passed since the people of the several states had expressed a judgment at the polls by electing a new congress. the twelfth congress was indeed new in more senses than one. some seventy representatives took their seats for the first time, and fully half of the familiar faces were missing. its first and most significant act, betraying a new spirit, was the choice as speaker of henry clay, who had exchanged his seat in the senate for the more stirring arena of the house. in all the history of the house there is only one other instance of the choice of a new member as speaker. it was not merely a personal tribute to clay but an endorsement of the forward-looking policy which he had so vigorously championed in the senate. the temper of the house was bold and aggressive, and it saw its mood reflected in the mobile face of the young kentuckian. the speaker of the house had hitherto followed english traditions, choosing rather to stand as an impartial moderator than to act as a legislative leader. for british traditions of any sort clay had little respect. he was resolved to be the leader of the house, and if necessary to join his privileges as speaker to his rights as a member, in order to shape the policies of congress. almost his first act as speaker was to appoint to important committees those who shared his impatience with commercial restrictions as a means of coercing great britain. on the committee on foreign relations--second to none in importance at this moment--he placed peter b. porter of new york, young john c. calhoun of south carolina, and felix grundy of tennessee; the chairmanship of the committee on naval affairs he gave to langdon cheves of south carolina; and the chairmanship of the committee on military affairs, to another south carolinian, david williams. there was nothing fortuitous in this selection of representatives from the south and southwest for important committee posts. like clay himself, these young intrepid spirits were solicitous about the southern frontier--about the ultimate disposal of the floridas; like clay, they had lost faith in temporizing policies; like clay, they were prepared for battle with the old adversary if necessary. in the president's message of november 5, 1811, there was just one passage which suited the mood of this group of younger republicans. after a recital of injuries at the hands of the british ministry, madison wrote with unwonted vigor: "with this evidence of hostile inflexibility in trampling on rights which no independent nation can relinquish congress will feel the duty of putting the united states into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis; and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations." it was this part of the message which the committee on foreign relations took for the text of its report. the time had arrived, in the opinion of the committee, when forbearance ceased to be a virtue and when congress must as a sacred duty "call forth the patriotism and resources of the country." nor did the committee hesitate to point out the immediate steps to be taken if the country were to be put into a state of preparedness. let the ranks of the regular army be filled and ten regiments added; let the president call for fifty thousand volunteers; let all available war-vessels be put in commission; and let merchant vessels arm in their own defense. if these recommendations were translated into acts, they would carry the country appreciably nearer war; but the members of the committee were not inclined to shrink from the consequences. to a man they agreed that war was preferable to inglorious submission to continued outrages, and that the outcome of war would be positively advantageous. porter, who represented the westernmost district of a state profoundly interested in the northern frontier, doubted not that great britain could be despoiled of her extensive provinces along the borders to the north. grundy, speaking for the southwest, contemplated with satisfaction the time when the british would be driven from the continent. "i feel anxious," he concluded, "not only to add the floridas to the south, but the canadas to the north of this empire." others, like calhoun, who now made his entrance as a debater, refused to entertain these mercenary calculations. "sir," exclaimed calhoun, his deep-set eyes flashing, "i only know of one principle to make a nation great, to produce in this country not the form but the real spirit of union, and that is, to protect every citizen in the lawful pursuit of his business... protection and patriotism are reciprocal." but these young republicans marched faster than the rank and file. not so lightly were jeffersonian traditions to be thrown aside. the old republican prejudice against standing armies and seagoing navies still survived. four weary months of discussion produced only two measures of military importance, one of which provided for the addition to the army of twenty-five thousand men enlisted for five years, and the other for the calling into service of fifty thousand state militia. the proposal of the naval committee to appropriate seven and a half million dollars to build a new navy was voted down; gallatin's urgent appeal for new taxes fell upon deaf ears; and congress proposed to meet the new military expenditure by the dubious expedient of a loan of eleven million dollars. a hesitation which seemed fatal paralyzed all branches of the federal government in the spring months. congress was obviously reluctant to follow the lead of the radicals who clamored for war with great britain. the president was unwilling to recommend a declaration of war, though all evidence points to the conclusion that he and his advisers believed war inevitable. the nation was divided in sentiment, the federalists insisting with some plausibility that france was as great an offender as great britain and pointing to the recent captures of american merchantmen by french cruisers as evidence that the decrees had not been repealed. even the president was impressed by these unfriendly acts and soberly discussed with his mentor at monticello the possibility of war with both france and england. there was a moment in march, indeed, when he was disposed to listen to moderate republicans who advised him to send a special mission to england as a last chance. what were the considerations which fixed the mind of the nation and of congress upon war with great britain? merely to catalogue the accumulated grievances of a decade does not suffice. nations do not arrive at decisions by mathematical computation of injuries received, but rather because of a sense of accumulated wrongs which may or may not be measured by losses in life and property. and this sense of wrongs is the more acute in proportion to the racial propinquity of the offender. the most bitter of all feuds are those between peoples of the same blood. it was just because the mother country from which americans had won their independence was now denying the fruits of that independence that she became the object of attack. in two particulars was great britain offending and france not. the racial differences between french and american seamen were too conspicuous to countenance impressment into the navy of napoleon. no injuries at the hands of france bore any similarity to the chesapeake outrage. nor did france menace the frontier and the frontier folk of the united states by collusion with the indians. to suppose that the settlers beyond the alleghanies were eager to fight great britain solely for "free trade and sailors' rights" is to assume a stronger consciousness of national unity than existed anywhere in the united states at this time. these western pioneers had stronger and more immediate motives for a reckoning with the old adversary. their occupation of the northwest had been hindered at every turn by the red man, who, they believed, had been sustained in his resistance directly by british traders and indirectly by the british government. documents now abundantly prove that the suspicion was justified. the key to the early history of the northwestern frontier is the fur trade. it was for this lucrative traffic that england retained so long the western posts which she had agreed to surrender by the peace of paris. out of the region between the illinois, the wabash, the ohio, and lake erie, pelts had been shipped year after year to the value annually of some 100,000 pounds, in return for the products of british looms and forges. it was the constant aim of the british trader in the northwest to secure "the exclusive advantages of a valuable trade during peace and the zealous assistance of brave and useful auxiliaries in time of war." to dispossess the redskin of his lands and to wrest the fur trade from british control was the equally constant desire of every full-blooded western american. henry clay voiced this desire when he exclaimed in the speech already quoted, "the conquest of canada is in your power.... is it nothing to extinguish the torch that lights up savage warfare? is it nothing to acquire the entire fur-trade connected with that country, and to destroy the temptation and opportunity of violating your revenue and other laws?" * * a memorial of the fur traders of canada to the secretary of state for war and colonies (1814), printed as appendix n to davidson's "the north west company," throws much light on this obscure feature of western history. see also an article on "the insurgents of 1811," in the american historical association "report" (1911) by d. r. anderson. the twelfth congress had met under the shadow of an impending catastrophe in the northwest. reports from all sources pointed to an indian war of considerable magnitude. tecumseh and his brother the prophet had formed an indian confederacy which was believed to embrace not merely the tribes of the northwest but also the creeks and seminoles of the gulf region. persistent rumors strengthened long-nourished suspicions and connected this indian unrest with the british agents on the canadian border. in the event of war, so it was said, the british paymasters would let the redskins loose to massacre helpless women and children. old men retold the outrages of these savage fiends during the war of independence. on the 7th of november--three days after the assembling of congress--governor william henry harrison of the indiana territory encountered the indians of tecumseh's confederation at tippecanoe and by a costly but decisive victory crushed the hopes of their chieftains. as the news of these events drifted into washington, it colored perceptibly the minds of those who doubted whether great britain or france were the greater offender. grundy, who had seen three brothers killed by indians and his mother reduced from opulence to poverty in a single night, spoke passionately of that power which was taking every "opportunity of intriguing with our indian neighbors and setting on the ruthless savages to tomahawk our women and children." "war," he exclaimed, "is not to commence by sea or land, it is already begun, and some of the richest blood of our country has been shed." still the president hesitated to lead. on the 31st of march, to be sure, he suffered monroe to tell a committee of the house that he thought war should be declared before congress adjourned and that he was willing to recommend an embargo if congress would agree; but after an embargo for ninety days had been declared on the 4th of april, he told the british minister that it was not, could not be considered, a war measure. he still waited for congress to shoulder the responsibility of declaring war. why did he hesitate? was he aware of the woeful state of unpreparedness everywhere apparent and was he therefore desirous of delay? some color is given to this excuse by his efforts to persuade congress to create two assistant secretaryships of war. or was he conscious of his own inability to play the role of war-president? the personal question which thrust itself upon madison at this time was, indeed, whether he would have a second term of office. an old story, often told by his detractors, recounts a dramatic incident which is said to have occurred, just as the congressional caucus of the party was about to meet. a committee of republican congressmen headed by mr. speaker clay waited upon the president to tell him, that if he wished a renomination, he must agree to recommend a declaration of war. the story has never been corroborated; and the dramatic interview probably never occurred; yet the president knew, as every one knew, that his renomination was possible only with the support of the war party. when he accepted the nomination from the republican caucus on the 18th of may, he tacitly pledged himself to acquiesce in the plans of the war-hawks. some days later an authentic interview did take place between the president and a deputation of congressmen headed by the speaker, in the course of which the president was assured of the support of congress if he would recommend a declaration. subsequent events point to a complete understanding. clay now used all the latent powers of his office to aid the war party. even john randolph, ever a thorn in the side of the party, was made to wince. on the 9th of may, randolph undertook to address the house on the declaration of war which, he had been credibly informed, was imminent. he was called to order by a member because no motion was before the house. he protested that his remarks were prefatory to a motion. the speaker ruled that he must first make a motion. "my proposition is," responded randolph sullenly, "that it is not expedient at this time to resort to a war against great britain." "is the motion seconded?" asked the speaker. randolph protested that a second was not needed and appealed from the decision of the chair. then, when the house sustained the speaker, randolph, having found a seconder, once more began to address the house. again he was called to order; the house must first vote to consider the motion. randolph was beside himself with rage. the last vestige of liberty of speech was vanishing, he declared. but clay was imperturbable. the question of consideration was put and lost. randolph had found his master. on the 1st of june the president sent to congress what is usually denominated a war message; yet it contained no positive recommendation of war. "congress must decide," said the president, "whether the united states shall continue passive" or oppose force to force. prefaced to this impotent conclusion was a long recital of "progressive usurpations" and "accumulating wrongs"--a recital which had become so familiar in state papers as almost to lose its power to provoke popular resentment. it was significant, however, that the president put in the forefront of his catalogue of wrongs the impressment of american sailors on the high seas. no indignity touched national pride so keenly and none so clearly differentiated great britain from france as the national enemy. almost equally provocative was the harassing of incoming and outgoing vessels by british cruisers which hovered off the coasts and even committed depredations within the territorial jurisdiction of the united states. pretended blockades without an adequate force was a third charge against the british government, and closely connected with it that "sweeping system of blockades, under the name of orders-in-council," against which two republican administrations had struggled in vain. there was in the count not an item, indeed, which could not have been charged against great britain in the fall of 1807, when the public clamored for war after the chesapeake outrage. four long years had been spent in testing the efficacy of commercial restrictions, and the country was if anything less prepared for the alternative. when president madison penned this message he was, in fact, making public avowal of the breakdown of a great jeffersonian principle. peaceful coercion was proved to be an idle dream. so well advised was the committee on foreign relations to which the president's message was referred that it could present a long report two days later, again reviewing the case against the adversary in great detail. "the contest which is now forced on the united states," it concluded, "is radically a contest for their sovereignty and independency." there was now no other alternative than an immediate appeal to arms. on the same day calhoun introduced a bill declaring war against great britain; and on the 4th of june in secret session the war party mustered by the speaker bore down all opposition and carried the bill by a vote of 79 to 49. on the 7th of june the senate followed the house by the close vote of 19 to 14; and on the following day the president promptly signed the bill which marked the end of an epoch. it is one of the bitterest ironies in history that just twenty-four hours before war was declared at washington, the new ministry at westminster announced its intention of immediately suspending the orders-in-council. had president madison yielded to those moderates who advised him in april to send a minister to england, he might have been apprized of that gradual change in public opinion which was slowly undermining the authority of spencer perceval's ministry and commercial system. he had only to wait a little longer to score the greatest diplomatic triumph of his generation; but fate willed otherwise. no ocean cable flashed the news of the abrupt change which followed the tragic assassination of perceval and the formation of a new ministry. when the slow-moving packets brought the tidings, war had begun. chapter xi. president madison under fire the dire calamity which jefferson and his colleagues had for ten years bent all their energies to avert had now befallen the young republic. war, with all its train of attendant evils, stalked upon the stage, and was about to test the hearts of pacifist and war-hawk alike. but nothing marked off the younger republicans more sharply from the generation to which jefferson, madison, and gallatin belonged than the positive relief with which they hailed this break with jeffersonian tradition. this attitude was something quite different from the usual intrepidity of youth in the face of danger; it was bottomed upon the conviction which clay expressed when he answered the question, "what are we to gain by the war?" by saying, "what are we not to lose by peace? commerce, character, a nation's best treasure, honor!" calhoun had reached the same conclusion. the restrictive system as a means of resistance and of obtaining redress for wrongs, he declared to be unsuited to the genius of the american people. it required the most arbitrary laws; it rendered government odious; it bred discontent. war, on the other hand, strengthened the national character, fed the flame of patriotism, and perfected the organization of government. "sir," he exclaimed, "i would prefer a single victory over the enemy by sea or land to all the good we shall ever derive from the continuation of the non-importation act!" the issue was thus squarely faced: the alternative to peaceable coercion was now to be given a trial. scarcely less remarkable was the buoyant spirit with which these young republicans faced the exigencies of war. defeat was not to be found in their vocabulary. clay pictured in fervent rhetoric a victorious army dictating the terms of peace at quebec or at halifax; calhoun scouted the suggestion of unpreparedness, declaring that in four weeks after the declaration of war the whole of upper and part of lower canada would be in our possession; and even soberer patriots believed that the conquest of canada was only a matter of marching across the frontier to montreal or quebec. but for that matter older heads were not much wiser as prophets of military events. even jefferson assured the president that he had never known a war entered into under more favorable auspices, and predicted that great britain would surely be stripped of all her possessions on this continent; while monroe seems to have anticipated a short decisive war terminating in a satisfactory accommodation with england. as for the president, he averred many years later that while he knew the unprepared state of the country, "he esteemed it necessary to throw forward the flag of the country, sure that the people would press onward and defend it." there is something at once humorous and pathetic in this self-portrait of madison throwing forward the flag of his country and summoning his legions to follow on. never was a man called to lead in war who had so little of the martial in his character, and yet so earnest a purpose to rise to the emergency. an observer describes him, the day after war was declared, "visiting in person--a thing never known before--all the offices of the departments of war and the navy, stimulating everything in a manner worthy of a little commander-in-chief, with his little round hat and huge cockade." stimulation was certainly needed in these two departments as events proved, but attention to petty details which should have been watched by subordinates is not the mark of a great commander. jefferson afterward consoled madison for the defeat of his armies by writing: "all you can do is to order--execution must depend on others and failures be imputed to them alone." jefferson failed to perceive what madison seems always to have forgotten, that a commander-in-chief who appoints and may remove his subordinates can never escape responsibility for their failures. the president's first duty was not to stimulate the performance of routine in the departments but to make sure of the competence of the executive heads of those departments. william eustis of massachusetts, secretary of war, was not without some little military experience, having served as a surgeon in the revolutionary army, but he lacked every qualification for the onerous task before him. senator crawford of georgia wrote to monroe caustically that eustis should have been forming general and comprehensive arrangements for the organization of the troops and for the prosecution of campaigns, instead of consuming his time reading advertisements of petty retailing merchants, to find where he could purchase one hundred shoes or two hundred hats. of paul hamilton, the secretary of navy, even less could be expected, for he seems to have had absolutely no experience to qualify him for the post. senator crawford intimated that in instructing his naval officers hamilton impressed upon them the desirability of keeping their superiors supplied with pineapples and other tropical fruits--an ill-natured comment which, true or not, gives us the measure of the man. both monroe and gallatin shared the prevailing estimate of the secretaries of war and of the navy and expressed themselves without reserve to jefferson; but the president with characteristic indecision hesitated to purge his cabinet of these two incompetents, and for his want of decision he paid dearly. the president had just left the capital for his country place at montpelier toward the end of august, when the news came that general william hull, who had been ordered to invade upper canada and begin the military promenade to quebec, had surrendered detroit and his entire army without firing a gun. it was a crushing disaster and a well-deserved rebuke for the administration, for whether the fault was hull's or eustis's, the president had to shoulder the responsibility. his first thought was to retrieve the defeat by commissioning monroe to command a fresh army for the capture of detroit; but this proposal which appealed strongly to monroe had to be put aside--fortunately for all concerned, for monroe's desire for military glory was probably not equalled by his capacity as a commander and the western campaign proved incomparably more difficult than wiseacres at washington imagined. what was needed, indeed, was not merely able commanders in the field, though they were difficult enough to find. there was much truth in jefferson's naive remark to madison: "the creator has not thought proper to mark those on the forehead who are of the stuff to make good generals. we are first, therefore, to seek them, blindfold, and then let them learn the trade at the expense of great losses." but neither seems to have comprehended that their opposition to military preparedness had caused this dearth of talent and was now forcing the administration to select blindfold. more pressing even than the need of tacticians was the need of organizers of victory. the utter failure of the niagara campaign vacated the office of secretary of war; and with eustis retired also the secretary of the navy. monroe took over the duties of the one temporarily, and william jones, a shipowner of philadelphia, succeeded hamilton. if the president seriously intended to make monroe secretary of war and the head of the general staff, he speedily discovered that he was powerless to do so. the republican leaders in new york felt too keenly josiah quincy's taunt about a despotic cabinet "composed, to all efficient purposes, of two virginians and a foreigner" to permit monroe to absorb two cabinet posts. to appease this jealousy of virginia, madison made an appointment which very nearly shipwrecked his administration: he invited general john armstrong of new york to become secretary of war. whatever may be said of armstrong's qualifications for the post, his presence in the cabinet was most inadvisable, for he did not and could not inspire the personal confidence of either gallatin or monroe. once in office, he turned monroe into a relentless enemy and fairly drove gallatin out of office in disgust by appointing his old enemy, william duane, editor of the aurora, to the post of adjutant-general. "and armstrong!"--said dallas who subsequently as secretary of war knew whereof he spoke--"he was the devil from the beginning, is now, and ever will be!" the man of clearest vision in these unhappy months of 1812 was undoubtedly albert gallatin. the defects of madison as a war-president he had long foreseen; the need of reorganizing the executive departments he had pointed out as soon as war became inevitable; and the problem of financing the war he had attacked farsightedly, fearlessly, and without regard to political consistency. no one watched the approach of hostilities with a bitterer sense of blasted hopes. for ten years he had labored to limit expenditures, sacrificing even the military and naval establishments, that the people might be spared the burden of needless taxes;--and within this decade he had also scaled down the national debt one-half, so that posterity might not be saddled with burdens not of its own choosing. and now war threatened to undo his work. the young republic was after all not to lead its own life, realize a unique destiny, but to tread the old well-worn path of war, armaments, and high-handed government. well, he would save what he could, do his best to avert "perpetual taxation, military establishments, and other corrupting or anti-republican habits or institutions." if gallatin at first underrated the probable revenue for war purposes, he speedily confessed his error and set before congress inexorably the necessity for new taxes-aye, even for an internal tax, which he had once denounced as loudly as any republican. for more than a year after the declaration of war, congress was deaf to pleas for new sources of revenue; and it was not, indeed, until the last year of the war that it voted the taxes which in the long run could alone support the public credit. meantime, facing a depleted treasury, gallatin found himself reduced to a mere "dealer of loans"--a position utterly abhorrent to him. even his efforts to place the loans which congress authorized must have failed but for the timely aid of three men whom quincy would have contemptuously termed foreigners, for all like gallatin were foreign-born--astor, girard, and parish. utterly weary of his thankless job, gallatin seized upon the opportunity afforded by the russian offer of mediation to leave the cabinet and perhaps to end the war by a diplomatic stroke. he asked and received an appointment as one of the three american commissioners. if madison really believed that the people of the united states would unitedly press onward and defend the flag when once he had thrown it forward, he must have been strangely insensitive to the disaffection in new england. perhaps, like jefferson in the days of the embargo, he mistook the spirit of this opposition, thinking that it was largely partisan clamor which could safely be disregarded. what neither of these virginians appreciated was the peculiar fanatical and sectional character of this federalist opposition, and the extremes to which it would go. yet abundant evidence lay before their eyes. thirty-four federalist members of the house, nearly all from new england, issued an address to their constituents bitterly arraigning the administration and deploring the declaration of war; the house of representatives of massachusetts, following this example, published another address, denouncing the war as a wanton sacrifice of the best interests of the people and imploring all good citizens to meet in town and county assemblies to protest and to resolve not to volunteer except for a defensive war; and a meeting of citizens of rockingham county, new hampshire, adopted a memorial drafted by young daniel webster, which hinted that the separation of the states--"an event fraught with incalculable evils"--might sometime occur on just such an occasion as this. town after town, and county after county, took up the hue and cry, keeping well within the limits of constitutional opposition, it is true, but weakening the arm of the government just when it should have struck the enemy effective blows. nor was the president without enemies in his own political household. the republicans of new york, always lukewarm in their support of the virginia dynasty, were now bent upon preventing his reelection. they found a shrewd and not overscrupulous leader in dewitt clinton and an adroit campaign manager in martin van buren. both belonged to that school of new york politicians of which burr had been master. anything to beat madison was their cry. to this end they were willing to condemn the war-policy, to promise a vigorous prosecution of the war, and even to negotiate for peace. what made this division in the ranks of the republicans so serious was the willingness of the new england federalists to make common cause with clinton. in september a convention of federalists endorsed his nomination for the presidency. under the weight of accumulating disasters, military and political, it seemed as though madison must go down in defeat. every new england state but vermont cast its electoral votes for clinton; all the middle states but pennsylvania also supported him; and maryland divided its vote. only the steadiness of the southern republicans and of pennsylvania saved madison; a change of twenty electoral votes would have ended the virginia dynasty.* now at least madison must have realized the poignant truth which the federalists were never tired of repeating: he had entered upon the war as president of a divided people. * in the electoral vote madison received 128; clinton, 89. only a few months' experience was needed to convince the military authorities at washington that the war must be fought mainly by volunteers. every military consideration derived from american history warned against this policy, it is true, but neither congress nor the people would entertain for an instant the thought of conscription. only with great reluctance and under pressure had congress voted to increase the regular army and to authorize the president to raise fifty thousand volunteers. the results of this legislation were disappointing, not to say humiliating. the conditions of enlistment were not such as to encourage recruiting; and even when the pay had been increased and the term of service shortened, few able-bodied citizens would respond. if any such desired to serve their country, they enrolled in the state militia which the president had been authorized to call into active service for six months. in default of a well-disciplined regular army and an adequate volunteer force, the administration was forced more and more to depend upon such quotas of militia as the states would supply. how precarious was the hold of the national government upon the state forces, appeared in the first months of the war. when called upon to supply troops to relieve the regulars in the coast defenses, the governors of massachusetts and connecticut flatly refused, holding that the commanders of the state militia, and not the president, had the power to decide when exigencies demanded the use of the militia in the service of the united states. in his annual message madison termed this "a novel and unfortunate exposition" of the constitution, and he pointed out--what indeed was sufficiently obvious--that if the authority of the united states could be thus frustrated during actual war, "they are not one nation for the purpose most of all requiring it." but what was the president to do? even if he, james madison, author of the virginia resolutions of 1798, could so forget his political creed as to conceive of coercing a sovereign state, where was the army which would do his bidding? the president was the victim of his own political theory. these bitter revelations of 1812--the disaffection of new england, the incapacity of two of his secretaries, the disasters of his staff officers on the frontier, the slow recruiting, the defiance of massachusetts and connecticut--almost crushed the president. never physically robust, he succumbed to an insidious intermittent fever in june and was confined to his bed for weeks. so serious was his condition that mrs. madison was in despair and scarcely left his side for five long weeks. "even now," she wrote to mrs. gallatin, at the end of july, "i watch over him as i would an infant, so precarious is his convalescence." the rumor spread that he was not likely to survive, and politicians in washington began to speculate on the succession to the presidency. but now and then a ray of hope shot through the gloom pervading the white house and capitol. the stirring victory of the constitution over the guerriere in august, 1812, had almost taken the sting out of hull's surrender at detroit, and other victories at sea followed, glorious in the annals of american naval warfare, though without decisive influence on the outcome of the war. of much greater significance was perry's victory on lake erie in september, 1813, which opened the way to the invasion of canada. this brilliant combat followed by the battle of the thames cheered the president in his slow convalescence. encouraging, too, were the exploits of american privateers in british waters, but none of these events seemed likely to hasten the end of the war. great britain had already declined the russian offer of mediation. last day but one of the year 1813 a british schooner, the bramble, came into the port of annapolis bearing an important official letter from lord castlereagh to the secretary of state. with what eager and anxious hands monroe broke the seal of this letter may be readily imagined. it might contain assurances of a desire for peace; it might indefinitely prolong the war. in truth the letter pointed both ways. castlereagh had declined to accept the good offices of russia, but he was prepared to begin direct negotiations for peace. meantime the war must go on--with the chances favoring british arms, for the bramble had also brought the alarming news of napoleon's defeat on the plains of leipzig. now for the first time great britain could concentrate all her efforts upon the campaign in north america. no wonder the president accepted castlereagh's offer with alacrity. to the three commissioners sent to russia, he added henry clay and jonathan russell and bade them godspeed while he nerved himself to meet the crucial year of the war. had the president been fully apprized of the elaborate plans of the british war office, his anxieties would have been multiplied many times. for what resources had the government to meet invasion on three frontiers? the treasury was again depleted; new loans brought in insufficient funds to meet current expenses; recruiting was slack because the government could not compete with the larger bounties offered by the states; by summer the number of effective regular troops was only twenty-seven thousand all told. with this slender force, supplemented by state levies, the military authorities were asked to repel invasion. the administration had not yet drunk the bitter dregs of the cup of humiliation. that some part of the invading british forces might be detailed to attack the capital was vaguely divined by the president and his cabinet; but no adequate measures had been taken for the defense of the city when, on a fatal august day, the british army marched upon it. the humiliating story of the battle of bladensburg has been told elsewhere. the disorganized mob which had been hastily assembled to check the advance of the british was utterly routed almost under the eyes of the president, who with feelings not easily described found himself obliged to join the troops fleeing through the city. no personal humiliation was spared the president and his family. dolly madison, never once doubting that the noise of battle which reached the white house meant an american victory, stayed calmly indoors until the rush of troops warned her of danger. she and her friends were then swept along in the general rout. she was forced to leave her personal effects behind, but her presence of mind saved one treasure in the white house--a large portrait of general washington painted by gilbert stuart. that priceless portrait and the plate were all that survived. the fleeing militiamen had presence of mind enough to save a large quantity of the wine by drinking it, and what was left, together with the dinner on the table, was consumed by admiral cockburn and his staff. by nightfall the white house, the treasury, and the war office were in flames, and only a severe thunderstorm checked the conflagration.* * before passing judgment on the conduct of british officers and men in the capital, the reader should recall the equally indefensible outrages committed by american troops under general dearborn in 1813, when the houses of parliament and other public buildings at york (toronto) were pillaged and burned. see kingsford's "history of canada," viii, pp. 259 61. heartsick and utterly weary, the president crossed the potomac at about six o'clock in the evening and started westward in a carriage toward montpelier. he had been in the saddle since early morning and was nearly spent. to fatigue was added humiliation, for he was forced to travel with a crowd of embittered fugitives and sleep in a forlorn house by the wayside. next morning he overtook mrs. madison at an inn some sixteen miles from the capital. here they passed another day of humiliation, for refugees who had followed the same line of flight reviled the president for betraying them and the city. at midnight, alarmed at a report that the british were approaching, the president fled to another miserable refuge deeper in the virginia woods. this fear of capture was quite unfounded, however, for the british troops had already evacuated the city and were marching in the opposite direction. two days later the president returned to the capital to collect his cabinet and repair his shattered government. he found public sentiment hot against the administration for having failed to protect the city. he had even to fear personal violence, but he remained "tranquil as usual... though much distressed by the dreadful event which had taken place." he was still more distressed, however, by the insistent popular clamor for a victim for punishment. all fingers pointed at armstrong as the man responsible for the capture of the city. armstrong offered to resign at once, but the president in distress would not hear of resignation. he would advise only "a temporary retirement" from the city to placate the inhabitants. so armstrong departed, but by the time he reached baltimore he realized the impossibility of his situation and sent his resignation to the president. the victim had been offered up. at his own request monroe was now made secretary of war, though he continued also to discharge the not very heavy duties of the state department. it was a disillusioned group of congressmen who gathered in september, 1814, in special session at the president's call. among those who gazed sadly at the charred ruins of the capitol were calhoun, cheves, and grundy, whose voices had been loud for war and who had pictured their armies overrunning the british possessions. clay was at this moment endeavoring to avert a humiliating surrender of american claims at ghent. to the sting of defeated hopes was added physical discomfort. the only public building which had escaped the general conflagration was the post and patent office. in these cramped quarters the two houses awaited the president's message. a visitor from another planet would have been strangely puzzled to make the president's words tally with the havoc wrought by the enemy on every side. a series of achievements had given new luster to the american arms; "the pride of our naval arms had been amply supported"; the american people had "rushed with enthusiasm to the scenes where danger and duty call." not a syllable about the disaster at washington! not a word about the withdrawal of the connecticut militia from national service, and the refusal of the governor of vermont to call out the militia just at the moment when sir george prevost began his invasion of new york; not a word about the general suspension of specie payment by all banks outside of new england; not a word about the failure of the last loan and the imminent bankruptcy of the government. only a single sentence betrayed the anxiety which was gnawing madison's heart: "it is not to be disguised that the situation of our country calls for its greatest efforts." what the situation demanded, he left his secretaries to say. the new secretary of war seemed to be the one member of the administration who was prepared to grapple with reality and who had the courage of his convictions. while jefferson was warning him that it was nonsense to talk about a regular army, monroe told congress flatly that no reliance could be pled in the militia and that a permanent force of one hundred thousand men must be raised--raised by conscription if necessary. throwing virginian and jeffersonian principles to the winds, he affirmed the constitutional right of congress to draft citizens. the educational value of war must have been very great to bring monroe to this conclusion, but congress had not traveled so far. one by one monroe's alternative plans were laid aside; and the country, like a rudderless ship, drifted on. an insuperable obstacle, indeed, prevented the establishment of any efficient national army at this time. every plan encountered ultimately the inexorable fact that the treasury was practically empty and the credit of the government gone. secretary campbell's report was a confession of failure to sustain public credit. some seventy-four millions would be needed to carry the existing civil and military establishments for another year, and of this sum, vast indeed in those days, only twenty-four millions were in sight. where the remaining fifty millions were to be found, the secretary could not say. with this admission of incompetence campbell resigned from office. on the 9th of november his successor, a. j. dallas, notified holders of government securities at boston that the treasury could not meet its obligations. it was at this crisis, when bankruptcy stared the government in the face, that the legislature of massachusetts appointed delegates to confer with delegates from other new england legislatures on their common grievances and dangers and to devise means of security and defense. the legislatures of connecticut and rhode island responded promptly by appointing delegates to meet at hartford on the 15th of december; and the proposed convention seemed to receive popular indorsement in the congressional elections, for with but two exceptions all the congressmen chosen were federalists. hot-heads were discussing without any attempt at concealment the possibility of reconstructing the federal union. a new union of the good old thirteen states on terms set by new england was believed to be well within the bounds of possibility. news-sheets referred enthusiastically to the erection of a new federal edifice which should exclude the western states. little wonder that the harassed president in distant washington was obsessed with the idea that new england was on the verge of secession. william wirt who visited washington at this time has left a vivid picture of ruin and desolation: "i went to look at the ruins of the president's house. the rooms which you saw so richly furnished, exhibited nothing but unroofed naked walls, cracked, defaced, and blackened with fire. i cannot tell you what i felt as i walked amongst them.... i called on the president. he looks miserably shattered and wobegone. in short, he looked heartbroken. his mind is full of the new england sedition. he introduced the subject, and continued to press it--painful as it obviously was to him. i denied the probability, even the possibility that the yeomanry of the north could be induced to place themselves under the power and protection of england, and diverted the conversation to another topic; but he took the first opportunity to return to it, and convinced me that his heart and mind were painfully full of the subject." what added to the president's misgivings was the secrecy in which the members of the hartford convention shrouded their deliberations. an atmosphere of conspiracy seemed to envelop all their proceedings. that the "deliverance of new england" was at hand was loudly proclaimed by the federalist press. a reputable boston news-sheet advised the president to procure a faster horse than he had mounted at bladensburg, if he would escape the swift vengeance of new england. the report of the hartford convention seemed hardly commensurate with the fears of the president or with the windy boasts of the federalist press. it arraigned the administration in scathing language, to be sure, but it did not advise secession. "the multiplied abuses of bad administrations" did not yet justify a severance of the union, especially in a time of war. the manifest defects of the constitution were not incurable; yet the infractions of the constitution by the national government had been so deliberate, dangerous, and palpable as to put the liberties of the people in jeopardy and to constrain the several states to interpose their authority to protect their citizens. the legislatures of the several states were advised to adopt measures to protect their citizens against such unconstitutional acts of congress as conscription and to concert some arrangement with the government at washington, whereby they jointly or separately might undertake their own defense, and retain a reasonable share of the proceeds of federal taxation for that purpose. to remedy the defects of the constitution seven amendments were proposed, all of which had their origin in sectional hostility to the ascendancy of virginia and to the growing power of the new west. the last of these proposals was a shot at madison and virginia: "nor shall the president be elected from the same state two terms in succession." and finally, should these applications of the states for permission to arm in their own defense be ignored, then and in the event that peace should not be concluded, another convention should be summoned "with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require." massachusetts, under federalist control, acted promptly upon these suggestions. three commissioners were dispatched to washington to effect the desired arrangements for the defense of the state. the progress of these "three ambassadors," as they styled themselves, was followed with curiosity if not with apprehension. in federalist circles there was a general belief that an explosion was at hand. a disaster at new orleans, which was now threatened by a british fleet and army, would force madison to resign or to conclude peace. but on the road to washington, the ambassadors learned to their surprise that general andrew jackson had decisively repulsed the british before new orleans, on the 8th of january, and on reaching the capital they were met by the news that a treaty of peace had been signed at ghent. their cause was not only discredited but made ridiculous. they and their mission were forgotten as the tension of war times relaxed. the virginia dynasty was not to end with james madison. chapter xii. the peacemakers on a may afternoon in the year 1813, a little three-hundred-ton ship, the neptune, put out from new castle down delaware bay. before she could clear the capes she fell in with a british frigate, one of the blockading squadron which was already drawing its fatal cordon around the seaboard states. the captain of the neptune boarded the frigate and presented his passport, from which it appeared that he carried two distinguished passengers, albert gallatin and james a. bayard, envoys extraordinary to russia. the passport duly viseed, the neptune resumed her course out into the open sea, by grace of the british navy. one of these envoys watched the coast disappear in the haze of evening with mingled feelings of regret and relief. for twelve weary years gallatin had labored disinterestedly for the land of his adoption and now he was recrossing the ocean to the home of his ancestors with the taunts of his enemies ringing in his ears. would the federalists never forget that he was a "foreigner"? he reflected with a sad, ironic smile that as a "foreigner with a french accent" he would have distinct advantages in the world of european diplomacy upon which he was entering. he counted many distinguished personages among his friends, from madame de stael to alexander baring of the famous london banking house. unlike many native americans he did not need to learn the ways of european courts, because he was to the manner born: he had no provincial habits which he must slough off or conceal. also he knew himself and the happy qualities with which nature had endowed him--patience, philosophic composure, unfailing good humor. all these qualities were to be laid under heavy requisition in the work ahead of him. james bayard, gallatin's fellow passenger, had never been taunted as a foreigner, because several generations had intervened since the first of his family had come to new amsterdam with peter stuyvesant. nothing but his name could ever suggest that he was not of that stock commonly referred to as native american. bayard had graduated at princeton, studied law in philadelphia, and had just opened a law office in wilmington when he was elected to represent delaware in congress. as the sole representative of his state in the house of representatives and as a federalist, he had exerted a powerful influence in the disputed election of 1800, and he was credited with having finally made possible the election of jefferson over burr. subsequently he was sent to the senate, where he was serving when he was asked by president madison to accompany gallatin on this mission to the court of the czar. granting that a federalist must be selected, gallatin could not have found a colleague more to his liking, for bayard was a good companion and perhaps the least partisan of the federalist leaders. it was midsummer when the neptune dropped anchor in the harbor of kronstadt. there gallatin and bayard were joined by john quincy adams, minister to russia, who had been appointed the third member of the commission. here was a pureblooded american by all the accepted canons. john quincy adams was the son of his father and gloried secretly in his lineage: a puritan of the puritans in his outlook upon human life and destiny. something of the rigid quality of rock-bound new england entered into his composition. he was a foe to all compromise--even with himself; to him duty was the stern daughter of the voice of god, who admonished him daily and hourly of his obligations. no character in american public life has unbosomed himself so completely as this son of massachusetts in the pages of his diary. there are no half tones in the pictures which he has drawn of himself, no winsome graces of mind or heart, only the rigid outlines of a soul buffeted by destiny. gallatin--the urbane, cosmopolitan gallatin--must have derived much quiet amusement from his association with this robust new englander who took himself so seriously. two natures could not have been more unlike, yet the superior flexibility of gallatin's temperament made their association not only possible but exceedingly profitable. we may not call their intimacy a friendship--adams had few, if any friendships; but it contained the essential foundation for friendship--complete mutual confidence. adams brought disheartening news to the travel-weary passengers on the neptune: england had declined the offer of mediation. yes; he had the information from the lips of count roumanzoff, the chancellor and minister of foreign affairs. apparently, said adams with pursed lips, england regarded the differences with america as a sort of family quarrel in which it would not allow an outside neutral nation to interfere. roumanzoff, however, had renewed the offer of mediation. what the motives of the count were, he would not presume to say: russian diplomacy was unfathomable. the american commissioners were in a most embarrassing position. courtesy required that they should make no move until they knew what response the second offer of mediation would evoke. the czar was their only friend in all europe, so far as they knew, and they were none too sure of him. they were condemned to anxious inactivity, while in middle europe the fortunes of the czar rose and fell. in august the combined armies of russia, austria, and prussia were beaten by the fresh levies of napoleon; in september, the fighting favored the allies; in october, napoleon was brought to bay on the plains of leipzig. yet the imminent fall of the napoleonic empire only deepened the anxiety of the forlorn american envoys, for it was likely to multiply the difficulties of securing reasonable terms from his conqueror. at the same time with news of the battle of leipzig came letters from home which informed gallatin that his nomination as envoy had been rejected by the senate. this was the last straw. to remain inactive as an envoy was bad enough; to stay on unaccredited seemed impossible. he determined to take advantage of a hint dropped by his friend baring that the british ministry, while declining mediation, was not unwilling to treat directly with the american commissioners. he would go to london in an unofficial capacity and smooth the way to negotiations. but adams and bayard demurred and persuaded him to defer his departure. a month later came assurances that lord castlereagh had offered to negotiate with the americans either at london or at gothenburg. late in january, 1814, gallatin and bayard set off for amsterdam: the one to bide his chance to visit london, the other to await further instructions. there they learned that in response to castlereagh's overtures, the president had appointed a new commission, on which gallatin's name did not appear. notwithstanding this disappointment, gallatin secured the desired permission to visit london through the friendly offices of alexander baring. hardly had the americans established themselves in london when word came that the two new commissioners, henry clay and jonathan russell, had landed at gothenburg bearing a commission for gallatin. it seems that gallatin was believed to be on his way home and had therefore been left off the commission; on learning of his whereabouts, the president had immediately added his name. so it happened that gallatin stood last on the list when every consideration dictated his choice as head of the commission. the incident illustrates the difficulties that beset communication one hundred years ago. diplomacy was a game of chance in which wind and waves often turned the score. here were five american envoys duly accredited, one keeping his stern vigil in russia, two on the coast of sweden, and two in hostile london. where would they meet? with whom were they to negotiate? after vexatious delays ghent was fixed upon as the place where peace negotiations should begin, and there the americans rendezvoused during the first week in july. further delay followed, for in spite of the assurances of lord castlereagh the british representatives did not make their appearance for a month. meantime the american commissioners made themselves at home among the hospitable flemish townspeople, with whom they became prime favorites. in the concert halls they were always greeted with enthusiasm. the musicians soon discovered that british tunes were not in favor and endeavored to learn some american airs. had the americans no national airs of their own, they asked. "oh, yes!" they were assured. "there was hail columbia." would not one of the gentlemen be good enough to play or sing it? an embarrassing request, for musical talent was not conspicuous in the delegation; but peter, gallatin's black servant, rose to the occasion. he whistled the air; and then one of the attaches scraped out the melody on a fiddle, so that the quick-witted orchestra speedily composed l'air national des americains a grand orchestre, and thereafter always played it as a counterbalance to god save the king. the diversions of ghent, however, were not numerous, and time hung heavy on the hands of the americans while they waited for the british commissioners. "we dine together at four," adams records, "and sit usually at table until six. we then disperse to our several amusements and avocations." clay preferred cards or billiards and the mild excitement of rather high stakes. gallatin and his young son james preferred the theater; and all but adams became intimately acquainted with the members of a french troupe of players whom adams describes as the worst he ever saw. as for adams himself, his diversion was a solitary walk of two or three hours, and then to bed. on the 6th of august the british commissioners arrived in ghent--admiral lord gambier, henry goulburn, esq., and dr. william adams. they were not an impressive trio. gambier was an elderly man whom a writer in the morning chronicle described as a man "who slumbered for some time as a junior lord of admiralty; who sung psalms, said prayers, and assisted in the burning of copenhagen, for which he was made a lord." goulburn was a young man who had served as an undersecretary of state. adams was a doctor of laws who was expected perhaps to assist negotiations by his legal lore. gallatin described them not unfairly as "men who have not made any mark, puppets of lords castlereagh and liverpool." perhaps, in justification of this choice of representatives, it should be said that the best diplomatic talent had been drafted into service at vienna and that the british ministry expected in this smaller conference to keep the threads of diplomacy in its own hands. the first meeting of the negotiators was amicable enough. the americans found their opponents courteous and well-bred; and both sides evinced a desire to avoid in word and manner, as bayard put it, "everything of an inflammable nature." throughout this memorable meeting at ghent, indeed, even when difficult situations arose and nerves became taut, personal relations continued friendly. "we still keep personally upon eating and drinking terms with them," adams wrote at a tense moment. speaking for his superiors and his colleagues, admiral gambier assured the americans of their earnest desire to end hostilities on terms honorable to both parties. adams replied that he and his associates reciprocated this sentiment. and then, without further formalities, goulburn stated in blunt and business-like fashion the matters on which they had been instructed: impressment, fisheries, boundaries, the pacification of the indians, and the demarkation of an indian territory. the last was to be regarded as a sine qua non for the conclusion of any treaty. would the americans be good enough to state the purport of their instructions? the american commissioners seem to have been startled out of their composure by this sine qua non. they had no instructions on this latter point nor on the fisheries; they could only ask for a more specific statement. what had his majesty's government in mind when it referred to an indian territory? with evident reluctance the british commissioners admitted that the proposed indian territory was to serve as a buffer state between the united states and canada. pressed for more details, they intimated that this area thus neutralized might include the entire northwest. a second conference only served to show the want of any common basis for negotiation. the americans had come to ghent to settle two outstanding problems--blockades and indemnities for attacks on neutral commerce--and to insist on the abandonment of impressments as a sine qua non. both commissions then agreed to appeal to their respective governments for further instructions. within a week, lord castlereagh sent precise instructions which confirmed the worst fears of the americans. the indian boundary line was to follow the line of the treaty of greenville and beyond it neither nation was to acquire land. the united states was asked, in short, to set apart for the indians in perpetuity an area which comprised the present states of michigan, wisconsin, and illinois, four-fifths of indiana, and a third of ohio. but, remonstrated gallatin, this area included states and territories settled by more than a hundred thousand american citizens. what was to be done with them? "they must look after themselves," was the blunt answer. in comparison with this astounding proposal, lord castlereagh's further suggestion of a "rectification" of the frontier by the cession of fort niagara and sackett's harbor and by the exclusion of the americans from the lakes, seemed of little importance. the purpose of his majesty's government, the commissioners hastened to add, was not aggrandizement but the protection of the north american provinces. in view of the avowed aim of the united states to conquer canada, the control of the lakes must rest with great britain. indeed, taking the weakness of canada into account, his majesty's government might have reasonably demanded the cession of the lands adjacent to the lakes; and should these moderate terms not be accepted, his majesty's government would feel itself at liberty to enlarge its demands, if the war continued to favor british arms. the american commissioners asked if these proposals relating to the control of the lakes were also a sine qua non. "we have given you one sine qua non already," was the reply, "and we should suppose one sine qua non at a time was enough." the americans returned to their hotel of one mind: they could view the proposals just made no other light than as a deliberate attempt to dismember the united states. they could differ only as to the form in which they should couch their positive rejection. as titular head of the commission, adams set promptly to work upon a draft of an answer which he soon set before his colleagues. at once all appearance of unanimity vanished. to the enemy they could present a united front; in the privacy of their apartment, they were five headstrong men. they promptly fell upon adams's draft tooth and nail. adams described the scene with pardonable resentment. "mr. gallatin is for striking out any expression that may be offensive to the feelings of the adverse party. mr. clay is displeased with figurative language which he thinks improper for a state paper. mr. russell, agreeing in the objections of the two other gentlemen, will be further for amending the construction of every sentence; and mr. bayard, even when agreeing to say precisely the same thing, chooses to say it only in his own language." sharp encounters took place between adams and clay. "you dare not," shouted clay in a passion on one occasion, "you cannot, you shall not insinuate that there has been a cabal of three members against you!" "gentlemen! gentlemen!" gallatin would expostulate with a twinkle in his eye, "we must remain united or we will fail." it was his good temper and tact that saved this and many similar situations. when bayard had essayed a draft of his own and had failed to win support, it was gallatin who took up adams's draft and put it into acceptable form. on the third day, after hours of "sifting, erasing, patching, and amending, until we were all wearied, though none of us satisfied," gallatin's revision was accepted. from this moment, gallatin's virtual leadership was unquestioned. the american note of the 24th of august was a vigorous but even-tempered protest against the british demands as contrary to precedent and dishonorable to the united states. the american states would never consent "to abandon territory and a portion of their citizens, to admit a foreign interference in their domestic concerns, and to cease to exercise their natural rights on their own shores and in their own waters." "a treaty concluded on such terms would be but an armistice." but after the note had been prepared and dispatched, profound discouragement reigned in the american hotel. even gallatin, usually hopeful and philosophically serene, grew despondent. "our negotiations may be considered at an end," he wrote to monroe; "great britain wants war in order to cripple us. she wants aggrandizement at our expense.... i do not expect to be longer than three weeks in europe." the commissioners notified their landlord that they would give up their quarters on the 1st of october; yet they lingered on week after week, waiting for the word which would close negotiations and send them home. meantime the british ministry was quite as little pleased at the prospect. it would not do to let the impression go abroad that great britain was prepared to continue the war for territorial gains. if a rupture of the negotiations must come, lord castlereagh preferred to let the americans shoulder the responsibility. he therefore instructed gambier not to insist on the independent indian territory and the control of the lakes. these points were no longer to be "ultimata" but only matters for discussion. the british commissioners were to insist, however, on articles providing for the pacification of the indians. should the americans yield this sine qua non, now that the first had been withdrawn? adams thought not, decidedly not; he would rather break off negotiations than admit the right of great britain to interfere with the indians dwelling within the limits of the united states. gallatin remarked that after all it was a very small point to insist on, when a slight concession would win much more important points. "then, said i [adams], with a movement of impatience and an angry tone, it is a good point to admit the british as the sovereigns and protectors of our indians? gallatin's face brightened, and he said in a tone of perfect good-humor, 'that's a non-sequitur.' this turned the edge of the argument into jocularity. i laughed, and insisted that it was a sequitur, and the conversation easily changed to another point." gallatin had his way with the rest of the commission and drafted the note of the 26th of september, which, while refusing to recognize the indians as sovereign nations in the treaty, proposed a stipulation that would leave them in possession of their former lands and rights. this solution of a perplexing problem was finally accepted after another exchange of notes and another earnest discussion at the american hotel, where gallatin again poured oil on the troubled waters. concession begat concession. new instructions from president madison now permitted the commissioners to drop the demand for the abolition of impressments and blockades; and, with these difficult matters swept away, the path to peace was much easier to travel. such was the outlook for peace when news reached ghent of the humiliating rout at bladensburg. the british newspapers were full of jubilant comments; the five crestfallen american envoys took what cold comfort they could out of the very general condemnation of the burning of the capitol. then, on the heels of this intelligence, came rumors that the british invasion of new york had failed and that prevost's army was in full retreat to canada. the americans could hardly grasp the full significance of this british reversal: it was too good to be true. but true it was, and their spirits rebounded. it was at this juncture that the british commissioners presented a note, on the 21st of october, which for the first time went to the heart of the negotiations. war had been waged; territory had been overrun; conquests had been made--not the anticipated conquests on either side, to be sure, but conquests nevertheless. these were the plain facts. now the practical question was this: was the treaty to be drafted on the basis of the existing state of possession or on the basis of the status before the war? the british note stated their case in plain unvarnished fashion; it insisted on the status uti possidetis--the possession of territory won by arms. in the minds of the americans, buoyed up by the victory at plattsburg, there was not the shadow of doubt as to what their answer should be; they declined for an instant to consider any other basis for peace than the restoration of gains on both sides. their note was prompt, emphatic, even blunt, and it nearly shattered the nerves of the gentlemen in downing street. had these stiffnecked yankees no sense? could they not perceive the studied moderation of the terms proposed--an island or two and a small strip of maine--when half of maine and the south bank of the st. lawrence from plattsburg to sackett's harbor might have been demanded as the price of peace? the prospect of another year of war simply to secure a frontier which nine out of ten englishmen could not have identified was most disquieting, especially in view of the prodigious cost of military operations in north america. the ministry was both hot and cold. at one moment it favored continued war; at another it shrank from the consequences; and in the end it confessed its own want of decision by appealing to the duke of wellington and trying to shift the responsibility to his broad shoulders. would the duke take command of the forces in canada? he should be invested with full diplomatic and military powers to bring the war to an honorable conclusion. the reply of the iron duke gave the ministry another shock. he would go to america, but he did not promise himself much success there, and he was reluctant to leave europe at this critical time. to speak frankly, he had no high opinion of the diplomatic game which the ministry was playing at ghent. "i confess," said he, "that i think you have no right from the state of the war to demand any concession from america... you have not been able to carry it into the enemy's territory, notwithstanding your military success, and now undoubted military superiority, and have not even cleared your own territory on the point of attack. you cannot on any principle of equality in negotiation claim a cession of territory excepting in exchange for other advantages which you have in your power.... then if this reasoning be true, why stipulate for the uti possidetis? you can get no territory; indeed, the state of your military operations, however creditable, does not entitle you to demand any." as lord liverpool perused this dispatch, the will to conquer oozed away. "i think we have determined," he wrote a few days later to castlereagh, "if all other points can be satisfactorily settled, not to continue the war for the purpose of obtaining or securing any acquisition of territory." he set forth his reasons for this decision succinctly: the unsatisfactory state of the negotiations at vienna, the alarming condition of france, the deplorable financial outlook in england. but lord liverpool omitted to mention a still more potent factor in his calculations--the growing impatience of the country. the american war had ceased to be popular; it had become the graveyard of military reputations; it promised no glory to either sailor or soldier. now that the correspondence of the negotiators at ghent was made public, the reading public might very easily draw the conclusion that the ministry was prolonging the war by setting up pretensions which it could not sustain. no ministry could afford to continue a war out of mere stubbornness. meantime, wholly in the dark as to the forces which were working in their favor, the american commissioners set to work upon a draft of a treaty which should be their answer to the british offer of peace on the basis of uti possidetis. almost at once dissensions occurred. protracted negotiations and enforced idleness had set their nerves on edge, and old personal and sectional differences appeared. the two matters which caused most trouble were the fisheries and the navigation of the mississippi. adams could not forget how stubbornly his father had fought for that article in the treaty of 1783 which had conceded to new england fishermen, as a natural right, freedom to fish in british waters. to a certain extent this concession had been offset by yielding to the british the right of navigation of the mississippi, but the latter right seemed unimportant in the days when the alleghanies marked the limit of western settlement. in the quarter of a century which had elapsed, however, the west had come into its own. it was now a powerful section with an intensely alert consciousness of its rights and wrongs; and among its rights it counted the exclusive control of the father of waters. feeling himself as much the champion of western interests as adams did of new england fisheries, clay refused indignantly to consent to a renewal of the treaty provisions of 1783. but when the matter came to a vote, he found himself with russell in a minority. very reluctantly he then agreed to gallatin's proposal, to insert in a note, rather than in the draft itself, a paragraph to the effect that the commissioners were not instructed to discuss the rights hitherto enjoyed in the fisheries, since no further stipulation was deemed necessary to entitle them to rights which were recognized by the treaty of 1783. when the british reply to the american project was read, adams noted with quiet satisfaction that the reservation as to the fisheries was passed over in silence--silence, he thought, gave consent--but clay flew into a towering passion when he learned that the old right of navigating the mississippi was reasserted. adams was prepared to accept the british proposals; clay refused point blank; and gallatin sided this time with clay. could a compromise be effected between these stubborn representatives of east and west? gallatin tried once more. why not accept the british right of navigation--surely an unimportant point after all--and ask for an express affirmation of fishery rights? clay replied hotly that if they were going to sacrifice the west to massachusetts, he would not sign the treaty. with infinite patience gallatin continued to play the role of peacemaker and finally brought both these self-willed men to agree to offer a renewal of both rights. instead of accepting this eminently fair adjustment, the british representatives proposed that the two disputed rights be left to future negotiation. the suggestion caused another explosion in the ranks of the americans. adams would not admit even by implication that the rights for which his sire fought could be forfeited by war and become the subject of negotiation. but all save adams were ready to yield. again gallatin came to the rescue. he penned a note rejecting the british offer, because it seemed to imply the abandonment of a right; but in turn he offered to omit in the treaty all reference to the fisheries and the mississippi or to include a general reference to further negotiation of all matters still in dispute, in such a way as not to relinquish any rights. to this solution of the difficulty all agreed, though adams was still torn by doubts and clay believed that the treaty was bound to be "damned bad" anyway. an anxious week of waiting followed. on the 22d of december came the british reply--a grudging acceptance of gallatin's first proposal to omit all reference to the fisheries and the mississippi. two days later the treaty was signed in the refectory of the carthusian monastery where the british commissioners were quartered. let the tired seventeen-year-old boy who had been his father's scribe through these long weary months describe the events of christmas day, 1814. "the british delegates very civilly asked us to dinner," wrote james gallatin in his diary. "the roast beef and plum pudding was from england, and everybody drank everybody else's health. the band played first god save the king, to the toast of the king, and yankee doodle, to the toast of the president. congratulations on all sides and a general atmosphere of serenity; it was a scene to be remembered. god grant there may be always peace between the two nations. i never saw father so cheerful; he was in high spirits, and his witty conversation was much appreciated." * * "a great peace maker: the dairy of james gallatin" (1914). p. 36. peace! that was the outstanding achievement of the american commissioners at ghent. measured by the purposes of the war-hawks of 1812, measured by the more temperate purposes of president madison, the treaty of ghent was a confession of national weakness and humiliating failure. clay, whose voice had been loudest for war and whose kindling fancy had pictured american armies dictating terms of surrender at quebec, set his signature to a document which redressed not a single grievance and added not a foot of territory to the united states. adams, who had denounced great britain for the crime of "man-stealing," accepted a treaty of peace which contained not a syllable about impressment. president madison, who had reluctantly accepted war as the last means of escape from the blockade of american ports and the ruin of neutral trade, recommended the ratification of a convention which did not so much as mention maritime questions and the rights of neutrals. peace--and nothing more? much more, indeed, than appears in rubrics on parchment. the treaty of ghent must be interpreted in the light of more than a hundred years of peace between the two great branches of the english-speaking race. more conscious of their differences than anything else, no doubt, these eight peacemakers at ghent nevertheless spoke a common tongue and shared a common english trait: they laid firm hold on realities. like practical men they faced the year 1815 and not 1812. in a pacified europe rid of the corsican, questions of maritime practice seemed dead issues. let the dead past bury its dead! to remove possible causes of future controversy seemed wiser statesmanship than to rake over the embers of quarrels which might never be rekindled. so it was that in prosaic articles they provided for three commissions to arbitrate boundary controversies at critical points in the far-flung frontier between canada and the united states, and thus laid the foundations of an international accord which has survived a hundred years. chapter xiii. spanish derelicts in the new world it fell to the last, and perhaps least talented, president of the virginia dynasty to consummate the work of jefferson and madison by a final settlement with spain which left the united states in possession of the floridas. in the diplomatic service james monroe had exhibited none of those qualities which warranted the expectation that he would succeed where his predecessors had failed. on his missions to england and spain, indeed, he had been singularly inept, but he had learned much in the rude school of experience, and he now brought to his new duties discretion, sobriety, and poise. he was what the common people held him to be a faithful public servant, deeply and sincerely republican, earnestly desirous to serve the country which he loved. the circumstances of monroe's election pledged him to a truly national policy. he had received the electoral votes of all but three states. * he was now president of an undivided country, not merely a virginian fortuitously elevated to the chief magistracy and regarded as alien in sympathy to the north and east. any doubts on this point were dispelled by the popular demonstrations which greeted him on his tour through federalist strongholds in the northeast. "i have seen enough," he wrote in grateful recollection, "to satisfy me that the great mass of our fellow-citizens in the eastern states are as firmly attached to the union and republican government as i have always believed or could desire them to be." the news-sheets which followed his progress from day to day coined the phrase, "era of good feeling," which has passed current ever since as a characterization of his administration. * monroe received 183 electoral votes and rufus king, 34- the votes of massachusetts, connecticut, and delaware. it was in this admirable temper and with this broad national outlook that monroe chose his advisers and heads of departments. he was well aware of the common belief that his predecessors had appointed virginians to the secretaryship of state in order to prepare the way for their succession to the presidency. he was determined, therefore, to avert the suspicion of sectional bias by selecting some one from the eastern states, rather than from the south or from the west, hitherto so closely allied to the south. his choice fell upon john quincy adams, "who by his age, long experience in our foreign affairs, and adoption into the republican party," he assured jefferson, "seems to have superior pretentions." it was an excellent appointment from every point of view but one. monroe had overlooked--and the circumstance did him infinite credit--the exigencies of politics and passed over an individual whose vaulting ambition had already made him an aspirant to the presidency. henry clay was grievously disappointed and henceforward sulked in his tent, refusing the secretaryship of war which the president tendered. eventually the brilliant young john c. calhoun took this post. this south carolinian was in the prime of life, full of fire and dash, ardently patriotic, and nationally-minded to an unusual degree. of william h. crawford of georgia, who retained the secretaryship of the treasury, little need be said except that he also was a presidential aspirant who saw things always from the angle of political expediency. benjamin w. crowninshield as secretary of the navy and william wirt as attorney-general completed the circle of the president's intimate advisers. the new secretary of state had not been in office many weeks before he received a morning call from don luis de onis, the spanish minister, who was laboring under ill-disguised excitement. it appeared that his house in washington had been repeatedly "insulted" of late-windows broken, lamps in front of the house smashed, and one night a dead fowl tied to his bell-rope. this last piece of vandalism had been too much for his equanimity. he held it a gross insult to his sovereign and the spanish monarchy, importing that they were of no more consequence than a dead old hen! adams, though considerably amused, endeavored to smooth the ruffled pride of the chevalier by suggesting that these were probably only the tricks of some mischievous boys; but de onis was not easily appeased. indeed, as adams was himself soon to learn, the american public did regard the spanish monarchy as a dead old hen, and took no pains to disguise its contempt. adams had yet to learn the long train of circumstances which made spanish relations the most delicate and difficult of all the diplomatic problems in his office. with his wonted industry, adams soon made himself master of the facts relating to spanish diplomacy. for the moment interest centered on east florida. carefully unraveling the tangled skein of events, adams followed the thread which led back to president madison's secret message to congress of january 3,1811, which was indeed one of the landmarks in american policy. madison had recommended a declaration "that the united states could not see without serious inquietude any part of a neighboring territory [like east florida] in which they have in different respects so deep and so just a concern pass from the hands of spain into those of any other foreign power." to prevent the possible subversion of spanish authority in east florida and the occupation of the province by a foreign power--great britain was, of course, the power the president had in mind--he had urged congress to authorize him to take temporary possession "in pursuance of arrangements which may be desired by the spanish authorities." congress had responded with alacrity and empowered the president to occupy east florida in case the local authorities should consent or a foreign power should attempt to occupy it. with equal dispatch the president had sent two agents, general george matthews and colonel john mckee, on one of the strangest missions in the border history of the united states. east florida--adams found, pursuing his inquiries into the archives of the department--included the two important ports of entry, pensacola on the gulf and fernandina on amelia island, at the mouth of the st. mary's river. the island had long been a notorious resort for smugglers. hither had come british and american vessels with cargoes of merchandise and slaves, which found their way in mysterious fashion to consignees within the states. a spanish garrison of ten men was the sole custodian of law and order on the island. up and down the river was scattered a lawless population of freebooters, who were equally ready to raid a border plantation or to raise the jolly roger on some piratical cruise. to this no man's land--fertile recruiting ground for all manner of filibustering expeditions--general matthews and colonel mckee had betaken themselves in the spring of 1811, bearing some explicit instructions from president madison but also some very pronounced convictions as to what they were expected to accomplish. matthews, at least, understood that the president wished a revolution after the west florida model. he assured the administration-adams read the precious missive in the files of his office-that he could do the trick. only let the government consign two hundred stand of arms and fifty horsemen's swords to the commander at st. mary's, and he would guarantee to put the revolution through without committing the united states in any way. the melodrama had been staged for the following spring (1812). some two hundred "patriots" recruited from the border people gathered near st. mary's with souls yearning for freedom; and while american gunboats took a menacing position, this force of insurgents had landed on amelia island and summoned the spanish commandant to surrender. not willing to spoil the scene by vulgar resistance, the commandant capitulated and marched out his garrison, ten strong, with all the honors of war. the spanish flag had been hauled down to give place to the flag of the insurgents, bearing the inspiring motto salus populi--suprema lex. then general matthews with a squad of regular united states troops had crossed the river and taken possession. only the benediction of the government at washington was lacking to make the success of his mission complete; but to the general's consternation no approving message came, only a peremptory dispatch disavowing his acts and revoking his commission. as adams reviewed these events, he could see no other alternative for the government to have pursued at this moment when war with great britain was impending. it would have been the height of folly to break openly with spain. the administration had indeed instructed its new agent, governor mitchell of georgia, to restore the island to the spanish commandant and to withdraw his troops, if he could do so without sacrificing the insurgents to the vengeance of the spaniards. but the forces set in motion by matthews were not so easily controlled from washington. once having resolved to liberate east florida, the patriots were not disposed to retire at the nod of the secretary of state. the spanish commandant was equally obdurate. he would make no promise to spare the insurgents. the legislature of georgia, too, had a mind of its own. it resolved that the occupation of east florida was essential to the safety of the state, whether congress approved or no; and the governor, swept along in the current of popular feeling, summoned troops from savannah to hold the province. just at this moment had come the news of war with great britain; and governor, state militia, and patriots had combined in an effort to prevent east florida from becoming enemy's territory. military considerations had also swept the administration along the same hazardous course. the occupation of the floridas seemed imperative. the president sought authorization from congress to occupy and govern both the floridas until the vexed question of title could be settled by negotiation. only a part of this programme had carried, for, while congress was prepared to approve the military occupation of west florida to the perdido river, beyond that it would not go; and so with great reluctance the president had ordered the troops to withdraw from amelia island. in the spring of the same year (1813) general wilkinson had occupied west florida--the only permanent conquest of the war and that, oddly enough, the conquest of a territory owned and held by a power with which the united states was not at war. abandoned by the american troops, amelia island had become a rendezvous for outlaws from every part of the americas. just about the time that adams was crossing the ocean to take up his duties at the state department, one of these buccaneers by the name of gregor macgregor descended upon the island as "brigadier general of the armies of the united provinces of new granada and venezuela, and general-in-chief of that destined to emancipate the provinces of both floridas, under the commission of the supreme government of mexico and south america." this pirate was soon succeeded by general aury, who had enjoyed a wild career among the buccaneers of galveston bay, where he had posed as military governor under the republic of mexico. east florida in the hands of such desperadoes was a menace to the american border. approaching the problem of east florida without any of the prepossessions of those who had been dealing with spanish envoys for a score of years, the new secretary of state was prepared to move directly to his goal without any too great consideration for the feelings of others. his examination of the facts led him to a clean-cut decision: this nest of pirates must be broken up at once. his energy carried president and cabinet along with him. it was decided to send troops and ships to the st. mary's and if necessary to invest fernandina. this demonstration of force sufficed; general aury departed to conquer new worlds, and amelia island was occupied for the second time without bloodshed. but now, having grasped the nettle firmly, what was the administration to do with it? de onis promptly registered his protest; the opposition in congress seized upon the incident to worry the president; many of the president's friends thought that he had been precipitate. monroe, indeed, would have been glad to withdraw the troops now that they had effected their object, but adams was for holding the island in order to force spain to terms. with a frankness which lacerated the feelings of de onis, adams insisted that the united states had acted strictly on the defensive. the occupation of amelia island was not an act of aggression but a necessary measure for the protection of commerce--american commerce, the commerce of other nations, the commerce of spain itself. now why not put an end to all friction by ceding the floridas to the united states? what would spain take for all her possessions east of the mississippi, adams asked. de onis declined to say. well, then, adams pursued, suppose the united states should withdraw from amelia island, would spain guarantee that it should not be occupied again by free-booters? no: de onis could give no such guarantee, but he would write to the governor of havana to ascertain if he would send an adequate garrison to fernandina. adams reported this significant conversation to the president, who was visibly shaken by the conflict of opinions within his political household and not a little alarmed at the possibility of war with spain. the secretary of state was coolly taking the measure of his chief. "there is a slowness, want of decision, and a spirit of procrastination in the president," he confided to his diary. he did not add, but the thought was in his mind, that he could sway this president, mold him to his heart's desire. in this first trial of strength the hardier personality won: monroe sent a message to congress, on january 13, 1818, announcing his intention to hold east florida for the present, and the arguments which he used to justify this bold course were precisely those of his secretary of state. when adams suggested that spain might put an end to all her worries by ceding the floridas, he was only renewing an offer that monroe had made while he was still secretary of state. de onis had then declared that spain would never cede territory east of the mississippi unless the united states would relinquish its claims west of that river. now, to the new secretary, de onis intimated that he was ready to be less exacting. he would be willing to run the line farther west and allow the united states a large part of what is now the state of louisiana. adams made no reply to this tentative proposal but bided his time; and time played into his hands in unexpected ways. to the secretary's office, one day in june, 1818, came a letter from de onis which was a veritable firebrand. de onis, who was not unnaturally disposed to believe the worst of americans on the border, had heard that general andrew jackson in pursuit of the seminole indians had crossed into florida and captured pensacola and st. mark's. he demanded to be informed "in a positive, distinct and explicit manner just what had occurred"; and then, outraged by confirmatory reports and without waiting for adams's reply, he wrote another angry letter, insisting upon the restitution of the captured forts and the punishment of the american general. worse tidings followed. bagot, the british minister, had heard that jackson had seized and executed two british subjects on spanish soil. would the secretary of state inform him whether general jackson had been authorized to take pensacola, and would the secretary furnish him with copies of the reports of the courts-martial which had condemned these two subjects of his majesty? adams could only reply that he lacked official information. by the second week in july, dispatches from general jackson confirmed the worst insinuations and accusations of de onis and bagot. president monroe was painfully embarrassed. prompt disavowal of the general's conduct seemed the only way to avert war; but to disavow the acts of this popular idol, the victor of new orleans, was no light matter. he sought the advice of his cabinet and was hardly less embarrassed to find all but one convinced that "old hickory" had acted contrary to instructions and had committed acts of hostility against spain. a week of anxious cabinet sessions followed, in which only one voice was raised in defense of the invasion of florida. all but adams feared war, a war which the opposition would surely brand as incited by the president without the consent of congress. no administration could carry on a war begun in violation of the constitution, said calhoun. but, argued adams, the president may authorize defensive acts of hostility. jackson had been authorized to cross the frontier, if necessary, in pursuit of the indians, and all the ensuing deplorable incidents had followed as a necessary consequence of indian warfare. the conclusions of the cabinet were summed up by adams in a reply to de onis, on the 23d of july, which must have greatly astonished that diligent defender of spanish honor. opening the letter to read, as he confidently expected, a disavowal and an offer of reparation, he found the responsibility for the recent unpleasant incidents fastened upon his own country. he was reminded that by the treaty of 1795 both governments had contracted to restrain the indians within their respective borders, so that neither should suffer from hostile raids, and that the governor of pensacola, when called upon to break up a stronghold of indians and fugitive slaves, had acknowledged his obligation but had pleaded his inability to carry out the covenant. then, and then only, had general jackson been authorized to cross the border and to put an end to outrages which the spanish authorities lacked the power to prevent. general jackson had taken possession of the spanish forts on his own responsibility when he became convinced of the duplicity of the commandant, who, indeed, had made himself "a partner and accomplice of the hostile indians and of their foreign instigators." such conduct on the part of his majesty's officer justified the president in calling for his punishment. but, in the meantime, the president was prepared to restore pensacola, and also st. mark's, whenever his majesty should send a force sufficiently strong to hold the indians under control. nor did the secretary of state moderate his tone or abate his demands when pizarro, the spanish minister of foreign affairs, threatened to suspend negotiations with the united states until it should give satisfaction for this "shameful invasion of his majesty's territory" and for these "acts of barbarity glossed over with the forms of justice." in a dispatch to the american minister at madrid, adams vigorously defended jackson's conduct from beginning to end. the time had come, said he, when "spain must immediately make her election either to place a force in florida adequate at once to the protection of her territory and to the fulfilment of her engagements or cede to the united states a province of which she retains nothing but the nominal possession, but which is in fact a derelict, open to the occupancy of every enemy, civilized or savage, of the united states and serving no other earthly purpose, than as a post of annoyance to them." this affront to spanish pride might have ended abruptly a chapter in spanish-american diplomacy but for the friendly offices of hyde de neuville, the french minister at washington, whose government could not view without alarm the possibility of a rupture between the two countries. it was neuville who labored through the summer months of this year, first with adams, then with de onis, tempering the demands of the one and placating the pride of the other, but never allowing intercourse to drop. adams was right, and both neuville and de onis knew it; the only way to settle outstanding differences was to cede these spanish derelicts in the new world to the united states. to bring and keep together these two antithetical personalities, representatives of two opposing political systems, was no small achievement. what de onis thought of his stubborn opponent may be surmised; what the american thought of the spaniard need not be left to conjecture. in the pages of his diary adams painted the portrait of his adversary as he saw him--"cold, calculating, wily, always commanding his temper, proud because he is a spaniard but supple and cunning, accommodating the tone of his pretensions precisely to the degree of endurance of his opponents, bold and overbearing to the utmost extent to which it is tolerated, careless of what he asserts or how grossly it is proved to be unfounded." the history of the negotiations running through the fall and winter is a succession of propositions and counter-propositions, made formally by the chief participants or tentatively and informally through neuville. the western boundary of the louisiana purchase was the chief obstacle to agreement. each sparred for an advantage; each made extreme claims; and each was persuaded to yield a little here and a little there, slowly narrowing the bounds of the disputed territory. more than once the president and the cabinet believed that the last concession had been extorted and were prepared to yield on other matters. when the president was prepared, for example, to accept the hundredth meridian and the forty-third parallel, adams insisted on demanding the one hundred and second and the forty-second; and "after a long and violent struggle," wrote adams, "he [de onis]. .. agreed to take longitude one hundred from the red river to the arkansas, and latitude forty-two from the source of the arkansas to the south sea." this was a momentous decision, for the united states acquired thus whatever claim spain had to the northwest coast but sacrificed its claim to texas for the possession of the floridas. vexatious questions still remained to be settled. the spoliation claims which were to have been adjusted by the convention of 1802 were finally left to a commission, the united states agreeing to assume all obligations to an amount not exceeding five million dollars. de onis demurred at stating this amount in the treaty: he would be blamed for having betrayed the honor of spain by selling the floridas for a paltry five millions. to which adams replied dryly that he ought to boast of his bargain instead of being ashamed of it, since it was notorious that the floridas had always been a burden to the spanish exchequer. negotiations came to a standstill again when adams insisted that certain royal grants of land in the floridas should be declared null and void. he feared, and not without reason, that these grants would deprive the united states of the domain which was to be used to pay the indemnities assumed in the treaty. de onis resented the demand as "offensive to the dignity and imprescriptible rights of the crown of spain"; and once again neuville came to the rescue of the treaty and persuaded both parties to agree to a compromise. on the understanding that the royal grants in question had been made subsequent to january 24, 1818, adams agreed that all grants made since that date (when the first proposal was made by his majesty for the cession of the floridas) should be declared null and void; and that all grants made before that date should be confirmed. on the anniversary of washington's birthday, de onis and adams signed the treaty which carried the united states to its natural limits on the southeast. the event seemed to adams to mark "a great epocha in our history." "it was near one in the morning," he recorded in his diary, "when i closed the day with ejaculations of fervent gratitude to the giver of all good. it was, perhaps, the most important day of my life.... let no idle and unfounded exultation take possession of my mind, as if i would ascribe to my own foresight or exertions any portion of the event." but misgivings followed hard on these joyous reflections. the treaty had still to be ratified, and the disposition of the spanish cortes was uncertain. there was, too, considerable opposition in the senate. "a watchful eye, a resolute purpose, a calm and patient temper, and a favoring providence will all be as indispensable for the future as they have been for the past in the management of this negotiation," adams reminded himself. he had need of all these qualities in the trying months that followed. chapter xiv. framing an american policy the decline and fall of the spanish empire does not challenge the imagination like the decline and fall of that other empire with which alone it can be compared, possibly because no gibbon has chronicled its greatness. yet its dissolution affected profoundly the history of three continents. while the floridas were slipping from the grasp of spain, the provinces to the south were wrenching themselves loose, with protestations which penetrated to european chancelleries as well as to american legislative halls. to czar alexander and prince metternich, sponsors for the holy alliance and preservers of the peace of europe, these declarations of independence contained the same insidious philosophy of revolution which they had pledged themselves everywhere to combat. to simple american minds, the familiar words liberty and independence in the mouths of south american patriots meant what they had to their own grandsires, struggling to throw off the shackles of british imperial control. neither europe nor america, however, knew the actual conditions in these newborn republics below the equator; and both governed their conduct by their prepossessions. to the typically american mind of henry clay, now untrammeled by any sense of responsibility, for he was a free lance in the house of representatives once more, the emancipation of south america was a thrilling and sublime spectacle--"the glorious spectacle of eighteen millions of people struggling to burst their chains and to be free." in a memorable speech in 1818 he had expressed the firm conviction that there could be but one outcome to this struggle. independent these south american states would be. equally clear to his mind was their political destiny. whatever their forms of government, they would be animated by an american feeling and guided by an american policy. "they will obey the laws of the system of the new world, of which they will compose a part, in contradistinction to that of europe." to this struggle and to this destiny the united states could not remain indifferent. he would not have the administration depart from its policy of strict and impartial neutrality but he would urge the expediency--nay, the justice--of recognizing established governments in spanish america. such recognition was not a breach of neutrality, for it did not imply material aid in the wars of liberation but only the moral sympathy of a great free people for their southern brethren. contrasted with clay's glowing enthusiasm, the attitude of the administration, directed by the prudent secretary of state, seemed cold, calculating, and rigidly conventional. for his part, adams could see little resemblance between these revolutions in south america and that of 1776. certainly it had never been disgraced by such acts of buccaneering and piracy as were of everyday occurrence in south american waters. the united states had contended for civil rights and then for independence; in south america civil rights had been ignored by all parties. he could discern neither unity of cause nor unity of effort in the confused history of recent struggles in south america; and until orderly government was achieved, with due regard to fundamental civil rights, he would not have the united states swerve in the slightest degree from the path of strict neutrality. mr. clay, he observed in his diary, had "mounted his south american great horse... to control or overthrow the executive." president monroe, however, was more impressionable, more responsive to popular opinion, and at this moment (as the presidential year approached) more desirous to placate the opposition. he agreed with adams that the moment had not come when the united states alone might safely recognize the south american states, but he believed that concerted action by the united states and great britain might win recognition without wounding the sensibilities of spain. the time was surely not far distant when spain would welcome recognition as a relief from an impoverishing and hopeless war. meanwhile the president coupled professions of neutrality and expressions of sympathy for the revolutionists in every message to congress. the temporizing policy of the administration aroused clay to another impassioned plea for those southern brethren whose hearts--despite all rebuffs from the department of state--still turned toward the united states. "we should become the center of a system which would constitute the rallying point of human freedom against the despotism of the old world.... why not proceed to act on our own responsibility and recognize these governments as independent, instead of taking the lead of the holy alliance in a course which jeopardizes the happiness of unborn millions?" he deprecated this deference to foreign powers. "if lord castlereagh says we may recognize, we do; if not, we do not.... our institutions now make us free; but how long shall we continue so, if we mold our opinions on those of europe? let us break these commercial and political fetters; let us no longer watch the nod of any european politician; let us become real and true americans, and place ourselves at the head of the american system." the question of recognition was thus thrust into the foreground of discussion at a most inopportune time. the florida treaty had not yet been ratified, for reasons best known to his majesty the king of spain, and the new spanish minister, general vives, had just arrived in the united states to ask for certain explanations. the administration had every reason at this moment to wish to avoid further causes of irritation to spanish pride. it is more than probable, indeed, that clay was not unwilling to embarrass the president and his secretary of state. he still nursed his personal grudge against the president and he did not disguise his hostility to the treaty. what aroused his resentment was the sacrifice of texas for florida. florida would have fallen to the united states eventually like ripened fruit, he believed. why, then, yield an incomparably richer and greater territory for that which was bound to become theirs whenever the american people wished to take it? but what were the explanations which vives demanded? weary hours spent in conference with the wily spaniard convinced adams that the great obstacle to the ratification of the treaty by spain had been the conviction that the united states was only waiting ratification to recognize the independence of the spanish colonies. bitterly did adams regret the advances which he had made to great britain, at the instance of the president, and still more bitterly did he deplore those paragraphs in the president's messages which had expressed an all too ready sympathy with the aims of the insurgents. but regrets availed nothing and the secretary of state had to put the best face possible on the policy of the administration. he told vives in unmistakable language that the united states could not subscribe to "new engagements as the price of obtaining the ratification of the old." certainly the united states would not comply with the spanish demand and pledge itself "to form no relations with the pretended governments of the revolted provinces of spain." as for the royal grants which de onis had agreed to call null and void, if his majesty insisted upon their validity, perhaps the united states might acquiesce for an equivalent area west of the sabine river. in some alarm vives made haste to say that the king did not insist upon the confirmation of these grants. in the end he professed himself satisfied with mr. adams's explanations; he would send a messenger to report to his majesty and to secure formal authorization to exchange ratifications. another long period of suspense followed. the spanish cortes did not advise the king to accept the treaty until october; the senate did not reaffirm its ratification until the following february; and it was two years to a day after the signing of the treaty that adams and vives exchanged formal ratifications. again adams confided to the pages of his diary, so that posterity might read, the conviction that the hand of an overruling providence was visible in this, the most important event of his life. if, as many thought, the administration had delayed recognition of the south american republics in order not to offend spanish feelings while the florida treaty was under consideration, it had now no excuse for further hesitation; yet it was not until march 8, 1822, that president monroe announced to congress his belief that the time had come when those provinces of spain which had declared their independence and were in the enjoyment of it should be formally recognized. on the 19th of june he received the accredited charge d'affaires of the republic of colombia. the problem of recognition was not the only one which the impending dissolution of the spanish colonial empire left to harass the secretary of state. just because spain had such vast territorial pretensions and held so little by actual occupation on the north american continent, there was danger that these shadowy claims would pass into the hands of aggressive powers with the will and resources to aggrandize themselves. one day in january, 1821, while adams was awaiting the outcome of his conferences with vives, stratford canning, the british minister, was announced at his office. canning came to protest against what he understood was the decision of the united states to extend its settlements at the mouth of the columbia river. adams replied that he knew of no such determination; but he deemed it very probable that the settlements on the pacific coast would be increased. canning expressed rather ill-matured surprise at this statement, for he conceived that such a policy would be a palpable violation of the convention of 1818. without replying, adams rose from his seat to procure a copy of the treaty and then read aloud the parts referring to the joint occupation of the oregon country. a stormy colloquy followed in which both participants seem to have lost their tempers. next day canning returned to the attack, and adams challenged the british claim to the mouth of the columbia. "why," exclaimed canning, "do you not know that we have a claim?" "i do not know," said adams, "what you claim nor what you do not claim. you claim india; you claim africa; you claim--" "perhaps," said canning, "a piece of the moon." "no," replied adams, "i have not heard that you claim exclusively any part of the moon; but there is not a spot on this habitable globe that i could affirm you do not claim; and there is none which you may not claim with as much color of right as you can have to columbia river or its mouth." with equal sang-froid, the secretary of state met threatened aggression from another quarter. in september of this same year, the czar issued a ukase claiming the pacific coast as far south as the fifty-first parallel and declaring bering sea closed to the commerce of other nations. adams promptly refused to recognize these pretensions and declared to baron de tuyll, the russian minister, "that we should contest the right of russia to any territorial establishment on this continent, and that we should assume distinctly the principle that the american continents are no longer subjects for any new european colonial establishments." * * before adams retired from office, he had the satisfaction of concluding a treaty (1824) with russia by which the czar abandoned his claims to exclusive jurisdiction in bering sea and agreed to plant no colonies on the pacific coast south of 54 degrees 40 minutes. not long after this interview adams was notified by baron tuyll that the czar, in conformity with the political principles of the allies, had determined in no case whatever to receive any agent from the government of the republic of colombia or from any other government which owed its existence to the recent events in the new world. adams's first impulse was to pen a reply that would show the inconsistency between these political principles and the unctuous professions of christian duty which had resounded in the holy alliance; but the note which he drafted was, perhaps fortunately, not dispatched until it had been revised by president and cabinet a month later, under stress of other circumstances. at still another focal point the interests of the united states ran counter to the covetous desires of european powers. cuba, the choicest of the provinces of spain, still remained nominally loyal; but, should the hold of spain upon this pearl of the antilles relax, every maritime power would swoop down upon it. the immediate danger, however, was not that revolution would here as elsewhere sever the province from spain, leaving it helpless and incapable of self-support, but that france, after invading spain and restoring the monarchy, would also intervene in the affairs of her provinces. the transfer of cuba to france by the grateful king was a possibility which haunted the dreams of george canning at westminster as well as of john quincy adams at washington. the british foreign minister attempted to secure a pledge from france that she would not acquire any spanish-american territory either by conquest or by treaty, while the secretary of state instructed the american minister to spain not to conceal from the spanish government "the repugnance of the united states to the transfer of the island of cuba by spain to any other power." canning was equally fearful lest the united states should occupy cuba and he would have welcomed assurances that it had no designs upon the island. had he known precisely the attitude of adams, he would have been still more uneasy, for adams was perfectly sure that cuba belonged "by the laws of political as well as of physical gravitation" to the north american continent, though he was not for the present ready to assist the operation of political and physical laws. events were inevitably detaching great britain from the concert of europe and putting her in opposition to the policy of intervention, both because of what it meant in spain and what it might mean when applied to the new world. knowing that the united states shared these latter apprehensions, george canning conceived that the two countries might join in a declaration against any project by any european power for subjugating the colonies of south america either on behalf or in the name of spain. he ventured to ask richard rush, american minister at london, what his government would say to such a proposal. for his part he was quite willing to state publicly that he believed the recovery of the colonies by spain to be hopeless; that recognition of their independence was only a question of proper time and circumstance; that great britain did not aim at the possession of any of them, though she could not be indifferent to their transfer to any other power. "if," said canning, "these opinions and feelings are, as i firmly believe them to be, common to your government with ours, why should we hesitate mutually to confide them to each other; and to declare them in the face of the world?" why, indeed? to rush there occurred one good and sufficient answer, which, however, he could not make: he doubted the disinterestedness of great britain. he could only reply that he would not feel justified in assuming the responsibility for a joint declaration unless great britain would first unequivocally recognize the south american republics; and, when canning balked at the suggestion, he could only repeat, in as conciliatory manner as possible, his reluctance to enter into any engagement. not once only but three times canning repeated his overtures, even urging rush to write home for powers and instructions. the dispatches of rush seemed so important to president monroe that he sent copies of them to jefferson and madison, with the query--which revealed his own attitude--whether the moment had not arrived when the united states might safely depart from its traditional policy and meet the proposal of the british government. if there was one principle which ran consistently through the devious foreign policy of jefferson and madison, it was that of political isolation from europe. "our first and fundamental maxim," jefferson wrote in reply, harking back to the old formulas, "should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of europe, our second never to suffer europe to intermeddle with cis-atlantic affairs." he then continued in this wise: "america, north and south, has a set of interests distinct from those of europe, and peculiarly her own. she should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of europe. while the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of freedom. one nation, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. by acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the band of despots, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government and emancipate a continent at one stroke which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty.... i am clearly of mr. canning's opinion, that it will prevent, instead of provoking war. with great britain withdrawn from their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all europe combined would not undertake such a war.... nor is the occasion to be slighted which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so flagitiously begun by buonaparte, and now continued by the equally lawless alliance, calling itself holy." madison argued the case with more reserve but arrived at the same conclusion: "there ought not to be any backwardness therefore, i think, in meeting her [england] in the way she has proposed." the dispatches of rush produced a very different effect, however, upon the secretary of state, whose temperament fed upon suspicion and who now found plenty of food for thought both in what rush said and in what he did not say. obviously canning was seeking a definite compact with the united states against the designs of the allies, not out of any altruistic motive but for selfish ends. great britain, rush had written bluntly, had as little sympathy with popular rights as it had on the field of lexington. it was bent on preventing france from making conquests, not on making south america free. just so, adams reasoned: canning desires to secure from the united states a public pledge "ostensibly against the forcible interference of the holy alliance between spain and south america; but really or especially against the acquisition to the united states themselves of any part of the spanish-american possessions." by joining with great britain we would give her a "substantial and perhaps inconvenient pledge against ourselves, and really obtain nothing in return." he believed that it would be more candid and more dignified to decline canning's overtures and to avow our principles explicitly to russia and france. for his part he did not wish the united states "to come in as a cock-boat in the wake of the british man-of-war!" thus adams argued in the sessions of the cabinet, quite ignorant of the correspondence which had passed between the president and his mentors. confident of his ability to handle the situation, he asked no more congenial task than to draft replies to baron tuyll and to canning and instructions to the ministers at london, st. petersburg, and paris; but he impressed upon monroe the necessity of making all these communications "part of a combined system of policy and adapted to each other." not so easily, however, was the president detached from the influence of the two virginia oracles. he took sharp exception to the letter which adams drafted in reply to baron tuyll, saying that he desired to refrain from any expressions which would irritate the czar; and thus turned what was to be an emphatic declaration of principles into what adams called "the tamest of state papers." the secretary's draft of instructions to rush had also to run the gauntlet of amendment by the president and his cabinet; but it emerged substantially unaltered in content and purpose. adams professed to find common ground with great britain, while pointing out with much subtlety that if she believed the recovery of the colonies by spain was really hopeless, she was under moral obligation to recognize them as independent states and to favor only such an adjustment between them and the mother country as was consistent with the fact of independence. the united states was in perfect accord with the principles laid down by mr. canning: it desired none of the spanish possessions for itself but it could not see with indifference any portion of them transferred to any other power. nor could the united states see with indifference "any attempt by one or more powers of europe to restore those new states to the crown of spain, or to deprive them, in any manner whatever, of the freedom and independence which they have acquired." but, for accomplishing the purposes which the two governments had in common--and here the masterful secretary of state had his own way--it was advisable that they should act separately, each making such representations to the continental allies as circumstances dictated. further communications from baron tuyll gave adams the opportunity, which he had once lost, of enunciating the principles underlying american policy. in a masterly paper dated november 27, 1823, he adverted to the declaration of the allied monarchs that they would never compound with revolution but would forcibly interpose to guarantee the tranquillity of civilized states. in such declarations "the president," wrote adams, "wishes to perceive sentiments, the application of which is limited, and intended in their results to be limited to the affairs of europe.... the united states of america, and their government, could not see with indifference, the forcible interposition of any european power, other than spain, either to restore the dominion of spain over her emancipated colonies in america, or to establish monarchical governments in those countries, or to transfer any of the possessions heretofore or yet subject to spain in the american hemisphere, to any other european power." but so little had the president even yet grasped the wide sweep of the policy which his secretary of state was framing that, when he read to the cabinet a first draft of his annual message, he expressed his pointed disapprobation of the invasion of spain by france and urged an acknowledgment of greece as an independent nation. this declaration was, as adams remarked, a call to arms against all europe. and once again he urged the president to refrain from any utterance which might be construed as a pretext for retaliation by the allies. if they meant to provoke a quarrel with the united states, the administration must meet it and not invite it. "if they intend now to interpose by force, we shall have as much as we can do to prevent them," said he, "without going to bid them defiance in the heart of europe." "the ground i wish to take," he continued, "is that of earnest remonstrance against the interference of the european powers by force with south america, but to disclaim all interference on our part with europe; to make an american cause and adhere inflexibly to that." in the end adams had his way and the president revised the paragraphs dealing with foreign affairs so as to make them conform to adams's desires. no one who reads the message which president monroe sent to congress on december 2, 1823, can fail to observe that the paragraphs which have an enduring significance as declarations of policy are anticipated in the masterly state papers of the secretary of state. alluding to the differences with russia in the pacific northwest, the president repeated the principle which adams had stated to baron tuyll: "the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the united states are involved, that the american continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any european powers." and the vital principle of abstention from european affairs and of adherence to a distinctly american system, for which adams had contended so stubbornly, found memorable expression in the following paragraph: "in the wars of the european powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. it is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparations for our defense. with the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. the political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of america. this difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. we owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the united states and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. with the existing colonies and dependencies of any european power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. but with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any european power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the united states." later generations have read strange meanings into monroe's message, and have elevated into a "doctrine" those declarations of policy which had only an immediate application. with the interpretations and applications of a later day, this book has nothing to do. suffice it to say that president monroe and his advisers accomplished their purposes; and the evidence that they were successful is contained in a letter which richard rush wrote to the secretary of state, on december 27, 1823: "but the most decisive blow to all despotick interference with the new states is that which it has received in the president's message at the opening of congress. it was looked for here with extraordinary interest at this juncture, and i have heard that the british packet which left new york the beginning of this month was instructed to wait for it and bring it over with all speed.... on its publicity in london... the credit of all the spanish american securities immediately rose, and the question of the final and complete safety of the new states from all european coercion, is now considered as at rest." chapter xv. the end of an era it was in the midst of the diplomatic contest for the floridas that james monroe was for the second time elected to the presidency, with singularly little display of partisanship. this time all the electoral votes but one were cast for him. of all the presidents only george washington has received a unanimous vote; and to monroe, therefore, belongs the distinction of standing second to the father of his country in the vote of electors. the single vote which monroe failed to get fell to his secretary of state, john quincy adams. it is a circumstance of some interest that the father of the secretary, old john adams, so far forgot his federalist antecedents that he served as republican elector in massachusetts and cast his vote for james monroe. never since parties emerged in the second administration of washington had such extraordinary unanimity prevailed. across this scene of political harmony, however, the missouri controversy cast the specter-like shadow of slavery. for the moment, and often in after years, it seemed inevitable that parties would spring into new vigor following sectional lines. all patriots were genuinely alarmed. "this momentous question," wrote jefferson, "like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. i considered it at once as the knell of the union. it is hushed, indeed, for the moment. but this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence." what jefferson termed a reprieve was the settlement of the missouri question by the compromise of 1820. to the demands of the south that missouri should be admitted into the union as a slave state, with the constitution of her choice, the north yielded, on condition that the rest of the louisiana purchase north of 36 degrees 30' should be forever free. henceforth slaveholders might enter missouri and the rest of the old province of louisiana below her southern boundary line, but beyond this line, into the greater northwest, they might not take their human chattels. to this act of settlement president monroe gave his assent, for he believed that further controversy would shake the union to its very foundations. with the angry criminations and recriminations of north and south ringing in his ears, jefferson had little faith in the permanency of such a settlement. "a geographical line," said he, "coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper." and madison, usually optimistic about the future of his beloved country, indulged only the gloomiest forebodings about slavery. both the ex-presidents took what comfort they could in projects of emancipation and deportation. jefferson would have had slaveholders yield up slaves born after a certain date to the guardianship of the state, which would then provide for their removal to santo domingo at a proper age. madison took heart at the prospect opened up by the colonization society which he trusted would eventually end "this dreadful calamity" of human slavery. fortunately for their peace of mind, neither lived to see these frail hopes dashed to pieces. signs were not wanting that statesmen of the virginia school were not to be leaders in the new era which was dawning. on several occasions both madison and monroe had shown themselves out of touch with the newer currents of national life. their point of view was that of the epoch which began with the french revolution and ended with the overthrow of napoleon and the pacification of europe. inevitably foreign affairs had absorbed their best thought. to maintain national independence against foreign aggression had been their constant purpose, whether the menace came from napoleon's designs upon louisiana, or from british disregard of neutral rights, or from spanish helplessness on the frontiers of her empire. but now, with political and commercial independence assured, a new direction was imparted to national endeavor. america made a volte-face and turned to the setting sun. during the second quarter of the nineteenth century every ounce of national vitality went into the conquest and settlement of the mississippi valley. once more at peace with the world, americans set themselves to the solution of the problems which grew out of this vast migration from the atlantic seaboard to the interior. these were problems of territorial organization, of distribution of public lands, of inland trade, of highways and waterways, of revenue and appropriation problems that focused in the offices of the secretaries of the treasury and of war. and lurking behind all was the specter of slavery and sectionalism. to impatient homeseekers who crossed the alleghanies, it never occurred to question the competence of the federal government to meet all their wants. that the government at washington should construct and maintain highways, improve and facilitate the navigation of inland waterways, seemed a most reasonable expectation. what else was government for? but these proposed activities did not seem so obviously legitimate to presidents of the virginia dynasty; not so readily could they waive constitutional scruples. madison felt impelled to veto a bill for constructing roads and canals and improving waterways because he could find nowhere in the constitution any specific authority for the federal government to embark on a policy of internal improvements. his last message to congress set forth his objections in detail and was designed to be his farewell address. he would rally his party once more around the good old jeffersonian doctrines. monroe felt similar doubts when he was presented with a bill to authorize the collection of tolls on the new cumberland road. in a veto message of prodigious length he, too, harked back to the original republican principle of strict construction of the constitution. the leadership which the virginians thus refused to take fell soon to men of more resolute character who would not let the dead hand of legalism stand between them and their hearts' desires. it is one of the ironies of american history that the settlement of the mississippi valley and of the gulf plains brought acute pecuniary distress to the three great virginians who had bent all their energies to acquire these vast domains.. the lure of virgin soil drew men and women in ever increasing numbers from the seaboard states. farms that had once sufficed were cast recklessly on the market to bring what they would, while their owners staked their claims on new soil at a dollar and a quarter an acre. depreciation of land values necessarily followed in states like virginia; and the three ex-presidents soon found themselves landpoor. in common with other planters, they had invested their surplus capital in land, only to find themselves unable to market their crops in the trying days of the embargo and nonintercourse acts. they had suffered heavy losses from the british blockade during the war, and they had not fully recovered from these reverses when the general fall of prices came in 1819. believing that they were facing only a temporary condition, they met their difficulties by financial expedients which in the end could only add to their burdens. a general reluctance to change their manner of life and to practice an intensive agriculture with diversified crops contributed, no doubt, to the general depression of planters in the old dominion. jefferson at monticello, madison at montpelier, and to a lesser extent monroe at oak hill, maintained their old establishments and still dispensed a lavish southern hospitality, which indeed they could hardly avoid. a former president is forever condemned to be a public character. all kept open house for their friends, and none could bring himself to close his door to strangers, even when curiosity was the sole motive for intrusion. sorely it must have tried the soul of mrs. randolph to find accommodations at monticello for fifty uninvited and unexpected guests. mrs. margaret bayard smith, who has left lively descriptions of life at montpelier, was once one of twenty-three guests. when a friend commented on the circumstance that no less than nine strange horses were feeding in the stables at montpelier, madison remarked somewhat grimly that he was delighted with the society of the owners but could not confess to the same enthusiasm at the presence of their horses. both jefferson and madison were victims of the indiscretion of others. madison was obliged to pay the debts of a son of mrs. madison by her first marriage and became so financially embarrassed that he was forced to ask president biddle of the bank of the united states for a long loan of six thousand dollars--only to suffer the humiliation of a refusal. he had then to part with some of his lands at a great sacrifice, but he retained montpelier and continued to reside there, though in reduced circumstances, until his death in 1836. at about the same time jefferson received what he called his coup de grace. he had endorsed a note of twenty thousand dollars for governor wilson c. nicholas and upon his becoming insolvent was held to the full amount of the note. his only assets were his lands which would bring only a fifth of their former price. to sell on these ruinous terms was to impoverish himself and his family. his distress was pathetic. in desperation he applied to the legislature for permission to sell his property by lottery; but he was spared this last humiliation by the timely aid of friends, who started popular subscriptions to relieve his distress. monroe was less fortunate, for he was obliged to sell oak hill and to leave old virginia forever. he died in new york city on the fourth of july, 1831. the latter years of jefferson's life were cheered by the renewal of his old friendship with john adams, now in retirement at quincy. full of pleasant reminiscence are the letters which passed between them, and full too of allusions to the passing show. neither had lost all interest in politics, but both viewed events with the quiet contemplation of old men. jefferson was absorbed to the end in his last great hobby, the university that was slowly taking bodily form four miles away across the valley from monticello. when bodily infirmities would not permit him to ride so far, he would watch the workmen through a telescope mounted on one of the terraces. "crippled wrists and fingers make writing slow and laborious," he wrote to adams. "but while writing to you, i lose the sense of these things in the recollection of ancient times, when youth and health made happiness out of everything. i forget for a while the hoary winter of age, when we can think of nothing but how to keep ourselves warm, and how to get rid of our heavy hours until the friendly hand of death shall rid us of all at once. against this tedium vitae, however, i am fortunately mounted on a hobby, which, indeed, i should have better managed some thirty or forty years ago; but whose easy amble is still sufficient to give exercise and amusement to an octogenary rider. this is the establishment of a university." alluding to certain published letters which revived old controversies, he begged his old friend not to allow his peace of mind to be shaken. "it would be strange indeed, if, at our years, we were to go back an age to hunt up imaginary or forgotten facts, to disturb the repose of affections so sweetening to the evening of our lives." as the fiftieth anniversary of the declaration of independence approached, jefferson and adams were besought to take part in the celebration which was to be held in philadelphia. the infirmities of age rested too heavily upon them to permit their journeying so far; but they consecrated the day anew with their lives. at noon, on the fourth of july, 1826, while the liberty bell was again sounding its old message to the people of philadelphia, the soul of thomas jefferson passed on; and a few hours later john adams entered into rest, with the name of his old friend upon his lips. bibliographical note general works five well-known historians have written comprehensive works on the period covered by the administrations of jefferson, madison, and monroe: john b. mcmaster has stressed the social and economic aspects in "a history of the people of the united states;" james schouler has dwelt upon the political and constitutional problems in his "history of the united states of america under the constitution;" woodrow wilson has written a "history of the american people" which indeed is less a history than a brilliant essay on history; hermann von holst has construed the "constitutional and political history of the united states "in terms of the slavery controversy; and edward channing has brought forward his painstaking "history of the united states," touching many phases of national life, to the close of the second war with england. to these general histories should be added "the american nation," edited by albert bushnell hart, three volumes of which span the administrations of the three virginians: e. channing's "the jeffersonian system" (1906); k. c. babcock's "the rise of american nationality" (1906); f. j. turner's "rise of the new west" (1906). chapter i no historian can approach this epoch without doing homage to henry adams, whose "history of the united states," 9 vols. (1889-1891), is at once a literary performance of extraordinary merit and a treasure-house of information. skillfully woven into the text is documentary material from foreign archives which adams, at great expense, had transcribed and translated. intimate accounts of washington and its society may be found in the following books: g. gibbs, "memoirs of the administrations of washington and john adams", 2 vols. (1846); mrs. margaret bayard smith, "the first forty years of washington society" (1906); anne h. wharton, "social life in the early republic" (1902). "the life of thomas jefferson," 3 vols. (1858), by henry s. randall is rich in authentic information about the life of the great virginia statesman but it is marred by excessive hero-worship. interesting side-lights on jefferson and his entourage are shed by his granddaughter, sarah n. randolph, in a volume called "domestic life of thomas jefferson" (1871). chapter ii the problems of patronage that beset president jefferson are set forth by gaillard hunt in "office-seeking during jefferson's administration," in the "american historical review," vol. iii, p. 271, and by carl r. fish in "the civil service and the patronage" (1905). there is no better way to enter sympathetically into jefferson's mental world than to read his correspondence. the best edition of his writings is that by paul leicester ford. henry adams has collected the "writings of albert gallatin," 3 vols. (1879), and has written an admirable "life of albert gallatin" (1879). gaillard hunt has written a short "life of james madison" (1902), and has edited his "writings," 9 vols. (1900-1910). the federalist attitude toward the administration is reflected in the "works of fisher ames," 2 vols. (1857). the intense hostility of new england federalists appears also in such books as theodore dwight's "the character of thomas jefferson, as exhibited in his own writings" (1839). franklin b. dexter has set forth the facts relating to abraham bishop, that arch-rebel against the standing order in connecticut, in the "proceedings" of the massachusetts historical society, march, 1906. chapter iii the larger histories of the american navy by maclay, spears, and clark describe the war with tripoli, but by far the best account is g. w. allen's "our navy and the barbary corsairs" (1905), which may be supplemented by c. o. paullin's "commodore john rodgers" (1910). t. harris's "life and services of commodore william bainbridge" (1837) contains much interesting information about service in the mediterranean and the career of this gallant commander. c. h. lincoln has edited "the hull-eaton correspondence during the expedition against tripoli 1804-5" for the proceedings of the american antiquarian society, vol. xxi (1911). the treaties and conventions with the barbary states are contained in "treaties, conventions, international acts, protocols and agreements between the united states of america and other powers," compiled by w. m. malloy, 3 vols. (1910-1913). chapter iv even after the lapse of many years, henry adams's account of the purchase of louisiana remains the best: volumes i and ii of his "history of the united states." j. a. robertson in his "louisiana under the rule of spain, france, and the united states," 1785-1807, 2 vols. (1911), has brought together a mass of documents relating to the province and territory. barbe-marbois, "histoire de la louisiana et de la cession" (1829), which is now accessible in translation, is the main source of information for the french side of the negotiations. frederick j. turner, in a series of articles contributed to the "american historical review" (vols. ii, iii, vii, viii, x), has pointed out the significance of the diplomatic contest for the mississippi valley. louis pelzer has written on the "economic factors in the acquisition of louisiana" in the "proceedings" of the mississippi valley historical association, vol. vi (1913). there is no adequate biography of either monroe or livingston. t. l. stoddard has written on "the french revolution in san domingo" (1914). chapter v the vexed question of the boundaries of louisiana is elucidated by henry adams in volumes ii and iii of his "history of the united states." among the more recent studies should be mentioned the articles contributed by isaac j. cox to volumes vi and x of the "quarterly" of the texas state historical association, and an article entitled "was texas included in the louisiana purchase?" by john r. ficklen in the "publications" of the southern history association, vol. v. in the first two chapters of his "history of the western boundary of the louisiana purchase" (1914), t. m. marshall has given a resume of the boundary question. jefferson brought together the information which he possessed in "an examination into the boundaries of louisiana," which was first published in 1803 and which has been reprinted by the american philosophical society in "documents relating to the purchase and exploration of louisiana" (1904). i. j. cox has made an important contribution by his book on "the early exploration of louisiana" (1906). the constitutional questions involved in the purchase and organization of louisiana are reviewed at length by e. s. brown in "the constitutional history of the louisiana purchase, 1803-1812" (1920). chapter vi the most painstaking account of burr's expedition is w. f. mccaleb's "the aaron burr conspiracy" (1903) which differs from henry adams's version in making james wilkinson rather than burr the heavy villain in the plot. wilkinson's own account of the affair, which is thoroughly untrustworthy, is contained in his "memoirs of my own times," 3 vols. (1816). the treasonable intrigues of wilkinson are proved beyond doubt by the investigations of w. r. shepherd, "wilkinson and the beginnings of the spanish conspiracy," in vol. ix of "the american historical review," and of i. j. cox, "general wilkinson and his later intrigues with the spaniards," in vol. xix of "the american historical review." james parton's "life and times of aaron burr" (1858) is a biography of surpassing interest but must be corrected at many points by the works already cited. william coleman's "collection of the facts and the documents relative to the death of major-general alexander hamilton" (1804) contains the details of the great tragedy. the federalist intrigues with burr are traced by henry adams and more recently by s. e. morison in the "life and letters of harrison gray otis," 2 vols. (1913). w. h. safford's "blennerhassett papers" (1861) and david robertson's "reports of the trials of colonel aaron burr for treason, and for a misdemeanor," 2 vols. (1808), brought to light many interesting facts relating to the alleged conspiracy. the "official letter books of w. c. c. claiborne, 1801-1816," 6 vols. (1917), contain material of great value. chapter vii the history of impressment has yet to be written, but j. r. hutchinson's "the press-gang afloat and ashore" (1913) has shown clearly that the baleful effects of the british practice were not felt solely by american shipmasters. admiral a. t. mahan devoted a large part of his first volume on "sea power in its relations to the war of 1812," 2 vols. (1905), to the antecedents of the war. w. e. lingelbach has made a notable contribution to our understanding of the essex case in his article on "england and neutral trade" printed in "the military historian and economist," vol. ii (1917). of the contemporary pamphlets, two are particularly illuminating: james stephen, "war in disguise; or, the frauds of the neutral flags" (1805), presenting the english grievances, and "an examination of the british doctrine, which subjects to capture a neutral trade, not open in time of peace," prepared by the department of state under madison's direction in 1805. captain basil hall's "voyages and travels" (1895) gives a vivid picture of life aboard a british frigate in american waters. a graphic account of the leopard-chesapeake affair is given by henry adams in chapter i of his fourth volume. chapters viii and ix besides the histories of mahan and adams, the reader will do well to consult several biographies for information about peaceable coercion in theory and practice. among these may be mentioned randall's "life of thomas jefferson," adams's "life of albert gallatin" and "john randolph" in the "american statesmen series," w. e. dodd's "life of nathaniel macon" (1903), d. r. anderson's "william branch giles" (1914), and j. b. mcmaster's "life and times of stephen girard," 2 vols. (1917). for want of an adequate biography of monroe, recourse must be taken to the "writings of james monroe," 7 vols. (1898-1903), edited by s. m. hamilton. j. b. moore's "digest of international law", 8 vols. (1906), contains a mass of material bearing on the rights of neutrals and the problems of neutral trade. the french decrees and the british orders-in-council were submitted to congress with a message by president jefferson on the 23d of december, 1808, and may be found in "american state papers, foreign relations," vol. iii. chapter x the relations of the united states and spanish florida are set forth in many works, of which three only need be mentioned: h. b. fuller, "the purchase of florida" (1906), has devoted several chapters to the early history of the floridas, but so far as west florida is concerned his work is superseded by i. j. cox's "the west florida controversy, 1789-1813" (1918). the first volume, "diplomacy," of f. e. chadwick's "relations of the united states and spain," 3 vols. (1909-11), gives an account of the several florida controversies. several books contribute to an understanding of the temper of the young insurgents in the republican party: carl schurz's "henry clay," 2 vols. (1887), w. m. meigs's "life of john caldwell calhoun," 2 vols. (1917), m. p. follett's "the speaker of the house of representatives" (1896), and henry adams's "john randolph" (1882). chapter xi the civil history of president madison's second term of office may be followed in adams's "history of the united states," vols. vii, viii, and ix; in hunt's "life of james madison;" in adams's "life of albert gallatin;" and in such fragmentary records of men and events as are found in the "memoirs and letters of dolly madison" (1886) and mrs. m. b. smith's "the first forty years of washington society" (1906). the history of new england federalism may be traced in h. c. lodge's "life and letters of george cabot" (1878); in edmund quincy's "life of josiah quincy of massachusetts" (1867); in the "life of timothy pickering," 4 vols. (1867-73); and in s. e. morison's "life and letters of harrison gray otis," 2 vols. (1913). theodore dwight published his "history of the hartford convention" in 1833. henry adams has collected the "documents relating to new england federalism," 1800-1815 (1878). the federalist opposition to the war is reflected in such books as mathew carey's "the olive branch; or, faults on both sides" (1814) and william sullivan's "familiar letters on public characters" (1834). chapter xii the history of the negotiations at ghent has been recounted by mahan and henry adams, and more recently by f. a. updyke, "the diplomacy of the war of 1812" (1915). aside from the "state papers," the chief sources of information are adams's "life of gallatin" and "writings of gallatin" the "memoirs of john quincy adams," 12 vols. (1874-1877), and "writings of john quincy adams" 7 vols. (1913-), edited by w. c. ford, the "papers of james a. bayard, 1796-1815" (1915), edited by elizabeth donnan, the "correspondence, despatches, and other papers, of viscount castlereagh," 12 vols. (1851-53), and the "supplementary despatches of the duke of wellington," 15 vols. (1858-78). the proceedings of the massachusetts historical society, vol. xlviii (1915), contain the instructions of the british commissioners. "a great peace maker, the diary of james gallatin, secretary to albert gallatin" (1914) records many interesting boyish impressions of the commissioners and their labors at ghent. chapter xiii the want of a good biography of james monroe is felt increasingly as one enters upon the history of his administrations. some personal items may be gleaned from "a narrative of a tour of observation made during the summer of 1817" (1818); and many more may be found in the "memoirs and writings" of john quincy adams. the works by fuller and chadwick already cited deal with the negotiations leading to the acquisition of florida. the "memoirs et souvenirs" of hyde de neuville, 3 vols. (1893-4), supplement the record which adams left in his diary. j. s. bassett's "life of andrew jackson," 2 vols. (1911), is far less entertaining than james parton's "life of andrew jackson," 3 vols. (1860), but much more reliable. chapter xiv the problem of the recognition of the south american republics has been put in its historical setting by f. l. paxson in "the independence of the south american republics" (1903). the relations of the united states and spain are described by f. e. chadwick in the work already cited and by j. h. latane in "the united states and latin america" (1920). to these titles may be added j. m. callahan's "cuba and international relations" (1899). the studies of worthington c. ford have given john quincy adams a much larger share in formulating the monroe doctrine than earlier historians have accorded him. the origin of president monroe's message is traced by mr. ford in "some original documents on the genesis of the monroe doctrine," in the "proceedings" of the massachusetts historical society, 1902, and the subject is treated at greater length by him in "the american historical review," vols. vii and viii. the later evolution and application of the monroe doctrine may be followed in herbert kraus's "die monroedoktrin in ihren beziehungen zur amerikanischen diplomatie and zum volkerrecht" (1913), a work which should be made more accessible to american readers by translation. chapter xv the subjects touched upon in this closing chapter are treated with great skill by frederick j. turner in his "rise of the new west" (1906). on the slavery controversy, an article by j. a. woodburn, "the historical significance of the missouri compromise," in the "report" of the american historical association for 1893, and an article by f. h. hodder, "side lights on the missouri compromise," in the "report" for 1909, may be read with profit. d. r. dewey's "financial history of the united states" (1903) and f. w. taussig's "tariff history of the united states" (revised edition, 1914) are standard manuals. edward stanwood's "history of the presidency," 2 vols. (1916), contains the statistics of presidential elections. t. h. benton's "thirty years' view; or, a history of the working of american government, 1820-1850," 2 vols. (1854-56), becomes an important source of information on congressional matters. the latter years of jefferson's life are described by randall and the closing years of john adams's career by charles francis adams. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see 13911-h.htm or 13911-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/3/9/1/13911/13911-h/13911-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/3/9/1/13911/13911-h.zip) little journeys to the homes of the great, volume 3 (of 14) little journeys to the homes of american statesmen by elbert hubbard memorial edition 1916 contents the little journeys camp george washington benjamin franklin thomas jefferson samuel adams john hancock john quincy adams alexander hamilton daniel webster henry clay john jay william h. seward abraham lincoln the little journeys camp bert hubbard a little more patience, a little more charity for all, a little more devotion, a little more love; with less bowing down to the past, and a silent ignoring of pretended authority; a brave looking forward to the future with more faith in our fellows, and the race will be ripe for a great burst of light and life. --elbert hubbard [illustration: the little journeys camp] it was not built with the idea of ever becoming a place in history: simply a boys' cabin in the woods. fibe, rich, pie and butch were the bunch that built it. fibe was short for fiber, and we gave him that name because his real name was wood. rich got his name from being a mudsock. pie got his because he was a regular pieface. and they called me butch for no reason at all except that perhaps my great-great-grandfather was a butcher. we were a fine gang of youngsters, all about thirteen years, wise in boys' deviltry. what we didn't know about killing cats, breaking window-panes in barns, stealing coal from freight-cars, and borrowing eggs from neighboring hencoops without consent of the hens, wasn't worth the knowing. there used to be another boy in the gang, skinny. one day when we ran away to the swimming-hole after school, this other little fellow didn't come back with us. you see, there was the little-kids' swimmin'-hole and the big-kids' swimmin'-hole. the latter was over our heads. well, skinny swung out on the rope hanging from the cottonwood-tree on the bank of the big-kids' hole. somehow he lost his head and fell in. none of us could swim, and he was too far out to reach. there was nothing to help him with, so we just had to watch him struggle till he had gone down three times. and there where we last saw him a lot of bubbles came up. the inquiry before the justice of peace with our fathers, which followed, put fright in our bones, and the sight of the old creek was a nightmare for months to come. after that we decided to keep to the hills and woods. this necessitated a hut. but we had no lumber with which to build it. however, there were three houses going up in town--and surely they could spare a few boards. so after dark we got out old juliet and the spring-wagon and made several visits to the new houses. the result was that in about a week we had enough lumber to frame the cabin. our site was about three miles from town, high up on the adams farm. after many evening trips with the old mare and much figuring we had the thing done, all but the windows, door, and shingles on the roof. well, i knew where there was an old door and two window-sash taken off our chicken-house to let in the air during summer. and one rainy night three bunches of shingles found their way from perkins' lumber-yard to the foot of the hill on the adams farm. in another five days the place was finished. it was ten by sixteen, and had four bunks, two windows, a paneled front door, a back entrance and a porch--altogether a rather pretentious camp for a gang of young ruffians. but it was a labor of love, and we certainly had worked mighty hard. our love was given particularly to the three house-builders and to perkins, down in town. of course we had to have a stove. this we got from bowen's hardware-store for two dollars and forty cents. he wanted four dollars, and we argued for some time. the stove was a secondhand one and good only for scrap-iron anyway. scrap was worth fifty cents a hundred, and this stove weighed only two hundred fifty, so we convinced the man our offer was big. at that we made him throw in a frying-pan. for dishes and cutlery, i believe each of our mothers' pantries contributed. then a stock of grub was confiscated. the storeroom in the phalansterie furnished heinz beans, chutney, and a few others of the fifty-seven. john had run an ad in "the philistine" for heinz and taken good stuff in exchange. for four years after that, this old camp was kept stocked with eats all the time. we would hike out friday after school and stay till sunday night. at christmas-time we would spend the week's vacation there. many times had i tried to get my father to go out and stay overnight. but he wouldn't go. one time, though, i did not come home when i had promised, so father rode out on garnett to find me. instead of my coming back with him he just unsaddled and turned garnett loose in the woods and stayed overnight. we gave him the big bunk with two red quilts, and he stuck it out. next morning we had fried apples, ham and coffee for breakfast. what there was about it i did not understand, but john was a very frequent visitor after that. you know we called father, john, because he said that wasn't his name. he used to come up in the evening and would bring the red one or sammy the artist or saint jerome the sculptor. once he brought michael monahan and john sayles the universalist preacher. mike didn't like it. the field-mice running on the rafters overhead at night chilled his blood. he called them terrible beasts. from then on we youngsters were gradually deprived of our freedom at camp. these visitors were too numerous for us and we had to seek other fields of adventure. john got to going out to the camp to get away from visitors at the shop. he found the place quiet and comforting. the woods gave him freedom to think and write. it so developed that he would spend about four days a month there, writing the "little journey" for the next month. how many of his masterpieces were written at the camp i can not say, but for several years it was his retreat and he used it constantly. he reminded us boys several times when we kicked, that he had a good claim on it--for didn't he furnish the door and the window-frames? i never suspected he would recognize them. george washington he left as fair a reputation as ever belonged to a human character.... midst all the sorrowings that are mingled on this melancholy occasion i venture to assert that none could have felt his death with more regret than i, because no one had higher opinions of his worth.... there is this consolation, though, to be drawn, that while living no man could be more esteemed, and since dead none is more lamented. --washington, on the death of tilghman [illustration: george washington] dean stanley has said that all the gods of ancient mythology were once men, and he traces for us the evolution of a man into a hero, the hero into a demigod, and the demigod into a divinity. by a slow process, the natural man is divested of all our common faults and frailties; he is clothed with superhuman attributes and declared a being separate and apart, and is lost to us in the clouds. when greenough carved that statue of washington that sits facing the capitol, he unwittingly showed how a man may be transformed into a jove. but the world has reached a point when to be human is no longer a cause for apology; we recognize that the human, in degree, comprehends the divine. jove inspires fear, but to washington we pay the tribute of affection. beings hopelessly separated from us are not ours: a god we can not love, a man we may. we know washington as well as it is possible to know any man. we know him better, far better, than the people who lived in the very household with him. we have his diary showing "how and where i spent my time"; we have his journal, his account-books (and no man was ever a more painstaking accountant); we have hundreds of his letters, and his own copies and first drafts of hundreds of others, the originals of which have been lost or destroyed. from these, with contemporary history, we are able to make up a close estimate of the man; and we find him human--splendidly human. by his books of accounts we find that he was often imposed upon, that he loaned thousands of dollars to people who had no expectation of paying; and in his last will, written with his own hand, we find him canceling these debts, and making bequests to scores of relatives; giving freedom to his slaves, and acknowledging his obligation to servants and various other obscure persons. he was a man in very sooth. he was a man in that he had in him the appetites, the ambitions, the desires of a man. stewart, the artist, has said, "all of his features were indications of the strongest and most ungovernable passions, and had he been born in the forest, he would have been the fiercest man among savage tribes." but over the sleeping volcano of his temper he kept watch and ward, until his habit became one of gentleness, generosity, and shining, simple truth; and, behind all, we behold his unswerving purpose and steadfast strength. and so the object of this sketch will be, not to show the superhuman washington, the washington set apart, but to give a glimpse of the man washington who aspired, feared, hoped, loved and bravely died. * * * * * the first biographer of george washington was the reverend mason l. weems. if you have a copy of weems' "life of washington," you had better wrap it in chamois and place it away for your heirs, for some time it will command a price. fifty editions of weems' book were printed, and in its day no other volume approached it in point of popularity. in american literature, weems stood first. to weems are we indebted for the hatchet tale, the story of the colt that was broken and killed in the process, and all those other fine romances of washington's youth. weems' literary style reveals the very acme of that vicious quality of untruth to be found in the old-time sunday-school books. weems mustered all the "little willie" stories he could find, and attached to them washington's name, claiming to write for "the betterment of the young," as if in dealing with the young we should carefully conceal the truth. possibly washington could not tell a lie, but weems was not thus handicapped. under a mass of silly moralizing, he nearly buried the real washington, giving us instead a priggish, punk youth, and a madame tussaud, full-dress general, with a wax-works manner and a wooden dignity. happily, we have now come to a time when such authors as mason l. weems and john s.c. abbott are no longer accepted as final authorities. we do not discard them, but, like samuel pepys, they are retained that they may contribute to the gaiety of nations. various violent efforts have been made in days agone to show that washington was of "a noble line"--as if the natural nobility of the man needed a reason--forgetful that we are all sons of god, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be. but burke's "peerage" lends no light, and the careful, unprejudiced, patient search of recent years finds only the blood of the common people. washington himself said that in his opinion the history of his ancestors "was of small moment and a subject to which, i confess, i have paid little attention." he had a bookplate and he had also a coat of arms on his carriage-door. the reverend mr. weems has described washington's bookplate thus: "argent, two bar gules in chief, three mullets of the second. crest, a raven with wings, indorsed proper, issuing out of a ducal coronet, or." * * * * * mary ball was the second wife of augustine washington. in his will the good man describes this marriage, evidently with a wink, as "my second venture." and it is sad to remember that he did not live to know that his "venture" made america his debtor. the success of the union seems pretty good argument in favor of widowers marrying. there were four children in the family, the oldest nearly full grown, when mary ball came to take charge of the household. she was twenty-seven, her husband ten years older. they were married march sixth, seventeen hundred thirty-one, and on february twenty-second of the following year was born a man child and they named him george. the washingtons were plain, hard-working people--land-poor. they lived in a small house that had three rooms downstairs and an attic, where the children slept, and bumped their heads against the rafters if they sat up quickly in bed. washington got his sterling qualities from the ball family, and not from the tribe of washington. george was endowed by his mother with her own splendid health and with all the sturdy spartan virtues of her mind. in features and in mental characteristics, he resembled her very closely. there were six children born to her in all, but the five have been nearly lost sight of in the splendid success of the firstborn. i have used the word "spartan" advisedly. upon her children, the mother of washington lavished no soft sentimentality. a woman who cooked, weaved, spun, washed, made the clothes, and looked after a big family in pioneer times had her work cut out for her. the children of mary washington obeyed her, and when told to do a thing never stopped to ask why--and the same fact may be said of the father. the girls wore linsey-woolsey dresses, and the boys tow suits that consisted of two pieces, which in winter were further added to by hat and boots. if the weather was very cold, the suits were simply duplicated--a boy wearing two or three pairs of trousers instead of one. the mother was the first one up in the morning, the last one to go to rest at night. if a youngster kicked off the covers in his sleep and had a coughing spell, she arose and looked after him. were any sick, she not only ministered to them, but often watched away the long, dragging hours of the night. and i have noticed that these sturdy mothers in israel, who so willingly give their lives that others may live, often find vent for overwrought feelings by scolding; and i, for one, cheerfully grant them the privilege. washington's mother scolded and grumbled to the day of her death. she also sought solace by smoking a pipe. and this reminds me that a noted specialist in neurotics has recently said that if women would use the weed moderately, tired nerves would find repose and nervous prostration would be a luxury unknown. not being much of a smoker myself, and knowing nothing about the subject, i give the item for what it is worth. all the sterling, classic virtues of industry, frugality and truth-telling were inculcated by this excellent mother, and her strong commonsense made its indelible impress upon the mind of her son. mary washington always regarded george's judgment with a little suspicion; she never came to think of him as a full-grown man; to her he was only a big boy. hence, she would chide him and criticize his actions in a way that often made him very uncomfortable. during the revolutionary war she followed his record closely: when he succeeded she only smiled, said something that sounded like "i told you so," and calmly filled her pipe; when he was repulsed she was never cast down. she foresaw that he would be made president, and thought "he would do as well as anybody." once, she complained to him of her house in fredericksburg; he wrote in answer, gently but plainly, that her habits of life were not such as would be acceptable at mount vernon. and to this she replied that she had never expected or intended to go to mount vernon, and moreover would not, no matter how much urged--a declination without an invitation that must have caused the son a grim smile. in her nature was a goodly trace of savage stoicism that took a satisfaction in concealing the joy she felt in her son's achievement; for that her life was all bound up in his we have good evidence. washington looked after her wants and supplied her with everything she needed, and, as these things often came through third parties, it is pretty certain she did not know the source; at any rate she accepted everything quite as her due, and shows a half-comic ingratitude that is very fine. when washington started for new york to be inaugurated president, he stopped to see her. she donned a new white cap and a clean apron in honor of the visit, remarking to a neighbor woman who dropped in that she supposed "these great folks expected something a little extra." it was the last meeting of mother and son. she was eighty-three at that time and "her boy" fifty-five. she died not long after. samuel washington, the brother two years younger than george, has been described as "small, sandy-whiskered, shrewd and glib." samuel was married five times. some of the wives he deserted and others deserted him, and two of them died, thus leaving him twice a sad, lorn widower, from which condition he quickly extricated himself. he was always in financial straits and often appealed to his brother george for loans. in seventeen hundred eighty-one we find george washington writing to his brother john, "in god's name! how has samuel managed to get himself so enormously in debt?" the remark sounds a little like that of samuel johnson, who on hearing that goldsmith was owing four hundred pounds exclaimed, "was ever poet so trusted before?" washington's ledger shows that he advanced his brother samuel two thousand dollars, "to be paid back without interest." but samuel's ship never came in, and in washington's will we find the debt graciously and gracefully discharged. thornton washington, a son of samuel, was given a place in the english army at george washington's request; and two other sons of samuel were sent to school at his expense. one of the boys once ran away and was followed by his uncle george, who carried a goodly birch with intent to "give him what he deserved"; but after catching the lad the uncle's heart melted, and he took the runaway back into favor. an entry in washington's journal shows that the children of his brother samuel cost him fully five thousand dollars. harriot, one of the daughters of samuel, lived in the household at mount vernon and evidently was a great cross, for we find washington pleading as an excuse for her frivolity that "she was not brung up right, she has no disposition, and takes no care of her clothes, which are dabbed about in every corner, and the best are always in use. she costs me enough!" and this was about as near a complaint as the father of his country, and the father of all his poor relations, ever made. in his ledger we find this item: "by miss harriot washington, gave her to buy wedding-clothes, $100.00." it supplied the great man joy to write that line, for it was the last of harriot. he furnished a fine wedding for her, and all the servants had a holiday, and harriot and her unknown lover were happy ever afterwards--so far as we know. from seventeen hundred fifty to seventeen hundred fifty-nine, washington was a soldier on the frontier, leaving mount vernon and all his business in charge of his brother john. between these two there was a genuine bond of affection. to george this brother was always, "dear jack," and when john married, george sends "respectful greetings to your lady," and afterwards "love to the little ones from their uncle." and in one of the dark hours of the revolution, george writes from new jersey to this brother: "god grant you health and happiness. nothing in this world would add so to mine as to be near you." john died in seventeen hundred eighty-seven, and the president of the united states writes in simple, undisguised grief of "the death of my beloved brother." john's eldest son, bushrod, was washington's favorite nephew. he took a lively interest in the boy's career, and taking him to philadelphia placed him in the law-office of judge james wilson. he supplied bushrod with funds, and wrote him many affectionate letters of advice, and several times made him a companion on journeys. the boy proved worthy of it all, and developed into a strong and manly man--quite the best of all washington's kinsfolk. in later years, we find washington asking his advice in legal matters and excusing himself for being such a "troublesome, non-paying client." in his will the "honorable bushrod washington" is named as one of the executors, and to him washington left his library and all his private papers, besides a share in the estate. such confidence was a fitting good-by from the great and loving heart of a father to a son full worthy of the highest trust. of washington's relations with his brother charles, we know but little. charles was a plain, simple man who worked hard and raised a big family. in his will washington remembers them all, and one of the sons of charles we know was appointed to a position upon lafayette's staff on washington's request. the only one of washington's family that resembled him closely was his sister betty. the contour of her face was almost identical with his, and she was so proud of it that she often wore her hair in a queue and donned his hat and sword for the amusement of visitors. betty married fielding lewis, and two of her sons acted as private secretaries to washington while he was president. one of these sons--lawrence lewis--married nellie custis, the adopted daughter of washington and granddaughter of mrs. washington, and the couple, by washington's will, became part-owners of mount vernon. the man who can figure out the exact relationship of nellie custis' children to washington deserves a medal. we do not know much of washington's father: if he exerted any special influence on his children we do not know it. he died when george was eleven years old, and the boy then went to live at the "hunting creek place" with his half-brother lawrence, that he might attend school. lawrence had served in the english navy under admiral vernon, and, in honor of his chief, changed the name of his home and called it mount vernon. mount vernon then consisted of twenty-five hundred acres, mostly a tangle of forest, with a small house and log stables. the tract had descended to lawrence from his father, with provision that it should fall to george if lawrence died without issue. lawrence married, and when he died, aged thirty-two, he left a daughter, mildred, who died two years later. mount vernon then passed to george washington, aged twenty-one, but not without a protest from the widow of lawrence, who evidently was paid not to take the matter into the courts. washington owned mount vernon for forty-six years, just one-half of which time was given to the service of his country. it was the only place he ever called "home," and there he sleeps. * * * * * when washington was fourteen, his schooldays were over. of his youth we know but little. he was not precocious, although physically he developed early; but there was no reason why the neighbors should keep tab on him and record anecdotes. they had boys of their own just as promising. he was tall and slender, long-armed, with large, bony hands and feet, very strong, a daring horseman, a good wrestler, and, living on the banks of a river, he became, as all healthy boys must, a good swimmer. his mission among the indians in his twenty-first year was largely successful through the personal admiration he excited among the savages. in poise, he was equal to their best, and ever being a bit proud, even if not vain, he dressed for the occasion in full indian regalia, minus only the war-paint. the indians at once recognized his nobility, and named him "conotancarius"--plunderer of villages--and suggested that he take to wife an indian maiden, and remain with them as chief. when he returned home, he wrote to the indian agent, announcing his safe arrival and sending greetings to the indians. "tell them," he says, "how happy it would make conotancarius to see them, and take them by the hand." his wish was gratified, for the indians took him at his word, and fifty of them came to him, saying, "since you could not come and live with us, we have come to live with you." they camped on the green in front of the residence, and proceeded to inspect every room in the house, tested all the whisky they could find, appropriated eatables, and were only induced to depart after all the bedclothes had been dyed red, and a blanket or a quilt presented to each. throughout his life washington had a very tender spot in his heart for women. at sixteen, he writes with all a youth's solemnity of "a hurt of the heart uncurable." and from that time forward there is ever some "faire mayde" to be seen in the shadow. in fact, washington got along with women much better than with men; with men he was often diffident and awkward, illy concealing his uneasiness behind a forced dignity; but he knew that women admired him, and with them he was at ease. when he made that first western trip, carrying a message to the french, he turns aside to call on the indian princess, aliguippa. in his journal, he says, "presented her a blanket and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought the much best present of the 2." in his expense-account we find items like these: "treating the ladys 2 shillings." "present for polly 5 shillings." "my share for music at the dance 3 shillings." "lost at loo 5 shillings." in fact, like most episcopalians, washington danced and played cards. his favorite game seems to have been "loo"; and he generally played for small stakes, and when playing with "the ladys" usually lost, whether purposely or because otherwise absorbed, we know not. in seventeen hundred fifty-six, he made a horseback journey on military business to boston, stopping a week going and on the way back at new york. he spent the time at the house of a former virginian, beverly robinson, who had married susannah philipse, daughter of frederick philipse, one of the rich men of manhattan. in the household was a young woman, mary philipse, sister of the hostess. she was older than washington, educated, and had seen much more of polite life than he. the tall, young virginian, fresh from the frontier, where he had had horses shot under him, excited the interest of mary philipse, and washington, innocent but ardent, mistook this natural curiosity for a softer sentiment and proposed on the spot. as soon as the lady got her breath he was let down very gently. two years afterwards mary philipse married colonel roger morris, in the king's service, and cards were duly sent to mount vernon. but the whirligig of time equalizes all things, and, in seventeen hundred seventy-six, general washington, commander of the continental army, occupied the mansion of colonel morris, the colonel and his lady being fugitive tories. in his diary, washington records this significant item: "dined at the house lately colonel roger morris confiscated and the occupation of a common farmer." washington always attributed his defeat at the hands of mary philipse to being too precipitate and "not waiting until ye ladye was in ye mood." but two years later we find him being even more hasty and this time with success, which proves that all signs fail in dry weather, and some things are possible as well as others. he was on his way to williamsburg to consult physicians and stopped at the residence of mrs. daniel parke custis to make a short call--was pressed to remain to tea, did so, proposed marriage, and was graciously accepted. we have a beautiful steel engraving that immortalizes this visit, showing washington's horse impatiently waiting at the door. mrs. custis was a widow with two children. she was twenty-six, and the same age as washington within three months. her husband had died seven months before. in washington's cash-account for may, seventeen hundred fifty-eight, is an item, "one engagement ring â£2.16.0." the happy couple were married eight months later, and we find mrs. washington explaining to a friend that her reason for the somewhat hasty union was that her estate was getting in a bad way and a man was needed to look after it. our actions are usually right, but the reasons we give seldom are; but in this case no doubt "a man was needed," for the widow had much property, and we can not but congratulate martha custis on her choice of "a man." she owned fifteen thousand acres of land, many lots in the city of williamsburg, two hundred negroes, and some money on bond; all the property being worth over one hundred thousand dollars--a very large amount for those days. directly after the wedding, the couple moved to mount vernon, taking a good many of the slaves with them. shortly after, arrangements were under way to rebuild the house, and the plans that finally developed into the present mansion were begun. washington's letters and diary contain very few references to his wife, and none of the many visitors to mount vernon took pains to testify either to her wit or to her intellect. we know that the housekeeping at mount vernon proved too much for her ability, and that a woman was hired to oversee the household. and in this reference a complaint is found from the general that "housekeeper has done gone and left things in confusion." he had his troubles. martha's education was not equal to writing a presentable letter, for we find that her husband wrote the first draft of all important missives that it was necessary for her to send, and she copied them even to his mistakes in spelling. very patient was he about this, and even when he was president and harried constantly we find him stopping to acknowledge for her "an invitation to take some tea," and at the bottom of the sheet adding a pious bit of finesse, thus: "the president requests me to send his compliments and only regrets that the pressure of affairs compels him to forego the pleasure of seeing you." after washington's death, his wife destroyed the letters he had written her--many hundred in number--an offense the world is not yet quite willing to forget, even though it has forgiven. * * * * * although we have been told that when washington was six years old he could not tell a lie, yet he afterwards partially overcame the disability. on one occasion he writes to a friend that the mosquitoes of new jersey "can bite through the thickest boot," and though a contemporary clergyman, greatly flurried, explains that he meant "stocking," we insist that the statement shall stand as the father of his country expressed it. washington also records without a blush, "i announced that i would leave at 8 and then immediately gave private orders to go at 5, so to avoid the throng." another time when he discharged an overseer for incompetency he lessened the pain of parting by writing for the fellow "a character." when he went to boston and was named as commander of the army, his chief concern seemed to be how he would make peace with martha. ho! ye married men! do you understand the situation? he was to be away for a year, two, or possibly three, and his wife did not have an inkling of it. now, he must break the news to her. as plainly shown by cabot lodge and other historians, there was much rivalry for the office, and it was only allotted to the south as a political deal after much bickering. washington had been a passive but very willing candidate, and after a struggle his friends secured him the prize--and now what to do with martha! writing to her, among other things he says, "you may believe me, my dear patsy, when i assure you in the most solemn manner that so far from seeking the appointment i have done all in my power to avoid it." the man who will not fabricate a bit in order to keep peace with the wife of his bosom is not much of a man. but "patsy's" objections were overcome, and beyond a few chidings and sundry complainings, she did nothing to block the great game of war. at princeton, washington ordered campfires to be built along the brow of a hill for a mile, and when the fires were well lighted, he withdrew his army, marched around to the other side, and surprised the enemy at daylight. at brooklyn, he used masked batteries, and presented a fierce row of round, black spots painted on canvas that, from the city, looked like the mouths of cannon at which men seek the bauble reputation. it is said he also sent a note threatening to fire these sham cannon, on receiving which the enemy hastily moved beyond range. perceiving afterwards that they had been imposed upon, the brave english sent word to "shoot and be damned." evidently, washington considered that all things are fair in love and war. washington talked but little, and his usual air was one of melancholy that stopped just short of sadness. all this, with the firmness of his features and the dignity of his carriage, gave the impression of sternness and severity. and these things gave rise to the popular conception that he had small sense of humor; yet he surely was fond of a quiet smile. at one time, congress insisted that a standing army of five thousand men was too large; washington replied that if england would agree never to invade this country with more than three thousand men, he would be perfectly willing that our army should be reduced to four thousand. when the king of spain, knowing he was a farmer, thoughtfully sent him a present of a jackass, washington proposed naming the animal in honor of the donor; and in writing to friends about the present, draws invidious comparisons between the gift and the giver. evidently, the joke pleased him, for he repeats it in different letters; thus showing how, when he sat down to clear his desk of correspondence, he economized energy by following a form. so, we now find letters that are almost identical, even to jokes, sent to persons in south carolina and in massachusetts. doubtless the good man thought they would never be compared, for how could he foresee that an autograph-dealer in new york would eventually catalog them at twenty-two dollars fifty cents each, or that a very proper but half-affectionate missive of his to a faire ladye would be sold by her great-granddaughter for fifty dollars? in seventeen hundred ninety-three there were on the mount vernon plantation three hundred seventy head of cattle, and washington appends to the report a sad regret that, with all this number of horned beasts, he yet has to buy butter. there is also a fine, grim humor shown in the incident of a flag of truce coming in at new york, bearing a message from general howe, addressed to "mr. washington." the general took the letter from the hand of the redcoat, glanced at the superscription, and said: "why, this letter is not for me! it is directed to a planter in virginia. i'll keep it and give it to him at the end of the war." then, cramming the letter into his pocket, he ordered the flag of truce out of the lines and directed the gunners to stand by. in an hour, another letter came back addressed to "his excellency, general washington." it was not long after this a soldier brought to washington a dog that had been found wearing a collar with the name of general howe engraved on it. washington returned the dog by a special messenger with a note reading, "general washington sends his compliments to general howe, and begs to return one dog that evidently belongs to him." in this instance, i am inclined to think that washington acted in sober good faith, but was the victim of a practical joke on the part of one of his aides. another remark that sounds like a joke, but perhaps was not one, was when, on taking command of the army at boston, the general writes to his lifelong friend, doctor craik, asking what he can do for him, and adding a sentiment still in the air: "but these massachusetts people suffer nothing to go by them that they can lay their hands on." in another letter he pays his compliments to connecticut thus: "their impecunious meanness surpasses belief." when cornwallis surrendered at yorktown, washington refused to humiliate him and his officers by accepting their swords. he treated cornwallis as his guest, and even "gave a dinner in his honor." at this dinner, rochambeau being asked for a toast gave "the united states." washington proposed "the king of france." cornwallis merely gave "the king," and washington, putting the toast, expressed it as cornwallis intended, "the king of england," and added a sentiment of his own that made even cornwallis laugh--"may he stay there!" washington's treatment of cornwallis made him a lifelong friend. many years after, when cornwallis was governor-general of india, he sent a message to his old antagonist, wishing him "prosperity and enjoyment," and adding, "as for myself, i am yet in troubled waters." * * * * * once in a century, possibly, a being is born who possesses a transcendent insight, and him we call a "genius." shakespeare, for instance, to whom all knowledge lay open; joan of arc; the artist turner; swedenborg, the mystic--these are the men who know a royal road to geometry; but we may safely leave them out of account when we deal with the builders of a state, for among statesmen there are no geniuses. nobody knows just what a genius is or what he may do next; he boils at an unknown temperature, and often explodes at a touch. he is uncertain and therefore unsafe. his best results are conjured forth, but no man has yet conjured forth a nation--it is all slow, patient, painstaking work along mathematical lines. washington was a mathematician and therefore not a genius. we call him a great man, but his greatness was of that sort in which we all can share; his virtues were of a kind that, in degree, we too may possess. any man who succeeds in a legitimate business works with the same tools that washington used. washington was human. we know the man; we understand him; we comprehend how he succeeded, for with him there were no tricks, no legerdemain, no secrets. he is very near to us. washington is indeed first in the hearts of his countrymen. washington has no detractors. there may come a time when another will take first place in the affections of the people, but that time is not yet ripe. lincoln stood between men who now live and the prizes they coveted; thousands still tread the earth whom he benefited, and neither class can forgive, for they are of clay. but all those who lived when washington lived are gone; not one survives; even the last body-servant, who confused memory with hearsay, has departed babbling to his rest. we know all of washington we will ever know; there are no more documents to present, no partisan witnesses to examine, no prejudices to remove. his purity of purpose stands unimpeached; his steadfast earnestness and sterling honesty are our priceless examples. we love the man. we call him father. benjamin franklin i will speak ill of no man, not even in matter of truth; but rather excuse the faults i hear charged upon others, and upon proper occasion speak all the good i know of everybody. --_franklin's journal_ [illustration: benjamin franklin] benjamin franklin was twelve years old. he was large and strong and fat and good-natured, and had a full-moon face and red cheeks that made him look like a country bumpkin. he was born in boston within twenty yards of the church called "old south," but the franklins now lived at the corner of congress and hanover streets, where to this day there swings in the breeze a gilded ball, and on it the legend, "josiah franklin, soap-boiler." benjamin was the fifteenth child in the family; and several having grown to maturity and flown, there were thirteen at the table when little ben first sat in the high chair. but the franklins were not superstitious, and if little ben ever prayed that another would be born, just for luck, we know nothing of it. his mother loved him very much and indulged him in many ways, for he was always her baby boy, but the father thought that because he was good-natured he was also lazy and should be disciplined. once upon a time the father was packing a barrel of beef in the cellar, and ben was helping him, and as the father always said grace at table, the boy suggested he ask a blessing, once for all, on the barrel of beef and thus economize breath. but economics along that line did not appeal to josiah franklin, for this was early in seventeen hundred eighteen, and josiah was a presbyterian and lived in boston. the boy was not religious, for he never "went forward," and only went to church because he had to, and read "plutarch's lives" with much more relish than he did "saints' rest." but he had great curiosity and asked questions until his mother would say, "goodness gracious, go and play!" and as the boy wasn't very religious or very fond of work, his father and mother decided that there were only two careers open for him: the mother proposed that he be made a preacher, but his father said, send him to sea. to go to sea under a good strict captain would discipline him, and to send him off and put him under the care of the reverend doctor thirdly would answer the same purpose--which course should be pursued? but pallas athene, who was to watch over this lad's destinies all through life, preserved him from either. his parents' aspirations extended even to his becoming captain of a schooner or pastor of the first church at roxbury. and no doubt he could have sailed the schooner around the globe in safety, or filled the pulpit with a degree of power that would have caused consternation to reign in the heart of every other preacher in town; but fate saved him that he might take the ship of state, when she threatened to strand on the rocks of adversity, and pilot her into peaceful waters, and to preach such sermons to america that their eloquence still moves us to better things. parents think that what they say about their children goes, and once in an awfully long time it does, but the men who become great and learned usually do so in spite of their parents--which remark was first made by martin luther, but need not be discredited on that account. ben's oldest brother was james. now, james was nearly forty; he was tall and slender, stooped a little, and had sandy whiskers, and a nervous cough, and positive ideas on many subjects--one of which was that he was a printer. his apprentice, or "devil," had left him, because the devil did not like to be cuffed whenever the compositor shuffled his fonts. james needed another apprentice, and proposed to take his younger brother and make a man of him if the old folks were willing. the old folks were willing and ben was duly bound by law to his brother, agreeing to serve him faithfully, as jacob served laban, for seven years and two years more. science has explained many things, but it has not yet told why it sometimes happens that when seventeen eggs are hatched, the brood will consist of sixteen barnyard fowls and one eagle. james franklin was a man of small capacity, whimsical, jealous and arbitrary. but if he cuffed his apprentice benjamin when the compositor blundered, and when he didn't, it was his legal right; and the master who did not occasionally kick his apprentices was considered derelict to duty. the boy ran errands, cleaned the presses, swept the shop, tied up bundles, did the tasks that no one else would do; and incidentally "learned the case." then he set type, and after a while ran a press. and in those days a printer ranked considerably above a common mechanic. a man who was a printer was a literary man, as were the master printers of london and venice. a printer was a man of taste. all editors were printers, and usually composed the matter as they set it up in type. thus we now have the expressions: a "composing-room," a "composing-stick," etc. people once addressed "mr. printer," not "mr. editor," and when they met "mr. printer" on the street removed their hats--but not in philadelphia. young franklin felt a proper degree of pride in his work, if not vanity. in fact, he himself has said that vanity is a good thing, and whenever he saw it come flaunting down the street, always made way, knowing that there was virtue somewhere back of it--out of sight perhaps, but still there. james, being a brother, had no confidence in ben's intellect, so when ben wrote short articles on this and that, he tucked them under the door so that james would find them in the morning. james showed these articles to his friends, and they all voted them very fine, and concluded they must have been written by doctor so-and-so, ph.d., who, like lord bacon, was a very modest man and did not care to see his name in print. yet, by and by, it came out who it was that wrote the anonymous "hot stuff," and then james did not think it was quite so good as he at first thought, and moreover, declared he knew whose it was all the time. ben was eighteen and had read montaigne, and collins, and shaftesbury, and hume. when he wrote he expressed thoughts that then were considered very dreadful, but that can now be heard proclaimed even in good orthodox churches. but ben had wit and to spare, and he leveled it at government officials and preachers, and these gentlemen did not relish the jokes--people seldom relish jokes at their own expense--and they sought to suppress the newspaper that the franklin brothers published. the blame for all the trouble james heaped upon benjamin, and all the credit for success he took to himself. james declared that ben had the big head--and he probably was right; but he forgot that the big head, like mumps and measles and everything else in life, is self-limiting and good in its way. so, to teach ben his proper place, james reminded him that he was only an apprentice, with three years yet to serve, and that he should be seen seldom and not heard all the time, and that if he ran away he would send a constable after him and fetch him back. ben evidently had a mind open to suggestive influences, for the remark about running away prompted him to do so. he sold some of his books and got himself secreted on board a ship about to sail for new york. arriving at new york, in three days he found the broad-brimmed dutch had small use for printers and no special admiration for the art preservative; and he started for philadelphia. every one knows how he landed in a small boat at the foot of market street with only a few coppers in his pocket, and made his way to a bakeshop and asked for a threepenny loaf of bread, and being told they had no threepenny loaves, then asked for threepenny's worth of any kind of bread, and was given three loaves. where is the man who in a strange land has not suffered rather than reveal his ignorance before a shopkeeper? when i was first in england and could not compute readily in shillings and pence, i would toss out a gold piece when i made a purchase and assume a 'igh and 'aughty mien. and that philadelphia baker probably died in blissful ignorance of the fact that the youth who was to be america's pride bought from him three loaves of bread when he wanted only one. the runaway ben had a downy beard all over his face, and as he took his three loaves and walked up market street, with a loaf under each arm, munching on the third, he was smiled upon in merry mirth by the buxom deborah read, as she stood in the doorway of her father's house. yet franklin got even with her, for some months after, he went back that way and courted her, grew to love him, and they "exchanged promises," he says. after some months of work and love-making, franklin sailed away to england on a wild-goose chase. he promised to return soon and make deborah his wife. but he wrote only one solitary letter to the broken-hearted girl and did not come back for nearly two years. * * * * * time is the great avenger as well as educator; only the education is usually deferred until it no longer avails in this incarnation, and is valuable only for advice--and nobody wants advice. deathbed repentances may be legal-tender for salvation in another world, but for this they are below par, and regeneration that is postponed until the man has no further capacity to sin is little better. for sin is only perverted power, and the man without capacity to sin neither has ability to do good--isn't that so? his soul is a dead sea that supports neither ameba nor fish, neither noxious bacilli nor useful life. happy is the man who conserves his god-given power until wisdom and not passion shall direct it. so, the younger in life a man makes the resolve to turn and live, the better for that man and the better for the world. once upon a time carlyle took milburn, the blind preacher, out on to chelsea embankment and showed the sightless man where franklin plunged into the thames and swam to blackfriars bridge. "he might have stayed here," said thomas carlyle, "and become a swimming-teacher, but god had other work for him!" franklin had many opportunities to stop and become a victim of arrested development, but he never embraced the occasion. he could have stayed in boston and been a humdrum preacher, or a thrifty sea-captain, or an ordinary printer; or he could have remained in london, and been, like his friend ralph, a clever writer of doggerel, and a supporter of the political party that would pay the most. benjamin franklin was twenty years old when he returned from england. the ship was beaten back by headwinds and blown out of her course by blizzards, and becalmed at times, so it took eighty-two days to make the voyage. a worthy old clergyman tells me this was so ordained and ordered that benjamin might have time to meditate on the follies of youth and shape his course for the future, and i do not argue the case, for i am quite willing to admit that my friend, the clergyman, has the facts. yes, we must be "converted," "born again," "regenerated," or whatever you may be pleased to call it. sometimes--very often--it is love that reforms a man, sometimes sickness, sometimes sore bereavement. doctor talmage says that with saint paul it was a sunstroke, and this may be so, for surely saul of tarsus on his way to damascus to persecute christians was not in love. love forgives to seventy times seven and persecutes nobody. we do not know just what it was that turned franklin; he had tried folly--we know that--and he just seems to have anticipated browning and concluded: "it's wiser being good than bad; it's safer being meek than fierce; it's better being sane than mad." on this voyage the young printer was thrust down into the depths and made to wrestle with the powers of darkness; and in the remorse of soul that came over him he made a liturgy to be repeated night and morning, and at midday. there were many items in this ritual--all of which were corrected and amended from time to time in after-years. here are a few paragraphs that represent the longings and trend of the lad's heart. his prayer was: "that i may have tenderness for the meek; that i may be kind to my neighbors, good-natured to my companions and hospitable to strangers. help me, o god! "that i may be averse to craft and overreaching, abhor extortion and every kind of weakness and wickedness. help me, o god! "that i may have constant regard to honor and probity; that i may possess an innocent and good conscience, and at length become truly virtuous and magnanimous. help me, o god! "that i may refrain from calumny and detraction; that i may abhor deceit, and avoid lying, envy and fraud, flattery, hatred, malice and ingratitude. help me, o god!". then, in addition, he formed rules of conduct and wrote them out and committed them to memory. the maxims he adopted are old as thought, yet can never become antiquated, for in morals there is nothing either new or old, neither can there be. on that return voyage from england, he inwardly vowed that his first act on getting ashore would be to find deborah read and make peace with her and his conscience. and true to his vow, he found her, but she was the wife of another. her mother believed that franklin had run away simply to get rid of her, and the poor girl, dazed and forlorn, bereft of will, had been induced to marry a man by the name of rogers, who was a potter and also a potterer, but who franklin says was "a very good potter." after some months, deborah left the potter, because she did not like to be reproved with a strap, and went home to her mother. franklin was now well in the way of prosperity, aged twenty-four, with a little printing business, plans plus, and ambitions to spare. he had had his little fling in life, and had done various things of which he was ashamed; and the foolish things that deborah had done were no worse than those of which he had been guilty. so he called on her, and they talked it over and made honest confessions that are good for the soul. the potter disappeared--no one knew where--some said he was dead, but benjamin and deborah did not wear mourning. they took rumor's word for it, and thanked god, and went to a church and were married. deborah brought to the firm a very small dowry; and benjamin contributed a bright baby boy, aged two years, captured no one knows just where. this boy was william franklin, who grew up into a very excellent man, and the worst that can be said of him is that he became governor of new jersey. he loved and respected his father, and called deborah mother, and loved her very much. and she was worthy of all love, and ever treated him with tenderness and gentlest considerate care. possibly a blot on the 'scutcheon may, in the working of god's providence, not always be a dire misfortune, for it sometimes has the effect of binding broken hearts as nothing else can, as a cicatrice toughens the fiber. deborah had not much education, but she had good, sturdy commonsense, which is better if you are forced to make choice. she set herself to help her husband in every way possible, and so far as i know, never sighed for one of those things you call "a career." she even worked in the printing-office, folding, stitching, and doing up bundles. long years afterward, when franklin was ambassador of the american colonies in france, he told with pride that the clothes he wore were spun, woven, cut out, and made into garments--all by his wife's own hands. franklin's love for deborah was very steadfast. together they became rich and respected, won world-wide fame, and honors came that way such as no american before or since has ever received. and when i say, "god bless all good women who help men do their work," i simply repeat the words once used by benjamin franklin when he had deborah in mind. * * * * * when franklin was forty-two, he had accumulated a fortune of seventy-five thousand dollars. it gave him an income of about four thousand dollars a year, which he said was all he wanted; so he sold out his business, intending to devote his entire energies to the study of science and languages. he had lived just one-half his days; and had he then passed out, his life could have been summed up as one of the most useful that ever has been lived. he had founded and been the life of the junto club--the most sensible and beneficent club of which i ever heard. the series of questions asked at every meeting of the junto, so mirror the life and habit of thought of franklin that we had better glance at a few of them: 1. have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider what you might have to offer the junto, touching any one of them? 2. have you met with anything in the author you last read, remarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the junto; particularly in history, morality, poetry, physics, travels, mechanical arts, or other parts of knowledge? 3. do you know of a fellow-citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, deserving praise and imitation; or who has lately committed an error, proper for us to be warned against and avoid? 4. what unhappy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or heard; of imprudence, of passion, or of any other vice or folly? 5. what happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of moderation, or of any other virtue? 6. do you think of anything at present in which the members of the junto may be serviceable to mankind, to their country, to their friends, or to themselves? 7. hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting that you have heard of? and what have you heard or observed of his character or merits? and whether, think you, it lies in the power of the junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves? 8. do you know of any deserving young beginner, lately set up, whom it lies in the power of the junto in any way to encourage? 9. have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your country, of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an amendment? or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting? 10. have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties of the people? 11. in what manner can the junto, or any of its members, assist you in any of your honorable designs? 12. have you any weighty affair on hand in which you think the advice of the junto may be of service? 13. what benefits have you lately received from any man not present? 14. is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice and injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time? the junto led to the establishment, by franklin, of the philadelphia public library, which became the parent of all public libraries in america. he also organized and equipped a fire-company; paved and lighted the streets of philadelphia; established a high school and an academy for the study of english branches; founded the philadelphia public hospital; invented the toggle-joint printing-press, the franklin stove, and various other useful mechanical devices. after his retirement from business, franklin enjoyed seven years of what he called leisure, but they were years of study and application; years of happiness and sweet content, but years of aspiration and an earnest looking into the future. his experiments with kite and key had made his name known in all the scientific circles of europe, and his suggestive writings on the subject of electricity had caused goethe to lay down his pen and go to rubbing amber for the edification of all weimar. franklin was in correspondence with the greatest minds of europe, and what his "poor richard almanac" had done for the plain people of america, his pamphlets were now doing for the philosophers of the old world. in seventeen hundred fifty-four, he wrote a treatise showing the colonies that they must be united, and this was the first public word that was to grow and crystallize and become the united states of america. before that, the colonies were simply single, independent, jealous and bickering overgrown clans. franklin showed for the first time that they must unite in mutual aims. in seventeen hundred fifty-seven, matters were getting a little strained between the province of pennsylvania and england. "the lawmakers of england do not understand us--some one should go there as an authorized agent to plead our cause," and franklin was at once chosen as the man of strongest personality and soundest sense. so franklin went to england and remained there for five years as agent for the colonies. he then returned home, but after two years the stamp act had stirred up the public temper to a degree that made revolution imminent, and franklin again went to england to plead for justice. the record of the ten years he now spent in london is told by bancroft in a hundred pages. bancroft is very good, and! have no desire to rival him, so suffice it to say that franklin did all that any man could have done to avert the coming war of the revolution. burke has said that when he appeared before parliament to be examined as to the condition of things in america, it was like a lot of schoolboys interrogating the master. with the voice and tongue of a prophet, franklin foretold the english people what the outcome of their treatment of america would be. pitt and a few others knew the greatness of franklin, and saw that he was right, but the rest smiled in derision. he sailed for home in seventeen hundred seventy-five, and urged the continental congress to the declaration of independence, of which he became a signer. then the war came, and had not franklin gone to paris and made an ally of france, and borrowed money, the continental army could not have been maintained in the field. he remained in france for nine years, and was the pride and pet of the people. his sound sense, his good humor, his distinguished personality, gave him the freedom of society everywhere. he had the ability to adapt himself to conditions, and was everywhere at home. once, he attended a memorable banquet in paris shortly after the close of the revolutionary war. among the speakers was the english ambassador, who responded to the toast, "great britain." the ambassador dwelt at length on england's greatness, and likened her to the sun that sheds its beneficent rays on all. the next toast was "america," and franklin was called on to respond. he began very modestly by saying: "the republic is too young to be spoken of in terms of praise; her career is yet to come, and so, instead of america, i will name you a man, george washington--the joshua who successfully commanded the sun to stand still." the frenchmen at the board forgot the courtesy due their english guest, and laughed needlessly loud. franklin was regarded in paris as the man who had both planned the war of the revolution, and fought it. they said, "he despoiled the thunderbolt of its danger and snatched sovereignty out of the hand of king george of england." no doubt that his ovation was largely owing to the fact that he was supposed to have plucked whole handfuls of feathers from england's glory, and surely they were pretty nearly right. in point of all-round development, franklin must stand as the foremost american. the one intent of his mind was to purify his own spirit, to develop his intellect on every side, and make his body the servant of his soul. his passion was to acquire knowledge, and the desire of his heart was to communicate it. the writings of franklin--simple, clear, concise, direct, impartial, brimful of commonsense--form a model which may be studied by every one with pleasure and profit. they should constitute a part of the curriculum of every college and high school that aspires to cultivate in its pupils a pure style and correct literary taste. we know of no man who ever lived a fuller life, a happier life, a life more useful to other men, than benjamin franklin. for forty-two years he gave the constant efforts of his life to his country, and during all that time no taint of a selfish action can be laid to his charge. almost his last public act was to petition congress to pass an act for the abolition of slavery. he died in seventeen hundred ninety, and as you walk up arch street, philadelphia, only a few squares from the spot where stood his printing-shop, you can see the place where he sleeps. the following epitaph, written by himself, not, however, appear on the simple monument that marks his grave: the body of benjamin franklin, printer (like the cover of an old book, its contents torn out, and stripped of its lettering and gilding,) lies here food for worms. yet the work itself shall not be lost, for it will (as he believes) appear once more in a new and more beautiful edition corrected and amended by the author. thomas jefferson if i could not go to heaven but with a party, i would not go there at all. --jefferson, in a letter to madison [illustration: thomas jefferson] william and mary college was founded in sixteen hundred ninety-two by the persons whose names it bears. the founders bestowed on it an endowment that would have been generous had there not been attached to it sundry strings in way of conditions. the intent was to make indians episcopalians, and white students clergymen; and the assumption being that between the whites and the aborigines there was little difference, the curriculum was an ecclesiastic medley. all the teachers were appointed by the bishop of london, and the places were usually given to clergymen who were not needed in england. to this college, in seventeen hundred sixty, came thomas jefferson, a tall, red-haired youth, aged seventeen. he had a sharp nose and a sharp chin; and a youth having these has a sharp intellect--mark it well. this boy had not been "sent" to college. he came of his own accord from his home at shadwell, five days' horseback journey through the woods. his father was dead, and his mother, a rare gentle soul, was an invalid. death is not a calamity "per se," nor is physical weakness necessarily a curse, for out of these seeming unkind conditions nature often distils her finest products. the dying injunction of a father may impress itself upon a son as no example of right living ever can, and the physical disability of a mother may be the means that work for excellence and strength. the last-expressed wish of peter jefferson was that his son should be well educated, and attain to a degree of useful manliness that the father had never reached. and into the keeping of this fourteen-year-old youth the dying man, with the last flicker of his intellect, gave the mother, sisters and baby brother. we often hear of persons who became aged in a single night, their hair turning from dark to white; but i have seen death thrust responsibility upon a lad and make of him a man between the rising of the sun and its setting. when we talk of "right environment" and the "proper conditions" that should surround growing youth, we fan the air with words--there is no such thing as a universal right environment. an appreciative chapter might here be inserted concerning those beings who move about only in rolling chairs, who never see the winter landscape but through windows, and who exert their gentle sway from an invalid's couch, to which the entire household or neighborhood come to confession or to counsel. and yet i have small sympathy for the people who professionally enjoy poor health, and no man more than i reverences the greek passion for physical perfection. but a close study of jefferson's early life reveals the truth that the death of his father and the physical weakness of his mother and sisters were factors that developed in him a gentle sense of chivalry, a silken strength of will, and a habit of independent thought and action that served him in good stead throughout a long life. williamsburg was then the capital of virginia. it contained only about a thousand inhabitants, but when the legislature was in session it was very gay. at one end of a wide avenue was the capitol, and at the other the governor's "palace"; and when the city of washington was laid out, williamsburg served as a model. on saturdays, there were horse-races on the "avenue"; everybody gambled; cockfights and dogfights were regarded as manly diversions; there was much carousing at taverns; and often at private houses there were all-night dances where the rising sun found everybody but the servants plain drunk. at the college, both teachers and scholars were obliged to subscribe to the thirty-nine articles and to recite the catechism. the atmosphere was charged with theology. young jefferson had never before seen a village of even a dozen houses, and he looked upon this as a type of all cities. he thought about it, talked about it, wrote about it, and we now know that at this time his ideas concerning city versus country crystallized. fifty years after, when he had come to know london and paris, and had seen the chief cities of christendom, he repeated the words he had written in youth, "the hope of a nation lies in its tillers of the soil!" on his mother's side he was related to the "first families," but aristocracy and caste had no fascination for him, and he then began forming those ideas of utility, simplicity and equality that time only strengthened. his tutors and professors served chiefly as "horrible examples," with the shining exception of doctor small. the friendship that ripened between this man and young jefferson is an ideal example of what can be done through the personal touch. men are great only as they excel in sympathy; and the difference between sympathy and imagination has not yet been shown us. doctor small encouraged the young farmer from the hills to think and to express himself. he did not endeavor to set him straight or explain everything for him, or correct all his vagaries, or demand that he should memorize rules. he gave his affectionate sympathy to the boy who, with a sort of feminine tenderness, clung to the only person who understood him. to doctor small, pedigree and history unknown, let us give the credit of being first in the list of friends that gave bent to the mind of jefferson. john burke, in his "history of virginia," refers to professor small thus: "he was not any too orthodox in his opinions." and here we catch a glimpse of a formative influence in the life of jefferson that caused him to turn from the letter of the law and cleave to the spirit that maketh alive. after school-hours the tutor and the student walked and talked, and on saturdays and sundays went on excursions through the woods; and to the youth there was given an impulse for a scientific knowledge of birds and flowers and the host of life that thronged the forest. and when the pair had strayed so far beyond the town that darkness gathered and the stars came out, they conversed of the wonders of the sky. the true scientist has no passion for killing things. he says with thoreau, "to shoot a bird is to lose it." professor small had the gentle instinct that respects life, and he refused to take that which he could not give. to his youthful companion he imparted, in a degree, the secret of enjoying things without the passion for possession and the lust of ownership. there is a myth abroad that college towns are intellectual centers; but the number of people in a college town (or any other) who really think, is very few. williamsburg was gay, and, this much said, it is needless to add it was not intellectual. but professor small was a thinker, and so was governor fauquier; and these two were firm friends, although very unlike in many ways. and to "the palace" of the courtly fauquier, small took his young friend jefferson. fauquier was often a master of the revels, but after his seasons of dissipation he turned to small for absolution and comfort. at these times he seemed to jefferson a paragon of excellence. to the grace of the french he added the earnestness of the english. he quoted pope, and talked of swift, addison and thomson. fauquier and jefferson became friends, although more than a score of years and a world of experience separated them. jefferson caught a little of fauquier's grace, love of books and delight in architecture. but fauquier helped him most by gambling away all his ready money and getting drunk and smoking strong pipes with his feet on the table. and jefferson then vowed he would never handle a card, nor use tobacco, nor drink intoxicating liquors. and in conversation with small, he anticipated buckle by saying, "to gain leisure, wealth must first be secured; but once leisure is gained, more people use it in the pursuit of pleasure than employ it in acquiring knowledge." * * * * * had jefferson lived in a great city he would have been an architect. his practical nature, his mastery of mathematics, his love of proportion, and his passion for music are the basic elements that make a christopher wren. but virginia, in seventeen hundred sixty-five, offered no temptation to ambitions along that line; log houses with a goodly "crack" were quite good enough, and if the domicile proved too small the plan of the first was simply duplicated. yet a career of some kind young jefferson knew awaited him. about this time the rollicking patrick henry came along. patrick played the violin, and so did thomas. these two young men had first met on a musical basis. some otherwise sensible people hold that musicians are shallow and impractical; and i know one man who declares that truth and honesty and uprightness never dwelt in a professional musician's heart; and further, that the tribe is totally incapable of comprehending the difference between "meum" and "tuum." but then this same man claims that actors are rascals who have lost their own characters in the business of playing they are somebody else. and yet i'll explain for the benefit of the captious that, although thomas jefferson and patrick henry both fiddled, they never did and never would fiddle while rome burned. music was with them a pastime, not a profession. as soon as patrick henry arrived at williamsburg, he sought out his old friend thomas jefferson, because he liked him--and to save tavern bill. and patrick announced that he had come to williamsburg to be admitted to the bar. "how long have you studied law?" asked jefferson. "oh, for six weeks last tuesday," was the answer. tradition has it that jefferson advised patrick to go home and study at least a fortnight more before making his application. but patrick declared that the way to learn law is to practise it, and he surely was right. most young lawyers are really never aware of how little law they know until they begin to practise. but patrick henry was duly admitted, although george wythe protested. then patrick went back home to tend bar (the other kind) for laban, his father-in-law, for full four years. he studied hard and practised a little betimes--and his is the only instance that history records of a barkeeper acquiring wisdom while following his calling; but for the encouragement of budding youth i write it down. * * * * * no doubt it was the example of patrick henry that caused jefferson to adopt his profession. but it was the literary side of law that first attracted him--not the practise of it. as a speaker he was singularly deficient, a slight physical malformation of the throat giving him a very poor and uncertain voice. but he studied law, and after all it does not make much difference what a man studies--all knowledge is related, and the man who studies anything if he keeps at it will become learned. so jefferson studied in the office of george wythe, and absorbed all that fauquier had to offer, and grew wise in the companionship of doctor small. from a red-headed, lean, lank, awkward mountaineer, he developed into a gracious and graceful young man who has been described as "auburn-haired." and the evolution from being red-headed to having red hair, and from that to being auburn-haired, proves he was the genuine article. still he was hot handsome--that word can not be used to describe him until he was sixty--for he was freckled, one shoulder wets higher than the other, and his legs were so thin that they could not do justice to small-clothes. yet it will not do to assume that thin men are weak, any more than to take it for granted that fat men are strong. jefferson was as muscular as a panther and could walk or ride or run six days and nights together. he could lift from the floor a thousand pounds. when twenty-four, he hung out his lawyer's sign under that of george wythe at williamsburg. and clients came that way with retainers, and rich planters sent him business, and wealthy widows advised with him--and still he could not make a speech without stuttering. many men can harangue a jury, and every village has its orator; but where is the wise and silent man who will advise you in a way that will keep you out of difficulty, protect your threatened interests, and conduct the affairs you may leave in his hands so as to return your ten talents with other talents added! and i hazard the statement, without heat or prejudice, that if the experiment should be made with a thousand lawyers in any one of our larger cities, four-fifths of them would be found so deficient, either mentally, morally or both, that if ten talents were placed in their hands, they would not at the close of a year be able to account for the principal, to say nothing of the interest. and the bar of today is made up of a better class than it was in jefferson's time, even if it has not the intellectual fiber that it had forty years ago. but at the early age of twenty-five, jefferson was a wise and skilful man in the world's affairs (and a man who is wise is also honest), and men of this stamp do not remain hidden in obscurity. the world needs just such individuals and needs them badly. jefferson had the quiet, methodical industry that works without undue expenditure of nervous force; that intuitive talent which enables the possessor to read a whole page at a glance and drop at once upon the vital point; and then he had the ability to get his whole case on paper, marshaling his facts in a brief, pointed way that served to convince better than eloquence. these are the characteristics that make for success in practise before our courts of appeal; and jefferson's success shows that they serve better than bluster, even with a backwoods bench composed of fox-hunting farmers. in seventeen hundred sixty-eight, when jefferson was twenty-five, he went down to shadwell and ran for member of the virginia legislature. it was the proper thing to do, for he was the richest man in the county, being heir to his father's forty thousand acres, and it was expected that he would represent his district. he called on every voter in the parish, shook hands with everybody, complimented the ladies, caressed the babies, treated crowds at every tavern, and kept a large punch-bowl and open house at home. he was elected. on the eleventh of may, seventeen hundred sixty-nine, the legislature convened, with nearly a hundred members present, colonel george washington being one of the number. it took two days for the assembly to elect a speaker and get ready for business. on the third day, four resolutions were introduced--pushed to the front largely through the influence of our new member. these resolutions were: 1. no taxation without representation. 2. the colonies may concur and unite in seeking redress for grievances. 3. sending accused persons away from their own country for trial is an inexcusable wrong. 4. we will send an address on these things to the king beseeching his royal interposition. the resolutions were passed: they did not mean much anyway, the opposition said. and then another resolution was passed to this effect: "we will send a copy of these resolutions to every legislative body on the continent." that was a little stronger, but did not mean much either. it was voted upon and passed. then the assembly adjourned, having dispatched a copy of the resolutions to lord boutetourt, the newly appointed governor who had just arrived from london. next day, the governor's secretary appeared when the assembly convened, and repeated the following formula: "the governor commands the house to attend his excellency in the council-chamber." the members marched to the council-chamber and stood around the throne waiting the pleasure of his lordship. he made a speech which i will quote entire. "mr. speaker and gentlemen of the house of burgesses: i have heard your resolves, and augur ill of their effect. you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." and that was the end of jefferson's first term in office--the reward for all the hand-shaking, all the caressing, all the treating! the members looked at one another, but no one said anything, because there was nothing to say. the secretary made an impatient gesture with his hand to the effect that they should disperse, and they did. just how these legally elected representatives and now legally common citizens took their rebuff we do not know. did washington forget his usual poise and break out into one of those swearing fits where everybody wisely made way? and how did richard henry lee like it, and george wythe, and the randolphs? did patrick henry wax eloquent that afternoon in a barroom, and did jefferson do more than smile grimly, biding his time? massachusetts kept a complete history of her political heresies, but virginia chased foxes and left the refinements of literature to dilettantes. but this much we know: those country gentlemen did not go off peaceably and quietly to race horses or play cards. the slap in the face from the gloved hand of lord boutetourt awoke every boozy sense of security and gave vitality to all fanatical messages sent by samuel adams. washington, we are told, spoke of it as a bit of upstart authority on the part of the new governor; but jefferson with true prophetic vision saw the end. * * * * * one of the leading lawyers at williamsburg, against whom jefferson was often pitted, was john wayles. i need not explain that lawyers hotly opposed to each other in a trial are not necessarily enemies. the way in which jefferson conducted his cases pleased the veteran wayles, and he invited jefferson to visit him at his fine estate, called "the forest," a few miles out from williamsburg. now, in the family of mr. wayles dwelt his widowed daughter, the beautiful martha skelton, gracious and rich as jefferson in worldly goods. she played the spinet with great feeling, and the spinet and the violin go very well together. so, together, thomas and martha played, and sometimes a bit of discord crept in, for thomas was absent-minded and, in the business of watching the widow's fingers touch the keys, played flat. long years before, he had liked and admired becca, gazed fondly at sukey, and finally loved belinda. he did not tell her so, but he told john page, and vowed that if he did not wed belinda he would go through life solitary and alone. in a few months belinda married that detested being--another. then it was he again swore to his friend page he would be true to her memory, even though she had dissembled. but now he saw that the widow skelton had intellect, while belinda had been but clever; the widow had soul, while belinda had nothing but form. jefferson's experience seems to settle that mooted question, "can a man love two women at the same time?" unlike martha custis, this martha was won only after a protracted wooing, with many skirmishes and occasional misunderstandings and explanations, and sweet makings-up that were surely worth a quarrel. then they were married at "the forest," and rode away through the woods to monticello. jefferson was twenty-seven, and although it may not be proper to question closely as to the age of the widow, yet the bride, we have reason to believe, was about the age of her husband. it was a most happy mating--all their quarreling had been done before marriage. the fine intellect and high spirit of jefferson found their mate. she was his comrade and helpmeet as well as his wife. he could read his favorite ossian aloud to her, and when he tired she would read to him; and all his plans and ambitions and hopes were hers. in laying out the grounds and beautifying that home on monticello mountain, she took much more than a passive interest. it was "our home," and to make it a home in very sooth for her beloved husband was her highest ambition. she knew the greatness of her mate, and all the dreams she had for his advancement were to come true. with her, ideality was to become reality. but she was to see it only in part. yet she had seen her husband re-elected to the virginia legislature; sent as a member to the colonial congress at philadelphia, there to write the best known of all american literary productions; from their mountain home she had seen british troops march into charlottesville, four miles away, and then, with household treasure, had fled, knowing that beautiful monticello would be devastated by the enemy's ruthless tread. she had known washington, and had visited his lonely wife there at mount vernon when victory hung in the balance; when defeat meant that thomas jefferson and george washington would be the first victims of a vengeful foe. she saw her husband war-governor of virginia in its most perilous hour; she lived to know that washington had won; that cornwallis was his "guest," and that no man, save washington alone, was more honored in proud virginia than her beloved lord and husband. she saw a messenger on horseback approach bearing a packet from the congress at philadelphia to the effect that "his excellency, the honorable thomas jefferson," had been appointed as one of an embassy to france in the interests of the united states, with benjamin franklin and silas deane as colleagues, and, knowing her husband's love for franklin, and his respect for france, she leaned over his chair and with misty eyes saw him write his simple "no," and knew that the only reason he declined was because he would not leave his wife at a time when she might most need his tenderness and sympathy. and then they retired to beloved monticello to enjoy the rest that comes only after work well done--to spend the long vacation of their lives in simple homekeeping work and studious leisure, her husband yet in manhood's prime, scarce thirty-seven, as men count time, and rich, passing rich, in goods and lands. and then she died. and thomas jefferson, the strong, the self-poised, the self-reliant, fell in a helpless swoon, and was laid on a pallet and carried out, as though he, too, were dead. for three weeks his dazed senses prayed for death. he could endure the presence of no one save his eldest daughter, a slim, slender girl of scarce ten years, grown a woman in a day. by her loving touch and tenderness he was lured back from death and reason's night into the world of life and light. with tottering steps, led by the child who had to think for both, he was taken out on the veranda of beautiful monticello. he looked out on stretching miles of dark-blue hills and waving woods and winding river. he gazed, and as he looked it came slowly to him that the earth was still as when he last saw it, and realized that this would be so even if he were gone. then, turning to the child, who stood by, stroking his locks, it came to him that even in grief there may be selfishness, and for the first time he responded to the tender caress, saying, "yes, we will live, daughter--live in memory of her!" * * * * * when two men of equal intelligence and sincerity quarrel, both are probably right. hamilton and jefferson were opposed to each other by temperament and disposition, in a way that caused either to look with distrust on any proposition made by the other. and yet, when washington pressed upon jefferson the position of secretary of state, i can not but think he did it as an antidote to the growing power and vaunting ambition of hamilton. washington won his victories, as great men ever do, by wisely choosing his aides. hamilton had done yeoman's service in every branch of the government, and while the chief sincerely admired his genius, he guessed his limitations. power grows until it topples, and when it topples, innocent people are crushed. washington was wise as a serpent, and rather than risk open ruction with hamilton by personally setting bounds, he invited jefferson into his cabinet, and the acid was neutralized to a degree where it could be safely handled. jefferson had just returned from paris with his beloved daughter, martha. he was intending soon to return to france and study social science at close range. already, he had seen that mob of women march out to versailles and fetch the king to paris, and had seen barricade after barricade erected with the stones from the leveled bastile; he was on intimate and affectionate terms with lafayette and the republican leaders, and here was a pivotal point in his life. had not washington persuaded him to remain "just for the present" in america, he might have played a part in carlyle's best book, that book which is not history, but more--an epic. so, among the many obligations that america owes to washington, must be named this one of pushing thomas jefferson, the scholar and man of peace, into the political embroglio and shutting the door. then it was that hamilton's taunting temper awoke a degree of power in jefferson that before he wist not of; then it was that he first fully realized that the "united states" with england as a sole pattern was not enough. a pivotal point! yes, a pivotal point for jefferson, america and the world; for jefferson gave the rudder of the ship of state such a turn to starboard that there was never again danger of her drifting on to aristocratic shoals, an easy victim to the rapacity of great britain. hamilton's distrust of the people found no echo in jefferson's mind. he agreed with hamilton that a "strong government" administered by a few, provided the few are wise and honorable, is the best possible government. nay, he went further and declared that an absolute monarchy in which the monarch was all-wise and all-powerful, could not be improved upon by the imagination of man. in his composition, there was a saving touch of humor that both hamilton and washington seemed to lack. he could smile at himself; but none ever dared turn a joke on hamilton, much less on washington. and so when hamilton explained that a strong government administered by washington, president; jefferson, secretary of state; hamilton, secretary of the treasury; knox, secretary of war; and randolph, attorney-general, was pretty nearly ideal, no one smiled. but jefferson's plain inference was that power is dangerous and man is fallible; that a man so good as washington dies tomorrow and another man steps in, and that those who have the government in their present keeping should curb ambitions, limit their own power, and thus fix a precedent for those who are to follow. the wisdom that jefferson as a statesman showed in working for a future good, and the willingness to forego the pomp of personal power, to sacrifice self if need be, that the day he should not see might be secure, ranks him as first among statesmen. for a statesman is one who builds a state--and not a politician who is dead, as some have said. others, since, have followed jefferson's example, but in the world's history i do not recall a man before him who, while still having power in his grasp, was willing to trust the people. the one mistake of washington that borders on blunder was in refusing to take wages for his work. in doing this, he visited untold misery on others, who, not having married rich widows, tried to follow his example and floundered into woeful debt and disgrace; and thereby were lost to useful society and to the world. and there are yet many public offices where small men rattle about because men who can fill the place can not afford it. bryce declares that no able and honest man of moderate means can afford to take an active part in municipal affairs in america--and bryce is right. when jefferson became president, in his messages to congress again and again he advised the fixing of sufficient salaries to secure the best men for every branch of the service, and suggested the folly of expecting anything for nothing, or the hope of officials not "fixing things" if not properly paid. men from the soil who gain power are usually intoxicated by it; beginning as democrats they evolve into aristocrats, then into tyrants, if kindly fate does not interpose, and are dethroned by the people who made them. and it is not surprising that this man, born into a plenty that bordered on affluence, and who never knew from experience the necessity of economy (until in old age tobacco and slavery had wrecked virginia and monticello alike), should set an almost ideal example of simplicity, moderation and brotherly kindness. among the chief glories that belong to him are these: 1. writing the declaration of independence. 2. suggesting and carrying out the present decimal monetary system. 3. inducing virginia to deed to the states, as their common property, the northwest territory. 4. purchasing from france, for the comparatively trifling sum of fifteen million dollars, louisiana and the territory running from the gulf of mexico to puget's sound, being at the rate of a fraction of a cent per acre, and giving the united states full control of the mississippi river. but over and beyond these is the spirit of patriotism that makes each true american feel he is parcel and part of the very fabric of the state, and in his deepest heart believe that "a government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth." samuel adams the body of the people are now in council. their opposition grows into a system. they are united and resolute. and if the british administration and government do not return to the principles of moderation and equity, the evil, which they profess to aim at preventing by their rigorous measures, will the sooner be brought to pass, viz., the entire separation and independence of the colonies. --letter to arthur lee [illustration: samuel adams] samuel and john adams were second cousins, having the same great-grandfather. between them in many ways there was a marked contrast, but true to their new england instincts both were theologians. john was a conservative in politics, and at first had little sympathy with "those small-minded men who refused to pay a trivial tax on their tea; and who would plunge the country into war, and ruin all for a matter of stamps." john was born and lived at the village of braintree. he did not really center his mind on politics until the british had closed all law-courts in boston, thus making his profession obsolete. he was scholarly, shrewd, diplomatic, cautious, good-natured, fat, and took his religion with a wink. he was blessed with a wife who was worthy of being the mother of kings (or presidents); he lived comfortably, acquired property, and died aged ninety-two. he had been president and seen his son president of the united states, and that is an experience that has never come and probably never will come to another living man, for there seems to be an unwritten law that no man under fifty shall occupy the office of chief magistrate of these united states. samuel was stern, serious and deeply in earnest. he seldom smiled and never laughed. he was uncompromisingly religious, conscientious and morally unbending. in his life there was no soft sentiment. the fact that he ran a brewery can be excused when we remember that the best spirit of the times saw nothing inconsistent in the occupation; and further than this we might explain in extenuation that he gave the business indifferent attention, and the quality of his brew was said to be very bad. in religion, he swerved not nor wavered. he was a calvinist and clung to the five points with a tenacity at times seemingly quite unnecessary. when in that first congress, samuel adams publicly consented to the opening of the meeting with religious service conducted by the reverend mr. duche, an episcopal clergyman, he gave a violent wrench to his conscience and an awful shock to his friends. but mr. duche met the issue in the true spirit, and leaving his detested "popery robe" and prayer-book at home uttered an extemporaneous invocation, without a trace of intoning, that pleased the puritans and caused one of them to remark, "he is surely coming over to the lord's side!" but in politics, samuel adams was a liberal of the liberals. in statecraft, the heresy of change had no terrors for him, and with hamlet, he might have said, "oh, reform it altogether!" the limitations set in every character seem to prevent a man from being generous in more than one direction; the bigot in religion is often a liberal in politics, and vice versa. for instance, physicians are almost invariably liberal in religious matters, but are prone to call a man "mister" who does not belong to their school; while orthodox clergymen, i have noticed, usually employ a homeopathist. in that most valuable and interesting work, "the diary of john adams," the author refers repeatedly to samuel adams as "adams"! this simple way of using the word "adams" shows a world of appreciation for the man who blazed the path that others of this illustrious name might follow. and so with the high precedent in mind, i, too, will drop prefix and call my subject simply "adams." on the authority of king george, general gage made an offer of pardon to all save two who had figured in the boston uprising. the two men thus honored were john hancock (whose signature the king could read without spectacles), and the other was "one, s. adams." adams, however, was the real offender, and the plea might have been made for john hancock that, if it had not been for accident and adams, hancock would probably have remained loyal to the mother country. hancock was aristocratic, cultured and complacent. he was the richest man in new england. his personal interests were on the side of peace and the established order. but circumstances and the combined tact and zeal of adams threw him off his guard, and in a moment of dalliance the seeds of sedition found lodgment in his brain. and the more he thought about it, the nearer he came to the conclusion that adams was right. but let the fact further be stated, if truth demands, that both john hancock and samuel adams, the first men who clearly and boldly expressed the idea of american independence, were moved in the beginning by personal grievances. a single motion made before the british parliament by we know not whom, and put to vote by the speaker, bankrupted the father of samuel adams and robbed the youth of his patrimony. the boy was then seventeen; old enough to know that from plenty his father was reduced to penury, and this because england, three thousand miles away, had interfered with the business arrangements of the colony, and made unlawful a private banking scheme. then did the boy ask the question, what moral right has england to govern us, anyway? from thinking it over he began to formulate reasons. he discussed the subject at odd times and thought of it continually, and, in seventeen hundred forty-three, when he prepared his graduation thesis at harvard college he chose for his subject, "the doctrine of the lawfulness of resistance to the supreme magistrate if the commonwealth can not otherwise be preserved." when massachusetts admitted that she was under subjection to the king, yet argued for the right to nullify the acts of the english parliament, she took exactly the same ground that south carolina did a hundred years later. the logic of samuel adams and of robert hayne was one and the same. yet we are glad that adams carried his point; and we rejoice exceedingly that hayne failed, so curious are these things we call "reasons." the royalists who heard of this youth with a logical mind denounced him without stint. a few newspapers upheld him and spoke of the right of free speech and all that, reprinting the thesis in full. and in the controversy that followed, young adams was always a prominent figure. he was not an orator in the popular sense, but he held the pen of a ready writer, and through the boston papers kept up a constant fusillade. the tricks of journalism are no new thing belonging to the fag-end of this century. young adams wrote letters over the "nom de plume" of pro bono publico, and then replied to them over the signature of rex americus. he did not adopt as his motto, "let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth," for he wrote with both hands and each hand was in the secret. during the years that followed his graduation from college he was a businessman and a poor one, for a man who looks after public affairs much can not attend to his own. but he managed to make shift; and when too closely pressed by creditors, a loan from hancock, or john adams, hancock's attorney, relieved the pressure. in fact, when he went to philadelphia "on that very important errand," he rode a horse borrowed from john adams, and his sunday coat was the gift of a thoughtful friend. in seventeen hundred sixty-three, it became known that the british government had on foot a scheme to demand a tribute from the colonies. on invitation of a committee, possibly appointed by adams, adams was requested to draw up instructions to the representatives in the colonial legislature. adams did so and the document is now in the archives of the old state house at boston, in the plain and elegant penmanship that is so easily recognized. this document calls itself, "the first public denial of the right of the british parliament to tax the colonies without their consent, and the first public suggestion of a union on the part of the colonies to protect themselves against british aggression." the style of the paper is lucid, firm and logical; it combines in itself the suggestion of all there was to be said or could be said on the matter. adams saw all over and around his topic--no unpleasant surprise could be sprung on him--twenty-five years had he studied this one theme. he had made himself familiar with the political history of every nation so far as such history could be gathered; he was past master of his subject. however, when he was forty years of age his followers were few and mostly men of small influence. the calkers' club was the home of the sedition, and many of the members were day-laborers. but the idea of independence gradually grew, and, in seventeen hundred sixty-five, adams was elected a member of the massachusetts colonial legislature. in honor of his writing ability, he was chosen clerk of the assembly, for in all public gatherings orators are chosen as presidents and newspapermen for secretaries. thus are honors distributed, and thus, too, does the public show which talent it values most. on november second, seventeen hundred seventy-two, on motion of adams, a committee of several hundred citizens was appointed "to state the rights of the colonies and to communicate and publish them to the world as the sense of the town, with the infringements and violations thereof that have been or may be made from time to time; also requesting from each town a free communication of their sentiments on this subject." this was the committee of correspondence from which grew the union of the colonies and the congress of the united states. it is a pretty well attested fact that the first suggestion of the philadelphia congress came from samuel adams, and the chief work of bringing it about was also his. it was well known to the british government who the chief agitator was, and when general gage arrived in boston in may, seventeen hundred seventy-four, his first work was an attempt to buy off samuel adams. with adams out of the way, england might have adopted a policy of conciliation and kept america for her very own--yes, to the point of moving the home government here and saving the snug little island as a colony, for both in wealth and in population america has now far surpassed england. but adams was not for sale. his reply to gage sounds like a scrap from cromwell: "i trust i have long since made my peace with the king of kings. no personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country." gage having refused to recognize the thirteen counselors appointed by the people, the general court of massachusetts, in secret session, appointed five delegates to attend the congress of colonies at philadelphia. of course samuel adams was one of these delegates; and to john adams, another delegate, are we indebted for a minute description of that most momentous meeting. a room in the state house had been offered the delegates, but with commendable modesty they accepted the offer of the carpenters' company to use their hall. and so there they convened on the fifth day of september, seventeen hundred seventy-four, having met by appointment, and walked over from the city tavern in a body. forty-four men were present--not a large gathering, but they had come hundreds of miles, and several of them had been months on the journey. they were a sturdy lot; and madam! i think it would have been worth while to have looked in upon them. there were several coonskin caps in evidence; also lace and frills and velvet brought from england--but plainness to severity was the rule. few of these men had ever been away from their own colonies before, few had ever met any members of the congress save their own colleagues. they represented civilizations of very different degrees. each stood a bit in awe of all the rest. several of the colonies had been in conflict with the others. meeting new men in those days, when even the stagecoach was a passing show worth going miles to see, was an event. there was awkwardness and nervousness on the swarthy faces; firm mouths twitched, and big, bony hands sought for places of concealment. the meeting had been called for september first, but was postponed for five days awaiting the arrival of belated delegates who had been detained by floods. even then, delegates from north carolina had not arrived, and georgia not having thought it worth while to send any, eleven colonies only were represented. each delegation naturally kept together, as men will who have a fighting history and a pioneer ancestry. it was a serious, solemn business, and these men were not given to levity in any event. when they were seated, there was a moment of silence so tense it could be heard. every chance movement of a foot on the uncarpeted floor sent an echo through the room. the stillness was first broken by mr. lynch, of south carolina, who arose and in a low, clear voice said: "there is a gentleman present who has presided with great dignity over a very respectable body and greatly to the advantage of america. gentlemen, i move that the honorable peyton randolph, one of the delegates from virginia, be appointed to preside over this meeting. i doubt not it will be unanimous." it was so; and a large man in powdered wig and scarlet coat arose, and, carrying his gold-headed cane before him like a mace, walked to the platform without apology. the new englanders in homespun looked at one another with trepidation on their features. the red coat was not assuring, but they kept their peace and breathed hard, praying that the enemy had not captured the convention through strategy. mr. randolph's first suggestion was not revolutionary; it was that a secretary be appointed. again mr. lynch arose and named charles thomson, "a gentleman of family, fortune and character." this testimonial of family and fortune was not assuring to the plain massachusetts men, but they said nothing and awaited developments. all were cautious as woodsmen, and the motion that the council be held behind closed doors was adopted. every member then held up his right hand and made a solemn promise to divulge no part of the transactions; and galloway, of pennsylvania, promised with the rest, and straightway each night informed the enemy of every move. little was done that first day but get acquainted by talking very cautiously and very politely. the next day a notable member had arrived, and in a front seat sat richard henry lee, a man you would turn and look at in any company. slender and dark, with a brilliant eye and a profile--and only one man in ten thousand has a profile--lee was a gracious presence. his voice was gentle and flexible and luring, and there was a dignity and poise in his manner that made him easily the foremost orator of his time. near him sat william livingston, of new jersey, and john jay, his son-in-law, the youngest man in the congress, with a nose that denoted character, and all his fame in the future. the pennsylvanians were all together, grouped on one side. duane, of new york, sat near them, "shy and squint-eyed, very sensible and very artful," wrote john adams that night in his diary. then over there sat christopher gadsden, of south carolina, who had preached independence for full ten years before this, and who, when he heard that the british soldiers had taken boston, proposed to raise a troop at once and fight redcoats wherever found. "but the british will burn our seaport towns if we antagonize them," some timid soul explained. "our towns are built of brick and wood; if they are burned we can rebuild them; but liberty once gone is gone forever," he retorted. and the saying sounds well, even if it will not stand analysis. back near the wall was a man who, when the assembly stood at morning prayers, showed a half-head above his neighbors. his face was broad, and he, too, had a profile. his mouth was tightly closed, and during the first fourteen days of that congress he never opened it to utter a word, and after his long quiet he broke the silence by saying, "mr. president, i second the motion." once, in a passionate speech, lynch turned to him and pointing his finger said: "there is a man who has not spoken here, but in the virginia assembly he made the most eloquent speech i ever heard. he said, 'i will raise a thousand men, and arm and subsist them at my expense and march them to the relief of boston.'" and then did the tall man, whose name was george washington, blush like a schoolgirl. but in all that company the men most noticed were the five members from massachusetts. they were bowdoin, samuel adams, john adams, gushing and robert treat paine. massachusetts had thus far taken the lead in the struggle with england. a british army was encamped upon her soil, her chief city besieged--the port closed. her sufferings had called this congress into being, and to her delegates the members had come to listen. all recognized samuel adams as the chief man of the convention. his hand wrote the invitations and earnest requests to come. galloway, writing to his friends, the enemy, said: "samuel adams eats little, drinks little, sleeps little and thinks much. he is most decisive and indefatigable in the pursuit of his object. he is the man who, by his superior application, manages at once the faction in philadelphia and the factions of new england." yet samuel adams talked little at the convention. he allowed john adams to state the case, but sat next to him supplying memoranda, occasionally arising to make remarks or explanations in a purely conversational tone. but so earnest and impressive was his manner, so ably did he answer every argument and reply to every objection, that he thoroughly convinced a tall, angular, homely man by the name of patrick henry of the righteousness of his cause. patrick henry was pretty thoroughly convinced before, but the recital of boston's case fired the virginian, and he made the first and only real speech of the congress. in burning words he pictured all the colonies had suffered and endured, and by his matchless eloquence told in prophetic words of the glories yet to be. in his speech he paid just tribute to the genius of samuel adams, declaring that the good that was to come from this "first of an unending succession of congresses" was owing to the work of adams. and in after-years adams repaid the compliment by saying that if it had not been for the cementing power of patrick henry's eloquence, that first congress probably would have ended in a futile wrangle. the south regarded, in great degree, the fight in boston as massachusetts' own. to make the entire thirteen colonies adopt the quarrel and back the colonial army in the vicinity of boston was the only way to make the issue a success, and to unite the factions by choosing for a leader a virginian aristocrat was a crowning stroke of diplomacy. john hancock had succeeded randolph as president of the second congress, and virginia was inclined to be lukewarm, when john adams in an impassioned speech nominated colonel george washington as commander-in-chief of the continental army. the nomination was seconded very quietly by samuel adams. it was a vote, and the south was committed to the cause of backing up washington, and, incidentally, new england. the entire plan was probably the work of samuel adams, yet he gave the credit to john, while the credit of stoutly opposing it goes to john hancock, who, being presiding officer, worked at a disadvantage. but adams had a way of reducing opposition to the minimum. he kept out of sight and furthered his ends by pushing this man or that to the front at the right time to make the plea. he was a master in that fine art of managing men and never letting them know they are managed. by keeping behind the arras, he accomplished purposes that a leader never can who allows his personality to be in continual evidence, for personality repels as well as attracts, and the man too much before the public is sure to be undone eventually. adams knew that the power of pericles lay largely in the fact that he was never seen upon but a single street of athens, and that but once a year. the complete writings of adams have recently been collected and published. one marvels that such valuable material has not before been printed and given to the public, for the literary style and perspicuity shown are most inspiring, and the value of the data can not be gainsaid. no one ever accused adams of being a muddy thinker; you grant his premises and you are bound to accept his conclusions. he leaves no loopholes for escape. the following words, used by chatham, refer to documents in which adams took a prominent part in preparing: "when your lordships look at the papers transmitted us from america, when you consider their decency, firmness and wisdom, you can not but respect their cause and wish to make it your own. for myself, i must avow that, in all my reading--and i have read thucydides and have studied and admired the master statesmen of the world--for solidity of reason, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under a complication of difficult circumstances, no body of men can stand in preference to the general congress of philadelphia. the histories of greece and rome give us nothing like it, and all attempts to impress servitude on such a mighty continental people must be in vain." in the life of adams there was no soft sentiment nor romantic vagaries. "he is a puritan in all the word implies, and the unbending fanatic of independence," wrote gage, and the description fits. he was twice married. our knowledge of his first wife is very slight, but his second wife, elizabeth wells, daughter of an english merchant, was a capable woman of brave good sense. she adopted her husband's political views and with true womanly devotion let her old kinsmen slide; and during the dark hours of the war bore deprivation without repining. adams' home life was simple to the verge of hardship. all through life he was on the ragged edge financially, and in his latter years he was for the first time relieved from pressing obligations by an afflicting event--the death of his only son, who was a surgeon in washington's army. the money paid to the son by the government for his services gave the father the only financial competency he ever knew. two daughters survived him, but with him died the name. john adams survived samuel for twenty-three years. he lived to see "the great american experiment," as mr. ruskin has been pleased to call our country, on a firm basis, constantly growing stronger and stronger. he lived to realize that the sanguine prophecies made by samuel were working themselves out in very truth. the grave of samuel adams is viewed by more people than that of any other american patriot. in the old granary burying-ground, in the very center of boston, on tremont street--there where travel congests, and two living streams meet all day long---you look through the iron fence, so slender that it scarce impedes the view, and not twenty feet from the curb is a simple metal disk set on an iron rod driven into the ground and on it this inscription: "this marks the grave of samuel adams." for many years the grave was unmarked, and the disk that now denotes it was only recently placed in position by the sons of the american revolution. but the place of samuel adams on the pages of history is secure. upon the times in which he lived he exercised a profound influence. and he who influences the times in which he lives has influenced all the times that come after; he has left his impress on eternity. john hancock boston, sept. 30, 1765 gent: since my last i have receiv'd your favour by capt hulme who is arriv'd here with the most disagreeable commodity (say stamps) that were imported into this country & what if carry'd into execution will entirely stagnate trade here, for it is universally determined here never to submitt to it and the principal merchts here will by no means carry on business under a stamp, we are in the utmost confusion here and shall be more so after the first of november & nothing but the repeal of the act will righten, the consequence of its taking place here will be bad, & attended with many troubles, & i believe may say more fatal to you than us. i dread the event. --extract from hancock's letter-book [illustration: john hancock] long years ago when society was young, learning was centered in one man in each community, and that man was the priest. it was the priest who was sent for in every emergency of life. he taught the young, prescribed for the sick, advised those who were in trouble, and when human help was vain and man had done his all, this priest knelt at the bedside of the dying and invoked a power with whom it was believed he had influence. the so-called learned professions are only another example of the division of labor. we usually say there are three learned professions: theology, medicine and law. as to which is the greatest is a much-mooted question and has caused too many family feuds for me to attempt to decide it. and so i evade the issue and say there is a fourth profession, that is only allowed to be called so by grace, but which in my mind is greater than them all--the profession of teacher. i can conceive of a condition of society so high and excellent that it has no use for either doctor, lawyer or preacher, but the teacher would still be needed. ignorance and sin supply the three "learned professions" their excuse for being, but the teacher's work is to develop the germ of wisdom that is in every soul. and now each of these professions has divided up, like monads, into many heads. in medicine, we have as many specialists as there are organs of the body. the lawyer who advises you in a copyright or patent cause knows nothing about admiralty; and as they tell us a man who pleads his own case has a fool for a client, so does the insurance lawyer who is retained to foreclose a mortgage. in all prosperous city churches, the preacher who attracts the crowd in the morning allows a 'prentice to preach to the young folks in the evening; he does not make pastoral calls; and the curate who reads the service at funerals is never called upon to perform a marriage ceremony except in a case of charity. likewise the teacher's profession has its specialists: the man who teaches greek well can not write good english; the man who teaches composition is baffled and perplexed by long division; and the teacher who delights in trigonometry pooh-poohs a kindergartner. just where this evolutionary dividing and subdividing of social cells will land the race no man can say; but that a specialist is a dangerous man, is sure. he is a buzz-saw with which wise men never monkey. a surgeon who has operated for appendicitis five times successfully is above all to be avoided. i once knew a man with lung trouble who inadvertently strayed into an oculist's and was looked over and sent away with an order on an optician. and should you through error stray into the office of a nose and throat specialist, and ask him to treat you for varicose veins, he would probably do so by nasal douche. even now a specialist in theology will lead us, if he can, a merry "ignis-fatuus" chase and land us in a morass. the only thing that saved the priest in days agone was the fact that he had so many duties to perform that he exercised all his mental muscles, and thus attained a degree of all-roundness which is not possible to the specialist. even then there were not lacking men who found time to devote to specialties: bishop georgius ambrosius, for instance, who in the fifteenth century produced a learned work proving that women have no souls. and a like book was written at nashville, tennessee, in eighteen hundred fifty-nine, by the reverend hubert parsons of the methodist episcopal church (south), showing that negroes were in a like predicament. but a more notable instance of the danger of a specialty is the reverend cotton mather, who investigated the subject of witchcraft and issued a modest brochure incorporating his views on the subject. he succeeded in convincing at least one man of its verity, and that man was himself, and thus immortality was given to the town of salem, which, otherwise, would have no claim on us for remembrance, save that hawthorne was once a clerk in its custom-house. a very slight study of colonial history will show any student that, for two centuries, the ministers in new england occupied very much the same position in society that the priest did during the middle ages. as the monks kept learning from dying off the face of the earth, so did the ministers of the new world preserve culture from passing into forgetfulness. very seldom, indeed, were books to be found in a community except at the minister's. and during the seventeenth century, and well into the eighteenth, he combined in himself the offices of doctor, lawyer, preacher and teacher. mr. lowell has said: "i can not remember when there was not one or more students in my father's household, and others still who came at regular intervals to recite. and this was the usual custom. it was the minister who fitted boys for college, and no youth was ever sent away to school until he had been drilled by the local clergyman." and it must further be noted that genealogical tables show that very nearly all of the eminent men of new england were sons of ministers, or of an ancestry where ministers' names are seen at frequent intervals. as an intellectual and moral force, the minister has now but a rudiment of the power he once exercised. the tendency to specialize all art and all knowledge has to a degree shorn him of his strength. and to such an extent is this true, that within forty years it has passed into a common proverb that the sons of clergymen are rascals, whereas in colonial days the highest recommendation a youth could carry was that he was the son of a minister. the reverend john hancock, grandfather of john hancock the patriot, was for more than half a century the minister of lexington, massachusetts. i say "the minister," because there was only one: the keen competition of sect that establishes half a dozen preachers in a small community is a very modern innovation. john hancock, "bishop of lexington," was a man of pronounced personality, as is plainly seen in his portrait in the boston museum of fine arts. they say he ruled the town with a rod of iron; and when the young men, who adorned the front steps of the meetinghouse during service, grew disorderly, he stopped in his prayer, and going outside soundly cuffed the ears of the first delinquent he could lay hands upon. in his clay there was a dash of facetiousness that saved him from excess, supplying a useful check to his zeal--for zeal uncurbed is very bad. he was a wise and beneficent dictator; and government under such a one can not be improved upon. his manner was gracious, frank and open, and such was the specific gravity of his nature that his words carried weight, and his wish was sufficient. the house where this fine old autocrat lived and reigned is standing in lexington now. when you walk out through cambridge and arlington on your way to concord, following the road the british took on their way out to concord, you will pass by it. it is a good place to stop and rest. you will know the place by the tablet in front, on which is the legend: "here john hancock and samuel adams were sleeping on the night of the eighteenth of april, seventeen hundred seventy-five, when aroused by paul revere." the reverend jonas clark owned the house after the reverend john hancock, and the ministries of those two men, and their occupancy of the house, cover one hundred years and five years more. here the thirteen children of jonas clark were born, and all lived to be old men and women. when you call there i hope you will be treated with the same gentle courtesy that i met. if you delay not your visit too long, you will see a fine, motherly woman, with white "sausage curls" and a high back-comb, wearing a check dress and felt slippers, and she will tell you that she is over eighty, and that when her mother was a little girl she once sat on governor hancock's knee and he showed her the works in his watch. and then as you go away you will think again of what the old lady has just told you, and as you look back for a parting glance at the house, standing firm and solemn in its rusty-gray dignity, you will doff your hat to it, and mayhap murmur: the days of man on earth--they are but as a passing shadow! "here john hancock and samuel adams were sleeping when aroused by paul revere!" merchant-prince and agitator, horse and rider--where are you now? and is your sleep disturbed by dreams of british redcoats or hissing flintlocks? phantom british warships may lie at their moorings, swinging wide on the unforgetting tide, lanterns may hang high in the belfry of the old north church tower, hurried knocks and calls of defiance and hoof-beats of fast-galloping steed may echo and echo again, borne on the night-wind of the dim past, but you heed them not! * * * * * the reverend john hancock of lexington had two sons. john hancock (number two) became pastor of the church of the north precinct of the town of braintree, which afterwards was to be the town of quincy. the nearest neighbor to the village preacher was john adams, shoemaker and farmer. each sunday in the amen corner of the reverend john hancock's meetinghouse was mustered the well washed and combed brood of mr. and mrs. adams. now, this john adams had a son whom the reverend john hancock baptized, also named john, two years older than john, the son of the preacher. and young john adams and john hancock (number three) used to fish and swim together, and go nutting, and set traps for squirrels, and help each other in fractions. and then they would climb trees, and wrestle, and sometimes fight. in the fights, they say, john hancock used to get the better of his antagonist, but as an exploiter of fractions john adams was more than his equal. the parents of john adams were industrious and savin'--the little farm prospered, for boston supplied a goodly market, and weekly trips were made there in a one-horse cart, often piloted by young john, with the minister's boy for ballast. the adams family had ambitions for their son john--he was to go to harvard and be educated, and be a minister and preach at braintree, or weymouth, or perhaps even boston! in the meantime the reverend john hancock had died, and the widowed mother was not able to give her boy a college education--times were hard. but the lad's uncle, thomas hancock, a prosperous merchant of boston, took quite an interest in young john. and it occurred to him to adopt the fatherless boy, legally, as his own. the mother demurred, but after some months decided that it was best so, for when twenty-one he would be her boy just as much and as truly as if his uncle had not adopted him. and so the rich uncle took him, and rigged him out with a deal finer clothing than he had ever before worn, and sent him to the latin school and afterward over to cambridge, with silver jingling in his pocket. prosperity is a severe handicap to youth; not very many grown men can stand it; but beyond a needless display of velvet coats and frilled shirts, the young man stood the test, and got through harvard. in point of scholarship he did not stand so high as john adams; and between the lads there grew a small but well-defined gulf, as is but natural between homespun and broadcloth. still the gulf was not impassable, for over it friendly favors were occasionally passed. john hancock's mother wanted him to be a preacher, but uncle thomas would not listen to it--the youth must be taught to be a merchant, so he could be the ready helper and then the successor of his foster-father. graduating at the early age of seventeen, john hancock at once went to work in his uncle's counting-house in boston. he was a fine, tall fellow with dash and spirit, and seemed to show considerable aptitude for the work. the business prospered, and uncle thomas was very proud of his handsome ward, who was quite in demand at parties and balls and in a general social way, while the uncle could not dance a minuet to save him. not needing the young man very badly around the store, the uncle sent him to europe to complete his education by travel. he went with the retiring governor pownal, whose taste for social enjoyment was very much in accord with his own. in england, he attended the funeral of george the second, and saw the coronation of george the third, little thinking the while that he would some day make violent efforts to snatch from that crown its brightest jewel. when young hancock was twenty-seven, the uncle died, and left to him his entire fortune of three hundred fifty thousand dollars. it made him one of the very richest men in the colony--for at that time there was not a man in massachusetts worth half a million dollars. the jingling silver in his pocket when sent to harvard had severely tested his moral fiber, but this great fortune came near smothering all his native commonsense. if a man makes his money himself, he stands a certain chance of growing as the pile grows. there is little doubt as to the soundness of emerson's epigram, that what you put into his chest you take out of the man. more than this, when a man gradually accumulates wealth, it attracts little attention, so the mob that follows the newly rich never really gets on to the scent. and besides that, the man who makes his own fortune always stands ready to repel boarders. there may be young men of twenty-seven who are men grown, and no doubt every man of twenty-seven is very sure that he is one of these; but the thought that man is mortal never occurs to either men or women until they are past thirty. the blood is warm, conquest lies before, and to seize the world by the tail and snap its head off seems both easy and desirable. the promoters, the flatterers and friends until then unknown flocked to hancock and condoled with him on the death of his uncle. some wanted small loans to tide over temporary emergencies, others had business ventures in hand whereby john hancock could double his wealth very shortly. still others spoke of wealth being a trust, and to use money to help your fellow-men, and thus to secure the gratitude of many, was the proper thing. the unselfishness of the latter suggestion appealed to hancock. to be the friend of humanity, to assist others--this is the highest ambition to which a man can aspire! and, of course, if one is pointed out on the street as the good mr. hancock it can not be helped. it is the penalty of well-doing. so in order to give work to many and to promote the interests of boston, a thriving city of fifteen thousand inhabitants, for all good men wish to build up the place in which they live, john hancock was induced to embark in shipbuilding. he also owned several ships of his own which traded with london and the west indies, and was part owner of others. but he publicly explained that he did not care to make money for himself--his desire was to give employment to the worthy poor and to enhance the good of boston. the aristocratic company of militia, known as the governor's guard, had been fitted out with new uniforms and arms by the generous hancock, and he had been chosen commanding officer, with rank of colonel. he drilled with the crack company and studied the manual much more diligently than he ever had his bible. hancock lived in the mansion, inherited from his uncle, on beacon street, facing the common. there was a chariot and six horses for state occasions, much fine furniture from over the sea, elegant clothes that the puritans called "gaudy apparel," and at the dinners the wine flowed freely, and cards, dancing and music filled many a night. the puritan neighbors were shocked, and held up their hands in horror to think that the son of a minister should so affront the staid and sober customs of his ancestors. still others said, "why, that's what a rich man should do--spend his money, of course; hancock is the benefactor of his kind; just see how many people he employs!" the town was all agog, and hancock was easily boston's first citizen, but in his time of prosperity he did not forget his old friends. he sent for them to come and make merry with him; and among the first in his good offices was john adams, the rising young lawyer of braintree. john adams had found clients scarce, and those he had, poor pay, but when he became the trusted legal adviser of john hancock, things took a turn and prosperity came that way. the wine and cards and dinners hadn't much attraction for him, but still there were no conscientious scruples in the way. he patted john hancock on the back, assured him that he was the people, looked after his interests loyally, and extracted goodly fees for services performed. at the home of adams at braintree, hancock had met a quiet, taciturn individual by the name of samuel adams. this man he had long known in a casual way, but had never been able really to make his acquaintance. he was fifteen years older than hancock, and by his quiet dignity and self-possession made quite an impression on the young man. so, now that prosperity had smiled, hancock invited him to his house, but the quiet man was an ascetic and neither played cards, drank wine nor danced, and so declined with thanks. but not long after, he requested a small loan from the merchant-prince, and asked it as though it were his right, and so he got it. his manner was in such opposition to the flatterers and those who crawled, and whined, and begged, that hancock was pleased with the man. samuel adams had declined hancock's social favors, and yet, in asking for a loan, showed his friendliness. samuel adams was a politician, and had long taken an active part in the town meetings. in fact, to get a measure through, it was well to have samuel adams at your side. he was clear-headed, astute, and knew the human heart. yet he talked but little, and the convivial ways of the small politician were far from him; but in the fine art that can manage men and never let them know they are managed he was a past-master. tucked in his sleeve, no doubt, was a degree of pride in his power, but the stoic quality in his nature never allowed him to break into laughter when he considered how he led men by the nose. in boston and its vicinity, samuel adams was not highly regarded, and outside of boston, at forty years of age, he was positively unknown. the neighbors regarded him as a harmless fanatic, sane on most subjects, but possessed of a buzzing bee in his bonnet to the effect that the colonies should be separated from their protector, england. samuel adams neglected his business and kept up a fusillade of articles in the newspapers, on various political subjects, and men who do this are regarded everywhere as "queer." a professional newspaper-writer never takes his calling seriously--it is business. he writes to please his employer, or if he owns the paper himself, he still writes to please his employer, that is to say, the public. journalism, thy name is pander! the man who comes up the stairway furtively, with a manuscript he wants printed, is in dead earnest; and he has excited the ridicule, wrath or pity of editors for three hundred years. such a one was samuel adams. his wife did her own work, and the grocer with bills in his hand often grew red in the face and knocked in vain. and yet the keen intellect of samuel adams was not a thing to smile at. any one who stood before him, face to face, felt the power of the man, and acknowledged it then and there, as we always do when we stand in the presence of a strong individuality. and this inward acknowledgment of worth was instinctively made by john hancock, the biggest man in all boston town. john hancock, through his genial, glowing personality, and his lavish spending of money, was very popular. he was being fed on flattery, and the more a man gets of flattery, once the taste is acquired, the more he craves. it is like the mad thirst for liquor, or the romeike habit. john hancock was getting attention, and he wanted more. he had been chosen selectman to fill the place that his uncle had occupied, and when samuel adams incidentally dropped a remark that good men were needed in the general court, john hancock agreed with him. he was named for the office and with samuel adams' help was easily elected. not long after this, the sloop "liberty" was seized by the government officials for violation of the revenue laws. the craft was owned by john hancock and had surreptitiously landed a cargo of wine without paying duty. when the ship of boston's chief citizen was seized by the bumptious, gilt-braided british officials, there was a merry uproar. all the men in the shipyards quit work, and the calkers' club, of which samuel adams was secretary, passed hot resolutions and revolutionary preambles and eulogies of john hancock, who was doing so much for boston. in fact, there was a riot, and three regiments of british troops were ordered to boston. and this was the very first step on the part of england to enforce her authority, by arms, in america. the troops were in the town to preserve order, but the mob would not disperse. upon the soldiers, they heaped every indignity and insult. they dared them to shoot, and with clubs and stones drove the soldiers before them. at last the troops made a stand and in order to save themselves from absolute rout fired a volley. five men fell dead--and the mob dispersed. this was the so-called boston massacre. pinkerton guards would blush at bagging so small a game with a volley. they have done better again and again at pittsburgh, pottsville and chicago. the riot was quelled, and out of the scrimmage various suits were instigated by the crown against john hancock, in the court of admiralty. the claims against him amounted to over three hundred thousand dollars, and the charge was that he had long been evading the revenue laws. john adams was his attorney, with samuel adams as counsel, and vigorous efforts for prosecution and defense were being made. if the crown were successful the suits would confiscate the entire hancock estate--matters were getting in a serious way. witnesses were summoned, but the trial was staved off from time to time. hancock had refused to follow samuel adams' lead in the controversy with governor hutchinson as to the right to convene the general court. the report was that john hancock was growing lukewarm and siding with the tories. a year had passed since the massacre had occurred, and the agitators proposed to commemorate the day. colonel hancock had appeared in many prominent parts, but never as an orator. "why not show the town what you can do!" some one said. so john hancock was invited to deliver the oration. he did so to an immense concourse. the address was read from the written page. it overflowed with wisdom and patriotism; and the earnestness and eloquence of the well-rounded periods was the talk of the town. the knowing ones went around corners and roared with laughter, but samuel adams said not a word. the charge was everywhere made by the captious and bickering that the speech was written by another, and that, moreover, john hancock had not even a very firm hold on its import. it was the one speech of his life. anyway, it so angered general gage that he removed colonel hancock from his command of the cadets. an order was out for hancock's arrest, and he and samuel adams were in hiding. the british troops marched out to lexington to capture them, but paul revere was two hours ahead, and when the redcoats arrived the birds had flown. then came the expulsion of the british, the closing of all courts, the admiralty included. the merchant-prince breathed easier, and that was the last of the crown versus john hancock. * * * * * throughout the months that had gone before, when the hancock mansion was gay with floral decorations, and servants in livery stood at the door with silver trays, and the dancing-hall was bright with mirth and music, samuel adams had quietly been working his bureau of correspondence to the end that the thirteen colonies of america should come together in convention. chief mover of the plan, and the one man in massachusetts who was giving all his time to it, he dictated whom massachusetts should send as delegates. this delegation, as we know, included john hancock, john adams and samuel adams himself. from the danger of lexington, hancock and adams made their way to philadelphia to attend the second congress. at that time the rich men of new england were hurriedly making their way into the english fold. some thought that the mother country had been harsh, but still, england had only acted within her right, and she was well able to back up this authority. she had regiment upon regiment of trained fighting men, warships, and money to build more. the colonies had no army, no ships, no capital. only those who have nothing to lose can afford to resist lawful authority--back into the fold they went, penitent and under their breath cursing the bull-headed men who insisted on plunging the country into red war. out in the cold world stood john hancock, alone, save for bowdoin, among the aristocrats of new england. the british would confiscate his property, his splendid house--all would be gone! "it will all be gone, anyway," calmly suggested samuel adams. "you know those suits against you in the admiralty court?" "yes, yes!" "and if we can unite these thirteen colonies an army can be raised, and we can separate ourselves entire, in which case there will be glory for somebody." john hancock, the rich, the ambitious, the pleasure-loving, had burned his bridges. he was in the hands of samuel adams, and his infamy was one with this man who was a professional agitator, and who had nothing to lose. general gage had made an offer of pardon to all--all, save two men: samuel adams and john hancock. back into the fold tumbled the tories, but against john hancock the gates were barred. john adams, attorney of the hancock estate, rubbed his chin, and decided to stand by the ship--sink or swim, survive or perish. down in his heart samuel adams grimly smiled, but on his cold, pale face there was no sign. the british held boston secure, and in the splendid mansion of hancock lived the rebel, lord percy, england's pet. the furniture, plate and keeping of the place were quite to his liking. hancock's ambitions grew as the days went by. the fight was on. his property was in the hands of the british, and a price was upon his head. he, too, now had nothing to lose. if england could be whipped he would get his property back, and the honors of victory would be his, beside. ambition grew apace; he studied the manual of arms as never before, and made himself familiar with the lives of cã¦sar and alexander. at harvard, he had read the anabasis on compulsion, but now he read it with zest. the second congress was a congress of action; the first had been one merely of conference. a presiding officer was required, and samuel adams quietly pushed his man to the front. he let it be known that hancock was the richest man in new england, perhaps in america, and a power in every emergency. john hancock was given the office of presiding officer, the place of honor. the thought never occurred to him that the man on the floor is the man who acts, and the individual in the chair is only a referee, an onlooker of the contest. when a man is chosen to preside he is safely out of the way, and no one knew this better than that clear-headed man, wise as a serpent, samuel adams. hancock was intent on being chosen commander of the continental army. the war was in massachusetts, her principal port closed, all business at a standstill. hancock was a soldier, and was, moreover, the chief citizen of massachusetts--the command should go to him. samuel adams knew this could never be. to hold the southern colonies and give the cause a show of reason before the world, an aristocrat with something to lose, and without a personal grievance, must be chosen, and the man must be from the south. to get hancock in a position where his mouth would be stopped, he was placed in the chair. it was a master move. colonel george washington was already a hero; he had fought valiantly for england. his hands were clean; while hancock was openly called a smuggler. washington was nominated by john adams. the motion was seconded by samuel adams. hancock turned first red and then deathly pale. he grasped the arms of his chair with both hands, and--put the question. it was unanimous. hancock's fame seems to rest on the fact that he was presiding officer of the congress that passed the declaration of independence, and therefore its first signer, and, without consideration for cost of ink and paper, wrote his name in poster letters. when you look upon the declaration the first thing you see is the signature of john hancock, and you recall his remark, "i guess king george can read that without spectacles." the whole action was melodramatic, and although a bold signature has ever been said to betoken a bold heart, it has yet to be demonstrated that boys who whistle going through the woods are indifferent to danger. "conscious weakness takes strong attitudes," says delsarte. the strength of hancock's signature was an affectation quite in keeping with his habit of riding about boston in a coach-and-six, with outriders in uniform, and servants in livery. when hancock wrote to washington asking for an appointment in the army, the wise and farseeing chief replied with gentle words of praise concerning colonel hancock's record, and wound up by saying that he regretted there was no place at his disposal worthy of colonel hancock's qualifications. well did he know that hancock was not quite patriot enough to fill a lowly rank. the part that hancock played in the eight years of war was inconspicuous. however, there was little spirit of revenge in his character: he sometimes scolded, but he did not hate. he never allowed personal animosities to make him waver in his loyalty to independence. in fact, with a price upon his head, but one course was open for him. just before washington was inaugurated president, he visited boston, and a curious struggle took place between him and hancock, who was governor. it was all a question of etiquette--which should make the first call. each side played a waiting game, and at last hancock's gout came in as an excellent excuse and the country was saved. in one of his letters, hancock says, "the entire genteel portion of the town was invited to my house, while on the sidewalk i had a cask of madeira for the common people." his repeated re-election as governor proves his popularity. through lavish expenditure, his fortune was much reduced, and for many years he was sorely pressed for funds, his means being tied up in unproductive ways. his last triumph, as governor, was to send a special message to the legislature, informing that body that "a company of aliens and foreigners have entered the state, and the metropolis of government, and under advertisements insulting to all good men and ladies have been pleased to invite them to attend certain stage-plays, interludes and theatrical entertainments under the style and appellation of moral lectures.... all of which must be put a stop to to once and the rogues and varlots punished." a few days after this, "the aliens and foreigners" gave a presentation of sheridan's "school for scandal." in the midst of the performance the sheriff and a posse made a rush upon the stage and bagged all the offenders. when their trial came on, the next day, the "varlots and vagroms" had secured high legal talent to defend them, one of which counsel was harrison gray otis. the actors were discharged on the slim technicality that the warrants of arrest had not been properly verified. however, the theater was closed, but the "common people" made such an unseemly howl about "rights" and all that, that the legislature made haste to repeal the law which provided that play-actors should be flogged. hancock defaulted in his stewardship as treasurer of harvard college, and only escaped arrest for embezzlement through the fact that he was governor of the state, and no process could be served upon him. after his death his estate paid nine years' simple interest on his deficit, and ten years thereafter, the principal was paid. his widow married captain scott, who was long in hancock's employ as master of a brig; and we find the worthy captain proudly exclaiming, "i have embarked on the sea of matrimony, and am now at the helm of the hancock mansion!" no biography of governor hancock has ever been written. the record of his life flutters only in newspaper paragraphs, letters, and chance mention in various diaries. hancock did not live to see john adams president. worn by worry, and grown old before his time, he died at the early age of fifty-six, of a combination of gout and that unplebeian complaint we now term bright's disease. thirty-three years after, hale old john adams down at quincy spoke of him as "a clever fellow, a bit spoiled by a legacy, whom i used to know in my younger days." he left no descendants, and his heirs were too intent on being in at the death to care for his memory. they neither preserved the data of his life, nor over his grave placed a headstone. the monument that now marks his resting-place was recently erected by the state of massachusetts. he was buried in the old granary burying-ground, on tremont street, and only a step from his grave sleeps his friend samuel adams. john quincy adams to the guidance of the legislative councils; to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments; to the friendly co-operation of the respective state governments; to the candid and liberal support of the people, so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, i shall look for whatever success may attend my public service; and knowing that "except the lord keep the city, the watchman waketh in vain," with fervent supplications for his favor, to his overruling providence i commit, with humble but fearless confidence, my own fate and the future destinies of my country. --_inaugural address_ [illustration: john quincy adams] nine miles south of boston, just a little back from the escalloped shores of old ocean, lies the village of braintree. it is on the plymouth post-road, being one of that string of settlements, built a few miles apart for better protection, that lined the sea, boston being crowded, and plymouth full to overflowing, the home-seekers spread out north and south. in sixteen hundred twenty, when the first cabin was built at braintree, land that was not in sight of the coast had actually no value. back a mile, all was a howling wilderness, with trails made by wild beasts or savage men as wild. these paths led through tangles of fallen trees and tumbled rocks, beneath dark, overhanging pines where winter's snows melted not till midsummer, and the sun's rays were strange and alien. men who sought to traverse these ways had to crouch and crawl or climb. through them no horse or ox or beast of burden had carried its load. but up from the sea the ground rose gradually for a mile, and along this slope that faced the tide, wind and storm had partly cleared the ground, and on the hillsides our forefathers made their homes. the houses were built facing either the east or the south. this persistence to face either the sun or the sea shows a last, strange rudiment of paganism, making queer angles now that surveyors have come with gunter's chain and transit, laying out streets and doing their work. a mile out, north of braintree, on the boston road, came, in sixteen hundred twenty-five, one captain wollaston, a merry wight, and thirty boon companions, all of whom probably left england for england's good. they were in search of gold and pelf, and all were agreed on one point: they were quite too good to do any hard work. their camp was called mount wollaston, or the merry mount. our gallant gentlemen cultivated the friendship of the indians, in the hope that they would reveal the caves and caverns where the gold grew lush and nuggets cumbered the way; and the indians, liking the drink they offered, brought them meal and corn and furs. and so the thirty set up a maypole, adorned with bucks' horns, and drank and feasted, and danced like fairies or furies, the livelong day or night. so scandalously did these exiled lords behave that good folks made a wide circuit 'round to avoid their camp. preaching had been in vain, and prayers for the conversion of the wretches remained unanswered. so the neighbors held a convention, and decided to send captain miles standish with a posse to teach the merry men manners. standish appeared among the bacchanalians one morning, perfectly sober, and they were not. he arrested the captain, and bade the others begone. the leader was shipped back to england, with compliments and regrets, and the thirty scattered. this was the first move in that quarter in favor of local option. six years later, the land thereabouts was granted and apportioned out to the reverend john wilson, william coddington, edward quinsey, james penniman, moses payne and francis eliot. and these men and their families built houses and founded "the north precinct of the town of braintree." between the north precinct and the south precinct there was continual rivalry. boys who were caught over the dead-line, which was marked by deacon penniman's house, had to fight. thus things continued until seventeen hundred ninety-two, when one john adams was vice-president of the united states. now this john adams, lawyer, was the son of john adams, honest farmer and cordwainer, who had bought the penniman homestead, and whose progenitor, henry adams, had moved there in sixteen hundred thirty-six. john adams, vice-president, afterwards president, was born there in the penniman house, and was regarded as a neutral, although he had been thrashed by boys both from the north and from the south precinct. but at the last, there is no such thing as neutrality. john adams sided with the boys from the north precinct, and now that he was in power it occurred to him, having had a little experience in the revolutionary line, that for the north precinct to secede from the great town of braintree would be but proper and right. the north precinct had six stores that sold w.i. goods, and a tavern that sold w.e.t. goods, and it should have a post-office of its own. so john adams suggested the matter to richard cranch, who was his brother-in-law and near neighbor. cranch agitated the matter, and the new town, which was the old, was incorporated. they called it quincy, probably because abigail, john's wife, insisted upon it. she had named her eldest boy quincy, in honor of her grandfather, whose father's name was quinsey, and who had relatives who spelled it de quincey, one of which tribe was an opium-eater. now, when abigail made a suggestion, john usually heeded it. for abigail was as wise as she was good, and john well knew that his success in life had come largely from the help, counsel and inspiration vouchsafed to him by this splendid woman. and the man who will not let a woman have her way in all such small matters as naming of babies or towns is not much of a man. so the town was named quincy, and brother-in-law cranch was appointed its first postmaster. shortly after, the boston "centinel" contained a sarcastic article over the signature, "old subscriber," concerning the distribution of official patronage among kinsmen, and the eliots and the everetts gossiped over their back fences. at this time abigail lived in the cottage there on the plymouth road, halfway between braintree and quincy, but she got her mail at quincy. the adams cottage is there now, and the next time you are in boston you had better go out and see it, just as june and i did one bright october day. june has lived within an hour's ride of the adams' home all her blessed thirty-two sunshiny summers; she also boasts a mayflower ancestry, with, however, a slight infusion of castle garden, like myself, to give firmness of fiber--and yet she had never been to quincy. the john and abigail cottage was built in seventeen hundred sixteen, so says a truthful brick found in the quaint old chimney. deacon penniman built this house for his son, and it faces the sea, although the older penniman house faces the south. john adams was born in the older house; but when he used to go to weymouth every wednesday and saturday evening to see abigail smith, the minister's daughter, his father, the worthy shoemaker, told him that when he got married he could have the other house for himself. john was a bright young lawyer then, a graduate of harvard, where he had been sent in hopes that he would become a minister, for one-half the students then at harvard were embryo preachers. but john did not take to theology. he had witnessed ecclesiastical tennis and theological pitch and toss in braintree that had nearly split the town, and he decided on the law. one thing sure, he could not work: he was not strong enough for that--everybody said so. and right here seems a good place to call attention to the fact that weak men, like those who are threatened, live long. john adams' letters to his wife reveal a very frequent reference to liver complaint, lung trouble, and that tired feeling, yet he lived to be ninety-two. the reverend mr. smith did not at first favor the idea of his daughter abigail marrying john adams. the adams family were only farmers (and shoemakers when it rained), while the smiths had aristocracy on their side. he said lawyers were men who got bad folks out of trouble and good folks in. but abigail said that this lawyer was different; and as mr. smith saw it was a love-match, and such things being difficult to combat successfully, he decided he would do the next best thing--give the young couple his blessing. yet the neighbors were quite scandalized to think that their pastor's daughter should hold converse over the gate with a lawyer, and they let the clergyman know it as neighbors then did, and sometimes do now. then did the reverend mr. smith announce that he would preach a sermon on the sin of meddling with other folk's business. as his text he took the passage from luke, seventh chapter, thirty-third verse: "for john came neither eating bread nor drinking wine; and ye say, he hath a devil." the neighbors saw the point, for a short time before, when the eldest daughter, mary, had married richard cranch (the man who was to achieve a post-office), the community had entered a protest, and the reverend mr. smith had preached from luke, tenth chapter, forty-second verse: "and mary hath chosen that good part which shall not be taken away from her." so there, now! and john and abigail were married one evening at early candlelight, in the church at weymouth. the good father performed the ceremony, and nearly broke down during it, they say, and then he kissed both bride and groom. the neighbors had repaired to the parsonage and were eating and drinking and making merry when john and abigail slipped out by the back gate, and made their way, hand in hand, in the starlight, down the road that ran through the woods to braintree. when near the village they cut across the pasture-lot and reached their cottage, which for several weeks they had been putting in order. john unlocked the front door, and they entered over the big, flat stone at the entry, and over which you may enter now, all sunken and worn by generations of men gone. some whose feet have pressed that doorstep we count as the salt of the earth, for their names are written large on history's page. washington rode out there on horseback, and while his aide held his horse, he visited and drank mulled cider and ate doughnuts within. hancock came often, and otis, samuel adams and loring used to enter without plying the knocker. through the earnest work of william g. spear, the cottage has now been restored and fully furnished, as near like it was then as knowledge, fancy and imagination can devise. when we reached quincy we saw a benevolent-looking old puritan, and june said, "ask him!" "can you tell me where we can find mr. spear, the antiquarian?" i inquired. "the which?" said the son of priscilla mullins. "mr. spear, the antiquarian," i repeated. "it's not bill spear who keeps a secondhand-shop, you want, mebbe?" "yes; i think that is the man." and so we were directed to the "secondhand-shop," which proved to be the rooms of the quincy historical society. and there we saw such a wondrous collection of secondhand stuff that, as we looked and looked, and mr. spear explained, and gave large slices of colonial history, june, who is a daughter of the american revolution, gushed a trifle more than was meet. nothing short of a hundred years will set the seal of value on an article for mr. spear, and one hundred fifty is more like it. on his walls are hats, caps, spurs, boots and accouterments used in the revolutionary war. then there are candlesticks, snuffers, spectacles, butter-molds, bonnets, dresses, shoes, baby-stockings, cradles, rattles, aprons, butter-tubs made out of a solid piece, shovels to match, andirons, pokers, skillets and blue china galore. "bill spear" himself is quite a curiosity. he traces a lineage to the well-known lieutenant seth spear, of revolutionary fame, and back of that to john alden, who spoke for himself. the bark on the antiquarian, is rather rough; and i regret to say that he makes use of a few words i can not find in the "century dictionary," but as june was not shocked i managed to stand it. on further acquaintance i concluded that mr. spear's bruskness was assumed, and that beneath the tough husk there beats a very tender heart. he is one of those queer fellows who do good by stealth and abuse you roundly if accused of it. for twenty-five years mr. spear has been doing little else but studying colonial history, and making love to old ladies who own clocks and skillets given them by their great-grandmammas. there is no doubt that spear has dictated clauses in a hundred wills devising that william g. spear, custodian of the quincy historical society, shall have snuffers and biscuit-molds. at first, mr. spear collected for his own amusement and benefit, but the trouble grew upon him until it became chronic, and one fine day he realized that he was not immortal, and when he should die, all his collection, which had taken years to accumulate, would be scattered. and so he founded the quincy historical society, incorporated by a perpetual charter, with charles francis adams, grandson of john quincy adams, as first president. then, the next thing was to secure the cottage where john and abigail adams began housekeeping, and where john quincy was born. this house has been in the adams family all these years and been rented to the firm of tom, dick and harry, and any of their tribe who would agree to pay ten dollars a month for its use and abuse. just across the road from the cottage lives a fine old soul by the name of john crane. mr. crane is somewhere between seventy and a hundred years old, but he has a young heart, a face like gladstone and a memory like a copy-book. mr. crane was on very good terms with john quincy adams, knew him well and had often seen him come here to collect rent. he told me that during his recollection the adams place had been occupied by full forty families. but now, thanks to "bill spear," it is no longer for rent. the house has been raised from the ground, new sills placed under it, and while every part--scantling, rafter, joist, crossbeam, lath and weatherboard--of the original house has been retained, it has been put in such order that it is no longer going to ruin. from the ample stores of his various antiquarian depositories mr. spear has refurnished it; and with a ripe knowledge and rare good taste and restraining imagination, the cottage is now shown to us as a colonial farmhouse of the year seventeen hundred fifty. the wonder to me is that mr. spear, being human, did not move his "secondhand-shop" down here and make of the place a curiosity-shop. but he has done better. as you step across the doorsill and pass from the little entry into the "living-room," you pause and murmur, "excuse me." for there is a fire on the hearth, the tea-kettle sings softly, and on the back of a chair hangs a sunbonnet. and over there on the table is an open bible, and on the open page is a pair of spectacles and a red, crumpled handkerchief. yes, the folks are at home: they have just stepped into the next room--perhaps are eating dinner. and so you sit down in an old hickory chair, or in the high settle that stands against the wall by the fireplace, and wait, expecting every moment that the kitchen-door will creak on its wooden hinges, and abigail, smiling and gentle, will enter to greet you. mr. spear understands, and, disappearing, leaves you to your thoughts--and june's. john and abigail were lovers their lifetime through. their published letters show a oneness of thought and sentiment that, viewed across the years, moves us to tears to think that such as they should at last feebly totter, and then turn to dust. but here they came in the joyous springtime of their lives; upon this floor you tread the ways their feet have trod; these walls have echoed to their singing voices, listened to their counsels, and seen love's caress. there is no surplus furniture nor display nor setting forth of useless things. every article you see has its use. the little shelf of books, well-thumbed, displays no "trilby" nor "quest of the golden girl"--not an anachronism any where. curtains, chairs, tables, and the one or two pictures--all ring true. in the kitchen are washtubs and butter-ladles and bowls; and the lantern hanging by the chimney, with a dipped candle inside, has a carefully scraped horn face. it is a lanthorn. in the cupboard across the corner are blue china and pewter spoons and steel knives, with just a little polished-brass stuff sent from england. down in the cellar, with its dirt walls, are apples, yellow pumpkins and potatoes--each in its proper place, for abigail was a rare good housekeeper. then there is a barrel of cider, with a hickory spigot and an inviting gourd. all tells of economy, thrift, industry and the cunning of woman's hands. in the kitchen is a funny cradle, hooded, and cut out of a great pine log. the little mattress and the coverlet seem disturbed, and you would declare the baby had just been lifted out, and you listen for its cry. the rocker is worn by the feet of mothers whose hands were busy with needles or wheel as they rocked and sang. and from the fact that it is in the kitchen, you know that the servant-girl problem then had no terrors. overhead hang ears of corn, bunches of dried catnip, pennyroyal and boneset, and festooned across the corner are strings of dried apples. then you go upstairs, with conscience pricking a bit for thus visiting the house of honest folks when they are away, for you know how all good housewives dislike to have people prying about, especially in the upper chambers--at least june said so! the room to the right was abigail's own. you would know it was a woman's room. there is a faint odor of lavender and thyme about it, and the white and blue draperies around the little mirror, and the little feminine nothings on the dresser, reveal the lady who would appear well before the man she loves. the bed is a high, draped four-poster, plain and solid, evidently made by a ship-carpenter who had ambitions. the coverlet is light blue, and matches the draperies of windows, dresser and mirror. on the pillow is a nightcap, in which even a homely woman would be beautiful. there is a clothespress in the corner, into which mr. spear says we may look. on the door is a slippery-elm button, and within, hanging on wooden pegs, are dainty dresses; stiff, curiously embroidered gowns they are, that came from across the sea, sent, perhaps, by john adams when he went to france, and left abigail here to farm and sew and weave and teach the children. june examined the dresses carefully, and said the embroidery was handmade, and must have taken months and months to complete. on a high shelf of the closet are bandboxes, in which are bonnets, astonishing bonnets, with prodigious flaring fronts. mr. spear insisted that june should try one on, and when she did we stood off and declared the effect was a vision of loveliness. outside the clothespress, on a peg, hangs a linsey-woolsey every-day gown that shows marks of wear. the waist came just under june's arms, and the bottom of the dress to her shoe-tops. we asked mr. spear the price of it, but the custodian is not commercial. in a corner of the room is a cedar chest containing hand-woven linen. by the front window is a little, low desk, with a leaf that opens out for a writing-shelf. and here you see quill-pens, fresh nibbed, and ink in a curious well made from horn. here it was that abigail wrote those letters to her lover-husband when he attended those first and second congresses in philadelphia; and then when he was in france and england, those letters in which we see affection, loyalty, tales of babies with colic, brave, political good sense, and all those foolish trifles that go to fill up love-letters, and, at the last, are their divine essence and charm. here, she wrote the letter telling of going with their seven-year-old boy, john quincy, to penn's hill to watch the burning of charlestown; and saw the flashing of cannons and rising smoke that marked the battle of bunker hill. here she wrote to her husband when he was minister to england, "this little cottage has more comfort and satisfaction for you than the courts of royalty." but of all the letters written by that brave woman none reveals her true nobility better than the one written to her husband the day he became president of the united states. here it is entire: quincy, 8 february, 1797 "the sun is dressed in brightest beams, to give thy honors to the day." "and may it prove an auspicious prelude to each ensuing season. you have this day to declare yourself head of a nation. and now, o lord, my god, thou hast made thy servant ruler over the people. give unto him an understanding heart, that he may know how to go out and come in before this great people; that he may discern between good and bad. for who is able to judge this thy so great a people, were the words of a royal sovereign; and not less applicable to him who is invested with the chief magistracy of a nation, though he wear not a crown, nor the robes of royalty. "my thoughts and my meditations are with you, though personally absent; and my petitions to heaven are that the things which make for peace may not be hidden from your eyes. my feelings are not those of pride or ostentation upon the occasion. "they are solemnized by a sense of the obligations, the important trusts, and numerous duties connected with it. that you may be enabled to discharge them with honor to yourself, with justice and impartiality to your country, and with satisfaction to this great people, shall be the daily prayer of your "a.a." it was in this room that abigail waited while british soldiers ransacked the rooms below and made bullets of the best pewter spoons. here her son who was to be president was born. john quincy adams was six years old when his father kissed him good-by and rode away for philadelphia with john hancock and samuel adams (who rode a horse loaned him by john adams). abigail stood in the doorway holding the baby, and watched them disappear in the curve of the road. this was in august, seventeen hundred seventy-four. most of the rest of that year abigail was alone with her babies on the little farm. it was the same next year, and in seventeen hundred seventy-six, too, when john adams wrote home that he had made the formal move for independency and also nominated george washington as commander-in-chief of the army; and he hoped things would soon be better. those were troublous times in which to live in the vicinity of boston. there were straggling troops passing up and down the plymouth road every day. sometimes they were redcoats and sometimes buff and blue, but all seemed to be very hungry and extremely thirsty, and the adams household received a great deal more attention than it courted. the master of the house was away, but all seemed to know who lived there, and the callers were not always courteous. in such a feverish atmosphere of unrest, children evolve quickly into men and women, and their faces take on the look of thought where should be only careless, happy, dimpled smiles. yes, responsibility matures, and that is the way john quincy adams got cheated out of his childhood. when eight years of age, his mother called him the little man of the house. the next year he was a post-rider, making a daily trip to boston with letter-bags across his saddlebows. when eleven years of age, his father came home to say that some one had to go to france to serve with jay and franklin in making a treaty. "go," said abigail, "and god be with you!" but when it was suggested that john quincy go, too, the parting did not seem so easy. but it was a fine opportunity for the boy to see the world of men, and the mother's head appreciated it even if her heart did not. and yet she had the heroism that is willing to remain behind. so father and son sailed away; and little john quincy added postscripts to his father's letters and said, "i send my loving duty to my mamma." the boy took kindly to foreign ways, as boys will, and the french language had no such terrors for him as it had for his father. the first stay in europe was only three months, and back they came on a leaky ship. but the home-stay was even shorter than the stay abroad, and john adams had again to cross the water on his country's business. again the boy went with him. it was five years before the mother saw him. and then he had gone on alone from paris to london to meet her. she did not know him, for he was nearly eighteen and a man grown. he had visited every country in europe and been the helper and companion of statesmen and courtiers, and seen society in its various phases. he spoke several languages, and in point of polish and manly dignity was the peer of many of his elders. mrs. adams looked at him and then began to cry, whether for joy or for sorrow she did not know. her boy had gone, escaped her, gone forever, but, instead, here was a tall young diplomat calling her "mother." there was a career ahead for john quincy adams--his father knew it, his mother was sure of it, and john quincy himself was not in doubt. he could then have gone right on, but his father was a harvard man, and the new england superstition was strong in the adams heart that success could only be achieved when based on a harvard parchment. so back to massachusetts sailed john quincy; and a two-year course at harvard secured the much-desired diploma. from the very time he crawled over this kitchen-floor and pushed a chair, learning to walk, or tumbled down the stairs and then made his way bravely up again alone, he knew that he would arrive. precocious, proud, firm, and with a coldness in his nature that was not a heritage from either his father or his mother, he made his way. it was a zigzag course, and the way was strewn with the flotsam and jetsam of wrecked parties and blighted hopes, but out of the wreckage john quincy adams always appeared, calm, poised and serene. when he opposed the purchase of louisiana it looks as if he allowed his animosity for jefferson to put his judgment in chancery. he made mistakes, but this was the only blunder of his career. the record of that life expressed in bold stands thus: 1767--born may eleventh. 1776--post-rider between boston and quincy. 1778---at school in paris. 1780--at school in leyden. 1781--private secretary to minister to russia. 1787---graduated at harvard. 1794--minister at the hague. 1797--married louise catherine johnson, of maryland. 1797--minister at berlin. 1802--member of massachusetts state senate. 1803--united states senator. 1806--professor of rhetoric and oratory at harvard 1809--minister to russia. 1811--nominated and confirmed by senate as judge of supreme court of the united states; declined. 1814--commissioner at ghent to treat for peace with great britain. 1815--minister to great britain. 1817--secretary of state. 1825--elected president of the united states. 1830--elected a member of congress, and represented the district for seventeen years. 1848--stricken with paralysis february twenty-first in the capitol, and died the second day after. * * * * * "aren't we staying in this room a good while?" said june; "you have sat there staring out of that window looking at nothing for just ten minutes, and not a word have you spoken!" mr. spear had disappeared into space, and so we made our way across the little hall to the room that belonged to mr. adams. it was in the disorder that men's rooms are apt to be. on the table were quill-pens and curious old papers with seals on them, and on one i saw the date, june sixteenth, seventeen hundred sixty-eight--the whole document written out in the hand of john adams, beginning very prim and careful, then moving off into a hurried scrawl as spirit mastered the letter. there is a little hair-covered trunk in the corner, studded with brass nails, and boots and leggings and canes and a jackknife and a bootjack, and, on the window-sill, a friendly snuffbox. in the clothespress were buff trousers and an embroidered coat, and shoes with silver buckles, and several suits of every-day clothes, showing wear and patches. on up to the garret we groped, and bumped our heads against the rafters. the light was dim, but we could make out more apples on strings, and roots and herbs in bunches hung from the peak. here was a three-legged chair and a broken spinning-wheel, and the junk that is too valuable to throw away, yet not good enough to keep, but "some day may be needed." down the narrow stairway we went, and in the little kitchen, sammy, the artist, and mr. spear, the custodian, were busy at the fireplace preparing dinner. there is no stove in the house, and none is needed. the crane and brick oven and long-handled skillets suffice. sammy is an expert camp-cook, and swears there is death in the chafing-dish, and grows profane if you mention one. his skill in turning flapjacks by a simple manipulation of the long-handled griddle means more to his true ego than the finest canvas. june offered to set the table, but sammy said she could never do it alone, so together they brought out the blue china dishes and the pewter plates. then they drew water at the stone-curbed well with the great sweep, carrying the leather-baled bucket between them. i was feeling quite useless and asked, "can't i do something to help?" "there is the lye-leach--you might bring out some ashes and make some soft soap," said june pointing to the ancient leach and soap-kettle in the yard, the joys of mr. spear's heart. sammy stood at the back door and pounded on the dishpan with a wooden spoon to announce that dinner was ready. it was quite a sumptuous meal: potatoes baked in the ashes, beans baked in the brick oven, coffee made on the hearth, fish cooked in the skillet, and pancakes made on a griddle with a handle three feet long. mr. spear had aspirations toward an apple-pie and had made violent efforts in that direction, but the product being dough on top and charcoal on the bottom we declined the nomination with thanks. june suggested that pies should be baked in an oven and not cooked on a pancake griddle. the custodian thought there might be something in it--a suggestion he would have scorned and scouted had it come from me. to change the rather painful subject, mr. spear began to talk about john and abigail adams, and to quote from their "letters," a volume he seems to have by heart. "do you know why their love was so very steadfast, and why they stimulated the mental and spiritual natures of each other so?" asked june. "no, why was it?" "well, i'll tell you: it was because they spent one-third of their married life apart." "indeed!" "yes, and in this way they lived in an ideal world. in all their letters you see they are always counting the days ere they will meet. now, people who are together all the time never write that way, because they do not feel that way--i'll leave it to mr. spear!" but mr. spear, being a bachelor, did not know. then the case was referred to sammy, and sammy lied and said he had never considered the subject. "and would you advise, then, that married couples live apart one-third of the time, in the interests of domestic peace?" i asked. "certainly!" said june, with her burne-jones chin in the air. "certainly; but i fear you are the man who does not understand; and anyway i am sure it will be much more profitable for us to cultivate the receptive spirit and listen to mr. spear--such opportunities do not come very often. i did not mean to interrupt you, mr. spear; go on, please!" and mr. spear filled a clay pipe with natural leaf that he crumbled in his hand, and deftly picking a coal from the fireplace with a shovel one hundred fifty years old, puffed five times silently, and began to talk. alexander hamilton the objects to be attained are: to justify and preserve the confidence of the most enlightened friends of good government; to promote the increasing respectability of the american name; to answer the calls of justice; to restore landed property to its due value; to furnish new sources both to agriculture and to commerce; to cement more closely the union of the states; to add to their security against foreign attack; to establish public order on the basis of an upright and liberal policy: these are the great and invaluable ends to be secured by a proper and adequate provision, at the present period, for the support of public credit. --_report to congress_ [illustration: alexander hamilton] we do not know the name of the mother of alexander hamilton: we do not know the given name of his father. but from letters, a diary and pieced-out reports, allowing fancy to bridge from fact to fact, we get a patchwork history of the events preceding the birth of this wonderful man. every strong man has had a splendid mother. hamilton's mother was a woman of wit, beauty and education. while very young, through the machinations of her elders, she had been married to a man much older than herself--rich, wilful and dissipated. the man's name was lavine, but his first name we do not know, so hidden were the times in a maze of obscurity. the young wife very soon discovered the depravity of this man whom she had vowed to love and obey; divorce was impossible; and rather than endure a lifelong existence of legalized shame, she packed up her scanty effects and sought to hide herself from society and kinsmen by going to the west indies. there she hoped to find employment as a governess in the family of one of the rich planters; or if this plan were not successful she would start a school on her own account, and thus benefit her kind and make for herself an honorable living. arriving at the island of nevis, she found that the natives did not especially desire education, certainly not enough to pay for it, and there was no family requiring a governess. but a certain scotch planter by the name of hamilton, who was consulted, thought in time that a school could be built up, and he offered to meet the expense of it until such a time as it could be put on a paying basis. unmarried women who accept friendly loans from men stand in dangerous places. with all good women, heart-whole gratitude and a friendship that seems unselfish ripen easily into love. they did so here. perhaps, in a warm, ardent temperament, sore grief and biting disappointment and crouching want obscure the judgment and give a show of reason to actions that a colder intellect would disapprove. on the frontiers of civilization man is greater than law--all ceremonies are looked upon lightly. in a few months mrs. lavine was called by the little world of nevis, mrs. hamilton, and mr. and mrs. hamilton regarded themselves as man and wife. the planter hamilton was a hard-headed, busy individual, who was quite unable to sympathize with his wife's finer aspirations. her first husband had been clever and dissipated; this one was worthy and dull. and thus deprived of congenial friendships, without books or art or that social home life which goes to make up a woman's world, and longing for the safety of close sympathy and tender love, with no one on whom her intellect could strike a spark, she keenly felt the bitterness of exile. in a city where society ebbs and flows, an intellectual woman married to a commerce-grubbing man is not especially to be pitied. she can find intellectual affinities that will ease the irksomeness of her situation. but to be cast on a desert isle with a being, no matter how good, who is incapable of feeling with you the eternal mystery of the encircling tides; who can only stare when you speak of the moaning lullaby of the restless sea; who knows not the glory of the sunrise, and feels no thrill when the breakers dash themselves into foam, or the moonlight dances on the phosphorescent waves--ah, that is indeed exile! loneliness is not in being alone, for then ministering spirits come to soothe and bless--loneliness is to endure the presence of one who does not understand. and so this finely organized, receptive, aspiring woman, through the exercise of a will that seemed masculine in its strength, found her feet mired in quicksand. she struggled to free herself, and every effort only sank her deeper. the relentless environment only held her with firmer clutch. she thirsted for knowledge, for sweet music, for beauty, for sympathy, for attainment. she had a heart-hunger that none about her understood. she strove for better things. she prayed to god, but the heavens were as brass; she cried aloud, and the only answer was the throbbing of her restless heart. in this condition, a son was born to her. they called his name alexander hamilton. this child was heir to all his mother's splendid ambitions. her lack of opportunity was his blessing; for the stifled aspirations of her soul charged his being with a strong man's desires, and all the mother's silken, unswerving will was woven through his nature. he was to surmount obstacles that she could not overcome, and to tread under his feet difficulties that to her were invincible. the prayer of her heart was answered, but not in the way she expected. god listened to her after all; for every earnest prayer has its answer, and not a sincere desire of the heart but somewhere will find its gratification. but earth's buffets were too severe for the brave young woman; the forces in league against her were more than she could withstand, and before her boy was out of baby dresses she gave up the struggle, and went to her long rest, soothed only by the thought that, although she had sorely blundered, she yet had done her work as best she could. * * * * * at his mother's death, we find alexander hamilton taken in charge by certain mystical kinsmen. evidently he was well cared for, as he grew into a handsome, strong lad--small, to be sure, but finely formed. where he learned to read, write and cipher we know not; he seems to have had one of those active, alert minds that can acquire knowledge on a barren island. when nine years old, he signed his name as witness to a deed. the signature is needlessly large and bold, and written with careful schoolboy pains, but the writing shows the same characteristics that mark the thousand and one dispatches which we have, signed at bottom, "g. washington." at twelve years of age, he was clerk in a general store--one of those country stores where everything is kept, from ribbon to whisky. there were other helpers in the store, full grown; but when the proprietor went away for a few days into the interior, the dark, slim youngster took charge of the bookkeeping and the cash; and made such shrewd exchanges of merchandise for produce that when the "old man" returned, the lad was rewarded by two pats on the head and a raise in salary of one shilling a week. about this time, the boy was also showing signs of literary skill by writing sundry poems and "compositions," and one of his efforts in this line describing a tropical hurricane was published in a london paper. this opened the eyes of the mystical kinsmen to the fact that they had a genius among them, and the elder hamilton was importuned for money to send the boy to boston that he might receive a proper education and come back and own the store and be a magistrate and a great man. no doubt the lad pressed the issue, too, for his ambition had already begun to ferment, as we find him writing to a friend, "i'll risk my life, though not my character, to exalt my station." most great things in america have to take their rise in boston; so it seems meet that alexander hamilton, aged fifteen, a british subject, should first set foot on american soil at long wharf, boston. he took a ferry over to cambridgeport and walked through the woods three miles to harvard college. possibly he did not remain because his training in a bookish way had not been sufficient for him to enter, and possibly he did not like the puritanic visage of the old professor who greeted him on the threshold of massachusetts hall; at any rate, he soon made his way to new haven. yale suited him no better, and he took a boat for new york. he had letters to several good clergymen in new york, and they proved wise and good counselors. the boy was advised to take a course at the grammar school at elizabethtown, new jersey. there he remained a year, applying himself most vigorously, and the next fall he knocked at the gate of king's college. it is called columbia now, because kings in america went out of fashion, and all honors formerly paid to the king were turned over to miss columbia, goddess of freedom. king's college swung wide its doors for the swarthy little west indian. he was allowed to choose his own course, and every advantage of the university was offered him. in a university, you get just all you are able to hold--it depends upon yourself--and at the last all men who are made at all are self-made. hamilton improved each passing moment as it flew; with the help of a tutor he threw himself into his work, gathering up knowledge with the quick perception and eager alertness of one from whom the good things of earth have been withheld. yet he lived well and spent his money as if there were plenty more where it came from; but he was never dissipated nor wasteful. this was in the year seventeen hundred seventy-four, and the colonies were in a state of political excitement. young hamilton's sympathies were all with the mother country. he looked upon the americans, for the most part, as a rude, crude and barbaric people, who should be very grateful for the protection of such an all-powerful country as england. at his boarding-house and at school, he argued the question hotly, defending england's right to tax her dependencies. one fine day, one of his schoolmates put the question to him flatly: "in case of war, on which side will you fight?" hamilton answered, "on the side of england." but by the next day he had reasoned it out that if england succeeded in suppressing the rising insurrection she would take all credit to herself; and if the colonies succeeded there would be honors for those who did the work. suddenly it came over him that there was such a thing as "the divine right of insurrection," and that there was no reason why men living in america should be taxed to support a government across the sea. the wealth produced in america should be used to develop america. he was young, and burning with a lofty ambition. he knew, and had known all along, that he would some day be great and famous and powerful--here was the opportunity. and so, next day, he announced at the boarding-house that the eloquence and logic of his messmates were too powerful to resist--he believed the colonies and the messmates were in the right. then several bottles were brought in, and success was drunk to all men who strove for liberty. patriotic sentiment is at the last self-interest; in fact, herbert spencer declares that there is no sane thought or rational act but has its root in egoism. shortly after the young man's conversion, there was a mass-meeting held in "the fields," which meant the wilds of what is now the region of twenty-third street. young hamilton stood in the crowd and heard the various speakers plead the cause of the colonies, and urge that new york should stand firm with massachusetts against the further encroachments and persecutions of england. there were many tories in the crowd, for new york was with king george as against massachusetts, and these tories asked the speakers embarrassing questions that the speakers failed to answer. and all the time young hamilton found himself nearer and nearer the platform. finally, he undertook to reply to a talkative tory, and some one shouted, "give him the platform--the platform!" and in a moment this seventeen-year-old boy found himself facing two thousand people. there was hesitation and embarrassment, but the shouts of one of his college chums, "give it to 'em! give it to 'em!" filled in an awkward instant, and he began to speak. there was logic and lucidity of expression, and as he talked the air became charged with reasons, and all he had to do was to reach up and seize them. his strong and passionate nature gave gravity to his sentences, and every quibbling objector found himself answered, and more than answered, and the speakers who were to present the case found this stripling doing the work so much better than they could, that they urged him on with applause and loud cries of "bravo! bravo!" immediately at the close of hamilton's speech, the chairman had the good sense to declare the meeting adjourned--thus shutting off all reply, as well as closing the mouths of the minnow orators who usually pop up to neutralize the impression that the strong man has made. hamilton's speech was the talk of the town. the leading whigs sought him out and begged that he would write down his address so that they could print it as a pamphlet in reply to the tory pamphleteers who were vigorously circulating their wares. the pens of ready writers were scarce in those days: men could argue, but to present a forcible written brief was another thing. so young hamilton put his reasons on paper, and their success surprised the boys at the boarding-house, and the college chums and the professors, and probably himself as well. his name was on the lips of all whigdom, and the tories sent messengers to buy him off. but congress was willing to pay its defenders, and money came from somewhere--not much, but all the young man needed. college was dropped; the political pot boiled; and the study of history, economics and statecraft filled the daylight hours to the brim and often ran over into the night. the winter of seventeen hundred seventy-five passed away; the plot thickened. new york had reluctantly consented to be represented in congress and agreed grumpily to join hands with the colonies. the redcoats had marched out to concord--and back; and the embattled farmers had stood and fired the shot "heard 'round the world." hamilton was working hard to bring new york over to an understanding that she must stand firm against english rule. he organized meetings, gave addresses, wrote letters, newspaper articles and pamphlets. then he joined a military company and was perfecting himself in the science of war. there were frequent outbreaks between tory mobs and whigs, and the breaking up of your opponents' meeting was looked upon as a pleasant pastime. then came the british ship "asia" and opened fire on the town. this no doubt made whigs of a good many tories. whig sentiment was on the increase; gangs of men marched through the streets and the king's stores were broken into, and prominent royalists found their houses being threatened. doctor cooper, president of king's college, had been very pronounced in his rebukes to congress and the colonies, and a mob made its way to his house. arriving there, hamilton and his chum troup were found on the steps, determined to protect the place. hamilton stepped forward, and in a strong speech urged that doctor cooper had merely expressed his own private views, which he had a right to do, and the house must not on any account be molested. while the parley was in progress, old doctor cooper himself appeared at one of the upper windows and excitedly cautioned the crowd not to listen to that blatant young rapscallion hamilton, as he was a rogue and a varlet and a vagrom. the good doctor then slammed the window and escaped by the back way. his remarks raised a laugh in which even young hamilton joined, but his mistake was very natural in view of the fact that he only knew that hamilton had deserted the college and espoused the devil's cause; and not having heard his remarks, but seeing him standing on his steps haranguing a crowd, thought surely he was endeavoring to work up mischief against his old preceptor, who had once plucked him in greek. it seems to have been the intention of his guardians that the limit of young hamilton's stay in america was to be two years, and by that time his education would be "complete," and he would return to the west indies and surprise the natives. but his father, who supplied the money, and the mystical kinsmen who supplied advice, and the kind friends who had given him letters to the presbyterian clergymen at new york and princeton, had figured without their host. young hamilton knew all that nevis had in store for him: he knew its littleness, its contumely and disgrace, and in the secret recesses of his own strong heart he had slipped the cable that held him to the past. no more remittances from home; no more solicitous advice; no more kind, loving letters--the past was dead. for england he once had had an almost idolatrous regard; to him she had once been the protector of his native land, the empress of the seas, the enlightener of mankind; but henceforth he was an american. he was to fight america's battles, to share in her victory, to help make of her a great nation, and to weave his name into the web of her history so that as long as the united states of america shall be remembered, so long also shall be remembered the name of alexander hamilton. * * * * * what general washington called his "family" usually consisted of sixteen men. these were his aides, and more than that, his counselors and friends. in washington's frequent use of that expression, "my family," there is a touch of affection that we do not expect to find in the tents of war. in rank, the staff ran the gamut from captain to general. each man had his appointed work and made a daily report to his chief. when not in actual action, the family dined together daily, and the affair was conducted with considerable ceremony. washington sat at the head of the table, large, handsome and dignified. at his right hand was seated the guest of honor, and there were usually several invited friends. at his left sat alexander hamilton, ready with quick pen to record the orders of his chief. and methinks it would have been quite worth while to have had a place at that board, and looked down the table at "the strong, fine face, tinged with melancholy," of washington; and the cheery, youthful faces of lawrence, tilghman, lee, aaron burr, alexander hamilton and the others of that brave and handsome company. well might they have called washington father, for this he was in spirit to them all--grave, gentle, courteous and magnanimous, yet exacting strict and instant obedience from all; and well, too, may we imagine that this obedience was freely and cheerfully given. hamilton became one of washington's family on march first, seventeen hundred seventy-seven, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. he was barely twenty years of age; washington was forty-seven, and the average age of the family, omitting its head, was twenty-five. all had been selected on account of superior intelligence and a record of dashing courage. when hamilton took his place at the board, he was the youngest member, save one. in point of literary talent, he stood among the very foremost in the country, for then there was no literature in america save the literature of politics; and as an officer, he had shown rare skill and bravery. and yet, such was hamilton's ambition and confidence in himself, that he hesitated to accept the position, and considered it an act of sacrifice to do so. but having once accepted, he threw himself into the work and became washington's most intimate and valued assistant. washington's correspondence with his generals, with congress, and the written decisions demanded daily on hundreds of minor questions, mostly devolved on hamilton, for work gravitates to him who can do it best. a simple "yes," "no" or "perhaps" from the chief must be elaborated into a diplomatic letter, conveying just the right shade of meaning, all with its proper emphasis and show of dignity and respect. thousands of these dispatches can now be seen at the capitol; and the ease, grace, directness and insight shown in them are remarkable. there is no muddy rhetoric or befuddled clauses. they were written by one with a clear understanding, who was intent that the person addressed should understand, too. many of these documents were merely signed by washington, but a few reveal interlined sentences and an occasional word changed in washington's hand, thus showing that all was closely scrutinized and digested. as a member of washington's staff, hamilton did not have the independent command that he so much desired; but he endured that heroic winter at valley forge, was present at all the important battles, took an active part in most of them, and always gained honor and distinction. as an aide to washington, hamilton's most important mission was when he was sent to general gates to secure reinforcements for the southern army. gates had defeated burgoyne and won a full dozen stern victories in the north. in the meantime, washington had done nothing but make a few brave retreats. gates' army was made up of hardy and seasoned soldiers, who had met the enemy and defeated him over and over again. the flush of success was on their banners; and washington knew that if a few thousand of those rugged veterans could be secured to reinforce his own well-nigh discouraged troops, victory would also perch upon the banners of the south. as a superior officer he had the right to demand these troops; but to reduce the force of a general who is making an excellent success is not the common rule of war. the country looked upon gates as its savior, and gates was feeling a little that way himself. gates had but to demand it, and the position of commander-in-chief would go to him. washington thoroughly realized this, and therefore hesitated about issuing an order requesting a part of gates' force. to secure these troops as if the suggestion came from gates was a most delicate commission. alexander hamilton was dispatched to gates' headquarters, armed, as a last resort, with a curt military order to the effect that he should turn over a portion of his army to washington. hamilton's orders were: "bring the troops, but do not deliver this order unless you are obliged to." hamilton brought the troops, and returned the order with seal intact. the act of his sudden breaking with washington has been much exaggerated. in fact, it was not a sudden act at all, for it had been premeditated for some months. there was a woman in the case. hamilton had done more than conquer general gates on that northern trip; at albany, he had met elizabeth, daughter of general schuyler, and won her after what has been spoken of as "a short and sharp skirmish." both alexander and elizabeth regarded "a clerkship" as quite too limited a career for one so gifted; they felt that nothing less than commander of a division would answer. how to break loose--that was the question. and when washington met him at the head of the stairs of the new windsor hotel and sharply chided him for being late, the young man embraced the opportunity and said, "sir, since you think i have been remiss, we part." it was the act of a boy; and the figure of this boy, five feet five inches high, weight one hundred twenty, aged twenty-four, talking back to his chief, six feet three, weight two hundred, aged fifty, has its comic side. military rule demands that every one shall be on time, and washington's rebuke was proper and right. further than this, one feels that if he had followed up his rebuke by boxing the young man's ears for "sassing back," he would still not have been outside the lines of duty. but an hour afterwards we find washington sending for the youth and endeavoring to mend the break. and although hamilton proudly repelled his advances, washington forgave all and generously did all he could to advance the young man's interests. washington's magnanimity was absolutely without flaw, but his attitude towards hamilton has a more suggestive meaning when we consider that it was a testimonial of the high estimate he placed on hamilton's ability. at yorktown, washington gave hamilton the perilous privilege of leading the assault. hamilton did his work well, rushing with fiery impetuosity upon the fort--carried all before him, and in ten minutes had planted the stars and stripes on the ramparts of the enemy. it was a fine and fitting close to his glorious military career. * * * * * when washington became president, the most important office to be filled was that of manager of the exchequer. in fact, all there was of it was the office--there was no treasury, no mint, no fixed revenue, no credit; but there were debts--foreign and domestic--and clamoring creditors by the thousand. the debts consisted of what was then the vast sum of eighty million dollars. the treasury was empty. washington had many advisers who argued that the nation could never live under such a weight of debt--the only way was flatly and frankly to repudiate--wipe the slate clean--and begin afresh. this was what the country expected would be done; and so low was the hope of payment that creditors could be found who were willing to compromise their claims for ten cents on the dollar. robert morris, who had managed the finances during the period of the confederation, utterly refused to attempt the task again, but he named a man who, he said, could bring order out of chaos, if any living man could. that man was alexander hamilton. washington appealed to hamilton, offering him the position of secretary of the treasury. hamilton, aged thirty-two, gave up his law practise, which was yielding him ten thousand a year, to accept this office which paid three thousand five hundred. before the british cannon, washington did not lose heart, but to face the angry mob of creditors waving white-paper claims made him quake; but with hamilton's presence his courage came back. the first thing that hamilton decided upon was that there should be no repudiation--no offer of compromise would be considered--every man should be paid in full. and further than this, the general government would assume the entire war debt of each individual state. washington concurred with hamilton on these points, but he could make neither oral nor written argument in a way that would convince others; so this task was left to hamilton. hamilton appeared before congress and explained his plans--explained them so lucidly and with such force and precision that he made an indelible impression. there were grumblers and complainers, but these did not and could not reply to hamilton, for he saw all over and around the subject, and they saw it only at an angle. hamilton had studied the history of finance, and knew the financial schemes of every country. no question of statecraft could be asked him for which he did not have a reply ready. he knew the science of government as no other man in america then did, and recognizing this, congress asked him to prepare reports on the collection of revenue, the coasting trade, the effects of a tariff, shipbuilding, post-office extension, and also a scheme for a judicial system. when in doubt they asked hamilton. and all the time hamilton was working at this bewildering maze of detail, he was evolving that financial policy, broad, comprehensive and minute, which endures even to this day, even to the various forms of accounts that are now kept at the treasury department at washington. his insistence that to preserve the credit of a nation every debt must be paid, is an idea that no statesman now dare question. the entire aim and intent of his policy was high, open and frank honesty. the people should be made to feel an absolute security in their government, and this being so, all forms of industry would prosper, "and the prosperity of the people is the prosperity of the nation." to such a degree of confidence did hamilton raise the public credit that in a very short time the government found no trouble in borrowing all the money it needed at four per cent; and yet this was done in face of the fact that its debt had increased. just here was where his policy invited its strongest and most bitter attack. for there are men today who can not comprehend that a public debt is a public blessing, and that all liabilities have a strict and undivorceable relationship to assets. alexander hamilton was a leader of men. he could do the thinking of his time and map out a policy, "arranging every detail for a kingdom." he has been likened to napoleon in his ability to plan and execute with rapid and marvelous precision, and surely the similarity is striking. but he was not an adept in the difficult and delicate art of diplomacy--he could not wait. he demanded instant obedience, and lacked all of that large, patient, calm magnanimity so splendidly shown forth since by abraham lincoln. unlike jefferson, his great rival, he could not calmly and silently bide his time. but i will not quarrel with a man because he is not some one else. he saw things clearly at a glance; he knew because he knew; and if others would not follow, he had the audacity to push on alone. this recklessness to the opinion of the slow and plodding, this indifference to the dull, gradually drew upon him the hatred of a class. they said he was a monarchist at heart and "such men are dangerous." the country became divided into those who were with hamilton and those who were against him. the very transcendent quality of his genius wove the net that eventually was to catch his feet and accomplish his ruin. * * * * * it has been the usual practise for nearly a hundred years to refer to aaron burr as a roue, a rogue and a thorough villain, who took the life of a gentle and innocent man. i have no apologies to make for colonel burr; the record of his life lies open in many books, and i would neither conceal nor explain away. if i should attempt to describe the man and liken him to another, that man would be alexander hamilton. they were the same age within ten months; they were the same height within an inch; their weight was the same within five pounds, and in temperament and disposition they resembled each other as brothers seldom do. each was passionate, ambitious, proud. in the drawing-room where one of these men chanced to be, there was room for no one else--such was the vivacity, the wit, and the generous, glowing good-nature shown. with women, the manner of these men was most gentle and courtly; and the low, alluring voice of each was music's honeyed flattery set to words. both were much under the average height, yet the carriage of each was so proud and imposing that everywhere they went men made way, and women turned and stared. both were public speakers and lawyers of such eminence that they took their pick of clients and charged all the fee that policy would allow. in debate, there was a wilful aggressiveness, a fiery sureness, a lofty certainty, that moved judges and juries to do their bidding. henry cabot lodge says that so great was hamilton's renown as a lawyer that clients flocked to him because the belief was abroad that no judge dare decide against him. with burr it was the same. both made large sums, and both spent them all as fast as made. in point of classic education, burr had the advantage. he was the grandson of the reverend jonathan edwards. in his strong, personal magnetism, and keen, many-sided intellect, aaron burr strongly resembled the gifted presbyterian divine who wrote "sinners in the hands of an angry god." his father was the reverend aaron burr, president of princeton college. he was a graduate of princeton, and, like hamilton, always had the ability to focus his mind on the subject in hand, and wring from it its very core. burr's reputation as to his susceptibility to women's charms is the world's common--very common--property. he was unhappily married; his wife died before he was thirty; he was a man of ardent nature and stalked through the world a conquering don juan. a historian, however, records that "his alliances were only with women who were deemed by society to be respectable. married women, unhappily mated, knowing his reputation, very often placed themselves in his way, going to him for advice, as moths court the flame. young, tender and innocent girls had no charm for him." hamilton was happily married to a woman of aristocratic family; rich, educated, intellectual, gentle, and worthy of him at his best. they had a family of eight children. hamilton was a favorite of women everywhere and was mixed up in various scandalous intrigues. he was an easy mark for a designing woman. in one instance, the affair was seized upon by his political foes, and made capital of to his sore disadvantage. hamilton met the issue by writing a pamphlet, laying bare the entire shameless affair, to the horror of his family and friends. copies of this pamphlet may be seen in the rooms of the american historical society at new york. burr had been attorney-general of new york state and also united states senator. each man had served on washington's staff; each had a brilliant military record; each had acted as second in a duel; each recognized the honor of the code. stern political differences arose, not so much through matters of opinion and conscience, as through ambitious rivalry. neither was willing the other should rise, yet both thirsted for place and power. burr ran for the presidency, and was sternly, strongly, bitterly opposed as "a dangerous man" by hamilton. at the election one more electoral vote would have given the highest office of the people to aaron burr; as it was he tied with jefferson. the matter was thrown into the house of representatives, and jefferson was given the office, with burr as vice-president. burr considered, and perhaps rightly, that were it not for hamilton's assertive influence he would have been president of the united states. while still vice-president, burr sought to become governor of new york, thinking this the surest road to receiving the nomination for the presidency at the next election. hamilton openly and bitterly opposed him, and the office went to another. burr considered, and rightly, that were it not for hamilton's influence he would have been governor of new york. burr, smarting under the sting of this continual opposition by a man who himself was shelved politically through his own too fiery ambition, sent a note by his friend van ness to hamilton, asking whether the language he had used concerning him ("a dangerous man") referred to him politically or personally. hamilton replied evasively, saying he could not recall all that he might have said during fifteen years of public life. "especially," he said in his letter, "it can not be reasonably expected that i shall enter into any explanation upon a basis so vague as you have adopted. i trust on more reflection you will see the matter in the same light. if not, however, i only regret the circumstances, and must abide the consequences." when fighting men use fighting language they invite a challenge. hamilton's excessively polite regret that "he must abide the consequences" simply meant fight, as his language had for a space of five years. a challenge was sent by the hand of pendleton. hamilton accepted. being the challenged man (for duelists are always polite), he was given the choice of weapons. he chose pistols at ten paces. at seven o'clock on the morning of july eleventh, eighteen hundred four, the participants met on the heights of weehawken, overlooking new york bay. on a toss hamilton won the choice of position and his second also won the right of giving the word to fire. each man removed his coat and cravat; the pistols were loaded in their presence. as pendleton handed his pistol to hamilton he asked, "shall i set the hair-trigger?" "not this time," replied hamilton. with pistols primed and cocked, the men were stationed facing each other, thirty feet apart. both were pale, but free from any visible nervousness or excitement. neither had partaken of stimulants. each was asked if he had anything to say, or if he knew of any way by which the affair could be terminated there and then. each answered quietly in the negative. pendleton, standing fifteen feet to the right of his principal, said: "one--two--three--present!" and as the last final sounding of the letter "t" escaped his teeth, burr fired, followed almost instantly by the other. hamilton arose convulsively on his toes, reeled, and burr, dropping his smoking pistol, sprang towards him to support him, a look of regret on his face. van ness raised an umbrella over the fallen man, and motioned burr to be gone. the ball passed through hamilton's body, breaking a rib, and lodging in the second lumbar vertebra. the bullet from hamilton's pistol cut a twig four feet above burr's head. while he was lying on the ground hamilton saw his pistol near and said, "look out for that pistol, it is loaded--pendleton knows i did not intend to fire at him!" hamilton died the following day, first declaring that he bore colonel burr no ill-will. colonel burr said he very much regretted the whole affair, but the language and attitude of hamilton forced him to send a challenge or remain quiet and be branded as a coward. he fully realized before the meeting that if he killed hamilton it would be political death for him, too. at the time of the deed burr had no family; hamilton had a wife and seven children, his oldest son having fallen in a duel fought three years before on the identical spot where he, too, fell. burr fled the country. three years afterwards, he was arrested for treason in trying to found an independent state within the borders of the united states. he was tried and found not guilty. after some years spent abroad he returned and took up the practise of law in new york. he was fairly successful, lived a modest, quiet life, and died september fourteenth, eighteen hundred thirty-six, aged eighty years. hamilton's widow survived him just one-half a century, dying in her ninety-eighth year. so passeth away the glory of the world. daniel webster not many days ago i saw at breakfast the notablest of all your notabilities, daniel webster. he is a magnificent specimen. you might say to all the world, "this is our yankee-englishman; such links we make in yankeeland!" as a logic fencer, advocate or parliamentary hercules, one would incline to back him at first sight against all the extant world. the tanned complexion; the amorphous, craglike face; the dull black eyes under the precipice of brows, like dull anthracite furnaces needing only to be blown; the mastiff mouth accurately closed; i have not traced so much of silent berserker rage that i remember of in any other man. "i guess i should not like to be your nigger!" --carlyle to emerson [illustration: daniel webster] those were splendid days, tinged with no trace of blue, when i attended the district school, wearing trousers buttoned to a calico waist. i had ambitions then--i was sure that some day i could spell down the school, propound a problem in fractions that would puzzle the teacher, and play checkers in a way that would cause my name to be known throughout the entire township. in the midst of these pleasant emotions, a cloud appeared upon the horizon of my happiness. what was it? a friday afternoon, that's all. a new teacher had been engaged--a woman, actually a young woman. it was prophesied that she could not keep order a single day, for the term before, the big boys had once arisen and put out of the building the man who taught them. then there was a boy who occasionally brought a dog to school; and when the bell rang, the dog followed the boy into the room and lay under the desk pounding his tail on the floor; and everybody tittered and giggled until the boy had been coaxed into taking the dog home, for if merely left in the entry he howled and whined in a way that made study impossible. but one day the boy was not to be coaxed, and the teacher grabbed the dog by the scruff of the neck, and flung him through a window so forcibly that he never came back. and now a woman was to teach the school: she was only a little woman and yet the boys obeyed her, and i had come to think that a woman could teach school nearly as well as a man, when the awful announcement was made that thereafter every week we were to have a friday afternoon. there were to be no lessons; everybody was to speak a piece, and then there was to be a spelling-match--and that was all. but heavens! it was enough. monday began very blue and gloomy, and the density increased as the week passed. my mother had drilled me well in my lines, and my big sister was lavish in her praise, but the awful ordeal of standing up before the whole school was yet to come. thursday night i slept but little, and all friday morning i was in a burning fever. at noon i could not eat my lunch, but i tried to, manfully, and as i munched on the tasteless morsels, salt tears rained on the johnnycake i held in my hand. and even when the girls brought in big bunches of wild flowers and cornstalks, and began to decorate the platform, things appeared no brighter. finally, the teacher went to the door and rang the bell: nobody seemed to play, and as the scholars took their seats, some, very pale, tried to smile, and others whispered, "have you got your piece?" still others kept their lips working, repeating lines that struggled hard to flee. names were called, but i did not see who went up, neither did i hear what was said. at last, my name was called: it came like a clap of thunder--as a great surprise, a shock. i clutched the desk, struggled to my feet, passed down the aisle, the sound of my shoes echoing through the silence like the strokes of a maul. the blood seemed ready to burst from my eyes, ears and nose. i reached the platform, missed my footing, stumbled, and nearly fell. i heard the giggling that followed, and knew that a red-haired boy, who had just spoken, and was therefore unnecessarily jubilant, had laughed aloud. i was angry. i shut my fists so that the nails cut my flesh, and glaring straight at his red head shot my bolt: "i know not how others may feel, but sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, i give my heart and my hand to this vote. it is my living sentiment and by the blessing of god it shall be my dying sentiment. independence now, and independence forever." that was all of the piece. i gave the whole thing in a mouthful, and started for my seat, got halfway there and remembered i had forgotten to bow, turned, went back to the platform, bowed with a jerk, started again for my seat, and hearing some one laugh, ran. reaching the seat, i burst into tears. the teacher came over, patted my head, kissed my cheek, and told me i had done first-rate, and after hearing several others speak i calmed down and quite agreed with her. * * * * * it was daniel webster who caused the friday afternoon to become an institution in the schools of america. his early struggles were dwelt upon and rehearsed by parents and pedagogues until every boy was looked upon as a possible demosthenes holding senates in thrall. if physical imperfections were noticeable, the fond mother would explain that demosthenes was a sickly, ill-formed youth, who only overcame a lisp by orating to the sea with his mouth full of pebbles; and every one knew that webster was educated only because he was too weak to work. oratory was in the air; elocution was rampant; and to declaim in orotund, and gesticulate in curves, was regarded as the chief end of man. one-tenth of the time in all public schools was given over to speaking, and on saturday evenings the schoolhouse was sacred to the debating society. then came the lyceum, and the orators of the land made pilgrimages, stopping one day in a place, putting themselves on exhibition, and giving the people a taste of their quality at fifty cents per head. recently, there has been a relapse of the oratorical fever. every city from leadville to boston has its college of oratory, or school of expression, wherein a newly discovered "natural method" is divulged for a consideration. some of these "colleges" have done much good; one in particular i know, that fosters a fine spirit of sympathy, and a trace of mysticism that is well in these hurrying, scurrying days. but all combined have never produced an orator; no, dearie, they never have, and never can. you might as well have a school for poets, or a college for saints, or give medals for proficiency in the gentle art of wooing, as to expect to make an orator by telling how. once upon a day, sir walter besant was to give a lecture upon "the art of the novelist." he had just adjusted his necktie for the last time, slipped a lozenge into his mouth, and was about to appear upon the platform, when he felt a tug at the tail of his dress-coat. on looking around, he saw the anxious face of his friend, james payn. "for god's sake, walter," whispered payn, "you are not going to explain to 'em how you do it, are you?" but walter did not explain how to write fiction, because he could not, and payn's quizzing question happily relieved the lecture of the bumptiousness it might otherwise have contained. the first culture for which a people reach out is oratory. the indian is an orator with "the natural method"; he takes the stump on small provocation, and under the spell of the faces that look up to him, is often moved to strange eloquence. i have heard negro preachers who could neither read nor write, move vast congregations to profoundest emotion by the magic of their words and presence. and further, they proved to me that the ability to read and write is a cheap accomplishment, and that a man can be a very strong character, and not know how to do either. for the most part, people who live in cities are not moved by oratory; they are unsocial, unimaginative, unemotional. they see so much and hear so much that they cease to be impressed. when they come together in assemblages they are so apathetic that they fail to generate magnetism--there is no common soul to which the speaker can address himself. they are so cold that the orator never welds them into a mass. he may amuse them, but in a single hour to change the opinions of a lifetime is no longer possible in america. there are so many people, and so much business to transact, that emotional life plays only upon the surface--in it there is no depth. to possess depth you must commune with the silences. no more do you find men and women coming for fifty miles, in wagons, to hear speakers discuss political issues; no more do you find campmeetings where the preacher strikes conviction home until thousands are on their knees crying to god for mercy. intelligence has increased; spirituality has declined, and as a people the warm emotions of our hearts are gone forever. oratory is a rustic product. the great orators have always been country-bred, and their appeal has been made to rural people. those who live in a big place think they are bigger on that account. they acquire glibness of speech and polish of manner; but they purchase these things at a price. they lack the power to weigh mighty questions, the courage to formulate them, and the sturdy vitality to stand up and declare them in the face of opposition. revolutions are fought by farmers and rail-splitters; these are the embattled men who fire the shots heard 'round the world. when daniel webster's father took up his residence in new hampshire, his log cabin was the most northern one of the colonies. between him and montreal lay an unbroken forest inhabited only by prowling indians. ebenezer webster's long rifle had sent cold lead into many a redskin; and the same rifle had done good service in fighting the british. once, its owner stood guard before washington's headquarters at newburgh, and washington came out and said, "captain webster, i can trust you!" ebenezer webster would leave his home to carry a bag of corn on his back through the woods to the mill ten miles away to have it ground into meal, and his wife would be left alone with the children. on such occasions, indians who never saw settlers' cabins without having an itch to burn them, used sometimes to call, and the housewife would have to parley with these savages, "impressing them concerning the rights of property." so here was born daniel webster, in seventeen hundred eighty-two, the second child of his mother. his father was then forty-three, and had already raised one brood, but his mother was only in her twenties. it seems that biting poverty and sore deprivation are about as good prenatal influences as a soul can well ask, provided there abides with the mother a noble discontent and a brave unrest. however, it came near being overdone in daniel webster's case, for the mrs. gamp who presided at his birth declared he could not live, and if he did, would "allus be a no-'count." but he made a brave fight for breath, and his crossness and peevishness through the first years of his life were proof of vitality. he must have been a queer toddler when he wore dresses, with his immense head and deep-set black eyes and serious ways. being sickly, he was allowed to rule, and the big girls, his half-sisters, humored him, and his mother did the same. they taught him his letters when he was only a baby, and he himself said that he could not remember a time when he could not read the bible. when he grew older he did not have to bring in wood and do the chores--he was not strong enough, they said. little dan was of a like belief, and encouraged the idea on every occasion. he roamed the woods, fished, hunted, and read every scrap of print that came his way. being able to read any kind of print, and not being strong enough to work, it very early was decided that he should have an education. it is rather a humbling confession to make, but our worthy forefathers chiefly prized an education for the fact that it caused the fortunate possessor to be exempt from manual labor. when daniel was fourteen, a member of congress came to see ebenezer webster, to secure his influence at election. as the great man rode away, ebenezer said to his son: "daniel, look there! he is educated and gets six dollars a day in congress for doing nothing; while i toil on this rocky hillside and hardly see six dollars in a year. daniel, get an education!" "i'll do it," said daniel, and throwing his arms around his father's neck, burst into tears. the village of salisbury, where webster was born, is fifteen miles north of concord. you leave the train at boscowan, and there is a rickety old stage, with a loquacious driver, that will take you to salisbury, five miles, for twenty-five cents. the country is one vast outcrop of granite; and one can not but be filled with admiration, mingled with pity, for the dwellers thereabouts who call these piles of rock "farms." as we wound slowly around the hills, the church-spire of the village came in sight; and soon we entered the one street of this sleepy, forgotten place. i shook hands with the old stage-driver as he let me down in front of the tavern; and as i went in search of the landlord, i thought of the remark of the chicago woman who, in riding from warwick over to stratford, said, "goodness me! why should a man like shakespeare ever take it in his head to live so far off!" salisbury has four hundred people. you can rent a house there for fifty dollars a year, or should you prefer not to keep house, but board, you can be accommodated at the tavern for three dollars a week. there are various abandoned farms round about, and they are abandoned so thoroughly that even kate sanborn would not have the courage to their adoption try. the landlord of the hotel told me that were it not for the "harvest dance," the dance on the fourth of july, and the party at christmas, he could not keep the house open at all. of course, all the inhabitants know that webster was born at salisbury, but there is not so much local pride in the matter as there is at east aurora over the fact that one of her former citizens is a performer in barnum and bailey's circus. the number of old men in one of these new england villages impresses folks from the west as being curious. there are a full dozen men at salisbury between seventy-five and ninety, and all have positive ideas as to just why daniel webster missed the presidency. i found opinion curiously divided as to webster's ability; but all seemed to argue that when he left new hampshire and became a citizen of massachusetts, he made a fatal mistake. * * * * * the sacrifices that the mother and the father of daniel webster made, in order that he might go to school, were very great. every one in the family had to do without things, that this one might thrive. the boy accepted it all, quite as a matter of course, for from babyhood he had been protected and petted. at the last we must admit that the man who towers above his fellows is the one who has the power to make others work for him; a great success is not possible in any other way. throughout his life webster utilized the labor of others, and took it in a high and imperious manner, as though it were his due. no doubt the way in which his family lavished their gifts upon him fixed in his mind that immoral slant of disregard for his financial obligations which clung to him all through life. there is a story told of his going to a county fair with his brother ezekiel, which shows the characters of these brothers better than a chapter. the father had given each lad a dollar to spend. when the boys got home daniel was in gay spirits and ezekiel was depressed. "well, dan," said the father, "did you spend your money?" "of course i did," replied daniel. "and, zeke, what did you do with your dollar?" "loaned it to dan," replied ezekiel. but there was a fine bond of affection between these two. ezekiel was two years older and, unfortunately for himself, was strong and well. he was very early set to work, and i can not find that the thought of giving him an education ever occurred to his parents, until after daniel had graduated at dartmouth, and dan and zeke themselves then forced the issue. in stature they were the same size: both were tall, finely formed, and in youth slender. as they grew older they grew stouter, and the personal presence of each was very imposing. ezekiel was of light complexion and ruddy; daniel was very dark and sallow. i have met several men who knew them both, and the best opinion is that ezekiel was the stronger of the two, mentally and morally. daniel was not a student, while ezekiel was; and as a counselor ezekiel was the safer man. up to the very week of ezekiel's death daniel advised with him on all his important affairs. when ezekiel fell dead in the courtroom at concord and the news was carried to his brother, it was a blow that affected him more than the loss of wife or child. his friend and counselor, the one man in life upon whom he leaned, was gone, and over his own great, craglike face came that look of sorrow which death only removed. but care and grief became this giant, as they do all who are great enough to bear them. it was two years after his brother's death that he made the speech which is his masterpiece. and while the applause was ringing in his ears he turned to judge story and said, "oh, if zeke were only here!" who is there who can not sympathize with that groan? we work for others; and to win the applause of senates or nations, and not be able to know that some one is glad, takes all the sweetness out of victory. "when i sing well, i want you to meet me in the wings of the stage, and taking me in your aims, kiss my cheek, and whisper it was all right." when patti wrote this to her lover she voiced the universal need of a some one who understands, to share the triumph of good work well done. the nostalgia of life never seems so bitter as after moments of success; then comes creeping in the thought that he who would have gloried in this--knowing all the years of struggle and deprivations that made it possible--is sleeping his long sleep. in that speech of january twenty-sixth, eighteen hundred thirty, webster reached high-water mark. on that performance, more than any other, rests his fame. he was forty-eight years old then. all the years of his career he had been getting ready for that address. it was on the one theme that he loved; on the theme he had studied most; on the only theme upon which he ever spoke well--the greatness, the grandeur and the possibilities of america. he spoke for four hours, and in his works the speech occupies seventy close pages. he was at the zenith of his physical and intellectual power, and that is as good a place as any to stop and view the man. on account of his proud carriage, and the fine poise of his massive head, he gave the impression of being a very large man; but he was just five feet ten, and weighed a little less than two hundred. his manner was grave, deliberate and dignified; and his sturdy face, furrowed with lines of sorrow, made a profound impression upon all before he had spoken a word. he had arrived at an age when the hot desire to succeed had passed. for no man can attain the highest success until he has reached a point where he does not care for it. in oratory the personal desire for victory must be obliterated or the hearer will never award the palm. hayne was a very bright and able speaker. he had argued the right of a state to dissent from, or nullify, a law passed by the house of representatives and senate, making such law inoperative within its borders. his claim was that the framers of the constitution did not expect or intend that a law could be passed that was binding on a state when the people of that state did not wish it so. mr. hayne had the best end of the argument, and the opinion is now general among jurists that his logic was right and just, and that those who thought otherwise were wrong. new england had practically nullified united states law in eighteen hundred twelve, the hartford convention of eighteen hundred fourteen had declared the right; josiah quincy had advocated the privilege of any state to nullify an obnoxious law, quite as a matter of course. the framers of the constitution had merely said that we "had better" hang together, not that we "must." but with the years had come a feeling that the nation's life was unsafe if any state should pull away. once, on the plains of colorado, i was with a party when there was danger of an attack from indians. two of the party wished to go back; but the leader drew his revolver and threatened to shoot the first man who tried to seek safety. "we must hang together or hang separately." logically, each man had the right to secede, and go off on his own account, but expediency made a law and we declared that any man who tried to leave did so at his peril. to webster was given the task of putting a new construction on the constitution, and to make of the constitution a law instead of a mere compact. webster's speech was not an argument; it was a plea. and so mightily did he point out the dangers of separation; review the splendid past; and prophesy the greatness of the future--a future that could only be ours through absolute union and loyalty to the good of the whole--that he won his cause. after that speech, if calhoun had allowed south carolina to nullify a united states law, president jackson would have made good his threat and hanged both him and hayne on one tree, and the people would have approved the act. but webster did not get the case quashed: he got only a postponement. in eighteen hundred sixty, south carolina moved the case again; she opened the argument in another way this time, and a million lives were required, and millions upon millions in treasure expended to put a construction on the constitution that the framers did not intend; but which was necessary in order that the nation might exist. in the battle of bull run, almost the first battle of the war, fell colonel fletcher webster, the only surviving son of daniel webster, and with him died the name and race. * * * * * the cunning of webster's intellect was not creative. in his argument there is little ingenuity; but he had the power of taking an old truth and presenting it in a way that moved men to tears. when aroused, all he knew was within his reach; he had the faculty of getting all his goods in the front window. and he himself confessed that he often pushed out a masked battery, when behind there was not a single gun. under the spell of the orator an audience becomes of one mind: the dullest intellect is more alert than usual and the most discerning a little less so. cheap wit will then often pass for brilliancy, and platitude for wisdom. we roar over the jokes we have known since childhood, and cry "hear, hear!" when the great man with upraised hands and fire in his glance declares that twice two is four. oratory is hypnotism practised on a large scale. through oratory ideas are acquired by induction. webster was a lawyer; and he was not above resorting to any trick or device that could move the emotions or passions of judge and jury to a prejudice favorable to his side. this was very clearly brought out when he undertook to break the will of stephen girard. girard was a freethinker, and in leaving money to found a college devised that no preacher or priest should have anything to do with its management. the question at issue was, "is a bequest for founding a college a charitable bequest?" if so, then the will must stand. but if the bequest were merely a scheme to deprive the legal heirs of their rights--diverting the funds from them for whimsical and personal reasons--then the will should be broken. mr. webster made the plea that there was only one kind of charity, namely, christian charity. girard was not a christian, for he had publicly affronted the christian religion by providing that no minister should teach in his school. mr. webster spoke for three hours with many fine bursts of tearful eloquence in support of the christian faith, reviewing its triumphs and denouncing its foes. the argument was carried outside of the realm of law into the domain of passion and prejudice. the court took time for the tumult to subside, and then very quietly decided against webster, sustaining the will. the college building was erected and stands today, the finest specimen of purely greek architecture in america; and the good that girard college has done and is now doing is the priceless heritage of our entire country. one of webster's first greatest speeches was before the united states supreme court in the dartmouth college case. here he defended the cause of education with that grave and wonderful weight of argument of which he was master. in the girard college case, eighteen years after, he reversed his logic, and touched with rare skill on the dangers of a too-liberal education. no man now is quite so daring as to claim that webster was a christian. neither was he a freethinker. he inherited his religious views from his parents, and never considered them enough to change. he simply viewed religion as a part of the fabric of government, giving sturdiness and safety to established order. his own spiritual acreage was left absolutely untilled. his services were for sale; and so plastic were his convictions that once having espoused a cause he was sure it was right. doubtless it is self-interest, as herbert spencer says, that makes the world go round. and thus does sincerity of belief resolve itself into which side will pay most. this question being settled, reasons are as plentiful as blackberries, and are supplied in quantities proportionate in size to the retainer. john randolph once touched the quick by saying, "if daniel webster was employed on a case and he had partially lost faith in it, his belief in his client's rights could always be refreshed and his zeal renewed by a check." webster had every possible qualification that is required to make the great orator. all those who heard him speak, when telling of it, begin by relating how he looked. he worked the dignity and impressiveness of his jovelike presence to its furthest limit, and when once thoroughly awake was in possession of his entire armament. no other american has been able to speak with a like degree of effectiveness; and his name deserves to rank, and will rank, with the names of burke, chatham, sheridan and pitt. the case has been tried, the verdict is in and recorded on the pages of history. there can be no retrial, for webster is dead, and his power died thirty years before his form was laid to rest at marshfield by the side of his children and the wife of his youth. oratory is the lowest of the sublime arts. the extent of its influence will ever be a vexed question. its result depends on the mood and temperament of the hearer. but there are men who are not ripe for treason and conspiracy, to whom even music makes small appeal. yet music can be recorded, entrusted to an interpreter yet unborn, and lodge its appeal with posterity. literature never dies: it dedicates itself to time. for the printed page is reproduced ten thousand times ten thousand times, and besides, lives as did the homeric poems, passed on from generation to generation by word of mouth. were every book containing shakespeare's plays burned this night, tomorrow they could be rewritten by those who know their every word. with the passing years the painter's colors fade; time rots his canvas; the marble is dragged from its pedestal and exists in fragments from which we resurrect a nation's life; but oratory dies on the air and exists only as a memory in the minds of those who can not translate, and then as hearsay. so much for the art itself; but the influence of that art is another thing. he who influences the beliefs and opinions of men influences all other men that live after. for influence, like matter, can not be destroyed. in many ways, webster lacked the inward steadfastness that his face and frame betokened; but on one theme he was sound to the inmost core. he believed in america's greatness and the grandeur of america's mission. into the minds of countless men he infused his own splendid patriotism. from his first speech at hanover when eighteen years old, to his last when nearly seventy, he fired the hearts of men with the love of native land. and how much the growing greatness of our country is due to the magic of his words and the eloquence of his inspired presence no man can compute. the passion of webster's life is well mirrored in that burning passage: "when mine eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may i not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious union: on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent: on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original luster, not a stripe erased or polluted, or a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as 'what is all this worth?' nor those other words of delusion and folly, 'liberty first and union afterwards'; but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true american heart, 'liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable.'" henry clay if there be any description of rights, which, more than any other, should unite all parties in all quarters of the union, it is unquestionably the rights of the person. no matter what his vocation, whether he seeks subsistence amid the dangers of the sea, or draws it from the bowels of the earth, or from the humblest occupations of mechanical life--wherever the sacred rights of an american freeman are assailed, all hearts ought to unite and every arm be braced to vindicate his cause. --henry clay [illustration: henry clay] there is a story told of an irishman and an englishman who were immigrants aboard a ship that was coming up new york harbor. it chanced to be the fourth day of july, and as a consequence there was a needless waste of gunpowder going on, and many of the ships were decorated with bunting that in color was red, white and blue. "what can all this fuss be about?" asked the englishman. "what's it about?" answered pat. "why, this is the day we run you out!" and the moral of the story is that as soon as an irishman reaches the narrows he says "we americans," while an englishman will sometimes continue to say "you americans" for five years and a day. more than this, an irish-american citizen regards an english-american citizen with suspicion and refers to him as a foreigner, even unto the third and fourth generation. no man ever hated england more cordially than did henry clay. the genealogists have put forth heroic efforts to secure for clay a noble english ancestry, but with a degree of success that only makes the unthinking laugh and the judicious grieve. had these zealous pedigree-hunters studied the parish registers of county derry, ireland, as lovingly as they have burke's peerage, they might have traced the clays of america back to the cleighs, honest farmers (indifferent honest), of londonderry. the character of henry clay had in it various traits that were peculiarly irish. the irishman knows because he knows, and that's all there is about it. he is dramatic, emotional, impulsive, humorous without suspecting it, and will fight friend or foe on small provocation. then he is much given to dealing in that peculiar article known as palaver. the farewell address of henry clay to the senate, and his return thereto a few years later, comprise one of the most irishlike proceedings to be found in history. there is no finer man on earth than your "thrue irish gintleman," and henry clay had not only all the highest and most excellent traits of the "gintleman," but a few also of his worst. clay made friends as no other american statesman ever did. "to come within reach of the snare of his speech was to love him," wrote one man. people loved him because he was affectionate, for love only goes out to love. and the irish heart is a heart of love. henry clay called himself a christian, and yet at times he was picturesquely profane. we have this on the authority of the "diary" of john quincy adams, which of course we must believe, for even that other fighting irishman, andrew jackson, said, "adams' diary is probably correct--damn it!" clay was convivial in all the word implies; his losses at cards often put him in severe financial straits; he stood ready to back his opinion concerning a presidential election, a horse-race or a dog-fight, and with it all he held himself "personally responsible"--having fought two duels and engaged in various minor "misunderstandings." and yet he was a great statesman--one of the greatest this country has produced, and as a patriot no man was ever more loyal. it was america with him first and always. his reputation, his fortune, his life, his all, belonged to america. * * * * * the city of lexington contains about twenty-five thousand inhabitants. in lexington two distinct forms of civilization meet. one is the civilization of the f.f.v., converted into that peculiar form of noblesse known the round world over as the blue-grass aristocracy. blue-grass society represents leisure and luxury and the generous hospitality of friendships generations old; it means broad acres, noble mansions reached by roadways that stray under wide-spreading oaks and elms where squirrels chatter and mild-eyed cows look at you curiously; it means apple-orchards, gardens lined with boxwood, capacious stables and long lines of whitewashed cottages, around which swarm a dark cloud of dependents who dance and sing and laugh--and work when they have to. over against these there are to be seen trolley-cars, electric lights, smart rows of new brick houses on lots thirty by one hundred, negro policemen in uniforms patterned after those worn by the broadway squad, streets torn up by sewers and conduits, steam-rollers with an unsavory smell of tar and asphalt, push-buttons and a hello-exchange. as to which form of civilization is the more desirable is a question that is usually answered by taste and temperament. one thing sure, and that is, that a pride which swings to t'other side and becomes vanity is often an element in both. each could learn something of the other. lots that you can jump across, rented to families of ten, with land a mile away that can be bought for fifty dollars an acre, are not an ideal condition. on the other hand, inside the city limits of lexington are mansions surrounded by an even hundred acres. but at some of these, gates are off their hinges, pickets have been borrowed for kindling, creeping vines and long grass o'ertop the walls of empty stables, and a forest of weeds insolently invades the spot where once nestled milady's flower-garden. slowly but surely the blue-grass aristocracy is giving way to purslane or asphalt, moving into flats, and allowing the boomer to plat its fair acres--running excursion-trains to attend auction-sales where all the lots are corner lots and are to be bought on the installment plan, which plan is said by a cynic to give the bicycle face. just across from ashland is a beautiful estate, recently sold at a sacrifice to a man from massachusetts, by the name of douglas, who i am told is bald through lack of hair and makes three-dollar shoes. the stately old mansion mourns its former masters--all are gone--and a thrifty german is plowing up the lawn, that the cows of the douglas (tender and true) may eat early clover. but ashland is there today in all the beauty and loveliness that henry clay knew when he wrote to benton: "i love old ashland, and all these acres with their trees and flowers and growing grain lure me in a way that ambition never can. no, i remain at ashland." the rambling old house is embowered in climbing vines and clambering rosebushes and is set thick about with cedars, so that you can scarcely see the chimney-tops above the mass of green. a lane running through locust-trees planted by henry clay's own hands leads you to the hospitable, wide-open door, where a colored man, whose black face is set in a frame of wool, smiles a welcome. he relieves you of your baggage and leads the way to your room. the summer breeze blows lazily in through the open window, and the only sound of life and activity about seems to center in two noisy robins which are making a nest in the eaves, right within reach of your hand. the colored man apologizes for them, anathematizes them mildly, and proposes to drive them away, but you restrain him. after the man has gone you bethink you that the suggestion of driving the birds away was only the white lie of society (for even black folks tell white lies), and the old man probably had no more intent of driving the birds away than of going himself. on the dresser is a pitcher of freshly clipped roses, the morning dew still upon them, and you only cease to admire as you espy your mail that lies there awaiting your hand. news from home and loved ones greets you before these new-found friends do! you have not seen the good folks who live here, only the old colored man who pretended that he was going to kill cock-robin, and didn't. the hospitality is not gushing or effusive--the place is yours, that's all, and you lean out of the window and look down at the flowerbeds, and wonder at the silence and the quiet and peace, and feel sorry for the folks who live in cincinnati and chicago. the soughing of the wind through the pines comes to you like the murmur of the sea, and breaking in on the stillness you hear the sharp sound of an ax--some gladstone chopping, miles and miles away. your dreams are broken by a gentle tap at the door and your host has come to call on you. you know him at once, even though you have never before met, for men who think alike and feel alike do not have to "get acquainted." heart speaks to heart. he only wishes to say that your coming is a pleasure to all the family at ashland, the library is yours as well as the whole place, lunch is at one o'clock, and george will get you anything you wish. and back in the shadow of the hallway you catch sight of the old colored man and see him bow low when his name is mentioned. ashland is probably in better condition today than when henry clay worked and planned, and superintended its fair acres. the place has seen vicissitudes since the body of the man who gave it immortality lay in state here in july, eighteen hundred fifty-two. but major mcdowell's wife is the granddaughter of henry clay, and it seems meet that the descendants of the great man should possess ashland. major mcdowell has means and taste and the fine pride that would preserve all the traditions of the former master. the six hundred acres are in a high state of cultivation, and the cattle and horses are of the kinds that would have gladdened the heart of clay. in the library, halls and dining-room are various portraits of the great man, and at the turn of the stairs is a fine heroic bust, in bronze, of that lean face and form. hundreds of his books are to be seen on the shelves, all marked and dog-eared and scribbled on, thus disproving much of that old cry that "clay was not a student." some men are students only in youth, but clay's best reading was done when he was past fifty. the book habit grew upon him with the years. here are his pistols, spurs, saddle and memorandum-books. here are letters, faded and yellow, dusted with black powder on ink that has been dry a hundred years, asking for office, or words of gracious thanks in token of benefits not forgot. off to the south stretches away a great forest of walnut, oak and chestnut trees--reminders of the vast forest that daniel boone knew. many of these trees were here then, and here let them remain, said henry clay. and so today at ashland, as at hawarden, no tree is felled until it has been duly tried by the entire family and all has been said for and against the sentence of death. i heard miss mcdowell make an eloquent plea for an old oak that had been rather recklessly harboring mistletoe and many squirrels, until it was thought probable that, like our first parents, it might have a fall. it was a plea more eloquent than "o woodman, spare that tree." a reprieve for a year was granted; and i thought, as i cast my vote on the side of mercy, that the jury that could not be won by such a young woman as that was hopelessly dead at the top and more hollow at the heart than the old oak under whose boughs we sat. * * * * * ashland is just a mile south of the courthouse. when henry clay used to ride horseback between the town and his farm there were scarce a dozen houses to pass on the way, but now the street is all built up, and is smartly paved, and the trolley-line booms a noisy car to the sacred gates every ten minutes. lexington was laid out in the year seventeen hundred seventy-four, and the intention was to name it in honor of colonel patterson, the founder, or of daniel boone. but while the surveyors were doing their work, word came of the battle of some british and certain embattled farmers, and the spirit of freedom promptly declared that the town should be called lexington. three years after the laying-out of lexington, henry clay was born. he was the son of a poor and obscure baptist preacher who lived at "the slashes," in virginia. the boy never had any vivid recollection of his father, who passed away when henry was a mere child. the mother had a hard time of it with her family of seven children, and if kind neighbors had not aided, there would have been actual want. and surely one can not blame the widow for "marrying for a home" when opportunity offered. only one out of that first family ever achieved eminence, and the second brood is actually lost to us in oblivion. henry clay was a graduate of the university of hard knocks; he also took several post-graduate courses at the same institution. very early in life we see that he possessed the fine, eager, receptive spirit that absorbs knowledge through the finger-tips; and the ability to think and to absorb is all that even college can ever do for a man. i doubt whether college would have helped clay, and it might have dimmed the diamond luster of his mind, and diluted that fine audacity which carried him on his way. in this capacity to comprehend in the mass, clay's character was essentially feminine. we have thoreau for authority that the intuition and the sympathy found always in the saviors of the world are purely feminine attributes--the legacy bequeathed from a mother who thirsted for better things. from a clerk in a country store to a bookkeeper, then a copyist for a lawyer, a writer of letters for the neighborhood, a reader of law, and next a lawyer, were easy and natural steps for this ambitious boy. virginia with its older settlements offered small opportunities, and so we find young clay going west, and landing at lexington when twenty years old. he requested a license to practise law, but the bar association, which consisted of about a dozen members, decided that no more lawyers were needed at lexington. clay demanded that he should be examined as to fitness, and the blackberry-bush blackstones sat upon him, as a coroner would say, with intent to give him so stiff an examination that he would be glad to get work as a farmhand. a dozen questions had been asked, and an attempt had been made to confuse and browbeat the youth, when the nestor of the lexington bar expectorated at a fly ten feet away, and remarked, "oh, the devil! there is no need of tryin' to keep a boy like this down--he's as fit as we, or fitter!" and so he was admitted. from the very first he was a success; he toned up the mental qualities of the fayette county bar, and made the older, easy-going members feel to see whether their laurel wreaths were in place. when he was thirty years of age he was chosen by the legislature of kentucky as united states senator. when his term expired he chose to go to congress, probably because it afforded better opportunity for oratory and leadership. as soon as he appeared upon the floor he was chosen speaker by acclamation. so thoroughly american was he, that one of his very first suggestions was to the effect that every member should clothe himself wholly in fabrics made in the united states. humphrey marshall ridiculed the proposition and called clay a demagogue, for which he got himself straightway challenged. clay shot a bullet through his english-made broadcloth coat, and then they shook hands. when his term as congressman expired, he again went to the senate, and served two years. then he went back to the house, and through his influence, and his alone, did we challenge great britain, just as he had challenged marshall. england accepted the challenge, and we call it the war of eighteen hundred twelve. very often, indeed, do we hear the rural statesmen at fourth of july celebrations exclaim, "we have whipped england twice, and we can do it again!" we whipped england once, and it is possible we could do it again, but she got the best of us in the war of eighteen hundred twelve. henry clay plunged the country into war to redress certain grievances, and as a peace commissioner he backed out of that war without having a single one of those grievances indemnified or redressed. after the treaty of peace had been declared and "the war was over," that fighting irishman, andrew jackson, irishlike, gave the british a black eye at new orleans, just for luck, and this is the only thing in that whole misunderstanding of which we should not as a nation be ashamed. if england had not had napoleon on her hands at that particular time, wellington would probably have made a visit to america, and might have brought along for us a waterloo. and these things are fully explained in the textbooks on history used in the schools of great britain, on whose possessions the sun never sets. but as henry clay had gotten us into war, his diplomacy helped to get us out, and as it was a peace without dishonor, clay's reputation did not materially suffer. in fact, the terms of peace were so ambiguous that congress gave out to the world that it was a victory, and the exact facts were quite lost in the smoke of jackson's muskets that hovered over the cotton bales. later, when clay ran against jackson for the presidency he found that a peace-hero has no such place in the hearts of men as a war-hero. jackson had not a tithe of clay's ability, and yet clay's defeat was overwhelming. "peace hath her victories"--yes, but the average voter does not know it. the only men who have received overwhelming majorities for president have been war-heroes. obscure men have crept in several times, but popular diplomats--never. the fate of such popular men as clay, seward and blaine is one. and when one considers how strong is this tendency to glorify the hero of action, and ignore the hero of thought, he wonders how it really happened that paul revere was not made the second president of the united states instead of john adams. clay was a most eloquent pleader. the grace of his manner, the beauty of his speech, and the intense earnestness of his nature often convinced men against their wills. there was sometimes, however, a suspicion in the air that his best quotations were inspirations, and that the statistics to which he appealed were evolved from his inner consciousness. but the man had power and personality plus. he was a natural leader, and unlike other statesmen we might name, he always carried his town and district by overwhelming majorities. and it is well to remember that the first breath of popular disfavor directed against henry clay was because he proposed the abolition of slavery. those who knew him best loved him most, and this was true from the time he began to practise law in lexington, when scarcely twenty-one years old, to his seventy-fifth year, when his worn-out body was brought home to rest. on that occasion all business in lexington, and in most of kentucky, ceased. even the farmers quit work, and very many private residences were draped in mourning. memorial services were held in hundreds of churches, the day was given over to mourning, and everywhere men said, "we shall never look upon his like again." * * * * * before i visited lexington, my cousin, little emily, duly wrote me that on no account, when i was in kentucky, must i offer any criticisms on the character of henry clay; for if i grew reckless and compared him with another to his slightest disadvantage, i should have to fight. that he was absolutely the greatest statesman america has produced is, to all kentuckians, a fact so sure that they doubt the honesty or the sanity of any one who hints otherwise. he is their ideal, the perfect man, the model for all youths to imitate, and the standard by which all other statesmen are gauged. clay to kentucky scores one hundred. and as he was at the last defeated for the highest office, which they say was his god-given right, there is a flavor of martyrdom in his history that is the needed crown for every hero. complete success alienates man from his fellows, but suffering makes kinsmen of us all. so the south loves henry clay. he is so well loved that he is apotheosized, and thus the real man to many is lost in the clouds. with his name, song and legend have worked their miracles, and to very many southern people he is a being separate and apart, like hector or achilles. with my cousin, little emily, i am always very frank--and you can be honest and frank with so few in this world of expediency, you know! we are so frank in expression that we usually quarrel very shortly. and so i explained to emily just what i have written here, as to the real henry clay being lost. she contradicted me flatly and said, "to love a person is not to lose him--you never lose except through indifference or hate!" i started to explain and had gotten as far as, "it is just like this," when the conversation was interrupted by the arrival of general bellicose, who had come to take us riding behind a spanking pair of geldings, that i was assured were standard bred. in lexington you never use the general term "horse." you speak of a mare, a gelding, a horse, a four-year-old, a weanling or a sucker. to refer to a trotter as a thoroughbred is to suffer social ostracism, and to obfuscate a side-wheeler with a single-footer is proof of degeneracy. this applies equally to the ethics of the ballroom or the livery-stable. in kentucky they read richard's famous lines thus: "a saddler! a saddler! my kingdom for a saddler!" so when i complimented general bellicose on his geldings and noted that they went square without boots or weights, and that he used no blinders, it thawed the social ice, and we were as brothers. then i led the way cautiously to henry clay, and the general assured me that in his opinion the henry clays were even better than the george wilkes. to be sure, wilkes had more in the 'thirty list, but the clays had brains, and were cheerful; they neither lugged nor hung back, whereas you always had to lay whip to a wilkes in order to get along a bit, or else use a gag and overcheck. i pressed little emily's hand under the lap-robe and asked her if all kentuckians were believers in metempsychosis. "colonel littlejourneys is making fun of you, general," said little emily; "the colonel is talking about the man, and you are discussing trotters!" and then i apologized, but the general said it was he who should make the apology, and raising the carriage-seat brought out a box of genuine henry clay havanas, in proof of amity. it's a very foolish thing to smile at a man who rides a hobby. once there was a man who rode a hobby all his life, to the great amusement of his enemies and the mortification of his wife; and when the man was dead they found it was a real live horse and had carried the man many long miles. general bellicose loves a horse; so does little emily and so do i. but little emily and the general know history and have sounded politics in a way that puts me in the kindergarten; and i found before the day was over that what one did not know about the political history of america the other did. and mixed up in it all we discussed the merits of the fox-trot versus the single-foot. we saw the famous clay monument, built by the state at a cost of nearly a hundred thousand dollars, and with uncovered heads gazed through the gratings into the crypt where lies the dust of the great man. then we saw the statue of john c. breckinridge in the public square, and visited various old ebb-tide mansions where the "quarters" had fallen into decay, and the erstwhile inhabitants had moved to the long row of tenements down by the cotton-mill. my train whistled and we were half a mile from the station, but the general said we would get there in time--and we did. i bade my friends good-by and quite forgot to thank them for all their kindness, although down in my heart i felt that it had been a time rare as a day in june. i believe they felt my gratitude, too, for where there is such a feast of wit and flow of soul, such kindness, such generosity, the spirit understands. when i arrived home i found a box awaiting me, bearing the express mark of lexington, kentucky. on opening the case i found six quart-bottles of "henry clay--1881"; and a card with the compliments of little emily and general bellicose. on the outside of the case was neatly stenciled the legend, "thackeray, full sett, 14 vol., half levant." i do not know why the box was so marked, but i suppose it was in honor of my literary proclivities. i went out and blew four merry blasts on a ram's horn, and the philistines assembled. john jay calm repose and the sweets of undisturbed retirement appear more distant than a peace with britain. it gives me pleasure, however, to reflect that the period is approaching when we shall be citizens of a better ordered state, and the spending of a few troublesome years of our eternity in doing good to this and future generations is not to be avoided nor regretted. things will come right, and these states will yet be great and flourishing. --letter to washington [illustration: john jay] america should feel especially charitable towards louis the great, called by carlyle, louis the little, for banishing the huguenots from france. what france lost america gained. tyranny and intolerance always drive from their homes the best: those who have ability to think, courage to act, and a pride that can not be coerced. the merits possessed by the huguenots are exactly those which every man and nation needs. and these are simple virtues, too, whose cultivation stands within the reach of all. these are the virtues of the farmers and peasants and plain people who do the work of the world, and give good government its bone and sinew. to a great degree, so-called society is made up of parasites who fasten and feed upon the industrious and methodical. if you have read history you know that the men who go quietly about their business have been cajoled, threatened, driven, and often, when they have been guilty of doing a little independent thinking on their own account, banished. and further than this, when you read the story of nations dead and gone you will see that their decline began when the parasites got too numerous and flauntingly asserted their supposed power. that contempt for the farmer, and indifference to the rights of the man with tin pail and overalls, which one often sees in america, are portents that mark disintegrating social bacilli. if the republic of the united states ever becomes but a memory, like carthage, athens and rome, drifting off into senile decay like italy and spain or france, where a man may yet be tried and sentenced without the right of counsel or defense, it will be because we forgot--we forgot! in moral fiber and general characteristics the huguenots and the puritans were one. the huguenots had, however, the added virtue of a dash of the frenchman's love of beauty. by their excellent habits and loyalty to truth, as they saw it, they added a vast share to the prosperity and culture of the united states. of seven men who acted as presiding officer over the deliberations of congress during the revolutionary period, three were of huguenot parentage: laurens, boudinot and jay. john jay was a typical huguenot, just as samuel adams was a typical puritan. in his life there was no glamour of romance. stern, studious and inflexibly honest, he made his way straight to the highest positions of trust and honor. good men who are capable are always needed. the world wants them now more than ever. we have an overplus of clever individuals; but for the faithful men who are loyal to a trust there is a crying demand. the life of jay quite disproves the oft-found myth that a dash of mephisto in a young man is a valuable adjunct. john jay was neither precocious nor bad. it is further a refreshing fact to find that he was no prig, simply a good, healthy youngster who took to his books kindly and gained ground--made head upon the whole by grubbing. his father was a hard-headed, prosperous merchant, who did business in new york, and moved his big family up to the little village of rye because life in the country was simple and cheap. thus did peter jay prove his commonsense. peter jay copied every letter he wrote, and we now have these copy-books, revealing what sort of man he was. religious he was, and scrupulously exact in all things. we see that he ordered bibles from england, "and also six groce of church wardens," which i am told is a long clay pipe, "that hath a goodly flavor and doth not bite the tongue." he also at one time ordered a chest of tea, and then countermanded the order, having taken the resolve to "use no tea in my family while that rascally tax is on--having a spring of good, pure water near my house." which shows that a man can be very much in earnest and still joke. john was the baby, scarcely a year old, when the jay family moved up to rye. he was the eighth child, and as he grew up he was taught by the older ones. he took part in all the fun and hardships of farm life--going to school in winter, working in summer, and on sundays hearing long sermons at church. we find by peter jay's letter-book that: "johnny is about our brightest child. we have great hopes of him, and believe it will be wise to educate him for a preacher." in order to educate boys then, they were sent to live in the family of some man of learning. and so we find "johnny" at twelve years of age installed in the parsonage at new rochelle, the huguenot settlement. the pastor was a huguenot, and as only french was spoken in the household, the boy acquired the language, which afterwards stood him in good stead. the pastor reported favorably, and when fifteen, young jay was sent to king's college, which is now columbia university, kings not being popular in america. doctor samuel johnson, who nowise resembled ursa major, was the president of the college at that time. he was also the faculty, for there were just thirty students and he did all the teaching himself. doctor johnson, true to his name, dearly loved a good book, and when teaching mathematics would often forget the topic and recite ossian by the page, instead. jay caught it, for the book craze is contagious and not sporadic. we take it by being exposed. and thus it was while under the tutelage of doctor johnson that jay began to acquire the ability to turn a terse sentence; and this gained him admittance into the world of new york letters, whose special guardians were dickinson and william livingston. livingston invited the boy to his house, and very soon we find the young man calling without special invitation, for livingston had a beautiful daughter about john's age, who was fond of ossian, too, or said she was. and as this is not a serial love-story, there is no need of keeping the gentle reader in suspense, so i will explain that some years later john married the girl, and the mating was a very happy one. after john had been to king's college two years we find in the faded and yellow old letter-book an item written by the father to the effect that: "our johnny is doing well at college. he seems sedate and intent on gaining knowledge; but rather inclines to law instead of the ministry." doctor johnson was succeeded by doctor myles cooper, a fellow of oxford, who used to wear his mortarboard cap and scholar's gown up broadway. in young jay's veins there was not a drop of british blood. of his eight great-grandparents, five were french and three dutch, a fact he once intimated in the oxonian's presence. and then it was explained to the youth that if such were the truth it would be as well to conceal it. alexander hamilton got along very well with doctor cooper, but john jay found himself rusticated shortly before graduation. some years after this doctor cooper hastily climbed the back fence, leaving a sample of his gown on a picket, while alexander hamilton held the whig mob at bay at the front door. cooper sailed very soon for england, anathematizing "the blarsted country" in classic latin as the ship passed out of the narrows. "england is a good place for him," said the laconic john jay. so john jay was to be a lawyer. and the only way to be a lawyer in those days was to work in a lawyer's office. a goodly source of income to all established lawyers was the sums they derived for taking embryo blackstones into their keeping. the greater a man's reputation as a lawyer, the higher he placed his fee for taking a boy in. in those days there were no printed blanks, and a simple lease was often a day's work to write out; so it was not difficult to keep the boys busy. besides that, they took care of the great man's horse, blacked his boots, swept the office, and ran errands. during the third year of apprenticeship, if all went well, the young man was duly admitted to the bar. a stiff examination kept out the rank outsiders, but the nomination by a reputable attorney was equivalent to admittance, for all members knew that if you opposed an attorney today, tomorrow he might oppose you. to such an extent was this system of taking students carried that, in seventeen hundred sixty-eight, we find new york lawyers alarmed "by the awful influx of young barristers upon this province." so steps were taken to make all attorneys agree not to have more than two apprentices in their office at one time. about the same time the boston newspaper, called the "centinel," shows there was a similar state of overproduction in boston. only the trouble there was principally with the doctors, for doctors were then turned loose in the same way, carrying a diploma from the old physician with whom they had matriculated and duly graduated. law schools and medical colleges, be it known, are comparatively modern institutions--not quite so new, however, as business colleges, but pretty nearly so. and now in chicago there is a "barbers' university," which issues diplomas to men who can manipulate a razor and shears, whereas, until yesterday, boys learned to be barbers by working in a barber's shop. the good old way was to pass a profession along from man to man. and it is so yet in a degree, for no man is allowed to practise either medicine or law until he has spent some time in the office of a practitioner in good standing. in the catholic church, and also in the episcopal, the novitiate is expected to serve for a time under an older clergyman; but all the other denominations have broken away, and now spring the fledgling on the world straight from the factory. several other of his children having sorely disappointed him, peter jay seemed to center his ambitions on his boy john. so we find him paying benjamin kissam, the eminent lawyer, two hundred pounds in good coin of the colony to take john jay as a 'prentice for five years. john went at it and began copying those endless, wordy documents in which the old-time attorney used to delight. john sat at one end of a table, and at the other was seated one lindley murray, at the mention of whose name terror used to seize my soul. murray has written some good, presentable english to the effect that young jay, even at that time, had the inclination and ability to focus his mind upon the subject in hand. "he used to work just as steadily when his employer was away as when he was in the office," a fact which the grammarian seemed to regard as rather strange. in a year we find that when mr. kissam went away he left the keys of the safe in john jay's hands, with orders what to do in case of emergencies. thus does responsibility gravitate to him who can shoulder it, and trust to the man who deserves it. it was in kissam's office that jay acquired that habit of reticence and serene poise which, becoming fixed in character, made his words carry such weight in later years. he never gave snapshot opinions, or talked at random, or voiced any sentiment for which he could not give a reason. his companions were usually men much older than he. at the "moot club" he took part with james duane, who was to be new york's first continental mayor; gouverneur morris, who had not at that time acquired the wooden leg which he once snatched off and brandished with happy effect before a paris mob; and samuel jones, who was to take as 'prentice and drill that strong man, de witt clinton. before his years of apprenticeship were over, john jay, the quiet, the modest, the reticent, was known as a safe and competent lawyer--kissam having pushed him forward as associate counsel in various difficult cases. meantime, certain chests of tea had been dumped into boston harbor, and the example had been followed by the "mohawks" in new york. british oppression had made many tories lukewarm, and then english rapacity had transformed these tories into whigs. jay was one of these; and in newspapers and pamphlets, and from the platform, he had pleaded the cause of the colonies. opposition crystallized his reasons, and threats only served to make him reaffirm the truths he had stated. so prominent had his utterances made his name, that one fine day he was nominated to attend the first congress of the colonies to be held in philadelphia. in august, seventeen hundred seventy-four, we find him leaving his office in new york in charge of a clerk, and riding horseback over to the town of elizabeth, there joining his father-in-law, and the two starting for philadelphia. on the road they fell in with john adams, who kept a diary. that night at the tavern where they stopped, the sharp-eyed yankee recorded the fact of meeting these new friends and added, "mr. jay is a young gentleman of the law ... and mr. scott says a hard student and a very good speaker." and so they journeyed on across the state to trenton and down the delaware river to philadelphia, visiting, and cautiously discussing great issues as they went. samuel adams, too, was in the party, as reticent as jay. jay was twenty-nine and samuel adams fifty-two years old, but they became good friends, and samuel once quietly said to john adams, "that man jay is young in years, but he has an old head." jay was the youngest man of the convention, save one. when the second congress met, jay was again a delegate. he served on several important committees, and drew up a statement that was addressed to the people of england; but he was recalled to new york before the supreme issue was reached, and thus, through accident, the declaration of independence does not contain the signature of john jay. * * * * * in seventeen hundred seventy-eight, jay was chosen president of the continental congress to succeed that other patriotic huguenot, laurens. the following year he was selected as the man to go to spain, to secure from that country certain friendly favors. his reception there was exceedingly frosty, and the mention of his two years on the ragged edge of court life at madrid, in later years brought to his face a grim smile. spain's diplomatic policy was smooth hypocrisy and rank untruth, and all her promises, it seems, were made but to be broken. jay's negotiations were only partially successful, but he came to know the language, the country and the people in a way that made his knowledge very valuable to america. by seventeen hundred eighty-one, england had begun to see that to compel the absolute submission of the colonies was more of a job than she had anticipated. news of victories was duly sent to the "mother country" at regular intervals, but with these glad tidings were requests for more troops, and requisitions for ships and arms. the american army was a very hard thing to find. it would fight one day, to retreat the next, and had a way of making midnight attacks and flank movements that, to say the least, were very confusing. then it would separate, to come together--lord knows where! this made lord cornwallis once write to the home secretary: "i could easily defeat the enemy, if i could find him and engage him in a fair fight." he seemed to think it was "no fair," forgetting the old proverb which has something to say about love and war. finally, cornwallis got the thing his soul desired--a fair fight. he was then acting on the defensive. the fight was short and sharp; and colonel alexander hamilton, who led the charge, in ten minutes planted the stars and stripes on his ramparts. that night cornwallis was the "guest" of washington, and the next day a dinner was given in his honor. he was then obliged to write to the home secretary, "we have met the enemy, and we are theirs"--but of course he did not express it just exactly that way. then it was that king george, for the first time, showed a disposition to negotiate for peace. as peace commissioners, america named franklin, john adams, laurens, jay and jefferson. jefferson refused to leave his wife, who was in delicate health. adams was at the hague, just closing up a very necessary loan. laurens had been sent to holland on a diplomatic mission, and his ship having been overhauled by a british man-of-war, he was safely in that historic spot, the tower of london. so jay and franklin alone met the english commissioners, and jay stated to them the conditions of peace. in a few weeks adams arrived, still keeping a diary. in that diary is found this item: "the french call me 'le washington de la negociation': a very flattering compliment indeed, to which i have no right, but sincerely think it belongs to mr. jay." jay quitted paris in may, seventeen hundred eighty-four, having been gone from his native land eight years. when he reached new york there was a great demonstration in his honor. triumphal arches were erected across broadway, houses and stores were decorated with bunting, cannons boomed, and bells rang. the freedom of the city was presented to him in a gold box, with an exceedingly complimentary address, engrossed on parchment, and signed by one hundred of the leading citizens. jay spent just one day in new york, and then rode on horseback up to the old farm at rye, westchester county, to see his father. that evening there was a service of thanksgiving at the village church, after which the citizens repaired to the jay mansion, one story high and eighty feet long, where a barrel of cider was tapped, and "a groce of church wardens" passed around, with free tobacco for all. john jay stood on the front porch and made a modest speech just five minutes long, among other things saying he had come home to be a neighbor to them, having quit public life for good. but he refused to talk about his own experiences in europe. his reticence, however, was made up for by good old peter jay, who assured the people that john jay was america's foremost citizen; and in this statement he was backed up by the village preacher, with not a dissenting voice from the assembled citizens. it is rather curious (or it isn't, i'm not sure which) how most statesmen have quit public life several times during their careers, like the prima donnas who make farewell tours. the ingratitude of republics is proverbial, but to limit ingratitude to republics shows a lack of experience. the progeny of the men who tired of hearing aristides called the just are very numerous. of course it is easy to say that he who expects gratitude does not deserve it; but the fact remains that the men who know it are yet stung by calumny when it comes their way. that fine demonstration in jay's honor was in great part to overwhelm and stamp out the undertone of growl and snarl that filled the air. many said that peace had been gained at awful cost, that jay had deferred to royalty and trifled with the wishes of the people in making terms. and now jay had got home, back to his family and farm, back to quiet and rest. the long, hard fight had been won and america was free. for eight years had he toiled and striven and planned: much had been accomplished--not all he hoped, but much. he had done his best for his country, his own affairs were in bad shape, congress had paid him meagerly, and now he would turn public life over to others and live his own life. all through life men reach these places where they say, "here will we build three tabernacles"; but out of the silence comes the imperative voice, "arise, and get thee hence, for this is not thy rest." and now the war was over, peace was concluded; but war leaves a country in chaos. the long, slow work of reconstruction and of binding up a nation's wounds must follow. america was independent, but she had yet to win from the civilized world the recognition that she must have in order to endure. jay was importuned by washington to take the position of secretary of foreign affairs, one of the most important offices to be filled. he accepted, and discharged the exacting duties of the place for five years. then came the adoption of the federal constitution, and the election of washington as president of the united states. washington wrote to jay: "there must be a court, perpetual and supreme, to which all questions of internal dispute between states or people be referred. this court must be greater than the executive, greater than any individual state, separated and apart from any political party. you must be the first official head of the executive." and jay, as every schoolboy knows, was the first chief justice of the supreme court of the united states. by his sagacity, his dignity, his knowledge of men, and love of order and uprightness, he gave it that high place which it yet holds, and which it must hold; for when the decisions of the supreme court are questioned by a state or people, the fabric of our government is but a spider's web through which anarchy and unreason will stalk. in seventeen hundred ninety-four, came serious complications with great britain, growing out of the construction of terms of peace made in paris eleven years before. some one must go to great britain and make a new treaty in order to preserve our honor and save us from another war. franklin was dead; adams as vice-president could not be spared; hamilton's fiery temper was dangerous--no one could accomplish the delicate mission so well as jay. jay, self-centered and calm, said little; but in compliance with washington's wish resigned his office, and set sail with full powers to use his own judgment in everything, and the assurance that any treaty he made would be ratified. arriving in england, he at once opened negotiations with lord grenville, and in five months the new treaty was signed. it provided for the payment to american citizens for losses of private shipping during the war; and over ten million dollars were paid to citizens of the united states under this agreement. it fixed the boundary-line between the state of maine and canada; provided for the surrender of british posts in the far west; that neither nation was to allow enlistments within its territory by a third nation at war with another; arranged for the surrender of fugitives charged with murder or forgery; and made definite terms as to various minor, but none the less important, questions. a storm of opposition greeted the treaty when its terms were made known in america. jay was accused of bartering away the rights of america, and indignation meetings were held, because jay had not insisted on apologies, and set sums of indemnity on this, that and the other. nevertheless, washington ratified the treaty; and when jay arrived in america there was a greeting fully as cordial and generous as that on the occasion of his other homecoming. in fact, while he was absent, his friends had put him in nomination as governor of new york. his election to that office occurred just two days before he arrived, and when he landed his senses were mystified by hearing loud hurrahs for "governor jay." when his term of office expired he was re-elected, so he served as governor, in all, six years. the most important measure carried out during that time was the abolition of slavery in the state of new york, an act he had strenuously insisted on for twenty years, but which was not made possible until he had the power of governor, and crowded the measure upon the legislature. over a quarter of a century had passed since john adams and john jay had met on horseback out there on the new jersey turnpike. their intimacy had been continuous and their labors as important as ever engrossed the minds of men, but in it all there was neither jealousy nor bickering. they were friends. at the close of jay's gubernatorial term, president adams nominated him for the office of chief justice, made vacant by the resignation of oliver ellsworth. the senate unanimously confirmed the nomination, but jay refused to accept the place. for twenty-eight years he had served his country--served it in its most trying hours. he was not an old man in years, but the severity and anxiety of his labors had told on his health, and the elasticity of youth had gone from his brain forever. he knew this, and feared the danger of continued exertion. "my best work is done," he said; "if i continue i may undo the good i have accomplished. i have earned a rest." he retired to the ancestral farm at bedford, westchester county, to enjoy his vacation. in a year his wife died, and the shock told on his already shattered nerves. "the habit of reticence grew upon him," says one writer, "until he could not be tricked into giving an opinion even about the weather." and so he lived out his days as a partial recluse, deep in problems of "raising watermelons, and sheep that would not jump fences." he worked with his hands, wore blue jeans, voted at every town election, but to a great degree lived only in the past. the problems of church and village politics and farm life filled his declining days. to a great degree his physical health came back, but the problems of statecraft he left to other heads and hands. his religious nature manifested itself in various philanthropic schemes, and the bible society he founded endures even unto this day. these things afforded a healthful exercise for that tireless brain which refused to run down. his daughters made his home ideal, their love and gentleness soothing his declining years. death to him was kindly, gathering him as autumn, the messenger of winter, reaps the leaves. * * * * * no one has ever made the claim that jay possessed genius. he had something which is better, though, for most of the affairs of life, and that is commonsense. in his intellect there was not the flash of hamilton, nor the creative quality possessed by jefferson, nor the large all-roundness of franklin. he was the average man who has trained and educated and made the best use of every faculty and every opportunity. he was genuine; he was honest; and if he never surprised his friends by his brilliancy, he surely never disappointed them through duplicity. he made no promises that he could not keep; he held out no vain hopes. as a diplomat he seems nearly the ideal. we have been taught that the line of demarcation between diplomacy and untruth is very shadowy. but truth is very good policy and in the main answers the purpose much better than the other thing. i am quite willing to leave the matter to those who have tried both. we can not say that jay was "magnetic," for magnetic men win the rabble; but jay did better: he won the confidence and admiration of the strong and discerning. his manner was gentle and pleasing; his words few, and as a listener he set a pace that all novitiates in the school of diplomacy would do well to follow. to talk well is a talent, but to listen is a fine art. if i really wished to win the love of a man i'd practise the art of listening. even dull people often talk well when there is some one near who cultivates the receptive mood; and to please a man you must give him an opportunity to be both wise and witty. men are pleased with their friends when they are pleased with themselves, and no man is ever so pleased with himself as when he has expressed himself well. the sympathetic listener at a lecture or sermon is the only one who gets his money's worth. if you would get good, lend your sympathy to a speaker, and if, accidentally, you imbibe heresy, you can easily throw it overboard when you get home. john jay was quiet and undemonstrative in speech, cultivating a fine reserve. in debate he never fired all his guns, and his best battles were won with the powder that was never exploded. "you had always better keep a small balance to your credit," he once advised a young attorney. when the first congress met, jay was not in favor of complete independence from england. he asked only for simple justice, and said, "the middle course is best." he listened to john adams and patrick henry and quietly discussed the matter with samuel adams; but it was some time before he saw that the density of king george was hopeless, and that the work of complete separation was being forced upon the colonies by the blindness and stupidity of the british parliament. he then accepted the issue. during those first days of the revolution, new york did not stand firm, as did boston, for the cause of independence. "the foes at home are the only ones i really fear," once wrote hamilton. first to pacify and placate, then to win and hold those worse than neutrals, was the work of john jay. while washington was in the field, jay, with tireless pen, upheld the cause, and by his speech and presence kept anarchy at bay. as president of the committee of safety he showed he could do something more than talk and write. when tories refused to take the oath of allegiance he quietly wrote the order to imprison or banish; and with friend, foe or kinsman there was neither dalliance nor turning aside. his heart was in the cause--his property, his life. the time for argument had passed. in the gloom that followed the defeat of washington at brooklyn, jay issued an address to the people that is a classic in its fine, stern spirit of hope and strength. congress had the address reprinted and sent broadcast, and also translated and printed in german. his work divides itself by a strange coincidence into three equal parts. twenty-eight years were passed in youth and education; twenty-eight years in continuous public work; and twenty-eight years in retirement and rest. as one of that immortal ten, mentioned by a great english statesman, who gave order, dignity, stability and direction to the cause of american independence, the name of john jay is secure. william h. seward i avow my adherence to the union, with my friends, with my party, with my state; or without either, as they may determine; in every event of peace or war, with every consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death. --speech in the united states senate, 1860 [illustration: william h. seward] when i was a freshman at the little red schoolhouse, the last exercise in the afternoon was spelling. the larger pupils stood in a line that ran down one aisle and curled clear around the stove. well do i remember one winter when the biggest boy in the school stood at the tail-end of the class most of the time, while at the head of the line, or always very near it, was a freckled, check-aproned girl, who once at a spellin'-bee had defeated even the teacher. this girl was ten years older than myself, and i was then too small to spell with this first grade, but i watched the daily fight of wrestling with such big words as "un-in-ten-tion-al-ly" and "mis-un-der-stand-ing," and longed for a day when i, too, should take part and possibly stand next to this fine, smart girl, who often smiled at me approvingly. and i planned how i would hold her hand as we would stand there in line and mentally dare the master to come on with his dictionary. we two would be the smartest scholars of the school and always help each other in our "sums." yet when time had pushed me into the line, she of the check apron was not there, and even if she had been i should not have dared to hold her hand. but i must not digress--the particular thing i wish to explain is that one day at recess the best scholar was in tears, and i went to her and asked what was the matter, and she told me that some of the big girls had openly declared that she--my fine, freckled girl, the check-aproned, the invincible--held her place at the head of the school only through favoritism. i burned with rage and resentment and proposed fight; then i burst out crying and together we mingled our tears. all this was long ago. since then i have been in many climes, and met many men, and read history a bit--i hope not without profit. and this i have learned: that the person who stands at the head of his class (be he country lad or presidential candidate) is always the target for calumny and the unkindness of contemporaries who can neither appreciate nor understand. not long ago i spent several days at auburn, new york, so named by some pioneer who, when the nineteenth century was very young, journeyed thitherward with a copy of goldsmith's "deserted village" in his pack. auburn is a flourishing city of thirty thousand inhabitants. it has beautiful wide streets, lined with elms that in places form an archway. there are churches to spare and schools galore and handsome residences. then there are electric cars and electric lights and dynamos, with which men electricute other men in the wink of an eye. i saw the "fin-de-siecle" guillotine and sat in the chair, and the jubilant patentee told me that it was the quickest scheme for extinguishing life ever invented--patented anno christi eighteen hundred ninety-five. verily we live in the age of the push-button! and as i sat there i heard a laugh that was a quaver, and the sound of a stout cane emphasizing a jest struck against the stone floor. "we didn't have such things when i was a boy!" came the tremulous voice. and then the newcomer explained to me that he was eighty-seven years old last may, and that he well remembered a time when a plain oaken gallows and a strong rope were good enough for auburn--"provided bill seward didn't get the fellow free," added my new-found friend. then the old man explained that he used to be a guard on the walls, and now he had a grandson who occupied the same office, and in answer to my question said he knew seward as though he were a brother. "bill, he was the luckiest man ever in auburn--he married rich and tumbled over bags of money if he just walked on the street. he believed in neither god nor devil and had a pompous way o' makin' folks think he knew all about everything. to make folks think you know is just as well as to know, i s'pose!" and the old man laughed and struck his cane on the echoing floor of the cell. the sound and the place and the company gave me a creepy feeling, and i excused myself and made my way out past armed guards, through doorways where iron bars clicked and snapped, and steel bolts that held in a thousand men shot back to let me out, out into a freer air and a better atmosphere. and as i passed through the last overhanging arch where a one-armed guard wearing a g.a.r. badge turned a needlessly big key, there came unbeckoned across my inward sight a vision of a check-aproned girl in tears, sobbing with head on desk. and i said to myself: "yes, yes! country girl or statesman, you shall drink the bitter potion that is the penalty of success--drink it to the very dregs. if you would escape moral and physical assassination, do nothing, say nothing, be nothing--court obscurity, for only in oblivion does safety lie." all mud sticks, but no mud is immortal, and that senile fling at the name of seward is the last flickering, dying word of detraction that can be heard in the town that was his home for full half a century, or in the land he served so well. and yet it was in auburn that mob spirit once found a voice; and when seward was lincoln's most helpful adviser, and his sons were at the front serving the country's cause, cries of "burn his house! burn his house!" came to the distracted ears of wife and daughter. but all that has gone now. in fact, denial that calumny was ever offered to the name of seward springs quickly to the lips of auburn men, as they point with pride to that beautiful old home where he lived, and where now his son resides; and then they lead you, with a reverence that nearly uncovers, to the stately bronze standing on the spot that was once his garden--now a park belonging to the people. time marks wondrous changes; and the city where william lloyd garrison lived in "a rat-hole," as reported by boston's mayor, now honors commonwealth avenue with his statue. and so the sons of seward's enemies have devoted willing dollars to preserving "that classic face and spindling form" in deathless bronze. and they do well, for seward's name and fame are auburn's glory. * * * * * i may be mistaken, but it seems to me that all the worry of the world is quite useless. and on no subject affecting mortals is there so much worry as on that of (no, not love!) parents' ambitions for their children. when the dimpled darling toddles and lisps and chatters, the satisfaction he gives is unalloyed; for he is so small and insignificant, his demands so imperious, that the entire household dance attendance on the wee tyrant, and count it joy. but by and by the things at which we used to laugh become presumptuous, and that which was once funny is now perverse. and the more practical a man is, the larger his stock of connecticut commonsense, the greater his disillusionment as his children grow to manhood. when he beholds dawdling inanity and dowdy vanity growing lush as jimson, where yesterday, with strained prophetic vision, he saw budding excellence and worth, his soul is wrung by a worry that knows no peace. the matter is so poignantly personal that he dare not share it with another in confessional, and so he hugs his grief to his heart, and tries to hide it even from himself. and thus does many a mother scrub the kitchen-floor on her knees, rather than face the irony of maternity and ask the assistance of the seventeen-year-old pert chit with bangs, who strums a mandolin in the little front parlor, gay with its paper flowers, six plush-covered chairs and a "company" sofa. the late commodore vanderbilt is reported to have said, "i have over a dozen sons, and not one is worth a damn." i fear me that every father with sons grown to manhood has at some time voiced the same sentiment, curtailed, possibly, only as to numbers, and softened by another expletive, which does not mitigate the anguish of his cry, as he sees the dreams he had for his baby boys fade away into a mist of agonizing tears. and is all this worry the penalty that nature exacts for dreaming dreams that can not in their very nature come true? jean jacques rousseau, who wrote so beautifully on child-study, avoided the risk of failure by putting his children into an asylum; several "communities" since have set apart certain women to be mothers to all, and bring up and care for the young, and strangely, with no apparent loss to the children; and bellamy prophesies a day when the worries of parenthood will all be transferred to a "committee." but the worry is futile and senseless, being born often of a blindness that will not wait. man has not only "seven ages," but many more, and he must pass through this one before the next arrives. the commodore certainly possessed what is called horse-sense, and if his conceptions of character had been clearer, he might have realized that in more ways than one the abilities of his sons were going to be greater than his own. his eldest son was, nevertheless, banished to a long island farm on a pension, "because he could not be trusted to do business." the same son once modestly asked the commodore if he would allow him to have the compost that had been for a year accumulating outside the fifth avenue barns. "just one load, and no more," said pater. william thereupon took twenty teams and as many men, and transferred the entire pile to a barge moored in the river. it was a barge-load. and when pater saw what had been done, he said, "the boy is not so big a fool as i thought." the boy was forty-five ere death put him in possession of the gold that the father no longer had use for, there being no pockets in a shroud, and he then showed that as a financier he could have given his father points, for in a few years he doubled the millions and drove horses faster without a break than his father had ever ridden. seward's father was a doctor, justice of the peace, merchant, and the general first citizen of the village of florida, orange county, new york. and he had no more confidence in his boy william than vanderbilt had in his. he educated him only because the lad was not strong enough to work, and it seems to have been the firm belief that the boy would come to no good end. in order to discipline him, the father put the youngster in college on such a scanty allowance that the lad was obliged to run away and go to teaching school in order to be free from financial humiliation. here was the best possible proof that the young man had the germs of excellence in him; but the father took it as a proof of depravity, and sent warning letters to the young school-teacher's friends threatening them "not to harbor the scapegrace." the years went by and the parental distrust slackened very little. the boy was slim and slender and his hair was tow-colored and his head too big for his body. he had gotten a goodly smattering of education some way and was intent on being a lawyer. he seemed to know that if he was to succeed he must get well away from the parent nest, and out of the reach of daily advice. his desire was to go "out west," and the particular objective point was auburn, new york. the father gave him fifty dollars as a starter, with the final word, "i expect you'll be back all too soon." and so young seward started away, with high hopes and a firm determination that he would agreeably disappoint his parents by not going back. he reached albany by steamboat, and embarked on a sumptuous canal packet that bore a waving banner on which were the words woven in gold, "westward ho!" and he has slyly told us how, as he stepped aboard that "inland palace," he bethought him of having written a thesis, three years before, proving that de witt clinton's chimera of joining the hudson and lake erie was an idea both fictile and fibrous. but the inland palace carried him safely and surely. he reached auburn, and instead of writing home for more money, returned that which he had borrowed. the father, who was a pretty good man in every way, quite beyond the average in intellect, lived to see his son in the united states senate. and the moral for parents is: don't worry about your children. you were young once, even if you have forgotten the fact. boys will be boys and girls will be girls--but not forever. have patience, and remember that this present brood is not the first generation that has been brought forth. there have been others, and each has been very much like the one that passed before. the sentiment of "pippa passes" holds: "god's in his heaven, all's right with the world." * * * * * in eighteen hundred thirty-four, seward was the whig candidate for governor of new york. he was defeated by w.l. marcy. four years later he was again a candidate against marcy and defeated him by ten thousand majority. seward was then thirty-six years of age, and was counted one of the very first among the lawyers of the state, and in accepting the office of governor he made decided financial sacrifices. seward was a man of positive ideas, and, although not arbitrary in manner, yet had a silken strength of will that made great rents in the mesh of other men's desires. before a court, his quiet but firm persistence along a certain line often dictated the verdict. the faculty of grasping a point firmly and securely was his in a marked measure. and any man who can quietly override the wishes and ambitions of other men is first well feared, and then thoroughly hated. one of seward's first efforts on becoming governor was to insure a common-school education among the children of every class, and especially among the foreign population of large cities. to this end he advocated a distribution of public funds among all schools established with that object; and if he were alive today it is quite needless to say he would not belong to the a.p.a. nor to any other secret society. he knew too much of all religions to have complete faith in any, yet his appreciation of the fact that the catholics minister to the needs of a class that no other denomination reaches or can control was outspoken and plain. this, with his connection with the anti-masonic party, brought upon his name a stigma that was at last to defeat him for the presidency. seward's clear insight into practical things, backed by the quiet working energy of his nature, brought about many changes, and the changes he effected and the reforms he inaugurated must ever rank his name high among statesmen. by his influence the law's delay in the courts of chancery was curtailed, and this prepared the way for radical changes in the constitution. he inaugurated the geological survey that led to making "potsdam outcrop" classic, and "medina sandstone" a product that is so known wherever a man goes forth in the fields of earth carrying a geologist's hammer. largely through his efforts, a safe and general banking system was brought about; and the establishment of a lunatic asylum was one of the best items to his credit during that first term as governor. but there was one philological change that proved too great even for his generalship. the word "lunacy," as we know, comes from "luna," the belief in the good old days being that the moon exercised a profound influence on the wits of sundry people. i'm told that the idea still holds good in certain quarters, and that if the wind is east and the moon shows a horn on which you can hang a flatiron, certain persons are looked upon askance and the children cautioned to avoid them. seward said that insane people were simply those who were mentally ill, and that "hospital" was the proper term. but the classicists retorted, "nay, nay, william henry, you have had your way in many things and here we will now have ours." it has taken us full a century officially to make the change, and the plain folks from the hills still refuse to ratify it, and will for many a lustrum. it was during seward's administration that the "debtors' prison" was done away with, and it was, too, through his earnest recommendation that the last trace of law for slaveholding was wiped from the statute-books of the state of new york. the question of slavery was taken up most exhaustively in what was known as the "virginia controversy." this interesting correspondence can be seen in a stout volume in most public libraries. it is a series of letters that passed between governor seward of new york and the governor of virginia, as to the requisition of two persons in new york charged by the governor of virginia with abducting slaves. seward made the patent point, and backed it up with a forest of reasons in politest english, that the accused persons being charged with abducting slaves, and there being no such thing as slaves known in new york, no person in new york could be apprehended for stealing slaves--for slaves were things that had no existence. then did the governor of virginia admit that slaves could not be abducted in new york; but he proceeded to explain in lusty tomes that slavery legally existed in virginia, and that if slaves were abducted in virginia, the criminal nature of the act could not be shaken off because the accused changed his geographical base. seward was a prince of logicians: the subtleties of reasoning and the smoke of rhetoric were to his fancy, and although there is not a visible smile in the whole "virginia controversy," i can not but think that his sleeves were puffed with laughter as he searched the universe for reasons to satisfy the haughty first families of virginia. and all the while, please note that he held the alleged abductors safe and secure 'gainst harm's way. in this correspondence he placed himself on record as an abolitionist of the abolitionists; and the name of seward became listed then and there for vengeance--or immortality. the subject had been forced upon him, and he then expressed the sentiment that he continued to voice until eighteen hundred sixty-five, that america could not exist half-free and half-slave. it must be a land of slaveholders and slaves, or a land of free-men--he was fully and irrevocably committed to the cause. in eighteen hundred forty, he was re-elected governor. the second administration was marked, as was the first, by a vigorous policy of pushing forward public improvements. at the close of his second term seward found his personal affairs in rather an unsettled condition, the expenses of official position having exceeded his income. he had had a goodly taste of the ingratitude of republics, and philosopher though he was, he was yet too young to know that his experience in well-doing was not unique, a fact he came to comprehend full well, in later years. and so he did that very human thing--declared his intention of retiring permanently from public life. once back at auburn, clients flocked to him, and he took his pick of business. and yet we find that public affairs were in his mind. vexed questions of state policy were brought to him to decide, and journeys were made to ohio and michigan in the interests of men charged with slave-stealing. there was little money in such practise and small honors, but his heart was in the work. in eighteen hundred forty-four, seward entered with much zest into the canvass in behalf of henry clay for president, as he thought clay's election would surely lead the way to general emancipation. in eighteen hundred forty-eight, he supported general taylor with equal energy. when taylor was elected, there proved to be a great deal of opposition to him among the members from the south, in both the senate and the house of representatives. the administration felt the need of being backed by strong men in the senate--men who could think on their feet, and carry a point when necessary against the opposition that sought to confuse and embarrass the friends of the administration with tireless windmill elocution. from washington came the urgent request that seward should be sent to the united states senate. in eighteen hundred forty-nine, he was chosen senator and from the first became the trusted leader of the administration party. the year after seward's election to the senate, president taylor died and vice-president fillmore (who had the happiness to live in the village of east aurora, new york) succeeded to the office, but seward still remained leader of the anti-slavery party. seward's second term as united states senator closed in eighteen hundred sixty-one. in eighteen hundred fifty-five, when his first term expired, there was a very strenuous effort made against his re-election. his strong and continued anti-slavery position had caused him to be thoroughly hated both north and south. he was spoken of as "a seditious agitator and a dangerous man." but in spite of opposition he was again sent back to washington. small, slim, gentle, modest and low-voiced, he was pointed out in pennsylvania avenue as "one who reads much and sees quite through the deeds of men." men who are well traduced and hotly denounced are usually pretty good quality. no better encomium is needed than the detraction of some people. and men who are well hated also have friends who love them well. thus does the law of compensation ever live. in eighteen hundred fifty-six, there was a goodly little demonstration in favor of seward for president, but the idea of running such a radical for the chief office of the people was quickly downed; and seward himself knew the temper of the times too well to take the matter very seriously. but the years between eighteen hundred fifty-six and eighteen hundred sixty were years of agitation and earnest thought, and the idea that slavery was merely a local question was getting both depolarized and dehorned. the non-slaveholding north was rubbing its sleepy eyes, and asking, who is this man seward, anyway? the belief was growing that seward, garrison, sumner and phillips were something more than self-seeking agitators, and many declared them true patriots. in every town and city, in every northern state, political clubs sprang into being and their battle-cry was "seward!" it seemed to be a foregone conclusion that seward would be the next president. when the convention met, the first ballot showed one hundred seventy-three votes for seward and one hundred two for lincoln, the rest, scattering. but seward's friends had marshaled their entire strength--all the rest was opposition--while lincoln was an unknown quantity. when the news went forth that lincoln was nominated, seward received the tidings in his library at auburn; and the myth-makers have told us that he cried aloud, and that the carved lions on his gateposts shed salty tears. but seward knew the opposition to his name, and was of too stern a moral fiber to fix his heart upon the result of a wire-pulling convention. the motto of his life had been: be prepared for the unexpected. it may be that the lions on the gateposts shed tears, and it is possible there was weeping in the seward household--but not by seward. he entered upon a hearty and vigorous campaign in support of lincoln--making a tour through the west and being greeted everywhere with an enthusiasm that rivaled that shown for the candidate. seward said to his wife, when the news came that lincoln was nominated: "he will be elected, but he will have to face the greatest difficulties and carry the greatest burdens that ever a man has been called to bear. he will need me, but look you, my dear, i will not serve under him. i must be at the head or nowhere." lincoln knew seward, and seward didn't knew lincoln. and so after the convention lincoln journeyed down east. it took two days to go from chicago to buffalo, and there were no sleeping-cars; and then lincoln went on from buffalo to auburn--another day's journey. lincoln wore his habitual duster and the tall hat, a little the worse for wear. he telegraphed seward he was coming, and, of course, seward met him at the station in auburn. lincoln got off the car alone, unattended, carrying his carpetbag, homemade, with the initials "a.l." embroidered on the side by the fair hands of fannie anna rebecca todd. seward and his two sons--william and frederick--met the coming president, and the boys laughed at the dusty, uncouth, sad and awkward individual, six feet five, who disembarked. the carriage was waiting, but lincoln refused to ride, saying, "boys, let's walk," and so they walked up the hill, in through past the stone gateposts where the lions stood that shed tears. seward ran ahead into the house and said to his wife: "look you, my dear, we have misjudged this man. do not laugh. he is the greatest man in the world!" three months later, seward met lincoln by appointment in chicago; and from that time on, to the day of lincoln's death, seward served his chief with hands and feet, with eyes and ears, and with brain and soul. when lincoln was elected, his wisdom was at once manifest in securing seward as secretary of state. the record of those troublous times and the masterly way in which seward served his country are too vivid in the minds of men to need reviewing here, but the regard of lincoln for this man, who so well complemented his own needs, is worthy of our remembrance. seward was the only member of lincoln's first cabinet who stood by him straight through and entered the second. early in april, eighteen hundred sixty-five, seward met with a serious accident by being thrown from his carriage and dashed against the curbstone. one arm and both jaws were fractured, and besides he was badly bruised in other parts of his body. on april thirteenth, lincoln returned from his trip to richmond, where he had had an interview with grant. that evening he walked over from the white house to seward's residence. the stricken man was totally unable to converse, but lincoln, sitting on the edge of the bed and holding the old man's thin hands, told in solemn, serious monotone of the ending of the war; of what he had seen and heard; of the plans he had made for sending soldiers home and providing for an army whipped and vanquished, and of what was best to do to bind up a nation's wounds. five years before, these men had stood before the world as rivals. then they joined hands as friends, and during the four years of strife and blood had met each day and advised and counseled concerning every great detail. their opinions often differed widely, but there was always frank expression and, in the main, their fears and doubts and hopes had all been one. but now at last the smoke had cleared away, and they had won. the victory had been too dearly bought for proud boast or vain exultation, but victory still it was. and as the strong and homely lincoln told the tale the stricken man could answer back only by pressure of a hand. at last the presence of the nurse told lincoln it was time to go; in grave jest he half-apologized for his long stay, and told of a man in sangamon county who used to say there is no medicine like good news. and rumor has it that he then stooped and kissed the sick man's cheek. and then he went his way. the next night at the same hour a man entered the seward home, saying that he had been sent with messages by the doctor. being refused admittance to the sick-chamber, he drew a pistol and endeavored to shoot seward's son who guarded the door; but being foiled in this he crushed the young man's skull with the heavy weapon, and springing over his body dashed at the emaciated figure of seward with uplifted dagger. a dozen times he struck at the face and throat and breast of the almost dying man, and then thinking he had done his work made rapidly away. at the same time, linked by fate in a sort of poetic justice, with the thought that if one deserved death so did the other, hate had with surer aim sent an assassin's bullet home--and lincoln died. weeks passed and the strong vitality that had served seward in such good stead did not forsake him. men of his stamp are hard to kill. on a beautiful may-day, seward, so reduced that a woman carried him, was taken out on the veranda of his house and watched that solid mass of glittering steel and faded blue that moved through pennsylvania avenue in triumphal march. sherman with head uncovered rode down to seward's home, saluted, and then back to join his goodly company, and many others of lesser note did the same. health and strength came slowly back, and happy was the day when he was carried to the office of secretary of state and, propped in his chair, again began his work. another president had come, but meet it was that the secretary of state should still hold his place. seward lived full eleven years after that, seemingly dragging with unquenched spirit that slashed and broken form. but the glint did not fade from his eye, nor did the proud head lose its poise. he died in his office among his books and papers, sane and sensible up to the very moment when his spirit took its flight. abraham lincoln the world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. it is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. it is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. --speech at gettysburg [illustration: abraham lincoln] no, dearie, i do not think my childhood differed much from that of other good healthy country youngsters. i've heard folks say that childhood has its sorrows and all that, but the sorrows of country children do not last long. the young rustic goes out and tells his troubles to the birds and flowers, and the flowers nod in recognition, and the robin that sings from the top of a tall poplar-tree when the sun goes down says plainly it has sorrows of its own--and understands. i feel a pity for all those folks who were born in a big city, and thus got cheated out of their childhood. zealous ash-box inspectors in gilt braid, prying policemen with clubs, and signs reading, "keep off the grass," are woeful things to greet the gaze of little souls fresh from god. last summer six "fresh airs" were sent out to my farm, from the eighth ward. half an hour after their arrival, one of them, a little girl five years old, who had constituted herself mother of the party, came rushing into the house exclaiming, "say, mister, jimmy driscoll he's walkin' on de grass!" i well remember the first keep-off-the-grass sign i ever saw. it was in a printed book; it wasn't exactly a sign, only a picture of a sign, and the single excuse i could think of for such a notice was that the field was full of bumblebee-nests, and the owner, being a good man and kind, did not want barefoot boys to add bee-stings to stone-bruises. and i never now see one of those signs but that i glance at my feet to make sure that i have shoes on. given the liberty of the country, the child is very near to nature's heart; he is brother to the tree and calls all the dumb, growing things by name. he is sublimely superstitious. his imagination, as yet untouched by disillusion, makes good all that earth lacks, and habited in a healthy body the soul sings and soars. in childhood, magic and mystery lie close around us. the world in which we live is a panorama of constantly unfolding delights, our faith in the unknown is limitless, and the words of job, uttered in mankind's early morning, fit our wondering mood: "he stretcheth out the north over empty space, and hangeth the earth upon nothing." i am old, dearie, very old. in my childhood much of the state of illinois was a prairie, where wild grass waved and bowed before the breeze, like the tide of a summer sea. i remember when "relatives" rode miles and miles in springless farm-wagons to visit cousins, taking the whole family and staying two nights and a day; when books were things to be read; when the beaver and the buffalo were not extinct; when wild pigeons came in clouds that shadowed the sun; when steamboats ran on the sangamon; when bishop simpson preached; when hell was a place, not a theory, and heaven a locality whose fortunate inhabitants had no work to do; when chicago newspapers were ten cents each; when cotton cloth was fifty cents a yard, and my shirt was made from a flour-sack, with the legend, "extra xxx," across my proud bosom, and just below the words in flaming red, "warranted fifty pounds!" the mornings usually opened with smothered protests against getting up, for country folks then were extremists in the matter of "early to bed, early to rise, makes a man healthy, wealthy and wise." we hadn't much wealth, nor were we very wise, but we had health to burn. but aside from the unpleasantness of early morning, the day was full of possibilities of curious things to be found in the barn and under spreading gooseberry-bushes, or if it rained, the garret was an alsatia unexplored. the evolution of the individual mirrors the evolution of the race. in the morning of the world man was innocent and free; but when self-consciousness crept in and he possessed himself of that disturbing motto, "know thyself," he took a fall. yet knowledge usually comes to us with a shock, just as the mixture crystallizes when the chemist gives the jar a tap. we grow by throes. i well remember the day when i was put out of my eden. my father and mother had gone away in the one-horse wagon, taking the baby with them, leaving me in care of my elder sister. it was a stormy day and the air was full of fog and mist. it did not rain very much, only in gusts, but great leaden clouds chased each other angrily across the sky. it was very quiet there in the little house on the prairie, except when the wind came and shook the windows and rattled at the doors. the morning seemed to drag and wouldn't pass, just out of contrariness; and i wanted it to go fast because in the afternoon my sister was to take me somewhere, but where i did not know, but that we should go somewhere was promised again and again. as the day wore on we went up into the little garret and strained our eyes across the stretching prairie to see if some one was coming. there had been much rain, for on the prairie there was always too much rain or else too little. it was either drought or flood. dark swarms of wild ducks were in all the ponds; v-shaped flocks of geese and brants screamed overhead, and down in the slough cranes danced a solemn minuet. again and again we looked for the coming something, and i began to cry, fearing we had been left there, forgotten of fate. at last we went out by the barn and, with much boosting, i climbed to the top of the haystack and my sister followed. and still we watched. "there they come!" exclaimed my sister. "there they come!" i echoed, and clapped two red, chapped hands for joy. away across the prairie, miles and miles away, was a winding string of wagons, a dozen perhaps, one right behind another. we watched until we could make out our own white horse, bob, and then we slid down the hickory pole that leaned against the stack, and made our way across the spongy sod to the burying-ground that stood on a knoll half a mile away. we got there before the procession, and saw a great hole, with square corners, dug in the ground. it was half-full of water, and a man in bare feet, with trousers rolled to his knees, was working industriously to bail it out. the wagons drove up and stopped. and out of one of them four men lifted a long box and set it down beside the hole where the man still bailed and dipped. the box was opened and in it was si johnson. si lay very still, and his face was very blue, and his clothes were very black, save for his shirt, which was very white, and his hands were folded across his breast, just so, and held awkwardly in the stiff fingers was a little new testament. we all looked at the blue face, and the women cried softly. the men took off their hats while the preacher prayed, and then we sang, "there'll be no more parting there." the lid of the box was nailed down, lines were taken from the harness of one of the teams standing by and were placed around the long box, and it was lowered with a splash into the hole. then several men seized spades and the clods fell with clatter and echo. the men shoveled very hard, filling up the hole, and when it was full and heaped up, they patted it all over with the backs of their spades. everybody remained until this was done, and then we got into the wagons and drove away. nearly a dozen of the folks came over to our house for dinner, including the preacher, and they all talked of the man who was dead and how he came to die. only two days before, this man, si johnson, stood in the doorway of his house and looked out at the falling rain. it had rained for three days, so that they could not plow, and si was angry. besides this, his two brothers had enlisted and gone away to the war and left him all the work to do. he did not go to war because he was a "copperhead"; and as he stood there in the doorway looking at the rain, he took a chew of tobacco, and then he swore a terrible oath. and ere the swear-words had escaped from his lips, there came a blinding flash of lightning, and the man fell all in a heap like a sack of oats. and he was dead. whether he died because he was a copperhead, or because he took a chew of tobacco, or because he swore, i could not exactly understand. i waited for a convenient lull in the conversation and asked the preacher why the man died, and he patted me on the head and told me it was "the vengeance of god," and that he hoped i would grow up and be a good man and never chew tobacco nor swear. the preacher is alive now. he is an old, old man with long, white whiskers, and i never see him but that i am tempted to ask for the exact truth as to why si johnson was struck by lightning. yet i suppose it was because he was a copperhead: all copperheads chewed tobacco and swore, and that his fate was merited no one but the living copperheads in that community doubted. that was an eventful day to me. like men whose hair turns from black to gray in a night, i had left babyhood behind at a bound, and the problems of the world were upon me, clamoring for solution. * * * * * there was war in the land. when it began i did not know, but that it was something terrible i could guess. i thought of it all the rest of the day and dreamed of it at night. many men had gone away; and every day men in blue straggled by, all going south, forever south. and all the men straggling along that road stopped to get a drink at our well, drawing the water with the sweep, and drinking out of the bucket, and squirting a mouthful of water over each other. they looked at my father's creaking doctor's sign, and sang, "old mother hubbard, she went to the cupboard." they all sang that. they were very jolly, just as though they were going to a picnic. some of them came back that way a few years later and they were not so jolly. and some there were who never came back at all. freight-trains passed southward, blue with men in the cars, and on top of the cars, and in the caboose, and on the cowcatcher, always going south and never north. for "down south" were many rebels, and all along the way south were copperheads, and they all wanted to come north and kill us, so soldiers had to go down there and fight them. and i marveled much that if god hated copperheads, as our preacher said he did, why he didn't send lightning and kill them, just in a second, as he had si johnson. and then all that would have to be done would be to send for a doctor to see that they were surely dead, and a preacher to pray, and the neighbors would dress them in their best sunday suits of black, folding their hands very carefully across their breasts, then we would bury them deep, filling in the dirt and heaping it up, patting it all down very carefully with the back of a spade, and then go away and leave them until judgment-day. copperheads were simply men who hated lincoln. the name came from copperhead-snakes, which are worse than rattlers, for rattlers rattle and give warning. a rattler is an open enemy, but you never know that a copperhead is around until he strikes. he lies low in the swale and watches his chance. "he is the worstest snake that am." it was abe lincoln of springfield who was fighting the rebels that were trying to wreck the country and spread red ruin. the copperheads were wicked folks at the north who sided with the rebels. society was divided into two classes: those who favored abe lincoln, and those who told lies about him. all the people i knew and loved, loved abe lincoln. i was born at bloomington, illinois, through no choosing of my own, and bloomington is further famous as being the birthplace of the republican party. when a year old i persuaded my parents to move seven miles north to the village of hudson, that then had five houses, a church, a store and a blacksmith-shop. many of the people i knew, knew lincoln, for he used to come to bloomington several times a year "on the circuit" to try cases, and at various times made speeches there. when he came he would tell stories at the ashley house, and when he was gone these stories would be repeated by everybody. some of these stories must have been peculiar, for i once heard my mother caution my father not to tell any more "lincoln stories" at the dinner-table when we had company. and once lincoln gave a lecture at the presbyterian church on the "progress of man," when no one was there but the preacher, my aunt hannah and the sexton. my uncle elihu and aunt hannah knew abe lincoln well. so did jesse fell, james c. conklin, judge davis, general orme, leonard swett, dick yates and lots of others i knew. they never called him "mister lincoln," but it was always abe, or old abe, or just plain abe lincoln. in that newly settled country you always called folks by their first names, especially when you liked them. and when they spoke the name, "abe lincoln," there was something in the voice that told of confidence, respect and affection. once when i was at my aunt hannah's, judge davis was there and i sat on his lap. years afterward i boasted to robert ingersoll that when i wore trousers buttoned to a calico waist i used to sit on the lap of david davis, and colonel ingersoll laughed and said, "now i know you are a liar, for david davis didn't have any lap." the only thing about the interview i remember was that the judge really didn't have any lap to speak of. after judge davis had gone, aunt hannah said, "you must always remember judge davis, for he is the man who made abe lincoln!" and when i said, "why, i thought god made lincoln," they all laughed. after a little pause my inquiring mind caused me to ask, "who made judge davis?" and uncle elihu answered, "abe lincoln." then they all laughed more than ever. * * * * * many volunteers were being called for. neighbors and neighbors' boys were enlisting--going to the support of abe lincoln. then one day my father went away, too. many of the neighbors went with us to the station when he took the four-o'clock train, and we all cried, except mother--she didn't cry until she got home. my father had gone to springfield to enlist as a surgeon. in three days he came back and told us he had enlisted, and was to be assigned his regiment in a week, and go at once to the front. he was always a kind man, but during that week when he was waiting to be told where to go, he was very gentle and more kind than ever. he told me i must be the man of the house while he was away, and take care of my mother and sisters, and not forget to feed the chickens every morning; and i promised. at the end of the week a big envelope came from springfield marked in the corner, "official." my mother would not open it, and so it lay on the table until the doctor's return. we all looked at it curiously, and my eldest sister gazed on it long with lack-luster eye and then rushed from the room with her check apron over her head. when my father rode up on horseback i ran to tell him that the envelope had come. we all stood breathless and watched him break the seals. he took out the letter and read it silently and passed it to my mother. i have the letter before me now, and it says: "the department is still of the opinion that it does not care to accept men having varicose veins, which make the wearing of bandages necessary. your name, however, has been filed and should we be able to use your services, will advise." then we were all very glad about the varicose veins, and i am afraid i went out and boasted to my play-fellows about our family possessions. it was not so very long after, that there was a big meeting in the "timber." people came from all over the county to attend it. the chief speaker was a man by the name of ingersoll, a colonel in the army, who was back home for just a day or two on furlough. folks said he was the greatest orator in peoria county. early in the morning the wagons began to go by our house, and all along the four roads that led to the grove we could see great clouds of dust that stretched away for miles and miles and told that the people were gathering by the thousands. they came in wagons and on horseback, carrying babies; two boys on one horse were common sights; and there were various four-horse teams with wagons filled with girls all dressed in white, carrying flags. all our folks went. my mother fastened the back door of our house with a bolt on the inside, and then locked the front door with a key, and hid the key under the doormat. at the grove there was much hand-shaking and visiting and asking after the folks and for the news. several soldiers were present, among them a man who lived near us, called "little ramsey." three one-armed men were there, and a man named al sweetser, who had only one leg. these men wore blue, and were seated on the big platform that was all draped with flags. plank seats were arranged, and every plank held its quota. just outside the seats hundred of men stood, and beyond these were wagons filled with people. every tree in the woods seemed to have a horse tied to it, and the trees over the speakers' platform were black with men and boys. i never knew before that there were so many horses and people in the world. when the speaking began, the people cheered, and then they became very quiet, and only the occasional squealing and stamping of the horses could be heard. our preacher spoke first, and then the lawyer from bloomington, and then came the great man from peoria. the people cheered more than ever when he stood up, and kept hurrahing so long i thought they were not going to let him speak at all. at last they quieted down, and the speaker began. his first sentence contained a reference to abe lincoln. the people applauded, and some one proposed three cheers for "honest old abe." everybody stood up and cheered, and i, perched on my father's shoulder, cheered too. and beneath the legend, "warranted fifty pounds," my heart beat proudly. silence came at last--a silence filled only by the neighing and stamping of horses and the rapping of a woodpecker in a tall tree. every ear was strained to catch the orator's first words. the speaker was just about to begin. he raised one hand, but ere his lips moved, a hoarse, guttural shout echoed through the woods, "hurrah'h'h for jeff davis!!!" "kill that man!" rang a sharp, clear voice in instant answer. a rumble like an awful groan came from the vast crowd. my father was standing on a seat, and i had climbed to his shoulder. the crowd surged like a monster animal toward a tall man standing alone in a wagon. he swung a blacksnake whip around him, and the lash fell savagely on two gray horses. at a lunge, the horses, the wagon and the tall man had cleared the crowd, knocking down several people in their flight. one man clung to the tailboard. the whip wound with a hiss and a crack across his face, and he fell stunned in the roadway. a clear space of full three hundred feet now separated the man in the wagon from the great throng, which with ten thousand hands seemed ready to tear him limb from limb. revolver shots rang out, women screamed, and trampled children cried for help. above it all was the roar of the mob. the orator, in vain pantomime, implored order. i saw little ramsey drop off the limb of a tree astride of a horse that was tied beneath, then lean over, and with one stroke of a knife sever the halter. at the same time fifty other men seemed to have done the same thing, for flying horses shot out from different parts of the woods, all on the instant. the man in the wagon was half a mile away now, still standing erect. the gray horses were running low, with noses and tails outstretched. the spread-out riders closed in a mass and followed at terrific speed. the crowd behind seemed to grow silent. we heard the patter-patter of barefoot horses ascending the long, low hill. one rider on a sorrel horse fell behind. he drew his horse to one side, and sitting over with one foot in the long stirrup, plied the sorrel across the flank with a big, white-felt hat. the horse responded, and crept around to the front of the flying mass. the wagon had disappeared over a gentle rise of ground, and then we lost the horsemen, too. still we watched, and two miles across the prairie we got a glimpse of running horses in a cloud of dust, and into another valley they settled, and then we lost them for good. the speaking began again and went on amid applause and tears, with laughter set between. i do not remember what was said, but after the speaking, as we made our way homeward, we met little ramsey and the young man who rode the sorrel horse. they told us that they had caught the copperhead after a ten-mile chase, and that he was badly hurt, for the wagon had upset and the fellow was beneath it. ramsey asked my father to go at once to see what could be done for him. the man, however, was quite dead when my father reached him. there was a purple mark around his neck: and the opinion seemed to be that he had got tangled up in the harness or something. * * * * * the war-time months went dragging by, and the burden of gloom in the air seemed to lift; for when the chicago "tribune" was read each evening in the post-office it told of victories on land and sea. yet it was a joy not untinged with black; for in the church across from our house, funerals had been held for farmer boys who had died in prison-pens and been buried in georgia trenches. one youth there was, i remember, who had stopped to get a drink at our pump, and squirted a mouthful of water over me because i was handy. one night the postmaster was reading aloud the names of the killed at gettysburg, and he ran right on to the name of this boy. the boy's father sat there on a nail-keg, chewing a straw. the postmaster tried to shuffle over the name and on to the next. "hi! wha--what's that you said?" "killed in honorable battle--snyder, hiram," said the postmaster with a forced calmness. the boy's father stood up with a jerk. then he sat down. then he stood up again and staggered his way to the door and fumbled for the latch like a blind man. "god help him! he's gone to tell the old woman," said the postmaster as he blew his nose on a red handkerchief. the preacher preached a funeral sermon for the boy, and on the little pyramid that marked the family lot in the burying-ground they carved the words: "killed in honorable battle, hiram snyder, aged nineteen." not long after, strange, yellow, bearded men in faded blue began to arrive. great welcomes were given them; and at the regular wednesday evening prayer-meeting thanksgivings were poured out for their safe return, with names of company and regiment duly mentioned for the lord's better identification. bees were held for some of these returned farmers, where twenty teams and fifty men, old and young, did a season's farm-work in a day, and split enough wood for a year. at such times the women would bring big baskets of provisions, and long tables would be set, and there were very jolly times, with cracking of many jokes that were veterans, and the day would end with pitching horseshoes, and at last with singing "auld lang syne." it was at one such gathering that a ghost appeared--a lank, saffron ghost, ragged as a scarecrow--wearing a foolish smile and the cape of a cavalryman's overcoat with no coat beneath it. the apparition was a youth of about twenty, with a downy beard all over his face, and countenance well mellowed with coal-soot, as though he had ridden several days on top of a freight-car that was near the engine. this ghost was hiram snyder. all forgave him the shock of surprise he caused us--all except the minister who had preached his funeral sermon. years after i heard this minister remark in a solemn, grieved tone: "hiram snyder is a man who can not be relied on." * * * * * as the years pass, the miracle of the seasons means less to us. but what country boy can forget the turning of the leaves from green to gold, and the watchings and waitings for the first hard frost that ushers in the nutting season! and then the first fall of snow, with its promise of skates and sleds and tracks of rabbits, and mayhap bears, and strange animals that only come out at night, and that no human eye has ever seen! beautiful are the seasons; and glad i am that i have not yet quite lost my love for each. but now they parade past with a curious swiftness! they look at me out of wistful eyes, and sometimes one calls to me as she goes by and asks, "why have you done so little since i saw you last?" and i can only answer, "i was thinking of you." i do not need another incarnation to live my life over again. i can do that now, and the resurrection of the past, through memory, that sees through closed eyes, is just as satisfactory as the thing itself. were we talking of the seasons? very well, dearie, the seasons it shall be. they are all charming, but if i were to wed any it would be spring. how well i remember the gentle perfume of her comings, and her warm, languid breath! there was a time when i would go out of the house some morning, and the snow would be melting, and spring would kiss my cheek, and then i would be all aglow with joy and would burst into the house, and cry: "spring is here! spring is here!" for you know we always have to divide our joy with some one. one can bear grief, but it takes two to be glad. and then my mother would smile and say, "yes, my son, but do not wake the baby!" then i would go out and watch the snow turn to water, and run down the road in little rivulets to the creek, that would swell until it became a regular mississippi, so that when we waded the horse across, the water would come to the saddlegirth. then once, i remember, the bridge was washed away, and all the teams had to go around and through the water, and some used to get stuck in the mud on the other bank. it was great fun! the first "spring beauties" bloomed very early in that year; violets came out on the south side of rotting logs, and cowslips blossomed in the slough as they never had done before. over on the knoll, prairie-chickens strutted pompously and proudly drummed. the war was over! lincoln had won, and the country was safe! the jubilee was infectious, and the neighbors who used to come and visit us would tell of the men and boys who would soon be back. the war was over! my father and mother talked of it across the table, and the men talked of it at the store, and earth, sky and water called to each other in glad relief, "the war is over!" but there came a morning when my father walked up from the railroad-station very fast, and looking very serious. he pushed right past me as i sat in the doorway. i followed him into the kitchen where my mother was washing dishes, and heard him say, "they have killed lincoln!" and then he burst into tears. i had never before seen my father shed tears--in fact, i had never seen a man cry. there is something terrible in the grief of a man. soon the church-bell across the road began to toll. it tolled all that day. three men--i can give you their names--rang the bell all day long, tolling, slowly tolling, tolling until night came and the stars came out. i thought it a little curious that the stars should come out, for lincoln was dead; but they did, for i saw them as i trotted by my father's side down to the post-office. there was a great crowd of men there. at the long line of peeled-hickory hitching-poles were dozens of saddle-horses. the farmers had come for miles to get details of the news. on the long counters that ran down each side of the store men were seated, swinging their feet, and listening intently to some one who was reading aloud from a newspaper. we worked our way past the men who were standing about, and with several of these my father shook hands solemnly. leaning against the wall near the window was a big, red-faced man, whom i knew as a copperhead. he had been drinking, evidently, for he was making boozy efforts to stand very straight. there were only heard a subdued buzz of whispers and the monotonous voice of the reader, as he stood there in the center, his newspaper in one hand and a lighted candle in the other. the red-faced man lurched two steps forward, and in a loud voice said, "l--l--lincoln is dead--an' i'm damn glad of it!" across the room i saw two men struggling with little ramsey. why they should struggle with him i could not imagine, but ere i could think the matter out, i saw him shake himself loose from the strong hands that sought to hold him. he sprang upon the counter, and in one hand i saw he held a scale-weight. just an instant he stood there, and then the weight shot straight at the red-faced man. the missile glanced on his shoulder and shot through the window. in another second the red-faced man plunged through the window, taking the entire sash with him. "you'll have to pay for that window!" called the alarmed postmaster out into the night. the store was quickly emptied, and on following outside no trace of the red man could be found. the earth had swallowed both the man and the five-pound scale-weight. after some minutes had passed in a vain search for the weight and the copperhead, we went back into the store and the reading was continued. but the interruption had relieved the tension, and for the first time that day men in that post-office joked and laughed. it even lifted from my heart the gloom that threatened to smother me, and i went home and told the story to my mother and sisters, and they too smiled, so closely akin are tears and smiles. * * * * * the story of lincoln's life had been ingrained into me long before i ever read a book. for the people who knew lincoln, and the people who knew the people that lincoln knew, were the people i knew. i visited at their houses and heard them tell what lincoln had said when he sat at table where i then sat. i listened long to lincoln stories, and "and that reminds me" was often on the lips of those i loved. all the tales told by the faithful herndon and the needlessly loyal nicolay and hay were current coin, and the rehearsal of the lincoln-douglas debate was commonplace. when our own poverty was mentioned, we compared it with the poverty that lincoln had endured, and felt rich. i slept in a garret where the winter's snow used to sift merrily through the slab shingles, but then i was covered with warm buffalo-robes, and a loving mother tucked me in and on my forehead imprinted a goodnight kiss. but lincoln at the same age had no mother and lived in a hut that had neither windows, doors nor floor, and a pile of leaves and straw in the corner was his bed. our house had two rooms, but one winter the lincoln home was only a shed enclosed on three sides. i knew of his being a clerk in a country store at the age of twenty, and that up to that time he had read but four books; of his running a flatboat, splitting rails, and poring at night over a dog-eared law-book; of his asking to sleep in the law-office of joshua speed, and of speed's giving him permission to move in. and of his going away after his "worldly goods" and coming back in ten minutes carrying an old pair of saddlebags, which he threw into a corner saying, "speed, i've moved!". i knew of his twenty years of country law-practise, when he was considered just about as good and no better than a dozen others on that circuit, and of his making a bare living during that time. then i knew of his gradually awakening to the wrong of slavery, of the expansion of his mind, so that he began to incur the jealousy of rivals and the hatred of enemies, and of the prophetic feeling in that slow but sure moving mind that "a house divided against itself can not stand. i believe this government can not endure permanently half-slave and half-free." i knew of the debates with douglas and the national attention they attracted, and of judge davis' remark, "lincoln has more commonsense than any other man in america"; and then, chiefly through judge davis' influence, of his being nominated for president at the chicago convention. i knew of his election, and the coming of the war, and the long, hard fight, when friends and foes beset, and none but he had the patience and the courage that could wait. and then i knew of his death, that death which then seemed a calamity--terrible in its awful blackness. but now the years have passed, and i comprehend somewhat of the paradox of things, and i know that this death was just what he might have prayed for. it was a fitting close for a life that had done a supreme and mighty work. his face foretold the end. lincoln had no home ties. in that plain, frame house, without embellished yard or ornament, where i have been so often, there was no love that held him fast. in that house there was no library, but in the parlor, where six haircloth chairs and a slippery sofa to match stood guard, was a marble table on which were various giftbooks in blue and gilt. he only turned to that home when there was no other place to go. politics, with its attendant travel and excitement, allowed him to forget the what-might-have-beens. foolish bickering, silly pride, and stupid misunderstanding pushed him out upon the streets and he sought to lose himself among the people. and to the people at length he gave his time, his talents, his love, his life. fate took from him his home that the country might call him savior. dire tragedy was a fitting end; for only the souls who have suffered are well-loved. jealousy, disparagement, calumny, have all made way, and north and south alike revere his name. the memory of his gentleness, his patience, his firm faith, and his great and loving heart are the priceless heritage of a united land. he had charity for all and malice toward none; he gave affection, and affection is his reward. honor and love are his. * * * * * so here endeth "little journeys to the homes of american statesmen," being volume three of the series, as written by elbert hubbard: edited and arranged by fred bann; mcmxxii proofreaders calvert of strathore by carter goodloe 1903 contents i. the legation at paris ii. the france of 1789 iii. "the lass with the delicate air" iv. at the palais royal v. the private secretary vi. mr. calvert meets old and new friends vii. an afternoon on the ice viii. the americans are made welcome in paris ix. in which mr. calvert's good intentions miscarry x. at versailles xi. mr. calvert attends the king's levee xii. the fourth and the fourteenth of july xiii. monsieur de lafayette brings friends to a dinner at the legation xiv. mr. calvert rides down into touraine xv. christmas eve xvi. mr. calvert tries to forget xvii. mr. calvert meets an old enemy xviii. mr. calvert fights a duel xix. in which an unlooked-for event takes place xx. mr. calvert sees a short campaign under lafayette xxi. mr. calvert quits the army and engages in a hazardous enterprise xxii. mr. calvert starts on a journey xxiii. within the palace xxiv. the tenth of august calvert of strathmore chapter i the legation at paris there seemed to be some unusual commotion, a suppressed excitement, about the new and stately american legation at paris on the morning of the 3d of february in the year of grace (but not for france--her days and years of grace were over!) 1789. the handsome mansion at the corner of the grande route des champs elysées and the rue neuve de berry, which had lately belonged to monsieur le comte de l'avongeac and in which mr. jefferson had installed himself as accredited minister to france after the return of dr. franklin to america, presented an appearance different from its usual quiet. across the courtyard, covered with snow fallen during the might, which glittered and sparkled in the brilliant wintry sunshine, grooms and stable-boys hurried between écuries and remises, currying mr. jefferson's horses and sponging off mr. jefferson's handsome carriage, with which he had provided himself on setting up his establishment as minister of the infant federation of states to the court of the sixteenth louis. at the porter's lodge that functionary frequently left his little room, with its brazier of glowing coals, and walked up and down beneath the porte-cochère, flapping his arms vigorously in the biting wintry air, and glancing between the bars of the great outer gate up and down the road as if on the lookout for some person or persons. in the hotel itself, servants moved quickly and quietly about, setting everything in the most perfect order. at one of the windows which gave upon the extensive gardens, covered, like all else, with the freshly fallen snow, mr. jefferson himself could now and then be seen as he moved restlessly about the small, octagonal room, lined with books and littered with papers, in which he conducted most of his official business. a letter, just finished, lay upon his desk. 'twas to his daughter in her convent of panthemont, and full of that good advice which no one ever knew how to give better than he. the letter being folded and despatched by a servant, mr. jefferson was at liberty to indulge his restless mood. this he did, walking up and down with his hands clasped behind his back, as was his fashion; but, in spite of the impatience of his manner, a smile, as of some secret contentment or happy anticipation, played about his lips. at frequent intervals he would station himself at one of the windows which commanded the entrance of the hotel, and, looking anxiously out at the wintry scene, would consult the splendid new watch just made for him, at great cost, by monsieur l'epine. it was on the stroke of twelve by monsieur l'epine's watch when mr. jefferson, gazing out of the window for the twentieth time that morning of february 3d, saw a large travelling berline turn in at the big grille and draw up under the porte-cochère in front of the porter's lodge. in an instant he was out of the room, down the great stairway, and at the entrance of the rez-de-chaussée, just as the postilion, dismounting, opened the door of the carriage from which emerged a large, handsome man of about thirty-five or six, who moved with surprising agility considering the fact that he boasted but one good leg, the other member being merely a wooden stump. he was followed by a younger man, who sprang out and waited respectfully, but eagerly, until mr. jefferson had welcomed his companion. "mr. morris!--my dear sir! welcome to paris! welcome to this little spot of america!" said mr. jefferson, shaking the older man cordially by the hand again and again and drawing him toward the open door. and then passing quickly out upon the step to where the young man still stood looking on at this greeting, mr. jefferson laid a hand affectionately on his shoulder and looked into the young eyes. "my dear boy, my dear calvert!" he exclaimed with emotion, "i cannot tell you how welcome you are, nor how i thank you for obeying my request to come to me!" "the kindest command i could have received, sir," replied the young man, much moved by mr. jefferson's affectionate words and manner. turning, and linking an arm in that of each of his guests, mr. jefferson led them into the house, followed by the servants carrying their travelling things. "ah! we will bring back virginia days in the midst of this turbulent, mad paris. 'tis a wild, bad place i have brought you to, ned," he said, turning to the young gentleman, "but it must all end in good--surely, surely." mr. jefferson's happy mood seemed suddenly to cloud over, and he spoke absently and almost as if reassuring himself. "but come," he added, brightening up, "i will not talk of such things before we are fairly in the house! welcome again, mr. morris! welcome, mr. secretary!"--he turned to calvert--"it seems strange, but most delightful, to have you here." talking in such fashion, he hurried them up the great stairway as fast as mr. morris's wooden leg would permit, and into his private study. "ha! a fire!" said mr. morris, sinking down luxuriously in a chair before the blazing logs. "i had almost forgot what the sight of one was like, and i was beginning to wish that this"--he looked down and tapped his sound leg, laughing a little whimsically, "were wood, too. i would have suffered less with the cold!" "i am sure you must have had a bitter journey from havre," rejoined mr. jefferson. "'tis the coldest winter france has known for eighty years--the hardest, cruellest winter the poor of this great city, of this great country, can remember. would to god it were over and the spring here!" "i should imagine that it had not been any too pleasant even for the rich," said mr. morris, shivering slightly. but mr. jefferson paid no attention to the sufferings of the rich suggested by mr. morris, and only stirred the blazing logs uneasily. "at any rate it serves to make our welcome here seem the warmer, sir," said calvert, from where he stood divesting himself of his many-caped top-coat. "ah! that is spoken like you, ned! but stand forth, sir! let me see if you are changed, if four years at the college of princeton have made another fellow of my old calvert of strathore." he went over to the young man and drew him into the middle of the room, where the cold, brilliant sunshine struck full on the fine young face. there was no shadow or line upon it. "you are much grown," said mr. jefferson, thoughtfully, "much taller, but 'tis the same slender, athletic figure, and the eyes and brow and mouth are not changed, thank god!" "is there no improvement, sir? can you note no change for the better?" said calvert, laughing, and attempting to cover his embarrassment, at the close scrutiny he was undergoing. "but i fear not. i fear my college life has left as little impress on my mind as on my body. i shall never be a scholar like you, sir," he added, with a sigh. "and yet, in spite of your disinclination to study, you have gone through college, and most creditably. dr. witherspoon himself has written me of your career. does that say nothing in your favor?" "to be sure it does," broke in mr. morris, laughing. "there is no merit in being a scholar like mr. jefferson here, who was born a student. he couldn't have helped being a scholar if he had tried. but for you, mr. calvert, who dislike study, to have made yourself stick to the college curriculum for four years, i consider a great and meritorious achievement!" "i agree with you entirely, mr. morris," said mr. jefferson, joining in the laugh, "and as for that, ned has done more than merely stick to the curriculum of the college. dr. witherspoon, in writing me of his progress, was pleased to say many complimentary things of several excursions into verse which he has made. he especially commended his lines on 'a view of princeton college,' written something after the manner of mr. gray's 'ode on a distant prospect of eton college.'" "what!" said mr. morris, "an ode on 'a view of princeton college'! my dear mr. calvert, couldn't a young man of your years find a more inspiring theme than a college building to write upon? instead of an _alma mater_, you should have chosen some _filia pulchra_ to make verses to," and he gave mr. jefferson a quizzical look. "i agree with you again, mr. morris," said that gentleman, laughing heartily, "and i think that you and i would have made no such mistake at ned's age," and he sighed a little as he thought of the gay pleasures of his own youth, the dances and walks and talks with "belinda," and his poetic effusions to her and many another. "nor even at our own," objected mr. morris. "i assure you i feel myself quite capable of composing verses to fair ones yet, mr. jefferson." and indeed he was, and rhymed his way gayly to the heart of many a lady in the days to come. as for calvert, he only smiled at the light banter at his expense, scarcely understanding it, indeed, for as yet he carried a singularly untouched heart about in his healthy young body. mr. morris arose: "i must be going," he said. "i have sent my things on to the hotel de richelieu--" but mr. jefferson pressed him back into his seat. "you are my guest for the day," he declared, interrupting him, "and must take your first breakfast with ned and myself here at the legation. i will send you around to the rue de richelieu in my carriage later on. i have a thousand questions to ask you. i must have all the news from america--how fares general washington, and my friend, james madison, and pretty miss molly crenshawe?--there's a lovely woman for you, ned, in the bud, 'tis true, but likely to blossom into a perfect rose. there is but one beauty in all paris to compare with her, i think. and that is the sister of your old friend d'azay. and what does patrick henry and pendleton these days? i hear that hamilton holds strange views about the finances and has spoken of them freely in congress. what are they? my letters give me no details as yet." and more and more questions during the abundant breakfast which had been spread for them in the morning-room adjoining mr. jefferson's library. now it was a broadside of inquiries aimed at mr. gouverneur morris concerning the newly adopted constitution which he had helped fashion for the infant union of states and the chances of electing general washington as first president of that union; now it was question after question regarding dr. franklin's reception in america on his return from france and release from his arduous duties and the vexatious persecutions to which he had been subjected by his former colleagues--the most outrageous and unprovoked that ever man suffered--and there were endless inquiries about personal, friends, about the currency in america, and about the feeling of security and tranquillity of the states. the breakfast, generous as it was, was over long before mr. jefferson had tired of his questioning, and they were still sitting around the table talking when a visitor was announced. it was monsieur le vicomte de beaufort, lafayette's young kinsman and officer in the american war, who came in directly, bowing to mr. morris, whom he had known well in america, and embracing calvert with a friendly fervor that almost five years of separation had not diminished. he had known of his coming through mr. jefferson, and, happening to pass the hotel, had stopped to inquire at the porter's lodge whether the travellers had arrived. "'tis a thousand pities d'azay is not here to welcome you, too, my dear calvert," he said, regretfully, "but he will be back to-morrow with his aunt, the old duchess, and his sister. he is gone down to azay-le-roi, his château near tours, to fetch them. but come! i am all impatience to show you a little of my paris. we won't wait for d'azay's return to begin, and i am sure mr. jefferson and mr. morris will excuse you for a few hours. is it not so, gentlemen?" he looked around at the two older men. "calvert has shown me virginia. i long to return the compliment and show him this little piece of france!" "but first," objected mr. jefferson, "i should like to show him the embassy. come, gentlemen, we will make a rapid tour of the apartments before you set out on your larger explorations." and, leading the way, he began to point out the public and private apartments, the state dining-room, with its handsome service of silver plate, the view of the large gardens from the windows, the reception-hall, the doorways, the great staircase ornamented with sculptured salamanders, for monsieur de l'avongeac's ancestors had built the house during the reign of françois i. and had adorned it everywhere with the king's insignia. 'twas a very magnificent hotel, for mr. jefferson had been unwilling to jeopardize the fortunes of the new republic by installing its legation in mean quarters, and it was eminently well arranged for the entertainment of the brilliant society that gathered so frequently by his invitation. when they had made the tour of the establishment and had reached the head of the great stairway again, mr. jefferson dismissed the two young men with a final injunction to return soon, as he had much to talk over with calvert. as the clanging door shut upon them, the two older men turned and went into mr. jefferson's study. "i have to thank you, mr. jefferson," said mr. morris, seating himself once more before the crackling fire, "for a most pleasant acquaintance. i will confess now that when you wrote me suggesting that your new secretary should make the journey to france with me, i was scarcely pleased. 'tis a long trip to make in the company of one who may not be wholly congenial. but from the moment mr. calvert presented himself to me in philadelphia, on the eve of our sailing, until now, i can truly say i have enjoyed every instant of his companionship. i had heard something of him--much, indeed--from general washington and mr. hamilton, but i was wholly unprepared to find so sincere, so intelligent a young gentleman. there is a strength, a fine reserve about him which appeals greatly to me." "i thank you," said mr. jefferson, gratefully. "i love him as though he were my son, and any praise of him is dear to me. do you wonder that i want him near me? besides, 'tis imperative that i have a private secretary. mr. short, our secretary of legation, who is now in italy travelling for his health, like myself, is overworked; there are a thousand affairs to be attended to each day, and so little method in our arrangements as yet; our instructions and remittances from congress are so irregular, our duties so confounded with mere courtesies, that we make but little progress. besides which the state of affairs in this country renders all diplomatic and business relations very slow and uncertain--i might say hazardous--" he stopped and looked thoughtfully into the fire. "i am sorry to hear that," said mr. morris, quickly. "i came over on business myself. and on business not only for myself, but on behalf of mr. robert morris and of constable & co., of new york city. as you probably know, we have made large shipments of tobacco, contracted for by several farmers-general, but such has been the delay in delivery and payment after reaching this country that we deemed it absolutely necessary to have someone over here to attend to the matter. at havre i found affairs irregular and prices low and fluctuating. i was hoping the markets would be steadier and quieter in paris." "i am afraid you will not find it so," replied mr. jefferson, shaking his head. "i am persuaded that this country is on the eve of some great change--some great upheaval. i see it in the faces of those i meet in the salons of the rich and noble; i see it in the faces of the common people in the streets--above all, i see it in the faces of the people in the streets." again he stopped and looked thoughtfully into the blazing fire. mr. morris's keen eyes fastened themselves on the finely chiselled face opposite him, aglow with a prophetic light. "i would be obliged," he said at length, "if you would give me some detailed account of the state of this government and country. i should like to know just where i stand. at the distance of three thousand miles, and with slow and irregular packets as the only means of communication, we in america have but an imperfect and tardy conception of what is going on in this country." he poured out a small glass of cognac from a decanter which stood on a table at his elbow, and, settling himself comfortably in his chair, prepared to listen. it was a long story that mr. jefferson had to tell him--a story with many minute details touching the delicate relations between france and america, with many explanations of the events which had just taken place in paris and the provinces, with many forecastings of events shortly to take place in the kingdom of louis xvi. perhaps it was in the forecasting of those events so soon to take place, of those acts of the multitude, as yet undreamed of by the very doers of them, that mr. jefferson most deeply impressed his listener. for there was no attribute of mr. jefferson's mind so keen, so unerring, so forceful as that peculiar power of divining the drift of the masses. it was this power which later made him so greatly feared and greatly respected in his own land. forewarned and forearmed, he had but to range himself at the head of multitudes, whose will he knew almost before they were aware of it themselves, or else to stand aside, and, unscathed, let it pass him by in all its turbulence and strength. but though he could foresee the trend of events, his judgment was not infallible as to their values and consequences. even as he spoke of the disquieting progress of affairs, even as he predicted the yet more serious turn they were to take, his countenance expressed a boundless, if somewhat vaguely defined, belief and happiness in the future. the glow of enthusiasm was not at all reflected in the keen, attentive face of the younger man opposite him, whose look of growing disquietude betrayed the fact that he did not share mr. jefferson's hopes or sympathies. indeed, it was inevitable that these two men of genius should hold dissimilar views about the struggle which the one had so clearly divined was to come and of which the other so clearly comprehended the consequences. it was inevitable that the man who had the sublime audacity to proclaim unfettered liberty and equality to a new world should differ radically from the man whose supreme achievement had been the fashioning and welding of its laws. they talked together until the wintry sun suddenly suffered an eclipse behind the mountains of gray clouds which had been threatening to fall upon it all the afternoon, and only the light from the crackling logs remained to show the bright enthusiasm of mr. jefferson's noble face and the sombre shadow upon mr. morris's disturbed one. chapter ii the france of 1789 france was sick. a great change and fever had fallen upon her, and there was no physician near skilled enough to cure her. now and then one of her sons would look upon the pale, wasted features and note the rapidly throbbing pulse, the wild ravings of the disordered brain, and, frightened and despondent, would hurry away to consult with his brothers what should be done. but never to any good. medicines were tried which had been potent with others in like sickness, but they seemed only to increase her delirium or lessen her vitality--never to bring her strength and reason. day by day she grew worse. 'twas as if some quick poison were working in her veins, until at last the poor body was one mass of swollen disfigurements, of putrid sores, that only a miracle from heaven could heal. as miracles could not be looked for, everyone who had any skill in such desperate cases was called, and a thousand different opinions were given, a thousand different cures tried. and when all was seen to have been in vain, her tortured children, in their despair, left her and turned upon the false physicians, putting them to death and with ferocious joy avenging her agonies. and in the quiet which thus fell upon her, when all had left her to die, the fever and pain vanished; from her opened veins the poisoned blood dropped away; to the blinded eyes sight returned; in the distracted brain reason once more held sway. slowly and faintly she arose and went about her business. it was of that fast-sickening france, of that blighted land of france, that mr. jefferson spoke so earnestly in the gathering darkness of that winter's day in the year 1789. the storm which had just swept over the american colonies had passed, leaving wrecks strewn from shore to shore, 'tis true, but a land fairer and greater than ever, a people tried by adversity and made strong. the tempest, which had been so gallantly withstood by our ably manned ship of state, had blown across the atlantic and was beating upon the unprotected shores of france. the storm was gathering fast in that most famous year of 1789--the _alpha_ and _omega_ of french history, the ending of all things old, the beginning of all things new, for france. two years before the bewildered assemblée des notables had met and had been dismissed to spread their agitation and disaffection throughout all france by the still more bewildered loménie de brienne, who was trying his hand at the impossible finances of france after the fall of that magnificent spendthrift, monsieur colonne. he, in turn, had been swept from his office and replaced by the pompous and incompetent necker. lafayette, the _deus ex machina_ of the times, had asked for his states-general, and now in this never-sufficiently-to-be-remembered year of 1789 they were to be convoked. all france was disquieted by the elections--nay, more, agitated and agitating. men who had never thought before were thinking now, and, as was inevitable to such unused intellects, were thinking badly. for the first time the common people were permitted to think. for the first time they were allowed, even urged, to look into their wretched hearts and tell their lord and king what grievances they found there. what wonder that when the ashes were raked from the long-smouldering fires of envy, of injustice, of oppression, of extortion, of misrule of every conceivable sort, they sprang into fierce flame? what wonder that when the bonds of silence were loosed from their miserable mouths, such a wild clamor went up to heaven as made the king tremble upon his throne and his ministers shake with fear? who could tell at what moment this unlooked-for, unprecedented clemency might be withdrawn and silence once more be sealed upon them? what wonder, then, that they made the most of their opportunity? what wonder that, suddenly finding themselves strong, who had been weak, they _did_ make the most of it? the world seemed topsy-turvy. strange ideas and theories were being written and talked about. physical science had been revolutionized. people suddenly discovered that what they had held all their lives to be facts were entire misconceptions of the truth. and, if they had been so mistaken about the facts of physical science, might they not be equally mistaken about theology, about law, about politics? everywhere was doubt and questioning. revolution was in the air. it was the fashion, and the young french officers returned from the war of independence in the american colonies found themselves alike the heroes of the common people and of the fashionable world. true to its nature, the nobility played with revolution as it had played with everything from the beginning of time. it played with reform, with suggestions to abandon its privileges, its titles, with the freedom of the newly born press, with the prerogatives of the crown, with the tiers état, with life, liberty, and happiness. it was a dangerous game, and in the danger lay its fascination. society felt its foundations shake, and the more insecure it felt itself to be the more feverish seemed its desire to enjoy life to the dregs, to seize upon that fleet-footed pleasure who ever kept ahead of her pursuers. there was a constant succession of balls, dramatic fêtes, dinner-parties, of official entertainments by the members of the diplomatic corps in this volcanic year of 1789. the ministers of louis's court, being at their wits' end to know what was to be done to allay the disturbances, were of the mind that they could and would, at least, enjoy themselves. the king having always been at his wits' end was not conscious of being in any unusual or dangerous position. as short-sighted mentally as he was physically, he saw in the popular excitement of the times nothing to dread. conscious of his own good intentions toward his people, he saw nothing in their ever-increasing demands but evidences of a spirit of progress which he was the first to applaud. unmindful of the fact that "the most dangerous moment for a bad government is the moment when it meddles with reform," he yielded everything. the nobles, noting with bitterness his concessions to the tiers état, told themselves that the king had abandoned them; the common people, suspicious and bewildered, told themselves that their king was but deceiving them. the king, informed of the hostile attitude of the nobility and the ingratitude of the masses, vacillated between his own generous impulses and the despotic demands of the court party. by the king's weakness, more than by all else, were loosened the foundations of that throne of france, already tottering under its long-accumulated weight of injustice, of mad extravagance, of dissoluteness, of bloody crime. nature herself seemed to be in league with the discontent of the times. a long drouth in the summer, which had made the poor harvests poorer still, was followed by that famous winter of 1789--that winter of merciless, of unexampled, cold for france. and in the heat of that long summer and in the cold of that still longer winter, the storm gathered fast which was to rise higher and higher until it should beat upon the very throne itself, and all that was left of honor and justice in france should perish therein. chapter iii "the lass with the delicate air" it was to that unhappy land of france that mr. jefferson had come almost five years before on a mission for congress. for some time it had been the most cherished design of that body of patriots to establish advantageous commercial treaties with the european powers, thereby securing to america not only material prosperity, but, more important still, forcing our recognition as a separate and independent power, and creating for the new confederation of states a place among the brotherhood of nations. confident that mr. jefferson's astuteness, erudition, and probity would make a powerful impression upon those whom it was so much to our interest to attach to us, congress had, on the 7th day of may, 1784, appointed him minister plenipotentiary for the negotiation of foreign commercial treaties. dr. franklin and mr. adams, his co-workers, were already eagerly awaiting him in paris. but, great as was mr. jefferson's patriotic interest in the cause he was to represent at the court of louis xvi., his exile from monticello was very painful to him. the recent death of his wife there, and the youth of the two children he was to leave, bound him to the place. having also very clearly in mind mr. jay's and dr. franklin's disappointments and bickerings in london in the same cause of commercial treaties, he looked forward with growing distaste to the difficulties and diplomatic struggles before him; for mr. jefferson was always more ready to lead than to combat. perhaps, too, he did not relish the idea that although in his own country no one was more generally famed for talents and learning than himself, in paris, amid that brilliant throng of _savants_ and courtiers, he would be but a simple virginia gentleman without prestige or reputation. and, moreover, he feared that his plain, democratic manners and principles--which he scorned to alter for anyone--would be but ill-suited to the courtly life of versailles. for it must be owned that mr. jefferson's democracy, like his learning, was a trifle ostentatious, and became more so as he grew older. surely, though, such blemishes are not incompatible with greatness of character, but only serve to make a great man more lovable and human. and as for mr. jefferson, if he had not been blessed with some such harmless frailties, he had seemed almost more than mortal with his great learning, his profound, if often impracticable, philosophy, and his deathless patriotism. such as he was, mr. jefferson was greatly beloved, and many of his warmest friends and admirers foregathered at monticello on the evening of the 23d of may, 1784, to bid him farewell ere he should set out the next day on his long journey to boston, from which port he was to sail for france. as he stood on the north portico of monticello, awaiting his guests and looking long and lovingly at the beautiful view of mountain and valley spread before him, he made a striking, not easily forgotten, picture. the head, lightly thrown back, with its wavy, sandy hair worn short, and the finely chiselled profile were cameo-like in their classical regularity. the lithe, meagre form, well dressed in blackcloth coat and knee breeches, white waistcoat and ruffles of finest linen, black silk stockings and silver-buckled shoes, was energetic, graceful, and well proportioned. with such a physique it was not wonderful that mr. jefferson was famous as shot, horseman, and athlete, even among such noted sportsmen as virginia could boast of by the score in the latter part of the eighteenth century. suddenly he lowered his head and, withdrawing his gaze from the mountains, looked about him with an impatient little sigh. "i am a savage! savage enough to prefer the woods and streams and independence of my monticello to all the brilliant pleasures which paris will offer me. i could find it in my heart to wish that congress had never urged upon me this mission abroad. but i have always tried to serve my country at my country's call, and i shall continue to serve her, though it take me from home and family and friends. instead of repining at this exile to france--for how long i do not know--i should be thankful for this last beautiful evening at monticello and for the friends who are come to bid me farewell. i wonder that the marquis does not arrive. i have much of importance to discuss with him." mr. jefferson had no greater admirer than the marquis de lafayette, whose arrival he so impatiently awaited. he had affairs of weight to talk over with the young frenchman--letters of introduction to statesmen with whom lafayette was most intimate, notes on commercial affairs of france, messages to friends, drafts on bankers in paris, and a host of details on the present state of politics in france with which he wished to become acquainted before presenting himself at the french court, and which lafayette, but lately returned from france, could amply furnish him. and after business should have been finished, mr. jefferson was looking forward with keen delight to all that the observant, cultured young nobleman might have to tell him of the progress in the parisian world of sciences, art, and music (for mr. jefferson was an amateur of music), and of those adventures which had attended his triumphal return to america. 'twas at general washington's invitation that monsieur de lafayette was re-visiting, after only three years' absence, the greatful states where he had first, and so gloriously, embarked in the cause of liberty, and the warmth of his welcome at mount vernon--where indeed mr. jefferson's note, inviting him to monticello, reached him--would alone have repaid him for the long journey had all other honors been denied him. but his progress through the states had been one triumph, marked by lavish fêtes and civic parades, not so magnificent, it is true, as those tendered him on his last visit to our country, but still forming an almost unparalleled tribute of affection and respect from a nation to an individual. young men of the highest position and family attached themselves to his retinue and rode with him from city to city, leaving him only to be replaced by other friends and enthusiastic admirers. even as mr. jefferson stood upon the portico of monticello, monsieur de lafayette was approaching, with his escort, riding hard and joyfully in the gathering twilight to reach there in time to see his illustrious friend before he should set out for boston. in the meantime guests were arriving rapidly, horseback or in handsome, high-panelled coaches drawn by four horses (such as colonel cary of ampthill boasted), and the negro grooms were busy stabling them. in the house servants were moving about, lighting the fragrant wax candles of myrtle-berry and seeing to the comfort of the guests. the narrow stairway could hardly accommodate the rustling, voluminous brocades that swept up and down them above the clicking, high-heeled shoes and dainty, silver-clocked stockings. but there was room for all in the beautiful octagonal hall, thirty feet square, and in the long saloon parlor, the cost of whose inlaid satin and rosewood floor had somewhat scandalized mr. jefferson's less wealthy and less artistic neighbors. it were hard indeed to get together a gathering of more beautiful women or more courtly, distinguished gentlemen than was assembled that evening at monticello. among the latter were many of those men who had helped to make america what she was; lawgivers, soldiers, tried statesmen who had been of that famous congress of '75, of which my lord chatham, in a burst of uncontrollable enthusiasm, had declared that "its members had never been excelled in solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion." the virginia beauties, if less modish and extravagant, as a rule, than the belles of philadelphia and new york, yielded to none in aristocratic loveliness and grace and dignity of bearing. in the eyes of mr. jefferson their very naturalness made them more attractive, and perhaps it was for her sweet freshness and shy beauty that he gave the palm of loveliness to miss molly crenshawe, who had ridden over on a pillion behind her brother from her father's neighboring estate of edgemoor, attended by young carter of redlands, who was never far away from her if he could help it. a less partial judge than mr. jefferson, however, would have found it hard to decide that she was more lovely than her dearest friend, the bewitching miss peggy gary, who had driven over early in the day from ampthill with her father, colonel archibald gary. talking and laughing, the two young girls rustled down the stairs and across the broad hall to the entrance of the saloon parlor, where mr. jefferson and his sister, the lovely widow carr, were standing, greeting their guests. the courtesies which the young ladies swept their host and hostess were marvels of grace and dexterity, and were noted with approval by the young gentlemen who lined the walls or talked to the ladies already foregathered. some of those same young gentlemen fairly rivalled the ladies in richness of attire, following the elaborate fashions of dress which general washington had encouraged by his own example. for the most part they were the sons of wealthy farmers and planters, shorn perhaps of some of their pre-revolutionary splendor, but still aristocrats in bearing and feeling; young sporting squires who indulged in cock-fighting and horse-racing; rising lawyers, orators, all bearing the marks of good birth and good breeding. among the crowd of gayly dressed young gentlemen was one who was especially noticeable. his handsome face wore a rather reckless, petulant expression, which, however, could not conceal a certain brightness and fire of genius that at moments eclipsed the irritable look and rendered his countenance unusually attractive. it was gilbert stuart, the young portrait painter, but recently returned from england, where he was famed both as artist and wit. it was even said by his admirers (and indeed mr. adams had but lately written it home from london) that there his fame and following were the equal of his master's, benjamin west's, or even sir joshua reynolds's. the scene in mr. jefferson's drawing-room was becoming more and more animated. the guests had nearly all assembled and were thronging the parlor and great hall beneath the brilliant light of many candles. from the music-gallery overhead the sounds of flute and violin in tentative accord were beginning to be heard. the musicians were some of mr. jefferson's slaves who had shown marked ability and whom he himself had instructed in the art. they had proved themselves apt pupils and could play excellently airs for the minuet and virginia reel. mr. jefferson was never happier than when monticello was thronged with gay dancers, nor was he an indifferent votary of terpsichore himself. indeed, many were the balls and assemblies he attended during his student days in williamsburg, many the nights he danced away with "belinda" and other fair ones. and so when the music for the irresistible virginia reel struck up, mr. jefferson was first on the floor with miss molly crenshawe. they were quickly followed by other couples, until the opposite lines of dancers extended half-way down the sides of the long drawing-room. up and down they went to the gay music, under the bright light, misty with powder shaken from flying curls. suddenly, as mr. stuart was advancing with out-stretched hands to swing miss gary, there was a blare of horns and a chorus of "hellos" from without, mingled with the sound of horses galloping up the avenue. the dancers ceased their courtesying and stately step, the music stopped, and mr. jefferson hurried to the portico in time to greet the young marquis de lafayette and his escort as they flung themselves off their hot mounts. every head was uncovered as the young frenchman affectionately embraced mr. jefferson, and greetings and acclamations went up from the throng of guests as they appeared at the entrance. 'twas not wonderful that mr. jefferson, like general washington, colonel hamilton, general greene, and so many others of our distinguished patriots, was captivated by this young nobleman, and could the jealous ones who asserted that they were dazzled by his rank and awed and flattered into giving him more than he merited but have seen him in the first flush of his glory and young manhood they, too, would have found his charm irresistible. indeed, to mr. jefferson he was always the hero, the man of genius and spotless patriotism, though many, in after years, grew to distrust his powers and motives. as monsieur de lafayette stood there at the door of the drawing-room, smiling and bowing after his own graceful fashion, there was a bright daring, a gay gallantry in the expression of his youthful face--he was but six and twenty and major-general, diplomat, and friend of philosophers--that won all hearts; and though the countenance was not handsome, the broad, slightly receding forehead, straight nose, and delicate mouth and chin gave to it a very distinguished appearance. the three-cornered continental hat which he swept to the ground before the ladies disclosed a flaming red head, the hair slightly powdered and tied back with a black ribbon. his tall figure--he was of equal height with mr. jefferson, who was over six feet--was enveloped in a light riding-coat with short capes over the shoulders, which, when he threw it off, disclosed to view the uniform of a major-general of continental dragoons. just behind him stood two of his suite, his young kinsman, the devil-may-care vicomte de beaufort, and the vicomte d'azay, a brave young french officer who had served with beaufort under rochambeau and had been present before yorktown. mr. jefferson advanced to the centre of the room with his guests. "my friends," he said, "this is one of the proudest and happiest moments of my life. monticello shelters for the first time-america's illustrious ally and devoted soldier, the marquis de lafayette, and his fellow-countrymen and officers, messieurs les vicomtes de beaufort and d'azay. i salute them for you!" turning, he embraced the three young men, and then, placing his hand on the marquis's arm, he led him to mrs. carr. "madame," he said, "i leave the marquis in your hands for the present." he went back to the two young officers, and taking them each by an arm he led them about the room, introducing them to many, of the company. finally, leaving them to the tender mercies of miss crenshawe and miss peggy gary, he returned once more to look after the rest of monsieur de lafayette's escort. as he did so he noticed at the door two young men who were quietly making their way into the room. the elder--who might have been twenty-six or seven--was dark, with brilliant eyes and an alert, almost restless manner, while the younger, who was scarcely more than a boy, not over nineteen, was fair, with deep blue eyes, reflective and calm, and a quiet dignity and strength of manner that in some fashion was not unsuited to his youth. both were slender, wellbuilt, and rather under than over middle height. mr. jefferson hastened to them and shook hands warmly with the elder gentleman. "my dear colonel hamilton, this is an unexpected pleasure and honor. welcome to monticello!" and then turning to the youth and laying a hand affectionately on his shoulder, he cried, gayly: "my dear ned, when did you come and why have i not seen you before?" "sir," replied the young man, respectfully, "we have but just arrived in monsieur de lafayette's company, and, feeling myself at home, i stayed without a few moments to give some orders about the stabling of the horses. colonel hamilton was kind enough to remain with me. will you pardon our delay and assurance?" "my dear boy, as you well know, i am only too happy to have you look upon monticello as your other home, and every servant and horse upon the place is at your disposal. but how did you two happen to fall in with the marquis?" "both colonel hamilton and myself were passing a few days at mount vernon by invitation of general washington, when news that the marquis was coming reached him. the general insisted that we should remain to see monsieur de lafayette, so we were still at mount vernon when your note asking his attendance here was received by him. sure of my old welcome at monticello, i determined to accompany him on his journey. as for colonel hamilton, he is charged with important affairs for you, sir." "'tis an ill wind that blows nobody good, colonel," said mr. jefferson, smiling, "and i shall certainly not call even business an ill wind since it has blown you hither." "there is a better reason still, mr. jefferson," replied mr. hamilton, "for i came on business of general washington's, and never yet blew ill wind from that quarter." "then you are doubly welcome, my dear colonel," rejoined mr. jefferson, heartily. "thank you, mr. jefferson," said mr. hamilton. "besides the business i am charged with, which relates to the commercial treaties with flanders, and which i hope to have the honor of discussing with you fully before your departure, i bear general washington's greetings and best wishes for your welfare and the success of your difficult mission. it would have given him the greatest pleasure to convey these in person, and, indeed, i think he would have been tempted to make the journey to monticello himself to see you had he not expected a visit from mr. gouverneur morris, who, i doubt not, is at mount vernon by this time." "mr. morris!" exclaimed mr. jefferson. "and what has brought mr. morris to virginia?" "general washington's invitation to discuss with him a plan to urge the necessity of a new convention upon congress. they have been warm personal friends, as you doubtless know, ever since mr. morris visited the camp at valley forge, and later drafted such admirable plans for raising money to relieve the troops. general washington feels affection for him as a friend and the greatest respect for him as a financier." "he is indeed the possessor of many and varied talents," assented mr. jefferson, though without any, great show of enthusiasm. "mr. madison admires him, and was remarking but yesterday that 'to the brilliancy of his genius is added what is too rare--a candid surrender of his opinions when the lights of discussion satisfied him.' i own that the eulogy seems a trifle overdrawn to me. he is a thought too much the aristocrat and society man," he added, coldly. "have you ever seen him, ned? no? he is a striking figure, especially since he had the vast misfortune some years ago to lose a leg in a runaway accident." "he consoles himself by saying he will be a steadier man with one than with two legs," laughed mr. hamilton. "but, seriously, ned," he continued, turning to the younger man, "he has a magnificent mind and is a great financier." while he spoke, mr. jefferson smiled dubiously, for he considered mr. hamilton and mr. morris to be dangerously alike as financiers. as for the youth addressed, he listened with his customary quiet attention to the conversation, though he little dreamed how great his own interest in mr. morris was to be in after years and how closely they were to be bound together. "but come, sirs," suddenly exclaimed mr. jefferson, "our discussion of mr. morris's good points must wait, for i see mrs. carr looking at you, colonel. if you will pay your respects to her, i will be with you in a few moments. as for you, sir," he went on, speaking to the youth he called ned and regarded so affectionately, "you are but wasting your time. you should be talking with some of these pretty young women. shall we say miss molly crenshawe, who is certainly looking most beautiful this evening? or perhaps the dashing miss peggy?" he glanced keenly at the youth, who retained all his serene indifference of manner, only blushing slightly and shaking his head. mr. jefferson laughed indulgently. "ned, ned, you were ever a shy youth, and i think time does nothing to help you. tis a crime to be as indifferent to women as you are, and, i warn you, there will come a day when some woman will revenge herself upon you for the whole sex, and, when that happens, do not come to me for consolation!" he moved away, still laughing, and left the boy to pay his respects to mrs. carr, with whom he was a great favorite, as he was with all who knew him well. but he never had a large circle of friends. there were but few who ever really understood and thoroughly appreciated that noble character. it is the compensation of such natures that they are self-sufficing and are as indifferent of such recognition as they are superior to it. as mr. jefferson passed down the room he was stopped by mr. gilbert stuart, who touched him on the arm. "mr. jefferson," he exclaimed, in eager tones, "take pity on an exile just returned and tell me who your young friend is. i had thought mr. hamilton's one of the finest faces i had ever seen until i set eyes on this young gentleman with him. and, indeed, i think they resemble one another vastly. has our young west indian at last found a relative? i hear he is but indifferently provided with that commodity. no? well, i protest his young friend has the most charming countenance i have ever seen since i painted mr. grant in london." "which portrait, mr. stuart, i hear is a masterpiece and has added enormously to your reputation." mr. stuart bowed low at the compliment, well pleased that mr. jefferson should have heard so favorably of that wonderful picture of his which had set all london gossiping and had caused mr. benjamin west and sir joshua reynolds (so 'twas said) some pangs of envy. "as for myself, however," went on mr. jefferson, "i can scarcely credit that it is a greater piece of work than the portrait of general washington which you have executed for the marquis of lansdowne at mr. william bingham's request. i cannot express to you how greatly the replica of that picture pleases me. its arrival here has been kept a profound secret from all save my sister, but i am getting as impatient as a child to show it to my guests, and can scarcely wait for the supper-hour to arrive." "i sincerely hope, sir, both as an artist and a friend, that the surprise you have planned will not turn into a disappointment. but you have not yet told me, mr. jefferson, who the interesting young gentleman is with mrs. carr." "that," said mr. jefferson, looking kindly toward the youth beside his sister, "is young calvert of strathore, and a finer young gentleman does not live in virginia--no, nor in any other state of this country," he added, warmly. "he is of the famous baltimore family, a direct descendant of leonard calvert, cadet brother of the second lord baltimore, and is the bearer of my lord baltimore's name, cecil calvert, to which has been prefixed edward, for his father. the family came to this country in 1644, i believe, and for several generations lived in the colony of maryland, and have always been people of position and wealth. ned's father, however, had a serious disagreement with his family, because of his marriage with a lovely young quakeress of philadelphia, and finally broke off entirely from his people, renouncing even the long-cherished catholic faith, and came to virginia when their only child was about two years old. mr. calvert built a spacious, comfortable residence on the banks of the potomac not far from mr. washington's residence, calling it 'strathore,' after the older maryland place." "what a head!" murmured mr. stuart, looking at the young man. "what sincerity and quiet strength! but continue, i beg of you." "there is little to tell--some six years after removing to virginia, calvert's father and mother both suddenly died, leaving the poor boy estranged from the only relatives he had in maryland, but, fortunately, under the guardianship of general washington, who has been all kindness toward him. madame washington would have taken him to mount vernon had it not been for the father's wish that he should grow up on his own estate, alone save for the excellent tutors with whom he has always been provided. but he has ever been warmly welcomed at mount vernon on long visits there, and both general and madame washington have become greatly attached to him. it was through them i first knew and liked him, and he has passed many, i hope not unhappy, weeks at monticello with me since. 'tis that curious and melancholy resemblance in their fate--both orphaned and solitary--which, i fancy, had much to do with the firm friendship that has sprung up between colonel hamilton and calvert. but though in appearance and circumstance they resemble each other, in mental characteristics they are opposites. calvert has none of hamilton's brilliancy of intellect and vividness of imagination" (for whatever their bitter disagreements were later, mr. jefferson, then and for many years afterward, was always ready to acknowledge and admire hamilton's superb genius), "but he is of a profound logical order of intelligence; he has good judgment and discretion, indomitable will power, and a nobility of aim and faithfulness of purpose that are as rare as they are admirable. i can conceive of no circumstances in which he might be placed where his reliability and firmness would prove inadequate to the occasion." "his face bears out what you tell me of him, mr. jefferson," assented the young artist, who was regarding calvert with increasing interest. "tis a fine countenance, and i shall not be happy until i have transferred it to canvas. i shall have to beg a few sittings of calvert of strathore!" mr. jefferson smiled. "i am afraid, mr. stuart, that you will find it difficult to persuade ned that he has a 'fine countenance'! he is the soul of modesty as he is the soul of truth and honor." he stopped and looked affectionately at young calvert, who was still beside madame carr, unconscious of the close scrutiny he was undergoing. "i hardly know how to describe him to you," continued mr. jefferson, meditatively. "his is a noble and lovable character. i never look at him but these lines from horace come to my mind--'_quam desederio sit pudor aut modus tam cari capitis'_! i can only say that had i been blessed with a son," and he sighed as he spoke, "i would have wished him to be like edward calvert, and, believe me, 'tis not partiality that makes me speak of him in such fashion. general washington and colonel hamilton and monsieur de lafayette, under whom he served at yorktown, hold him as i do. gentle and tractable as he is, the lad has plenty of spirit, and ran away from the college of new jersey in 1780, where he had been matriculated but two months, and, presenting himself to his guardian and friend, general washington, begged to be permitted to fight for his country. he was scarce fifteen, and dr. witherspoon, whom, as you doubtless know, our good friend henry laurens persuaded to leave edinburgh to take charge of the college at princeton, violently opposed his abandoning his studies, but the young man was determined, and was finally commissioned as an aide to general lafayette. he was of particular service to both lafayette and rochambeau, as he understands and speaks the french language excellently, having studied it since childhood and speaking much with a french tutor whom he had for some years. he is to return to the college of princeton in the fall of this year, and finish his studies. for though he will be nineteen years of age when he enters, yet such is his determination to get the college education which his service to his country interrupted, that he is resolved to recommence now at the age when most youths have finished their studies. and if at the end of his college course my duties still detain me abroad, 'tis my intention and dearest wish to have him come out to me, and i promise you he will make me as efficient a secretary as ever hamilton made general washington." "all that you tell me only increases my interest in the young gentleman, mr. jefferson," said stuart, "and i am more determined than ever to have him sit for me. i can see the picture," he went on, eagerly--"the fine, youthful brow and wavy hair drawn loosely back and slightly powdered, the blue eyes, aquiline nose, and firm mouth--the chin is a trifle delicate but the jaw is square--" he was speaking half to himself, noting in artist fashion the salient points of a countenance at once attractive and handsome, not so much by reason of beautiful features as because of the expression which was at once youthful, serene, and noble. all these points were afterward portrayed by mr. stuart, though it was not until many years later that the picture was executed, mr. stuart being recalled almost immediately to london, where, indeed, calvert finally sat to him. that likeness, done in the most admirable fashion, came later into the possession of one of calvert's dearest friends and greatest admirers, and was prized above most things by one who loved the original so deeply and so long. "and he has other attractions," said mr. jefferson, after a long pause, during which the two gentlemen regarded young calvert, the artist absorbed in plans for his picture, mr. jefferson in affectionate thoughts of the young man so dear to his heart. "he has one of the clearest, freshest voices that you ever heard, mr. stuart; a voice that matches his face and makes one believe in youth and happiness and truth. why should he not sing for us?" he exclaimed. "the dancing has ceased, i see. come, i will ask him." followed by mr. stuart, he went over to young calvert, who was still standing sentinel beside madame carr, and clapped him affectionately on the shoulder. "ned, we demand a song! come, no refusal, sir!" he exclaimed. "i shall send caesar for my amati and you must sing us something. shall it be 'the lass with the delicate air'? that is my favorite, i think. 'tis, as you know, mr. stuart, by the late dr. arne, the prince of song-writers. here, boy!" he said, turning to one of the small darkies standing about to snuff the candles, "tell caesar to bring me 'pet.'"--for it was thus he called his violin, which had been saved by caesar's devotion and bravery when all else at elk hill was destroyed by order of my lord cornwallis. while this was going forward calvert stood by silent, outwardly calm and unruffled, inwardly much perturbed. it was his pleasure and habit to sing for mr. jefferson or for general and madame washington, but it was something of an ordeal to sing before an audience. that quiet heroism, though, which was part of his character, and which made him accept tranquilly everything, from the most trifling inconvenience to the greatest trials, kept him from raising any objection. as mr. jefferson drew his bow across his violin the company fell away from the centre of the room, leaving a clear space. stepping forward he leaned over his beloved amati and played the opening bars of dr. arne's famous ballad, with its liquid phrases and quaint intervals of melody. at the first notes of the air calvert stood beside him and lifted up his fresh young voice of thrilling sweetness. it was one of those naturally beautiful voices, which at this time and for many years longer had a charm that none could resist, and which helped, among other things, to earn for him the everlasting jealousy of that remarkable and versatile scoundrel, monsieur le baron de st. aulaire. "i protest, sir," cried mr. gilbert from his place beside miss crenshawe, when the bow at last dropped from the quivering strings, "i protest i have not heard such music since st. george and garat played and sang together in paris!" monsieur de lafayette laid his hand affectionately on calvert's shoulder. "ah, ned," he said in his english with the strong accent, "that was sweet, but if i mistake me not, thy voice sounded even sweeter to my ears as thou sangst thy songs around the campfires at night after our long marches and counter-marches when we hung upon cornwallis's flank or raced toward petersburg to beat phillips! 'twas a very girl's voice then, but it could make us forget fatigue and danger and homesickness!" "i am glad to believe that i was of some service," said calvert. "i have often thought," he went on, smiling a little, "that had i not been under the protection of general washington i should never have been permitted to make the campaign." but the marquis would have none of his modesty. "no, no," he cried, "thou knowest thou wert my favorite aide and served me faithfully and well. dost thou not remember the many messages thou didst carry to general rochambeau for me when we lay before yorktown? and the friends thou hadst in his army? de beaufort and d'azay were among the best, is it not so? but what is this?" he inquired, suddenly, as he saw the middle of the long room cleared and a very army of slaves approaching bearing an immense table already laid with fine damask and silver. "madame carr evidently thinks her guests are in need of refreshment after these wearying musical performances," replied calvert, laughing, "and as we are too numerous to be entertained in the dining-room, supper is to be served here. 'tis frequently mr. jefferson's fashion when his company is large." with little formality the guests took their places at table, the ladies all being seated and many of the older gentlemen. the younger ones stood about and waited upon the ladies, contenting themselves by eating after they were served, as they hung over their chairs and conversed with them. calvert with beaufort and d'azay were busily occupied, the french officers devoting themselves to the wants of the beautiful miss peggy gary and miss molly crenshawe, calvert gravely seeing that the elderly mrs. mason, mother of mr. jefferson's great friend, mr. george mason, mrs. wythe, and other dowagers were bountifully supplied. it was like him to pass by the young beauties to attend upon those who had greater needs and less attractions. from his position behind the dowagers' chairs he could catch bits of conversation from both ends of the table. now it was mr. jefferson's voice, rising above the noise, talk, and laughter, offering some excellent madeira to his abstemious friend, mr. arkwright. "i insist," urged mr. jefferson, "for upon my word 'tis true, as someone has said, that water has tasted of sinners ever since the flood!" now it was mr. madison who arose, glass in hand, to propose a toast to mr. jefferson. it was not a very eloquent farewell, but, as he said, "the message comes from all hearts present, and the burden of it is a safe journey, great achievement, and a speedy return." when mr. jefferson rose to respond, then, indeed, was heard eloquence. toward the close of his brief reply there was a note of sadness in it. "i have ever held it the first duty of a patriot to submit himself to the commands of his country. my command has been to leave my country. i would that it had been otherwise--but my country before all! and should i be able to serve her in ever so little by going, no separation from all i love best, no loss of ease and quiet pleasures, will be too costly for me not to bear with resignation, nay, even with cheerfulness! i shall take with me one hostage to happiness--my daughter--and should my splendid exile to the greatest court of europe be prolonged and my duties become too arduous, i shall send to these shores for one to aid me--one on whose fidelity and zeal i can rely--for my dear young friend--calvert of strathore." at this unexpected announcement calvert started with surprise and pleasure, having heard nothing of mr. jefferson's intention. "but why should i speak of my exile?" continued mr. jefferson. "shall i not be among friends?" and he looked with affectionate regard toward the three young frenchmen. "shall i not be among friends, the truest and noblest that any country or any individual can boast? your looks bespeak your answer! friends, i ask you to drink to monsieur le marquis de lafayette and to messieurs de beaufort and d'azay!" amid the enthusiastic applause which followed, lafayette was seen to rise and lift his hand for silence. "since the first day we set foot upon this great country," he said, "we have received naught but kindness, aid, honors. how shall we thank you for that in a few words? we cannot, but we can make you a promise for our king, our country, and ourselves. 'tis this. mr. jefferson shall find a welcome and a home in france such as we have found here, an admiration, a respect, a love such as we cannot command. and should mr. calvert come also, he shall be as a brother to us! i drink to our happy reunion in france!" "so you will come to france, too, ned," cried d'azay to calvert. "i shall claim you as my guest and take you down to our château of azay-le-roi and show you to my sister adrienne as a great american savage!" "you will be blessed if she looks at you out of mere curiosity if for naught else," murmured beaufort at calvert's ear, "for she is the prettiest little nun in all france. show calvert thy locket, henri." somewhat reluctantly d'azay pulled forth a small ivory miniature in a gold case, and holding it well within the hollow of his hand, so that others might not see, he laid it before calvert. "is she not a beauty?" demanded beaufort, eagerly. "more beautiful, i think, than the lovely miss shippen of philadelphia, or miss bingham, or any of your famous beauties, calvert." it was indeed a beautiful face that calvert gazed upon, a slender, oval face with violet eyes, shadowed by long, thick lashes; a straight nose with slightly distended nostrils, which, with the curling lips, gave a look of haughtiness to the countenance in spite of its youthfulness. a cloud of dusky hair framed the face, which, altogether, was still extremely immature and (as calvert thought) capable of developing into noble loveliness or hardening into unpleasing though striking beauty. beaufort still hung over calvert's shoulder. "she is 'the lass with the delicate air' whom you but just now sang of, calvert," he said, laughing softly. "i wonder who will ever be lucky enough to find a way to win this maid!" as calvert stood gazing in silent admiration at the miniature and but half-listening to beaufort's wild talk, mr. jefferson suddenly rose in his place. "one more toast," he said, in a loud voice--"a toast without which we cannot disperse. ned, i call on you, who are his young favorite, for a toast to general washington!" there was a burst of applause at the name, and then calvert rose. he was a gallant young figure as he stood there, his wine-glass uplifted and a serious expression on his boyish face. "to the one," he cried, after an instant's hesitation, "whom we hold in our hearts to be the bravest of soldiers, the purest of patriots, and the wisest of men--general washington!" as he spoke the last words, mr. jefferson drew aside a heavy curtain which had hung across the wall behind his chair, and as the velvet fell apart a replica of the famous portrait of general washington, which mr. stuart had but lately painted for the marquis of lansdowne, was revealed to the surprised and delighted guests. amid a burst of patriotic enthusiasm everyone arose and, with glass upheld, saluted the great hero, and then--and for the last time for many years--the sage of monticello. chapter iv at the palais royal it was in pursuance of his favorite plan to make calvert his secretary, should he be appointed minister to the court of louis xvi., that mr. jefferson wrote to the young man four years later, inviting him to come to france. this invitation was eagerly accepted, and it was thus that mr. calvert found himself in company with beaufort at the american legation in paris on that february evening in the year 1789. when the great doors of the legation had shut upon the two young men, they found themselves under the marquise where beaufort's sleigh--a very elaborate and fantastic affair--awaited them. covering themselves with the warm furs, they set off at a furious pace down the champs elysées to the place louis xv. it was both surprising and alarming to calvert to note with what reckless rapidity beaufort drove through the crowded boulevard, where pedestrians mingled perforce with carriages, sleighs, and chairs, there being no foot pavements, and with what smiling indifference he watched their efforts to get out of his horses' way. "'tis insufferable, my dear calvert," he said, when his progress was stopped entirely by a crowd of people, who poured out of a small street abutting upon the boulevard, "'tis insufferable that this rabble cannot make way for a gentleman's carriage." "i should think the rabble would find it insufferable that a gentleman's carriage should be driven so recklessly in this crowded thoroughfare, my dear beaufort," returned calvert, quietly, looking intently at that same rabble as it edged and shuffled and slipped its way along into the great street. at calvert's remark, the young frenchman shrugged his shoulders and shook his reins over his impatient horses until the chime of silver bells around their necks rang again. "as usual--in revolt against the powers that be," he laughed. calvert leaned forward. "what is it?" he said. "there seems to be some commotion. they are carrying something." 'twas as he had said. in the crowd of poor-looking people was a still closer knot of men, evidently carrying some heavy object. "qu'est ce qu'il y a, mon ami?" said calvert, touching a man on the shoulder who had been pushed close to the sleigh. the man addressed looked around. he was poorly and thinly clothed, with only a ragged muffler knotted about his throat to keep off the stinging cold. from under his great shaggy eyebrows a pair of wild, sunken eyes gleamed ferociously, but there was a smile upon his lips. "'tis nothing, m'sieur," he said, nonchalantly. "'tis only a poor wretch who has died from the cold and they are taking him away. you see he could not get any charcoal this morning when he went to monsieur juigné. 'tis best so." he turned away carelessly, and, forcing himself through the crowd, was soon lost to sight. "there are many such," said beaufort, gloomily, in answer to calvert's look of inquiry. "what will you have? the winter has been one of unexampled, of never-ending cold. the government, the curés, the nobles have done much for the poor wretches, but it has been impossible to relieve the suffering. they have, at least, to be thankful that freezing is such an easy death, and when all is said, they are far better off dead than alive. but it is extremely disagreeable to see the shivering scarecrows on the streets, and they ought to be kept to the poorer quarters of the city." he had thrown off his look of gloom and spoke carelessly, though with an effort, as he struck the horses, which started again down the great avenue. calvert looked for an instant at beaufort. "'tis unlike you to speak so," he said, at length. indeed, ever since the young man had come into the breakfast-room at the legation, calvert had been puzzled by some strange difference in his former friend. it was not that the young frenchman was so much more elaborately and exquisitely dressed than in the days when calvert had known him in america, or that he was older or of more assurance of manner. there was some subtle change in his very nature, in the whole impression he gave out, or so it seemed to calvert. there was an air of flippancy, of careless gayety, about beaufort now very unlike the ingenuous candor, the boyish simplicity, of the beaufort who had served as a volunteer under rochambeau in the war of american independence. "what will you have?" he asked again, nonchalantly. "wait until you have been in paris awhile and you will better understand our manner of speech. 'tis a strange enough jargon, god knows," he said, laughing in a disquieted fashion. "and france is not america." "i see." "and though the cold is doubtless unfortunate for the poor, the rich have enjoyed the winter greatly. why, i have not had such sport since d'azay and i used to go skating on your schuylkill!" he flicked the horses again. "and as for the ladies!--they crowd to the pièces d'eau in the royal gardens. those that can't skate are pushed about in chairs upon runners or drive all day in their sleighs. 'tis something new, and, you know, folly must be ever amused." even while he spoke numbers of elegantly mounted sleighs swept by, and to the fair occupants of many of them beaufort bowed with easy grace. here and there along the wide street great fires were burning, tended by curés in their long cassocks and crowded around by shivering men and women. the doors of the churches and hospitals stood open, and a continual stream of freezing wretches passed in to get warmed before proceeding on their way. upon many houses were large signs bearing a notice to the effect that hot soup would be served free during certain hours, and a jostling, half-starved throng was standing at each door. there was a sort of terror of misery and despair over the whole scene, brilliant though it was, which affected calvert painfully. "where are you going to take me?" he asked beaufort, as the horses turned into the place louis xv. "where should i be taking you but to the incomparable palais royal, the capital of paris as paris is of france?" returned beaufort, gayly. "'tis a parisian's first duty to a stranger. there you will see the world in little, hear all the latest news and the most scandalous gossip, find the best wines and coffee, read the latest pamphlets--and let me tell you, my dear calvert, they come out daily by the dozens in these times--see the best-known men about town, and--but i forget. i am telling you of what the palais royal used to be. in these latter times it has changed greatly," he spoke gloomily now. "'tis the gathering-place of orléans men in these days, and they are fast turning into a hell what was once very nearly an earthly paradise!" "you seem to know the place well," said mr. calvert. "no man of fashion but knows it," returned beaufort, "though i think 'twill soon be deserted by all of us who love the king." "you were not so fond of kings in america," said calvert, smiling a little. "i was young and hot-headed then. no, no, calvert, i have learned many things since yorktown. nor do i regret what i then did, but"--he paused an instant--"i see trouble ahead for my country and my class. shall i not stick to my king and my order? there will be plenty who will desert both. 'tis not the fashion to be loyal now," he went on, bitterly. "even d'azay hath changed. he, like lafayette and your great friend mr. jefferson and so many others, is all for the common people. perhaps i am but a feather-headed fool, but it seems to me a dangerous policy, and i think, with your shakespeare, that perhaps 'twere better 'to bear the ills we have'--how goes it? i can never remember verse." as he finished speaking, he reined in his horses sharply, and looking about him, calvert perceived that they had stopped before a building whose massive exterior was most imposing. alighting and throwing the reins to the groom, beaufort led calvert under the arcades of the palais royal and into the grand courtyard, where were such crowds and such babel of noises as greatly astonished the young american. shops lined the sides of the vast building--shops of every variety, filled with every kind of luxury known to that luxurious age; cafés whose reputation had spread throughout europe, swarming with people, all seemingly under the influence of some strange agitation; book-stalls teeming with brand-new publications and crowded with eager buyers; marionette shows; theatres; dancing-halls--all were there. boys, bearing trays slung about their shoulders by leathern straps and heaped with little trick toys, moved continually among the throngs, hawking their wares and explaining the operation of them. streams of people passed continually through the velvet curtains hung before herr curtius's shop to see his marvellous waxworks within. opposite this popular resort was the théâtre de seraphim, famed for its "ombres chinoises," and liberally patronized by the frequenters of the palais royal. a little farther along under the arcades was the stall where mademoiselle la pierre, the prussian giantess, could be seen for a silver piece. next to this place of amusement was a small salon containing a mechanical billiard-table, over which a billiard-ball, when adroitly struck, would roll, touching the door of a little gilded chateau and causing the images of celebrated personages to appear at each of the windows, to the huge delight of the easily amused crowds. cold as the afternoon was, the press of people was tremendous, and besides the numbers bent on amusement, throngs of men stood about under the wind-swept arcades, talking excitedly, some with frightened, furtive face and air, others boldly and recklessly. as they passed along, calvert noted with surprise that beaufort seemed to have but few acquaintances among the crowds of gesticulating, excited men, and that the look of disquiet upon his face was intensifying each moment. when they reached the café de l'école, the storm burst. "'tis an infernal shame," he said, angrily, sinking into a chair at a small table, and pointing calvert to the one opposite him, "'tis an infernal shame that this pleasure palace should be made the hotbed of political intrigue; that these brawling, demented demagogues should be allowed to rant and rave here to an excited mob; that these disloyal, seditious pamphlets should be distributed and read and discussed beneath the windows of the king's own cousin! the king must be mad to permit this folly, which increases daily. where will it end?" he looked at calvert and clapped his hands together. a waiter came running up. "what will you have, calvert?--some of the best cognac and coffee?" he asked. "there is no better to be found in all france than here." "'twill suit me excellently," said calvert, absently, thinking more of what beaufort had told him of the tendencies of the times than of the coffee and cognac of the café de l'école. as he spoke, the man, who had stood by passively awaiting his orders, suddenly started and looked at the young american attentively. "but--pardon, messieurs," he stammered, "is it possible that i see monsieur calvert at paris?" beaufort looked up in astonishment at the servant who had so far forgotten himself as to address two gentlemen without permission, and calvert, turning to the man and studying his face for an instant, suddenly seized him by the hand cordially, and exclaimed, "my good bertrand, is it indeed you?" "ah! monsieur--what happiness! i had never thought to see monsieur again!" "then you were destined to be greatly mistaken, bertrand," returned calvert, laughing, "for you are likely to see me often. i am to be here in paris for an indefinite length of time, and as monsieur de beaufort tells me that the café de l'école surpasses all others, i shall be here very frequently." "and now," broke in beaufort, addressing the man, who still stood beaming with delight and surprise upon calvert, "go and get us our coffee and cognac." the man departed hastily and beaufort turned to calvert. "allow me to congratulate you upon finding an acquaintance in paris so soon! may i ask who the gentleman is?" "the gentleman was once a private in a company under monsieur de lafayette's orders before yorktown, and is my very good friend," says calvert, quietly, ignoring beaufort's somewhat disdainful raillery. what he did not tell beaufort was that private bertrand owed his life and much material aid to himself, and that the man was profoundly devoted and grateful. in calvert's estimation it was but a simple service he had rendered the poor soldier--rescuing him from many dying and wounded comrades who had fallen in that first fierce onslaught upon the yorktown redoubt. he had directed the surgeon to dress the man's wounds--he had been knocked on the head with a musket--and had eased the poor wretch's mind greatly by speaking to him in his own tongue, for most of the french soldiery under rochambeau and lafayette knew not a word of english. when bertrand recovered, calvert had sent him a small sum of money and a kind message, neither of which was the man likely to forget. never, in the whole course of his pinched, oppressed young life in france, had kindness and consideration been shown him from those above him. tyranny and abuse had been his lot and the lot of those all about him, and such a passionate devotion for the young american officer was kindled in his breast as would have greatly astonished its object had he known it. it was with an almost ludicrous air of solicitude that bertrand placed the coffee before calvert and poured out his cognac and then hung about, waiting anxiously for any sign or word from him. "is it not the best coffee in the world?" said beaufort, sipping his complacently and looking about the crowded room for a familiar face. apparently he found none, for, leaning across the table and speaking to calvert quite loudly and in an insolent tone, he said, "'tis a good thing the coffee is of the best, or, my word of honor, i would not come to a place which gentlemen seem to have abandoned and to which canaille flock." and with that he leaned back and looked about him with a fine nonchalance. there was a little murmur of suppressed ejaculations and menaces from those nearest who had heard his words, but it soon subsided at the sight of monsieur de beaufort's handsome face and reckless air. "there is also another charm about the café de l'école, my dear calvert," he said, speaking in a slightly lower tone and with an appreciative smile. "monsieur charpentier, our host, has a most undeniably pretty daughter. she is the caissière, fortunately, and may be seen--and admired--at any time. we will see her as we go out. and speaking of beauties," he continued, turning the stem of his wine-glass slowly around, "you have asked no word of mademoiselle d'azay--or, i should say, madame la marquise de st. andré!" "ah!" said calvert, politely, "is she married?" "what a cold-blooded creature!" said beaufort, laughing. "let me tell you, calvert, the marriage which you take so nonchalantly was the sensation of paris. it was the talk of the town for weeks, and the strangest marriage--if marriage it can be called--ever heard of. 'tis now three years since mademoiselle adrienne d'azay finished her studies at the couvent de marmoutier ('tis an old abbaye on the banks of the loire, calvert, near azay-le-roi, the château of the d'azay family) and came to dazzle all paris under the chaperonage of her great aunt, the old duchesse d'azay. as you have seen her portrait--and, i dare say, remember its smallest detail--i will spare you the recital of those charms which captivated half the young gentlemen of our world on her first appearance at court. she became the rage, and, before six months had passed, madame d'azay had arranged a marriage with the rich old st. andré. she would sell her own soul for riches, calvert; judge, therefore, how willingly she would sell her niece's soul." he paused an instant and tapped impatiently on the table for another glass of cognac. "it was a great match, i suppose," hazarded calvert. "oh, yes; monsieur de st. andré was a man high in the confidence of both the king and queen--and let me tell thee, 'tis no easy matter to please _both_ the king and queen--and a man of rank and fortune. 'tis safe to say the duchess was most concerned as to his fortune, which was enormous. he was a trifle old, however, for mademoiselle d'azay, he being near sixty-five, and she but eighteen." "gracious heaven!" ejaculated calvert. "what a cruel wrong to so young a creature! what a marriage!" "upon my word, i believe only the recital of wrong has power to stir that cold american blood of thine," said beaufort, laughing again. "but do not excite yourself too much. after all 'twas scarcely a marriage, for, within an hour after the ceremony, the elderly bridegroom was alone in his travelling coach on his way to madrid, sent thither at the instant and urgent command of the king on important private business connected with the family compact. from that journey he never returned alive, being attacked with a fatal fluxion of the lungs at a great public banquet given in his honor by count florida blanca. his body was brought back to france, and his soi-disant widow mourned him decorously for a year. since then she has been the gayest, as she is the fairest, creature in the great world of paris." "is she, indeed, so beautiful?" asked calvert, indifferently. "she is truly incomparable," returned beaufort, warmly. "and i promise thee, ned," he went on, in his reckless fashion, "that that cool head of thine and that stony heart--if thou hast a heart, which i scarce believe--will be stirred at sight of madame de st. andré, or i know not the power of a lovely face--and no man knows better the power of a lovely face than i, who am moved by every one i see!" he added, laughing ruefully. "besides her beauty and her fortune, there is a wayward brilliancy about her, a piquant charm in her state of widowed maid, that makes her fairly irresistible. the queen finds her charming and that madame de polignac is pleased to be jealous. 'tis even said that d'artois and d'orléans, those archenemies, agree only in finding her enchanting, and the rumor goes that 'twas d'artois's influence that sent the elderly husband off post-haste to madrid. a score of gentlemen dangle after her constantly, though apparently there is no one she prefers--unless," he hesitated, and calvert noticed that he paled a little and spoke with an effort, "unless it be monsieur le baron de st. aulaire." "and who is monsieur de st. aulaire?" inquired calvert. "a most charming man and consummate villain," says beaufort, with a gloomy smile. "the _fine fleur_ of our aristocracy, a maker of tender rhymes, a singer of tender songs, a good swordsman, a brilliant wit, a perfect courtier, a lucky gambler--in a word, just that fortunate combination of noble and ignoble qualities most likely to fascinate madame de st. andré," and a shadow settled for a moment on the debonair face of monsieur de beaufort. it did not need that shadow or that effort at light raillery to inform calvert that beaufort himself was an unsuccessful unit in the "score of gentlemen who dangled after" madame de st. andré, and he would have essayed to offer his friend some comfort had he known how. but the truth was that calvert, never having experienced the anguish and delights of love, felt a natural hesitation in proffering either sympathy or advice to one so much wiser than himself. while he was revolving some expression of interest (it was always his way to think well before speaking and to keep silent if his thoughts were not to his entire satisfaction), a sudden murmur, which rapidly developed into a deep roar as it drew nearer, was heard outside, and at the café de l'école the shouting ceased and one man's voice, harsh, incisive, agitated, could be heard above all the others. looking through the wide glass doors calvert and beaufort saw in the gathering dusk the possessor of that voice being raised hurriedly upon the shoulders of those who stood nearest him in the throng, and in that precarious position he remained for a few minutes haranguing the turbulent mass of people. suddenly he sprang down, and, elbowing his way through the crowd, he entered the café de l'école, followed by as many as could squeeze themselves into the already crowded room. "what is it?" beaufort demanded, languidly, of bertrand. the man, by tiptoeing, was trying to see over the heads of the smokers and drinkers, who had risen to their feet and were applauding the orator who had just entered. "it is monsieur danton who is come in. he is making his way to the caisse, doubtless to speak with madame, his wife. evidently monsieur has just addressed a throng in the gardens." "ah! then 'tis certainly time that we go, since monsieur danton invades the place. 'tis a poverty-stricken young lawyer from arcis-sur-aube, my dear calvert," said beaufort, disdainfully, "who has but lately come to paris and who, having no briefs to occupy his time, fills it to good advantage by wooing and marrying the pretty charpentier. the pretty charpentier has a pretty dot. i can't show you the dot, but come with me and i will show you the beauty." he got up from the table followed by calvert and, with his hand laid lightly on his silver dress sword, made his way easily through the surly crowd, who, seemingly impelled by some irresistible power and against their wish, opened a passage for him and the young stranger. as they drew near the comptoir, calvert perceived for the first time, leaning against it, the man who had created such an excitement by his words and sudden entrance. he was a big, burly figure, with a head and face that had something of the bull in them. indeed, they had come by that resemblance honestly, for a bull had tossed him, goring the lips and flattening the nose, and the marks were never to be effaced. smallpox, too, had left its sign in the deeply scarred skin. only the eyes remained to show one what might have been the original beauty of the face. they shone, brilliant and keen, from beneath great tufted eyebrows, above which waved a very lion's mane of rough, dark hair. "a face to be remembered, this monsieur danton's," said calvert to himself. and, indeed, it was. years afterward, when he saw it again and for the last time, every detail of that rugged countenance was as fresh in his memory as it was at that moment in the café de l'école. as for danton, all unconscious of the young american's scrutiny, his gaze was bent upon the pretty, vivacious little beauty who sat behind the caisse, and had so lately become madame danton. as he looked, the harsh features softened and a sentimental expression came into the keen eyes. "'tis the same conquered, slavish look the painter hath put into the lion's face when ariadne is by," mused calvert to himself. beaufort was counting out silver pieces slowly, and slowly dropping them on the caissière's desk. he looked at calvert and nodded appreciatively, coolly toward madame danton. "quelle charmante tête," he said, lightly, nonchalantly. the burly figure leaning on the comptoir straightened up as if stung into action; the softened eyes kindled with speechless wrath and flamed into the imperturbable, debonair face of monsieur de beaufort. one of the silver pieces rolled upon the floor. calvert stooped quickly for it. "madame will permit me," he said, courteously, and, lifting his hat, placed the coin upon the desk. without another look or word he turned and, followed leisurely by beaufort, made his way to the door. "an insolent," said danton, savagely, to madame, and gazing after beaufort's retreating back. "yes," returned madame, grinding her pretty teeth with rage--"monsieur le vicomte de beaufort is an insolent--and not for the first time." "i shall remember monsieur le vicomte de beaufort's insolence as well as i shall remember the englishman's politeness." bertrand edged nearer the herculean monsieur danton. "pardon, m'sieur," he commenced, nervously, "it is not an englishman--it is an american--a young american officer--monsieur calvert--aide-decamp to monsieur le marquis de lafayette, before yorktown. a patriot of patriots, messieurs," he went on, turning to the listening throng about him; "a lover of freedom, a compassionate heart. he saved me from death, messieurs, he gave me money, he sent me clothing, he saw that i was fed and cared for, messieurs." he told his story with many gesticulations and much emphasis, interrupted now and then by huzzas for the young american. calvert would have been vastly astonished to know that the lifting of his hat and his courteous tone had contrived to make a popular hero of him; as much astonished, perhaps, as beaufort to know that his careless, impertinent compliment to madame danton's charming head had sealed the fate of his own. but 'tis in this hap-hazard fashion that the destiny of mortals is decided. we are but the victims of chance or mischance. of all vainglorious philosophies, that of predestination is the vainest. outside, the night had fallen, and the shops, arcades, and gardens of the palais royal were ablaze with innumerable candles and illuminated chinese lanterns. before the entrance monsieur de beaufort's groom was walking his half-frozen and restless horses up and down the icy street. beaufort laid his hand on calvert's arm. "come," he said, gloomily, "the place is become insufferable. let me take you back to the legation." springing in he turned his horses' heads once more toward the place louis xv. and the champs elysées, and, while he guided them through the crowded and badly lighted thoroughfare, calvert had leisure to think upon the events of the last hour. it was with resentment and shame he reflected upon his friend's airy insolence to the pretty caissière of the café de l'école. that it should have been offered in her husband's presence was a gratuitous aggravation of the offence. that it should have been offered her with such disdainful contempt for any objection on her part or her husband's, with such easy assurance that there could be no objections on their part, was another gratuitous aggravation of the offence. in that noble insolence calvert read a sign of the times more legible than the clearest writing in the pamphlets flooding the book-stalls of the palais royal. chapter v the private secretary they drove in silence almost to the rue neuve de berry, calvert musing on the strange glimpse he had had of life in paris, beaufort busy with his restless horses. at the grille of the legation calvert alighted and beaufort bade him good-by, still with the gloomy, foreboding look on his handsome face. when calvert had mounted the great stairway, with the carved salamanders on the balustrade ever crawling their way up and down, he found mr. jefferson sitting alone before the bright fire in his library. as soon as he heard the young man's step he looked up eagerly. "at last!" he cried. "i was wishing that you would come in. mr. morris has just been despatched in my carriage to the rue richelieu, and i was beginning to wonder what that wild beaufort had done with you to keep you so late." "we are but just returned from a sight of the palais royal," said calvert, throwing off his great-coat and sitting down beside mr. jefferson, who rang for candles and a box of his virginia tobacco. "and a strange enough sight it was--a turbulent crowd, and much political speaking from hoarse-throated giants held aloft on their friends' shoulders." "a strange enough place, indeed," said mr. jefferson, shaking his head and smiling a little at calvert's wholesale description of it. "'tis the political centre of paris, in fact, and though the crowds may be turbulent and the orators windy, yet 'tis there that the fruitful seed of the political harvest, which this great country will reap with such profit, is being sown. 'despise not the day of small things,'" he went on, cheerfully. "these rude, vehement orators, with their narrow, often erroneous, ideas, are nevertheless doing a good work. they are opening the minds of the ignorant, clearing a way for broader, higher ideals to lodge therein; they are the pioneers, in this hitherto undiscovered country for france, of civil liberty, and of freedom of thought and action." "and these vehement orators, with their often erroneous ideas--will they do no harm? will these pioneers not lead their fellows astray in that undiscovered country?" suggested calvert, not without a blush to think that he had the temerity to question the soundness of mr. jefferson's views. "were we not inexperienced, hot-headed men who gathered in the apollo room at the raleigh to protest against the proceedings in massachusetts? were we not rash, windy orators in the house of burgesses--nay, in congress itself? yet did we not accomplish great things--great good?" he laid his hand affectionately on the shoulder of the young man who remained silent, revolving many things, aeneas-like, but too modest to oppose himself further to mr. jefferson. "no, no, my boy," continued mr. jefferson, after an instant's silence, "do not believe that the awakening which made of us a great nation will not be equally glorious for france! and with such leaders as are hers, will she not march proudly and triumphantly forward to her day of glory? will not a lafayette do even more for his own country than ever he did for america? even i have been able to help somewhat. 'tis true, as minister from the united states of america, i cannot use my official influence, but surely as a patriot, as an american citizen who is profoundly, overwhelmingly grateful for the aid, the generosity, the friendship of this great country, i can give counsel, the results of our experience, a word of encouragement, of good cheer." he paused, his noble face alight with enthusiasm and emotion. of all the fine traits of that fine character none was more strongly marked than that of gratitude. never ashamed to show it, his only fear was that he might not prove grateful enough. other americans, of as great talents and colder hearts, could find it easy to believe that france had extended her aid to us for diplomatic purposes--to guard her own interests and humble her adversary, england--could look on with neutral eyes at her awful struggles, could keep america calmly aloof from all her entanglements. not so mr. jefferson. such a return for her services seemed to him but the acme of selfishness and ingratitude. it was not bad statesmanship that made him bear so long with the blunders, the impertinences, the fatuity of monsieur genet; it was the remembrance of all the benefits showered upon us by the country which that charlatan represented. perhaps 'tis well that those who hold the welfare of a nation in their hands should, like the gods, feel neither fear, nor anger, nor love, nor hatred, nor gratitude--in a word, should be unmoved by forces that sway the common mortal, so that, free from all earthly claims, that nation soars away to dizzying heights of prosperity and power. _pro bono publico_ is a wellnigh irresistible plea. but there are statesmen in whose code of morals national virtues are identical with personal virtues, national crimes with personal crimes. such a one was mr. jefferson. "no, no," he went on, musingly, filling his long pipe with the mild, fragrant virginia tobacco which had been shipped to him in the packet of two months back, "we must not forget our obligations. would that we could pay some of the moneyed ones! the finances of this country are in a deplorable state and there are millions of indebtedness on account of our war. but if we cannot do that, we can, at least, give our moral aid to those who are trying to bring about great reforms in this kingdom--reforms which, i hope, will be carried through at the forthcoming states-general to be held in may. already the elections are preparing, and some of our friends will undoubtedly represent their orders. d'azay and lafayette will assuredly be nominated from the noblesse." "general de lafayette and d'azay!" said calvert. "i should like to see them again. the last time was at monticello." "yes, yes," returned mr. jefferson, smiling at the pleasant recollection of that last evening in virginia. "lafayette is still in auvergne, i believe, busy with his elections, so that i fear he will not be here tomorrow, the evening of the weekly legation reception. but d'azay will doubtless present himself, since monsieur de beaufort tells us he returns tomorrow. indeed, he and his aunt, madame la duchesse d'azay, and his sister, the lovely madame de st. andré, are among my stanchest friends in this great city and nearly always do me the honor to be my guests at the receptions and dinners i find it both so agreeable and necessary to give. i have already engaged mr. morris's company for the evening. it will give me great pleasure to introduce two such americans to the world of paris," and he laid his hand affectionately, in his customary fashion, on the young man's shoulder. as mr. jefferson had said, he entertained frequently, and 'twas a very brilliant society that gathered at least once a week in the salon of the minister from the young republic, drawn thither by policy, curiosity, respect and admiration for mr. jefferson, a desire to consult him on the important topics of the hour, and a certain freedom from constraint--a feeling as of being on neutral ground. for already the salons of paris were divided against themselves. no longer simply the gatherings of fashionable, of charming, of frivolous men and women, they had grown somewhat serious with the seriousness of the time. in the salon of madame necker gathered the solid supporters of the king, and, above all, the solid supporters of monsieur necker, who was at the height of his power and complacently ready to play the role of saviour to his country. at the palais royal crowded the queer followers of monsieur le duc d'orléans, the enemies of the king. at the house of the beautiful théroigne de méricourt were to be found the men of the most advanced, the most revolutionary, ideas, the future murderers and despoilers of france. in the salon of the exquisite madame de sabran flocked all those young aristocrats, wits, sprigs of nobility, who believed in nothing in heaven or earth save in the old order. there was the serious circle around madame de tessé, where new ideas were advanced and discussed, and there was the gay circle of madame de beauharnais, whose chief attractions were her delightful dinners, and who, the wits declared, had "intended to found a salon, but had only succeeded in starting a restaurant." besides these, there were a dozen other important centres representing as many different shades of political faith. but in the salon of the american legation gathered the best of every following, for, although mr. jefferson's democratic principles were, of course, well and widely known, yet was he so respected, his moderation and fairness so recognized, that all considered it an honor to be his friend and his presence a guarantee of amicable discussion and good-fellowship. "i shall be very glad to meet your new friends, sir," said calvert, smiling back at mr. jefferson as that gentleman arose and stood with his back to the fire, his tall, thin figure silhouetted by the firelight on the wall (the candles were still unlit), his hands clasped lightly behind his back, as was his wont. "i had the pleasure of meeting an old one this afternoon." "indeed," said mr. jefferson, "and who was that?" "a poor french private named bertrand, who served in a company under general de lafayette's orders in the attack on yorktown, and whom i had the occasion to know rather well. i fancy," he went on, smiling a little at the recollection of beaufort's haughtiness, "that beaufort was somewhat amazed at the cordiality of our meeting." "beaufort!" ejaculated mr. jefferson, and a slight frown gathered on his forehead. "i fancy that beaufort and his ilk will be amazed at many things shortly. ned, i warn you to beware of him. he has changed greatly since the days when he fought so gallantly under rochambeau in our great war of independence. he has become an aristocrat of aristocrats, a popinjay, a silken dandy, like most of the young nobles at this court. he is high in the king's favor and devoted to his cause. though your friendships and opinions can have no official weight, as you are my private secretary, still 'twere well to be careful, to be as neutral as possible, to occasion no offence. and, indeed, mr. secretary," he went on, shaking off his serious air and speaking in a lighter tone, "i should be instructing you in your duties, explaining the diplomatic situation to you, instead of discussing foolish young noblemen like monsieur de beaufort." "i shall remember your advice, mr. jefferson," said calvert, quietly, "and i am ready for any instructions and duties." "after all, 'twill be unwise to begin them this evening," returned mr. jefferson, shaking his head. "you are doubtless wearied with your journey, and we had better postpone your induction into office until to-morrow, when we can take the whole day for business. you can have no idea, my dear ned, of the numberless affairs put into our hands," he went on, with a note of anxiety in his voice, "or with what difficulty many of them are arranged. the constant change of ministers is most disconcerting among the many disconcerting factors of official existence here, and just now i am harassed by my non-success in getting from congress an appropriation to pay bills for medals and for the redemption of our captives. it seems that the interest on the dutch loans until 1790 must be paid before other claims, which leaves but a small chance for those bills to be liquidated. by the way, to-morrow you must write me a letter to monsieur de villedeuil à propos of a mr. nesbit and his debts--an affair lately put into our care. but there! no business this evening. 'tis but a short while before dinner, which you and i will take quite alone this evening, ned, and you must tell me of yourself and what you have been doing all these years at the college of princeton." mr. jefferson looked at the young man before him with such affectionate interest that calvert, though he was the least talkative or egotistic of mortals, found himself telling of his college life, the vacations at strathore, and his visits to philadelphia and new york. now and then one sees a person in the _mezzo cammin_ of his years so happily constituted by nature as to attract and be attracted by youth. he seems to hold some fortunate, ever-youthful principle of life denied to the rest of us. it was so with mr. jefferson. statesman, philosopher, scientist himself, he yet numbered the young and inexperienced among his many friends, and not one of them held so warm a place in his affections as young calvert of strathore. he had received from dr. witherspoon the accounts of his career at college, where, although never greatly popular, he had won his way by his quiet self-reliance, entire sincerity, and the accuracy and solidity of his mind rather than by any brilliancy of intellect. these sterling gifts had first attracted mr. jefferson's notice and excited his admiration and affection. the lonely condition of the young man, too, though borne by him in that uncomplaining fashion characteristic of him, touched mr. jefferson, the more, perhaps, for the very silence and stoicism with which 'twas supported. he was, therefore, greatly surprised when he heard calvert allude to it for the first time on that winter's afternoon. the young man had taken mr. jefferson's place before the open fire and now stood leaning against the chimney-piece as he talked, while mr. jefferson, sitting beside the reading-table, drew deep whiffs of the fragrant tobacco from his long pipe and listened interestedly to what calvert had to say, smiling now and then appreciatively. after a little the young man ceased to speak and stood gazing meditatively into the glowing logs. "a word more, mr. jefferson," he said, at length, still gazing into the gleaming embers. as he stood so, looking down into the fire, the flickering light leaped up and played upon his quiet face, upon the clean-cut lips, the firm jaw, the aquiline nose, the broad, smooth brow, from which the dark-brown hair, unpowdered, waved back, tied at the neck with a black ribbon whose ends fell down upon the broad young shoulders. perhaps it was the changing light, or perhaps it was the shadow from his uplifted hand on which he lightly leaned his head, that made his eyes seem dark and troubled, and quite unlike their usual serene selves. as mr. jefferson looked at the young man an uneasy thought took shape in his mind that that face's cheerful expression had altered since it had entered his doors, that the shadow of a change had somehow come upon it. "a word more," said calvert again, resting his foot upon one of the burnished andirons, and removing his gaze from the flickering fire to mr. jefferson's attentive face. "i believe that not in my letters, and assuredly not since getting here, have i thanked you gratefully enough for summoning me to you. 'tis such an honor and a pleasure to be with you, to work for you, that i cannot express myself as i would like, sir. indeed, i have long years of kindnesses, of interest, of affectionate concern for my welfare, to thank you for. i do not think you can ever know what all that means to one so entirely alone as i am and have been almost since i could remember. 'tis only in the last few years," he went on, hurriedly, and lowering his hand still more over his serious eyes, "that i have entirely realized what it is to be without kindred. i have to thank you and a few other kind friends that the knowledge has been so long withheld from me." mr. jefferson looked at the young figure, with its unusual air of sadness, bending over the firelight. rising, he went over to him and laid his hand on the young man's shoulder. "there can be no question of thanks between us, ned," he said at length, simply. "i love you as though you were my son, and it is the greatest pleasure to have you with me." and, indeed, it seemed so and as if he could not do enough for his young secretary. and that night, when the quiet dinner was over and they were ready to retire, he himself lighted calvert to his bed-chamber and left him with such an affectionate good-night that the young man felt happier and more at home in that strange house in paris than though he had been at strathore itself, with no three thousand miles of vexed ocean between himself and virginia. chapter vi mr. calvert meets old and new friends the day after calvert's arrival was a long and busy one for him. he was closeted from morning until night with mr. jefferson, who explained to him the many private affairs awaiting transaction, as well as much of the important official business of the legation. it was also necessary that he should be thoroughly au courant with the political outlook of the times and the entire state of european affairs, and in those shifting, troublesome days it was no easy matter to thoroughly understand the drift of events. russia was the cynosure of all eyes at that moment, and on her throne sat the most ambitious, the most daring, the most brilliant, and the most successful queen the world has ever seen. catharine's designs upon turkey, in which she was abetted by austria's emperor, joseph, threatened to disrupt europe and caused chatham's son to look with anxious eyes toward the east, while strengthening his hold in holland. poland, desperate, and struggling vainly to keep her place among european nations, was but a plaything in the hands of the empress, aided by prussia, who realized only too well that her own prosperity demanded the destruction of the weaker state. in the north, gustavus ruled in isolated splendor, now lending his aid to some one of the warring continental powers, now arraying himself against the combatants to preserve some semblance of a balance of power. calvert threw himself with enthusiasm into his work, delighted to be able to lighten the immense labors of mr. jefferson (who, to tell the truth, was always overworked and underpaid), and happy to think he was of service to one who had always shown such kindness to him. so interested and energetic was the young man that mr. jefferson had much difficulty in getting him to lay aside his papers and make himself ready for the reception of the evening. indeed, when, after dressing quickly, he descended to the great drawing-room, which looked quite splendid, with its multitude of wax lights and gilded mirrors, he found it already filled with a company more splendid than any he had ever before seen. as he approached, he noticed that mr. jefferson was conversing with a large gentleman of pompous appearance, to whom he had just presented mr. morris, and to whom he presented calvert in turn as "monsieur necker." 'twas with a good deal of curiosity and disappointment that calvert saw for the first time the minister of finance, the greatest power for the moment in france. he was a large, heavy man, whose countenance, with its high, retreating forehead, chin of unusual length, vivid brown eyes and elevated eyebrows, was intelligent, but did not even hint at genius. there was about him an air of fatigue and laboriousness which suggested the hard-working and successful business man rather than a great statesman and financier, and the courtly richness of his embroidered velvet dress suited ill his commonplace figure. in his whole personality calvert decided there was no suggestion of that nobility of mind and nature which so distinguished mr. jefferson, nor of that keen mentality and easy elegance of manner so characteristic of mr. gouverneur morris. "his looks seem to say, 'i am the man,'" whispered that gentleman to calvert as monsieur necker turned aside for an instant to speak with mr. jefferson, and calvert could not help smiling at the humorous and swift summing-up of the minister's character and the merry twinkle in mr. morris's eye. but whatever their opinion of his talents, monsieur necker's cordiality was above reproach, and it was with elaborate politeness that he presented the americans to madame necker. she was a very handsome woman still, retaining traces of that beauty which had fired gibbon in his youth, and was all amiability to the two strangers, whom she introduced to her daughter, madame la baronne de staël-holstein, wife of the ambassador from gustavus iii. to the court of louis xvi. madame de staël stood with her back to the open fire, her hands clasped behind her, her brilliant black eyes flashing upon the assembled company. although she had accomplished nothing great ('twas before she wrote "corinne" or "de l'allemagne"), she was already famous for her appreciation of monsieur rousseau. indeed, there was something so unusual, so forceful in this large, almost masculine woman, that calvert was as much impressed with her as he had been disappointed in monsieur necker. it seemed as if the mediocre talents of the minister of finance had flamed into genius in this leonine creature who was as much her mother's inferior in looks as her father's superior in intelligence. mingled with this masculinity of mind and appearance was an egotism, a coquetry, a directness of thought and action that combined to make a curious personality. it was amusing to note with what assiduity she showered her attentions on mr. morris, the man of the world, of whom she had heard much, and with what polite indifference she dismissed calvert--though it is but doing her justice to say that later, tiring of her ineffectual efforts to interest mr. morris, she made the amende honorable and essayed her coquetries on the younger man, much to his embarrassment. with a slight gesture of command she pointed mr. morris to a seat beside her on the divan upon which she had sunk. "ah! monsieur," she said to him, with a languishing glance out of her brilliant eyes and a smile that displayed a row of wonderfully white teeth, "monsieur de lafayette tells me that you are un homme d'esprit." "madame," returned mr. morris, bowing low--perhaps to conceal the ironical smile playing about his lips--"i do not feel myself worthy of such a compliment." "mais, si!" insisted madame de staël, with another glance, which did not and was not meant to conceal her newly awakened interest in the distinguished-looking american. "we hear that monsieur has even written a book on the american constitution." "alas, no, madame! 'tis a libel, i assure you," returned mr. morris, this time laughing outright with the amusement he could no longer conceal. "i have but done my duty in helping to form the constitution." "indeed!" exclaimed madame de staël, and then lowering her voice slightly and dropping her coquettish manner for a serious air, "perhaps we shall have occasion to beg of monsieur morris some ideas là dessus. there is nothing this poor, distracted france stands so much in need of as a constitution. my father is a great man, on whom the king and country depend for everything" ("in my life i never saw such exuberant vanity," thought mr. morris to himself), "but even he must fail at times if not supported by a reasonable constitution. you must come to see me, monsieur, when we can be alone and discuss this. one who has helped to form his country's laws and has been wounded in her services," and she pointed with an eloquent, somewhat theatrical gesture to mr. morris's wooden stump, "cannot fail to be a good adviser." "oh, madame, i must indeed cripple myself in your esteem now," says mr. morris, laughing again heartily. "'twas not in my country's service that i lost my leg--'twas but a runaway accident with two fiery little ponies in philadelphia! but, indeed," he goes on, still laughing, "i do not miss it greatly, and can get around as easily as though i were a centipede and had a hundred good legs at my disposal!" as for calvert, he had been only too glad to make his escape on madame de staël's cool dismissal, and had retreated to the side of madame necker, who was kindness itself to the young man, pointing out the great celebrities of the paris world who thronged the rooms, and presenting him to many of the most famous people of the day. thither had come monsieur le maréchal de castries, monsieur le duc d'aiguillon, mr. arthur young, the noted english traveller, his grace the duc de penthièvre, the richest and best noble of france, together with monsieur de montmorin, of the foreign affairs, and monsieur de la luzerne, minister of marine. monsieur houdon, the sculptor, was there, with a young poet named andré chenier, and later entered the daintily beautiful madame de sabran, followed by her devoted admirer, the chevalier de boufflers, abbé, soldier, diplomat, and courtier. madame de chastellux, the duchesse d'orléans's lady-in-waiting, whom calvert had once met in america, was also making a tour of the salon, accompanied by that charming hedonist, monsieur le vicomte de ségur, than whom there was no wilder, lighter-headed youth in paris, unless it was his bosom friend, beaufort, who, catching sight of calvert standing beside madame necker, straightway went over to him. "as ever, the squire of elderly dames," he whispered to calvert, smiling mockingly. "are you looking for d'azay? well, he has not arrived, nor madame la marquise, nor madame la duchesse. trust me for seeing them as soon as they come! in the meantime, my dear calvert, there are some beauties here whom you must meet. madame de flahaut, for example. i shall ask madame necker's permission to take you to her. but wait," he said, with a little laugh, and, laying a hand on calvert's arm, "we are forestalled! see, mr. morris is just being presented," and he motioned to where a beautiful young woman sat, before whom mr. morris was making a most profound bow. calvert thought he had rarely seen a more lovely face, though there was a touch of artificiality about it, young as it was, which he did not admire. the soft, fair hair was thickly powdered, the cheeks rouged, and the whiteness of the chin and forehead enhanced by many patches. the eyes were intelligent, but restless and insincere, the mouth too small. "'twill have to be for another time, calvert," said beaufort, after an instant's pause, during which mr. morris installed himself beside the lady with the evident intention of staying. "'tis plain that the beautiful madame de flahaut has thrown her spell over him, and 'twill not do to break it just yet. but by st. denis!" he suddenly whispered to calvert, "here comes d'azay with the duchess and madame de st. andré, attended as usual by st. aulaire." calvert followed beaufort's glance and saw entering the room his friend d'azay, at whose side, slowly and proudly, walked an old woman. she bore herself with a nobility of carriage calvert had never seen equalled, and her face, wrinkled and powdered and painted though it was, was the face of one who had been beautiful and used to command. her dark eyes were still brilliant and glittered humorously and shrewdly from beneath their bushy brows. the lean, veined neck, bedecked with diamonds, was still poised proudly on the bent shoulders. her wrecked beauty was a perfect foil for the fresh loveliness of the young girl who, with a splendidly attired cavalier, followed closely behind her. "is she not a beauty?" said beaufort, under his breath, to calvert. with a start the young man recognized the original of the miniature that d'azay had shown him that last evening at monticello, so many years ago. it is to be doubted whether, in the interim, calvert had bestowed a thought upon the beautiful french girl, but as he looked at the deep blue eyes shining divinely beneath the straight brows, at the crimson mouth, with its determined but lovely curves, at the cloud of dark hair about the white brow, it suddenly seemed to him as if the picture had never been out of his mind. "the lass with the delicate air" was before him, but changed. the look of girlish immaturity was gone--replaced by an imperious decision of manner. a haughty, almost wayward, expression was on the smiling face--a look of dawning worldliness and caprice. 'twas as if the thought which had once passed through calvert's mind had come true--that countenance which had been capable of developing into noble loveliness or hardening into unpleasing, though striking, beauty, had somehow chosen the latter way. the spiritual beauty seemed now in eclipse and only the earthly, physical beauty remained. calvert had opportunity to note these subtle changes which time had wrought in the original of the miniature while mr. jefferson bent low over the withered, beringed hand of the old duchess, and he waited his turn to be presented to the ladies. the ceremony over, he and d'azay greeted each other as old friends and comrades-in-arms are wont to do. they had scarce time to exchange a word, however, as monsieur de ségur, coming up hurriedly, carried d'azay and beaufort away to where a group of young men were waiting for the last news of the elections. already politics were ousting every other topic of conversation in the salon. as for madame de st. andré, she did not at all imitate her brother's warmth of manner toward calvert. he was conscious of an almost contemptuous iciness in her greeting, and that mentally she was unfavorably comparing him, the simply dressed, serious young american before her, with the splendid courtiers who crowded around. certain it was that she was much more gracious in manner to monsieur le baron de st. aulaire, who had accompanied her into the salon and still remained at her side. it was the first time that calvert had seen st. aulaire, and, remembering beaufort's words about him, a sudden pang shot through his breast as he saw the young girl turn aside with him to make a tour of the rooms. for, in truth, monsieur le baron de st. aulaire was the epitome of all that was most licentious, most unworthy, most brilliant in the old order, and was known throughout the kingdom by reputation--or, more properly speaking, by lack of it. but in spite of his long life of dissipation and adventure (he had campaigned with the swiss guards at thirteen, and, though he was much past forty, looked like a man of scarce thirty), there was still such an unrivalled grace in all he said and did, such an heroic lightness and gallantry in all he dared--and he dared everything--that he seemed to be eternally young and incomparably charming. it was with a new-born and deep disgust that calvert noted the attentions of this man, whose life he disdained to think of, to the beautiful girl beside him. and it seemed to him that she took a wayward pleasure in charming him, though she kept him at a distance by a sort of imperious coquetry that was not to be presumed upon. calvert turned from his almost melancholy contemplation of the young girl to the old duchesse d'azay standing beside him and talking volubly to mr. jefferson. "and have your friends newly arrived from america brought you news from our old friend, dr. franklin, monsieur?" she asks, in her grand manner. "ah, i wish we might see him again! i think there was never an ambassador so popular with us--snuff-boxes with his face upon them, miniatures, fans! i was present when he was crowned with laurel. we had thought it impossible to replace him, monsieur, until you arrived!" "ah, madame, i did not come to replace him," corrected mr. jefferson, making his best bow, and which was very courtly and deferential, indeed, "not to replace him--no one can do that--only to succeed him." "bien, bien, monsieur," cried the duchess, tapping her fan against her long, thin fingers and breaking out into an appreciative little cackle. "monsieur understands our language" (they were both speaking french) "quite as well as that paragon of wit and erudition, dr. franklin himself. ah! what a man," she went on, musingly; "'twas he who gave the duchesse de bourbon a lesson in chess! she put her king in _prise_ and monsieur franklin promptly took it! 'but we do not take kings so,' cried her grace, furiously, for you may be sure she was greatly put out. 'we do in america,' said the doctor, calmly." and she broke out laughing again in her thin, cracked voice at the recollection of the discomfiture of her archrival, the old duchesse de bourbon. "truly that america of yours must be a wonderful place." "ah, madame," said mr. jefferson--and there was a note of sadness in his voice--"i think there is no land like it, no rivers so broad and deep, no woods so green and wild, no soil so fertile, no climate so delightful. i wish i might show you but one garden-spot of it--my virginia--to prove to you, madame, that i do not exaggerate when i sing my country's praises. the duc de la rochefoucault-liancourt promises to visit me at monticello within the next few years. cannot i persuade you, madame, to come, too?" "ah, monsieur, 'twould give me infinite pleasure, but i shall never leave my france--although"--and here she lowered her voice and shrugged her lean shoulders contemptuously--"did i listen to but one-half of what i hear prophesied in these revolutionary salons, to but one-half of what i hear openly discussed at the card-tables, i might accept your invitation as a refuge! but i have no fear for my king. i am not shaking with apprehension at the turn affairs are taking, like that poor-spirited little madame de montmorin, whose husband knows no more about foreign affairs than does my coachman, but i wish with all my heart, monsieur, that you had kept your revolution chez vous! 'tis a fever, this revolution of yours, and our young men return from the war and spread the contagion. they clamor for new rights, for assemblies, for states-generals--'twas that fever-stricken young lafayette himself who demanded that, and, instead of being in attendance at court, as a young noble should be, he is buried in auvergne, trying to get himself elected to his own states-general! bah! what will it all come to?" she fastened her keen, bright eyes on mr. jefferson's face and spoke with indomitable energy and haughtiness. "the noblesse is all-powerful. we have everything--why should we cry for something more? as for the commons, they don't know what is good for them and they have all they deserve. at any rate they will not get anything more. these contentions, these revolts of the lower orders"--she stopped, for at that instant the young vicomte de ségur came up and, making a profound bow, offered his arm to the duchess. "madame," he said, "the duchesse de chastellux begs that you will join her at a table of whist." he paused a moment, and then, with a languid shrug of his shoulders and a whimsical smile, "your grace was speaking of the discontent of the lower orders? they are very unreasonable--these lower orders--they spoil one's paris so!" calvert was about to follow the two figures into the crowd, when suddenly he heard his name called softly, and, turning, found himself beside st. aulaire and madame de st. andré. she was looking at him, her eyes and lips smiling mockingly. calvert met her gaze calmly and fully. they stood thus, looking at each other, courteously on calvert's part, curiously, almost challengingly, on the young girl's. it was madame de st. andré who broke the silence. when she spoke, her voice was exquisitely sweet and low, and her eyes became kind, and the artificial smile faded from her lips. looking at her so, calvert could scarce believe that it was the same arrogant beauty who had regarded him so haughtily but a moment before. 'twas as if she had let fall from her face, for a moment, some lovely but hateful mask, which she could resume instantly at will. "mr. calvert," she said, "i hope my brother has had a chance to talk with you. he is most anxious to see you." as she spoke, calvert thought he had never heard anything so beautiful as the sound of those clear, french words, each one as sweet and distinct as the carillon of a silver bell. "alas, no, madame! we have exchanged but a dozen words. 'tis almost five years since we last talked together. that was at monticello, where, indeed, i had the pleasure of making your acquaintance--in miniature!" he bowed and smiled as he noted her look of surprise. "and where---" "and where," interrupted beaufort, who at that instant joined them and who had overheard calvert's last words, "d'azay promised to introduce mr. calvert to you as an american savage!" "indeed, my brother spoke to me on the subject," returned madame de st. andré, laughing outright at the recollection (and if each word she spoke was like the sound of a silver bell, her laugh was like a whole chime of them). "i had looked for something quite different," she went on, in a mock-disappointed tone, and with an amused glance at beaufort. "perhaps paint and feathers and a--a--what is the name, monsieur? a--tomahawk to kill with! ah! monsieur"--here she sighed in a delightfully droll way and swept calvert a courtesy--"as an american you are a great disappointment!" "i am inexpressibly grieved to be the cause of any disappointment to you, madame," replied calvert, calmly. "but as for paint and feathers, surely they can be no novelties to you," and here he looked meaningly around at the bedaubed, bedecked ladies of fashion (though 'tis but fair to say that the young beauty before him disdained the use of furbelows or cosmetics, as well she might with such a brilliant complexion); "and as for tomahawks--the ladies of this country need no more deadly weapons than their own bright glances. but truly, madame, did you expect to see a young savage?" "i was hoping to," she said, demurely. "'twould have been more interesting than--than--" and here she stopped as if in seeming embarrassment and loss for words. "is not america full of them?" she asked, innocently. "assuredly, madame, as you must know, since they have so often been your allies!" as calvert spoke, all the amusement and good-nature died out of madame de st. andré's face, and she resumed her mask, becoming again the haughty and distant young beauty. "but 'tis not an uncivilized land by any means," went on calvert, who was young and ardent enough to espouse warmly the cause of his country from even the badinage of a spoilt young girl. "there is much learning and the most gracious manners to be found there, as you must also know, since we have been able to spare two such shining examples of both to this court--dr. franklin and mr. jefferson." "monsieur does not mean to compare the civilization of his own country to that of ours?" contemptuously demanded st. aulaire, who, up to that time, had stood superciliously by, taking no part in the conversation. "indeed, no!" returned calvert, with suspicious promptness. "in my mind there can be no comparison, and surely you will acknowledge that a country which has produced the greatest man of the age is not one to be despised." "and who may that be?" asked monsieur de st. aulaire, with lazy insolence. "i had thought, my lord," returned calvert, bowing low, "that the subject of so enlightened a state as you say france is would surely have heard the name of general washington. monsieur does not read history?" "'tis impossible to read yours, since you have none," returned st. aulaire, with a contemptuous little laugh. "we are making it every day, monsieur," said calvert, calmly. "ah, sir!" demanded madame de st. andré, "are all americans so presumptuous?" "yes, madame--if 'tis presumptuous to admire general washington." "we have heard of him in effect," sneeringly broke in monsieur de st. aulaire. "a lucky adventurer with a pretty talent for fighting british cowards, a beggar who has not been turned away empty from our doors. why, hasn't the whole country given to him?--from the king down--and truth to tell we were glad to give as long as he whipped the english." "no, no, monsieur de st. aulaire," suddenly interrupted madame de st. andré, turning upon him, "do not wrong france, do not wrong your king, do not wrong lafayette and rochambeau and dillon and so many others! we gave because france was strong and america weak, because it was our greatest happiness to help right her wrongs, because 'tis ever france's way to succor the oppressed. as for general washington, monsieur calvert does well to admire him. the king admires him--can monsieur de st. aulaire do less? we are devoted royalists, but we can still respect and admire patriotism and genius under whatever government they flourish." she changed her tone of authority and accusation and turned to calvert. again the mask had been dropped, the eyes were once more kind, the voice and smile once more tender. "i should like to hear more of your general washington and of america, monsieur," she said, almost shyly, and calvert wondered at the change in her. "if monsieur skates, we should be happy to have him join us to-morrow afternoon on the ice near the pont royal. 'tis for three o'clock." and she smiled as she turned away, followed by monsieur de st. aulaire, apparently in no very good-humor. when calvert again looked around him, after having watched madame de st. andré disappear, he noticed mr. jefferson at the farther end of the room looking much disturbed and talking earnestly with monsieur necker, monsieur le comte de montmorin, and mr. gouverneur morris, who had at length left the side of the charming madame de flahaut. calvert approached the group, and, as he drew near, he could hear necker speaking in an anxious, despondent tone. "my dear friend," he was saying, "'tis not only difficulties with the finances which alarm us! obedience is not to be found anywhere. even the troops are not to be relied on." and he turned wearily away. when mr. jefferson caught sight of calvert, who had stopped, hesitating to join the group lest he should intrude on some important and private business, he beckoned the young man forward. "is anything the matter?" asked calvert, in a low tone. "you look anxious." "i will tell you later, my boy," returned mr. jefferson, smiling reassuringly. "go and talk to madame de flahaut--mr. morris has promised to send you to her." calvert did as he was desired, and found madame de flahaut a very entertaining lady, but who, in spite of her charms, he was not sorry to see go, as she did presently, with madame de coigny and monsieur de curt. and soon after she retired the company broke up and only mr. morris remained behind to have a last glass of wine and a few moments' quiet chat with mr. jefferson and calvert. it was while they were thus engaged in the now deserted drawing-room that mr. jefferson told calvert the cause of his perturbed look, which was none other than a conversation concerning the state of the kingdom confided to himself and mr. morris by monsieur necker. he explained at great length to calvert the delicacy and danger of the comptroller-general's position and the wretched condition of the country's finances and army. to which mr. morris added some of his own observations, made with the rapidity and justness so characteristic of him. "monsieur necker seems to me, indeed, to be in a disagreeable and sufficiently dangerous position. his business stands thus: if any mischiefs happen they will be charged to him. if he gets well through the business others will claim the reputation of what good is done by the states-general. if he is a really great man, i am deceived. if he is not a laborious man, i am also deceived. he loves flattery--for he flatters. he is therefore easily imposed upon." but here mr. jefferson would not allow mr. morris to proceed with his dicta, declaring that he did monsieur necker a gross injustice, and defending him warmly, both as a financier and statesman. mr. morris still clinging to his hastily formed opinion, the two gentlemen continued to argue the matter until, mr. morris's carriage having been announced, he took his final leave and stumped his way down the broad staircase, attended to the door by calvert. but deeply as calvert was already interested in the affairs of france, it was not the miscarried business of a nation that troubled his sleep that night. for the first time in his life the face of a woman haunted his dreams, now luring him on with glance and voice, as it seemed to him, now sending him far from her with teasing laughter and disdainful eyes. chapter vii an afternoon on the ice calvert's second morning at the legation was even busier than the first had been, so that there was no time for disquieting thoughts or the memory of troubled dreams. indeed, the young man had very good nerves and such power of concentration and so conscientious a regard for whatever he might have on hand to do as always kept him absorbed in his work. the packet by which he and mr. morris had arrived being ready to start on the return voyage, it was necessary to make up the american mail, which calvert found to be no light task. mr. jefferson's large private correspondence always necessitated the writing of a dozen or more letters for every packet, several copies of the more important having to be made, owing to the unreliability of the vessels themselves and the danger of all communications being opened and possibly destroyed by the french agents before they could even be sent on their way. besides these private letters there were also many communications concerning official business to be written. the most important one was a letter to the secretary of foreign affairs, mr. jay, concerning the recall of monsieur le comte de moustier, whose conduct had become most offensive to the american congress, and the possible appointment of colonel ternant to his office. this officer had won a great european reputation as _generalissimo_ of one of the united provinces, and it was even hinted that, had he been put at the head of affairs instead of the pusillanimous rhinegrave of salm, the cause might have been saved. all this and other details had to be communicated to mr. jay, and so delicate was the business that calvert was instructed to put the letter in cipher lest it be opened and the french government prematurely informed of the dissatisfaction felt with its representative in america. it was well on toward three in the afternoon before all the business was disposed of and calvert had leisure to recall his engagement. when mr. jefferson heard of it he declared his intention of going, too, for it was ever one of his greatest pleasures to watch young people at their amusements. the carriage was ordered, and, after stopping in the rue de richelieu for mr. morris, mr. jefferson ordered the coachman to drive to the terrace of the jardin des tuileries, near the pont royal, which particular place the fashionable world had chosen for a rendezvous from which to watch the skating upon the seine. it was a beautiful and unusual sight that met calvert's eyes for the first time on that brilliant winter's afternoon as he alighted from mr. jefferson's carriage. the river, which was solidly frozen over at this point, and which was kept smooth and free of soft ice by attendants from the palais royal, was thronged. officers of the splendid maison du roi and the royale cravate, in magnificent uniforms, glided about; nobles in their rich dress, the sunlight catching their small swords and burnishing them to glittering brightness, skated hither and thither; now and then in the crowd was seen some beautiful woman on skates or more frequently wrapped in furs and being pushed luxuriously about in a chair-sleigh by lackeys and attended by a retinue of admirers. on the terrace of the garden overlooking the river a throng of the most notable people of the court and society, drawn hither by the novelty of the pastime and comfortably installed in chairs brought by their servants, with chaufferettes and furs to keep them protected from the intense cold, looked on at the shifting, swiftly moving pageant before them. for the time being the parisian world was mad about skating, both because of its popularity as an english sport and because of the rarity with which it could be enjoyed in france. joining the throng of spectators, mr. jefferson and mr. morris quickly found themselves surrounded by friends and acquaintances, and calvert left them talking with madame d'azay, madame de flahaut, and the maréchal de ségur, while he put on his skates. the young man was no great proficient in the art of skating as he was in that of swimming and riding (indeed, he was a most perfect equestrian, seeming to have some secret understanding and entente cordiale with every animal he ever bestrode), but with that facile acquirement of any physical accomplishment which ever distinguished him, he was soon perfectly at ease on the ice. it was while opposite the place du carrousel and almost out of sight of the crowd of onlookers, that calvert suddenly came upon madame de st. andré. she had ventured upon the ice on skates, and was talking to st. aulaire, who skated slowly beside her. even in the bright sunshine the baron de st. aulaire did not show his age, and moved and bore himself with incomparable grace on the ice. indeed, in his rich dress and splendid decorations he made a dazzling appearance, and quite eclipsed mr. calvert in his sober garments and unpowdered hair. calvert would have passed by or retreated without intruding himself upon madame de st. andré, but before he could do either she had caught sight of him, and he saw, or fancied he saw, a look of relief pass over her face and a welcome dawn in her eyes. thinking so, he skated slowly toward her, wishing to be sure that he was wanted, and, as he did so, the gentleman, perceiving his approach, ceased speaking and looked most obviously annoyed at the young man's arrival. madame de st. andré waved her hand lightly. "au revoir, monsieur de st. aulaire!" she cried. "here is monsieur calvert, who will take me back over the ice, so i shall not have to trouble you," and she laughed in a relieved, if somewhat agitated, fashion as st. aulaire, doffing his hat and scowling fiercely at calvert, skated rapidly away. as calvert looked at the retreating figure, beaufort's words of two days before flashed through his mind again, and it was with a sort of horror that he thought of this dissolute nobleman having even spoken with madame de st. andré. was this beautiful girl born under some unlucky star that she should have to know and associate with such creatures? calvert had only met her the night before, and already he had seen her twice with a man whose very presence was contaminating. 'twas almost with the fear of finding some visible sign of that debasing influence upon the fair face beside him that he turned and looked at madame de st. andré. it would have been impossible for anyone to have looked more innocently charming. the court beauty was in eclipse, and in her place was a radiant, gracious young girl. perhaps it was the short, fur-trimmed dress she wore and the small cap with its tuft of heron plumes, a fashion lately set by the princess de lamballe, which gave her that childish air. or, more possibly, it was the unaccustomed look of embarrassment upon her face and a half-laughing petulance as of a naughty child caught in mischief. "good-day, monsieur l'americain," she said, gayly, smiling into the serious face calvert turned toward her. "will you forgive me for pressing you into service in so offhand a manner?--but perhaps you were looking for me?" "no, madame," returned calvert, calmly, as they skated slowly toward the quai des tuileries, "but 'tis a pleasure to be of service to you." a cloud gathered on madame de st. andré's brow at this honest and somewhat uncomplimentary reply, but suddenly the humor of the situation seemed to strike her and she burst out laughing. "are you always so truthful, monsieur calvert, and do american ladies absolve you from making pretty speeches? if so, i warn you you must change or you will not succeed with the ladies of louis's court." "ah, madame! i am no courtier--nor, indeed, do i care to be," said calvert, quietly. "worse and worse!" cried madame de st. andré, still laughing. "but even though you disclaim all effort to find me, or wish to be agreeable when found, yet i will still confess that you arrived most opportunely. monsieur de st. aulaire grows fatiguing," she went on, with a pettish shrug of her shoulders. "he is as prodigal of compliments as you are chary of them." calvert looked at the young girl beside him. "he dares to compliment you! a compliment from monsieur de st. aulaire can be nothing less than an insult," he said, gravely. madame de st. andré lifted her eyes quickly to calvert's face and, noting the ill-concealed disgust and quiet scorn written there, blushed scarlet and regarded him haughtily. "monsieur le baron de st. aulaire is one of the greatest gentlemen in europe--and--and anyone whom he distinguishes by his attentions must feel honored." "monsieur le baron de st. aulaire is one of the greatest roués in europe," corrected calvert, calmly, "and anyone whom he distinguishes by his attentions ought to feel disgraced." madame de st. andré was speechless in sheer amazement and indignation. though she had been annoyed, even frightened by the nobleman's ardent manner and words, she was now eager to defend him from calvert's attack. she knew him to be in the right, and the rising admiration for his quiet dignity and courage, which she could not repress, only added to her petulance and desire to be revenged on him. it is so with all women--they hate to be put in the wrong, even when the doing so means protection to themselves. and so it was wellnigh intolerable to the spoiled beauty, who had never been used to the lightest contradiction, that this calm young american should so openly show his disapproval of her. "i will pass by your reproof of myself, monsieur," she said at length, haughtily; her eyes flashing and a deep blush mantling her brow, "but i cannot consent to listen in silence to your condemnation of a personage whose talents and rank should protect him from your sarcasms." "rank, madame!" burst out mr. calvert at these words. "i never knew before that morality or immorality, loyalty or treason, honor or dishonor had aught to do with rank! in our country 'tis not so. a king's word can make of the meanest scoundrel a duke, a marquis, but an honest man holds his rank by a power greater than any king's." he bent upon her such a compelling gaze that she was forced to turn and look at him. before calvert's flashing eyes and manly, honest indignation her own anger died out and an unwilling admiration took its place. she blushed again deeply and bit her lips. this young american, with his noble face, his simplicity of manner and democratic scorn of her rank and pretensions, had not only accused, but silenced her. at any rate he should not see that he had impressed her! she laughed lightly. "what a noble sentiment, monsieur! did you find it in one of monsieur rousseau's books?" "no, madame, it was not in the works of the famous monsieur rousseau that i found the expression of that sentiment," replied calvert, hesitating slightly. "'tis the theme of a little song by a young man named robert burns, who writes the sweetest poetry in the world, i think. he is a friend and protege of dr. witherspoon, of the college of princeton, who never tires of reading his verses to us. i wish i could give you some idea of the beauty and power of the poem," and he began to translate "for a' that, and a' that" into the best french at his command, smiling every now and then at the strange substitutes for burns's scotch which he was forced to employ and at the curious metamorphosis of the poem into french prose. but he managed to infuse the spirit and sentiment of the original into his offhand translation, and madame de st. andré listened attentively. "i would like to hear more of your poet," she said, gently, when calvert had finished speaking. "i do not remember to have heard monsieur chenier speak of him or the abbé délille, either. the abbé is often good enough to read poetry to us in my aunt's drawing-room, but 'tis usually his own," and she laughed mischievously. "the poor gentleman makes a great fuss about it, too. he must have his dish of tea at his elbow and the shades all drawn, with only the firelight or a single candle to read by, and when we are all quaking with fear at the darkness and solemn silence, he begins to recite, and imagines that 'tis his verses which have so moved us!" and she laughed merrily again. "you shall come and read to us from your young scotch poet and snatch the abbé's laurels from him! indeed, my aunt has already conceived a great liking for you, monsieur, so she told me last night on her way from madame necker's, and intends to urge upon mr. jefferson to bring you to see her immediately." she smiled at calvert so graciously and with such unaffected good-humor that he looked at her with delight and wonder at the change come over her. once more the mask was down. all the haughtiness and capricious anger had faded away, and calvert thought he had never beheld a creature so charming and so beautiful. her dark eyes shone like stars in a wintry sky, and, though the air was frosty, the roses bloomed in her cheeks. as he looked at her there was a troubled smile on his lips and he felt a sudden quickening of his pulse. a curious sense of remoteness from her impressed itself upon him. he looked around at the unfamiliar scene, at the towering palace walls on his right, at the crowds of spectators on the river's edge, at the brilliant throng of skaters, at the great stone bridge spanning the frozen river over which people were forever passing to and fro, some hurriedly, some with leisure to lean over the parapet for a moment to watch the unaccustomed revelry below. and as he looked, another scene, which he had so lately left, rose before him. in fancy he could see the broad and shining potomac, on its banks the stately old colonial house with its colonnaded wings, something after the fashion of general washington's mansion at near-by mount vernon, the green lawns stretching away from the portico and the fragrant depths of the woods beyond. a voice recalled him from his abstraction. it was that of monsieur de st. aulaire, who, as they neared the crowded terrace of the tuileries gardens, emerged from a group of skaters and, approaching calvert and madame de st. andré, made a profound bow before the latter. "is madame de st. andré to show favor to none but monsieur calvert?" he asks, in a low voice that had an accent of mockery in it as he bent over the young girl's hand. "'tis no favor that i show monsieur calvert," she replied, smiling. "'tis a privilege to skate with so perfect a master of the art." "i shall be most happy to take a lesson from monsieur later in the afternoon," returned st. aulaire, courteously, but with a disagreeable smile playing about his mouth. "in the meantime, if monsieur will but resign you for a time--" he stopped and shrugged his shoulders slightly. calvert moved from his place beside madame de st. andré. as he made his way toward the shore, intending to remove his skates and find mr. jefferson and mr. morris, d'azay and beaufort came up and urged upon him to join them. both were good skaters, but the young american excelled them in a certain lightness and grace, and the three friends, as they circled about, trying a dozen difficult and showy manoeuvres on the ice, attracted much attention. it was after half an hour of the vigorous exercise and as mr. calvert stopped for an instant to take breath and pay his respects to madame de flahaut, who had ventured upon the ice in a chair-sleigh surrounded by her admirers, that monsieur de st. aulaire again presented himself before him. "i have come for my lesson, monsieur," he said to calvert, bowing after his incomparably graceful fashion, which calvert (who had never before wasted thought upon such things) suddenly found himself envying, and with the disagreeable smile still upon his lips. "i am no skating-master, monsieur," returned the young man, quietly, and with as good grace as he was master of, "but i shall be happy to have a turn upon the ice with you," and with that he moved off, leaving st. aulaire to stay or follow as he chose. he chose to follow and skated rapidly after calvert with no very benevolent look on his handsome, dissipated face. although he was by far the best skater among the french gentlemen who thronged the ice, and although it was little short of a marvel that he should be so active at his age, he was scarcely a match for the younger man either in lightness or quickness of movement. and although his splendid dress and jewels so overshadowed mr. calvert's quiet appearance, he was conscious of being excelled before the crowd of spectators by the agility and sure young strength of the american. piqued and disgusted at the thought, the habitual half-mocking good-humor of his manner gave way to sullen, repressed irritation. knowing his world so well, he was sure of the interest and curiosity calvert's performance would arouse, and longed to convert his little triumph into a defeat. being accustomed to doing everything he undertook a little better, a little more gracefully, with a little more éclat than anyone else, he suddenly began to hate this young man who had beaten him at his own game and for whom he had felt an aversion from the first moment of seeing him. he tried to bethink himself of some plan of lowering his enemy's colors. in his younger days he had been a notable athlete, excelling in vaulting and jumping, and suddenly an idea occurred to him which he thought would result in mortification to mr. calvert and success to himself. so great was the interest in the skating of the two gentlemen that the greater part of the crowd had retired beyond a little ledge of roughened ice and snow which cut the improvised arena into two nearly equal parts from where they could conveniently see monsieur de st. aulaire and mr. calvert as they skated about. this rift in the smoothness of the ice was some fifteen feet wide and extended far out from the shore, so that those wishing to pass beyond it had to skate out around its end and so get to the other side. monsieur de st. aulaire came up close to it, and, as he did so, he suddenly called out to calvert: "let us try the other side, monsieur, and, as it is too far to go around this, suppose we jump it," and he laughed as he noted calvert's look of surprise at his proposition. "as you wish, monsieur," assented calvert, though somewhat dubiously, as he noted the breadth of the roughened surface, and mentally calculated that to miss the clear jump by a hair's-breadth would ensure a hard, perhaps dangerous, fall. 'twas no easy jump under ordinary circumstances; weighted down by skates the difficulty would be vastly increased. "tis too wide for a standing jump, monsieur," said st. aulaire, looking alternately at calvert and the rift of broken, jagged ice, and laughing recklessly. "we will have to run for it!" and without more words the two gentlemen skated rapidly back for twenty yards and then came forward with tremendous velocity, _pari passu_, and, both jumping at the same instant, landed on the far side of the ledge, scattering the applauding spectators right and left as they drove in among them, unable for an instant to stop the swiftness of their progress. "well done, monsieur!" called out st. aulaire, as he wheeled beside calvert, who had succeeded in checking his impetus. he was smiling, but there was a dark look in his eyes. "well done, but 'twas too easy--a very school-boy's trick! we must try something a little more difficult to test our agility upon the ice--unless, indeed, monsieur has had enough?" and he looked at calvert insultingly full in the face. "the eyes of the world are upon us--" and he waved his hand mockingly toward the throng of spectators on the terrace where the ladies were applauding with gloved hands and the men tapping the frozen ground with canes and swords. from where he stood calvert could see mr. jefferson looking at him and mr. morris sitting beside madame de flahaut and madame de st. andré, who had left the ice and joined the onlookers. "it has never been my custom or my desire, monsieur, to furnish amusement for the crowd," said calvert, returning st. aulaire's insolent look, "but i should be very sorry to stand in the way of your doing so by declining to act as a foil to your prowess. if there is anything else i can do for you--?" and he bowed and smiled tranquilly at monsieur de st. aulaire, who blushed darkly with vexation at the way in which the young man had turned his attack. "monsieur is too modest," he said, suavely, controlling himself, and then, calling one of the attendants who was busy near-by sweeping the snow cut by the skates from the ice, he instructed the fellow to bring one of the chairs which had been taken from the palace to the terrace for the convenience of those who had not had their servants bring them. in a few moments the man returned with a large chair whose deep seat and long arms just suited the purposes of monsieur de st. aulaire. under his direction the man placed it sidewise upon the stratum of broken, irregular ice and snow, the crowd looking on with curiosity at the unusual proceedings. "by the example and with the approbation of monsieur le duc d'orléans, monsieur," said st. aulaire, turning gravely to calvert, "we do all things a l'anglaise--for the moment. you, who, after all, are english, will doubtless recognize many of your customs, manners, and sports among us--always supposing paris is fortunate enough to keep you," and here he smiled deprecatingly and shook his head as if afraid such good fortune could not be true. "i have just conceived the idea of having a steeple-chase on the ice. 'tis but a poor little hurdle," and he shrugged his shoulders disdainfully, "but 'twill have to do. we will take fifty yards start, monsieur, and clear the fauteuil, rough ice and all!" he broke out again in his mocking laugh, and, sculling rapidly backward, soon put the distance between him and the improvised barrier. calvert turned and followed, not without some inward disgust at the trap laid for him, although outwardly he wore the quiet air habitual to him, and, in spite of his disgust, he could not help but admire the reckless courage and activity which would dare such a thing, for 'twas evident now that the jump had not only to be dangerously long but high also, and any failure to clear the chair and broken ice would inevitably result in a ludicrous, probably serious mishap. "'tis evident that we cannot both jump at the same time," says monsieur de st. aulaire, courteously. "shall we try for the honor?" and he drew a coin from his pocket and lightly tossed it upward. 'twas the fashion in paris to decide everything by the fall of a coin. "c'est à vous, monsieur," he says, looking at the gold piece _as_ it lay face upward in his palm, and he laughed lightly again as if not displeased with his luck. as for calvert, he was no less pleased, for he suddenly felt impatient and eager for the trial. he gave a glance at the fastenings of his skates and then, sweeping around to the starting-place, he skated slowly at first but with ever-increasing speed. as he reached the gilt chair he paused for the infinitesimal part of a second as a horse does at a hurdle, and then, with one clean spring, was over safely. as he slid along the smooth ice, unable to check his impetus, he could hear the applause of the spectators on the shore and the exclamations and laughter of the ladies. suddenly he bethought him of st. aulaire. he turned quickly and was just in time to see st. aulaire start off. there was a gallant recklessness in his bearing, but calvert noted that his movements seemed heavy, though his pace accelerated greatly as he neared the improvised hurdle. indeed, he was coming too fast, and, as he reached the unlucky fauteuil, he was going with such speed that he could neither calculate the length of the jump nor raise himself sufficiently for it, and it was with a little cry of horror that calvert and the onlookers saw the baron essay it and fall short, catching his skates in the arm of the chair and crashing down heavily upon the ice. in an instant calvert had reached him. monsieur de st. aulaire was lying quite still and unconscious, with a thin stream of blood trickling from a scalp wound on the temple, which had struck a splinter of ice. in a few minutes, after much chafing of his hands and head, he opened his eyes, and calvert and the crowd who had quickly surrounded the two were relieved to see that the injury had not been serious. a dozen fine handkerchiefs were torn up, and calvert bound the wounded temple and helped him, still half-stunned, to rise. the fresh air revived him somewhat, and, madame de segur's coachman running up at this moment to tell him that his mistress's carriage was at his disposal, he was helped to it, and, amid the sympathetic murmurs of the crowd, was sent off to his apartments in the palais royal. "a thousand pardons for causing you so much trouble, monsieur," he said, turning to calvert, with one foot on the step of the carriage. "i shall not forget this afternoon," and he bowed with his accustomed grace, looking incomparably handsome in spite of his pallor and weakness and the bandage about his forehead, and calvert could not help but admire the courtly ease of his manner, though he saw, too, the evil smile on his lips and the ugly look in his eye. as he turned away he caught sight of madame de st. andré, who stood looking after the carriage with an expression of anxiety on her face, which calvert noticed had lost its rosy color and was now quite pale. he would have gone to her to reassure her concerning monsieur de st. aulaire's safety, but when he went toward her she pretended not to see him, and quickly joined madame d'azay and the maréchal de segur. the company broke up soon after the accident to monsieur de st. aulaire, and in a few minutes mr. jefferson, mr. morris, and calvert were in their carriage on the way to the legation, where mr. morris was engaged to dine that evening. "i thought you had told me that mr. calvert was quite indifferent to the fair sex," says mr. morris, laughing, and speaking to mr. jefferson, but with a side glance at the young man. "if so, he takes a strange way of proving it. he will be the most-talked-of, and therefore the most envied, man in paris to-morrow," and he began to laugh again. "was jumping in the curriculum at the college of princeton?" asks mr. jefferson, laughing, too. "but beware of st. aulaire," said mr. morris, suddenly becoming grave and laying a kindly hand on calvert's shoulder. "i misjudge him if he will take even a fair defeat at sport in the right spirit. look out for him, ned--he will not play fair and he will not forget a grudge, or i am greatly deceived in him." but it was not of monsieur le baron's possible revenge or even of his cracked head that mr. calvert thought, but of his unrivalled gallantry of bearing and his splendid appearance. and that night when he retired to his own room he practised st. aulaire's graceful bow before the long cheval glass, though with most indifferent success, it must be confessed. "'tis no use," he said at length to the sober reflection in the glass, and he threw himself into a chair and burst out laughing at his own folly. "i am only a simple american gentleman, and monsieur de st. aulaire's manners are too elaborate for such. perhaps 'tis his splendid dress and decorations which give such éclat to his every movement. at any rate i see that i shall have to content myself with my own quiet fashions. and why, indeed, am i suddenly dissatisfied with them?--why wish to change them?" but though he sat for some time staring into the fire he did not attempt to answer his own queries, and, after a little, he blew out the candles and resolutely addressed himself to sleep. chapter viii the americans are made welcome in paris as mr. morris had predicted, calvert's skill in skating and the accident to monsieur de st. aulaire became the topic of conversation in all salons. accounts of the young american's success on the ice came like a breath of fresh air into the stagnant gossip of the drawing-rooms, and were repeated until the affair had become a notable exploit, and mr. calvert could have posed as a conquering hero had he cared to profit by his small adventure. but the young gentleman was not only entirely indifferent to such success, but scarcely cognizant of it, for he was greatly occupied, and threw himself so heartily into his work that mr. jefferson could never sufficiently congratulate himself on having with him so efficient and willing a secretary. there was an enormous amount of business to be attended to at the legation, and not even a copying clerk or an accountant to aid in dispatching it. indeed, the labor put upon our foreign representatives was wellnigh inconceivable, and could those who cavilled at dr. franklin's lax business methods but have imagined the tenth of what he had to attend to, they would have been heartily ashamed of their complaints. many of the enterprises which the good doctor had begun and left at loose ends, mr. jefferson found himself obliged to go on with and finish as satisfactorily as was possible. besides which there were constant communications on an infinity of subjects to be made to our representatives in london and in madrid and to our chargés d'affaires at brussels and the hague; money loans negotiated, bonds executed, important creditors at paris appeased, and numberless schemes for financial aid to be devised and floated. in all of these affairs mr. calvert had his share, so that the young gentleman had but small leisure for that social intercourse into which mr. morris entered with such zest and perfect success. introduced by mr. jefferson and the letters he had brought with him, in an incredibly short time mr. morris was known and admired in every salon in paris, and he stumped his way through them with that admirable savoir faire and sturdy self-respect, dashed with a wholesome conceit, which made him assure calvert one day that he "had never felt embarrassment or a sense of inferiority in any company in which he had ever found himself." it was soon evident that of all the salons of paris where he was made welcome, the one most to his taste was that of the charming madame de flahaut; but wherever he went in that aristocratic society which claimed social preeminence over all others, this untitled gentleman from a new, almost unknown, country, was easily and quickly one of the most brilliant members. utterly unawed by the splendid company in which he found himself, he valued it at its true worth and was keenly and amusingly observant of its pretensions, its shams, its flippancy, its instability, its charm. soon he had become as great a favorite as mr. jefferson himself, though winning his enviable position by qualities the very opposite of that gentleman's. mr. morris rivalled the parisians themselves in caustic wit, perfect manners, and the thousand and one social graces of the time, while mr. jefferson captivated all by his democratic manners and entire indifference to social conventionality, much as the incomparable dr. franklin (whose originality and address in society were indeed _sui generis_ and quite unrivalled) had before him. but mr. morris was possessed of greater qualities than those necessary to make him shine in the vapid, corrupt society of the fashionable world. he was a brilliant, yet sound, thinker, and his earnest convictions, his practical statesmanship, and his shrewd business abilities were quickly appreciated. indeed, it was difficult to tell whether ladies of fashion or troubled statesmen found him most satisfactory. he could rhyme a delicate compliment for the one or draw up a plan to aid france's crippled revenues for the other, with equal dexterity. his opinion was sought upon the weightiest matters, and, being unfettered by official obligations, as was mr. jefferson, he was free to give it, and soon became associated with some of the greatest gentlemen in the kingdom and intimately identified with many schemes for the strengthening of the monarchy. for mr. morris, while a most ardent republican in his own country, was a royalist in france, convinced that a people, used from time immemorial to an almost despotic government, extremely licentious, and by nature volatile, were utterly unfitted for a republic. in many of the drawing-rooms where indiscriminate and dangerous republicanism was so freely advocated, he was held to be trop aristocrate. with amazing good-humor and keenness he attacked the closet philosophers and knocked over their feeble arguments like tenpins, urgently proclaiming that it was the duty and best policy for every son of france to hold up the king's hands and strengthen his authority. it was almost amusing to note the consternation his views caused among those who, knowing him to be a republican of republicans, a citizen of that country which had so lately and so gloriously won its civil liberty, had expected far different things from him. indeed, he ran foul of many of the noblesse, with whom 'twas the fashion to be republicans of the first feather, and of none more completely than monsieur le marquis de lafayette. monsieur de lafayette, who had got himself elected from the noblesse in auvergne, had come back to town in march and was a frequent caller at the legation, having there a warm friend and ally in mr. jefferson. he was unaffectedly glad to see calvert after such a lapse of time and to meet again mr. morris, whom he had also known in america. his admiration and respect for mr. morris's qualities were very great, and it was therefore with no little mortification and uneasiness that he noted that gentleman's disapprobation of the trend of public affairs and his own course of action. indeed, mr. morris was seriously alarmed lest the glory which the young marquis had won in america should be dimmed by his career in his own country. believing in his high-mindedness and patriotism, he yet questioned his political astuteness and his ability to guide the forces which he had so powerfully helped to set in motion by his call for the states-general. fully alive to his great qualities, he yet deplored a certain indecision of character and an evident thirst for fame. something of all this mr. morris expressed to mr. jefferson and mr. calvert one evening when the marquis had retired after an hour's animated conversation on the all-engrossing subject of politics, during which he had given the three gentlemen an account of his campaign in auvergne. but mr. jefferson, being in entire sympathy with lafayette's ideas, could not agree at all with mr. morris's estimate of him and would listen to no strictures on him, except, indeed, the imputation of ambition, which mr. jefferson acknowledged amounted to "a canine thirst for fame," as he himself wrote general washington. though mr. jefferson and mr. morris differed so widely respecting the marquis's genius, mr. morris still clung to his opinion, so that madame de lafayette, with wifely jealousy and feminine intuition, perceiving something of his mental attitude toward her husband, received him but coldly when he called with calvert to pay his respects at the hôtel on the quai du louvre. so marked was the disapproval of her manner, that mr. morris, being both amused and annoyed, could not forbear recounting his reception to mr. jefferson, who enjoyed a good laugh at his expense and, as it seemed to calvert, took a certain satisfaction in his rebuff. "she gave me the tips of her fingers to kiss," said mr. morris, laughing, "gazing over my head the while and smiling at this young gentleman, on whom she lavished every attention, though she had never a word for me!" and he sighed in mock distress and looked affectionately at mr. calvert. he had become very fond of the young gentleman in the few weeks they had been together in paris, and was always anxious to introduce him to his acquaintances, of whom he already had an astonishing number. mr. jefferson, being busily occupied with public matters, insisted on mr. calvert's accepting mr. morris's good offices and, with his invariable kindness and thoughtfulness, made it appear, indeed, that the young gentleman was aiding him by thus assuming some of his social duties. he was secretly much gratified and pleased by the accounts which mr. morris gave of his successes. "why, 'tis almost indecent the way the women spoil him," that gentleman declared, laughingly, to mr. jefferson as they sat alone over their wine one evening after dinner at the legation, calvert having retired to finish the copying of some important letters to be despatched to mr. short, who was at amsterdam. "elles s'en raffolent, but ned, incredible as it may seem, is far from being grateful for such a doubtful blessing! his stoical indifference and unvarying courtesy to the fair sex are genuine and sublime and pique the women incredibly. indeed, 'tis almost more than i can stand without laughing," went on mr. morris, "to see the manly forbearance with which he treats the advances of some of these grandes dames, who think nothing of taking the initiative in a love-affair. tis as rare as it is admirable here in paris! upon my word i thought he would have taken to his heels yesterday when we called on madame de flahaut, who, being at her toilet, invited us to her dressing-room! he left me to stump upstairs alone and receive a good rating from the countess for not having kept him. he makes me feel very old and sinful," went on mr. morris, after a pause, and smiling ruefully at mr. jefferson on the other side of the table, "and i ought to dislike the boy heartily for it. but, in faith, i can't, and am beginning to be as fond of him as you yourself are." "and, after all, he ought not to make us feel old," rejoined mr. jefferson, smiling, too. "for in spite of his youth there is nothing of immaturity in his character. 'tis as firm and well-rounded as though he were fifty." "i think he calls for a toast," says mr. morris, laughing, and filling up the glasses: "to an old head on young shoulders!" in the early part of march, mr. short being still on his travels, and vexatious questions having arisen in connection with the dutch loans, mr. jefferson determined to intrust their settlement to calvert, and, accordingly, the young man set out for amsterdam with scarce a day's notice of his journey. his embassy concerned the refusal of our bankers in amsterdam (into whose hands congress had placed all monies) to pay bills for the redemption of our captives, and the medals which mr. jefferson had contracted should be struck off for the foreign officers who had engaged in the revolution. this refusal placed the american minister in a most embarrassing position. to his demands the holland bankers replied that congress had appropriated the money in their charge solely to the payment of the interest on the dutch loan through the year 1790. as a failure to pay the interest on the loan would have been fatal to the credit and standing of the infant republic in the eyes of europe, it was evident to mr. jefferson that a new loan would have to be set going to defray the new debts. this delicate and difficult project (for our credit was none of the best and the old loan had not all been taken up) he intrusted to calvert, and so quickly and satisfactorily did the young man execute his commission that he was back again in paris by the end of the month with reports highly gratifying to the american minister. "you have a better head for finances than even mr. hamilton, whose opinions are so much quoted in congress," says mr. jefferson, with a smile. "i think no one could have conducted these affairs to a better issue. it has always been my opinion that your peculiar talents lay in the direction of finances, and now i am persuaded of it." so delighted was mr. jefferson with calvert's performance that he recounted the successful embassy to mr. morris, whose good opinion of calvert was greatly increased, and, having always had a liking for the young man, he took occasion to see more than ever of him. he insisted on calvert's accompanying him frequently into the great world of paris where he himself was so welcome, and where, indeed, the young man's presence was also demanded on all sides--even by royalty itself in the person of madame la duchesse d'orléans, whose acquaintance mr. morris had made in the apartments of madame de chastellux in the palais royal. although accustomed to the company of the highest nobility, mr. morris was somewhat uncertain whether he would get along well with royalty, and would not have pursued the acquaintance begun by chance in madame de chastellux's salon had not the duchess expressed her pleasure in his society in most unequivocal terms. satiated with flattery, bored by the narrow circle in which she was forced to move, profoundly humiliated by the neglect and viciousness of her husband, she was charmed by the wit, independence, and true courtesy of the brilliant american. a daughter of the old duc de penthièvre, the embodiment of everything good in the ancien régime, the duchess of orléans was, herself, a woman of rare good sense, beauty, and tact, all of which appealed strongly to mr. morris, so that the acquaintance begun so graciously on her part and so dubiously on his, soon ripened into real friendship. "i never see her but i feel a throb of pity for her," declared mr. morris to calvert. "'twas a malignant fate that made her the wife of so dissolute a prince. she is very handsome--handsome enough to punish the duke for his irregularities, and she has, i think, the most beautiful arm in all europe--of which she is properly vain! but what is a little vanity among so many virtues?--for she is eminently virtuous, though not averse, i think, to seeking some consolation for her profound melancholy, for--as she has confided to me--she feels 'le besoin d'être aimé,'" and he smiled a little cynically, as men of the world are wont to smile at the confession of feminine weaknesses. as for mr. calvert, that confession brought no smile to his lips, and, though he said nothing, he felt a sudden rush of pity for the unhappy lady, neglected and unloved despite her great position. after all, duchesses are but women and must love and suffer and be content or miserable like common mortals, and men should be the last to blame them for that divine necessity of their beings--that of loving and being loved. "she has heard much of you, ned," went on mr. morris, "from madame de chastellux, from lafayette, and lately from myself, and has expressed her desire to see you. i need not tell you that such a wish is a command and so you must even go and pay your respects to royalty, my boy," and he laughed as he clapped the young man on the shoulder. that very evening mr. morris carried him off to the palais royal to the apartments of madame de chastellux, where he despatched a message to the duchess to the effect that "monsieur morris, accompagné par monsieur calvert, visitent madame la duchesse d'orléans chez madame de chastellux." after a few moments of waiting one of the duchess's men came with the request that madame de chastellux should bring the two gentlemen to her apartments. they found her royal highness there surrounded by a small company. at her side was the vicomte de ségur, who was essaying by the witty sallies and delightful drolleries for which he was so famous to bring a smile to her lips; but, although the rest of the company was convulsed by his brilliant nonsense, the duchess's pale face did not lose its serious expression until mr. morris, followed by calvert, entered the room. then, indeed, a smile of pleasure lighted up her countenance, and it was with a most gracious cordiality that she welcomed both gentlemen. "so this is your young compatriote, monsieur, who vanquished monsieur de st. aulaire on the ice!" she said, looking at mr. morris and laughing with a certain malicious satisfaction. she extended to calvert the famously beautiful hand and arm, from which the soft, black lace fell away, revealing its exquisite roundness and whiteness and over which mr. morris bent low in salutation. "we have heard of your prowess au patinage, monsieur," she continued, glancing at calvert, and then, without waiting for a reply, much to the young man's relief, who was somewhat embarrassed by so direct a compliment and, in truth, utterly weary of the whole subject, of which he heard continually, she turned and spoke to two young gentlemen half-concealed in the deep embrasure of a window. at her call they both came forward, the eldest, the duc de chartres, who might have been sixteen years of age, laying down a violin on which he had been playing softly, and the younger, monsieur de beaujolais, who could not have been over thirteen, closing the book he had been reading. "mes fils," says the duchess, softly, and smiling at mr. morris and calvert with a sort of melancholy pride shining in her dark eyes. in truth, the young princes were good to look at, especially the little monsieur de beaujolais, who had a most animated and pleasing countenance. as they stood one on each side of their mother they made a pretty group. perhaps 'twas the remembrance of that picture in after years which warmed mr. morris's heart to the exile in distress over the seas and made him a generous friend despite the royal ingratitude. "so she has saved something out of the wreck of her life," thought mr. calvert, pityingly, looking at the two youths. "'tis doubly fortunate that they in nowise resemble their ignoble father," and he thought with disgust of that dissolute nobleman of whom he had heard so much. while these thoughts were passing through his mind the duchess was speaking earnestly, to mr. morris. "i ask your advice, monsieur," she said, dismissing with a smile the two young gentlemen, who retired once more to their place at the window. "you, who seem to know so well how to breed heroes in your own country, can surely tell me how to bring up my sons to be an honor to their race!" "your highness," returned mr. morris, after an instant's hesitation, and deeply moved at such a mark of esteem, "for monsieur le duc de chartres, who, in the inscrutable workings of providence, may one day be king"--the duchess started and turned pale--"there is but one course to follow, one education open. but for monsieur de beaujolais, why should he not lend his talents to business enterprises, to great commercial undertakings which make for the prosperity and stability of a country as surely as even its army or navy? thus also will he create happiness for himself, because, if idle, at five and twenty, having enjoyed all that rank and fortune can give him, he will be unhappy from not knowing what to do with himself." in spite of the democratic simplicity of the idea, the duchess seemed impressed and listened attentively to mr. morris, who was about to explain more at length the advantages of such a career for the young prince, when the conversation was interrupted by the lackey at the door announcing the arrival of madame la comtesse de flahaut. at the name the duchess threw a meaning look at mr. morris. "enfin! j'ai fait venir madame de flahaut ce soir. n'est ce pas que je suis aimable?" she said, laughing, and speaking rapidly. mr. morris bowed low before madame la duchesse, succeeding perfectly in conveying by a look his appreciation without committing himself to anything more serious. "and did your royal highness also send for a substitute in case i prove wearying to madame la comtesse?" he asked, smiling, as he caught sight of a gentleman who had followed madame de flahaut into the room and who wore the ecclesiastical dress of a bishop. perhaps what most attracted mr. morris's notice was that he seemed a man of about his own age and, like himself, lame. "who is it?" he asked, in a low voice, as the two approached. "monsieur de talleyrand-périgord, bishop of autun, who, i understand, is in danger of losing his place in the affections of madame on account of monsieur morris," returned the duchess, hurriedly, and glancing mischievously, though keenly, at mr. morris's face, which, however, preserved its expression of impassivity. "ah! place aux évêques!" murmured mr. morris, quietly. salutations and the presentation of mr. morris and mr. calvert having been made, the bishop of autun turned to the duchess. "your highness," he said, "i have come to beg a dinner." "and we have brought our bread with us, that we may be sure of our welcome!" cried out madame de flahaut, with a little laugh. and indeed they had, for wheat was so scarce in paris that it was the fashion for ladies and gentlemen to send their servants with bread when dining out. "monsieur l'évêque knows he is always welcome," said the duchess, gently, and smiling at madame de flahaut. "once our guest, always our guest." in a little while the tutor of the young princes came in and took away his charges, and the company sat down to supper. it was one of her highness's little soupers intimes, which she gave each thursday, and upon which monsieur le duc d'orléans and his wild companions never intruded. though the company was small it was very gay, and it would have been hard to say who contributed most to the wit and sparkle of the talk which went on ceaselessly--mr. morris, monsieur le vicomte de segur, or monsieur de boufflers, who, as usual, was present in the train of the beautiful madame de sabran. as for mr. morris, he was in the highest spirits and devoted himself with gallant courtesy to madame la duchesse d'orléans, on whose left he sat, much to the evident pique of madame de flahaut. with that wonderful adaptability which made him at ease in any society in which he found himself, he adjusted himself to the company of the evening, and, being perfectly master of the french language, could not only understand the light talk and persiflage, but even led in the conversation. as for mr. calvert, having none of that adaptability possessed in so large a share by mr. morris, he felt himself out of his element, uninterested and therefore uninteresting, and he listened with inward irritation to the loose anecdotes, the piquant allusions, the coarse gossip, so freely bandied about. it was with something akin to a feeling of relief that he heard his name spoken and turned to find the keen, restless eyes of monsieur de talleyrand, beside whom he was seated, fixed upon him. "monsieur is not interested in the conversation?" he asked, and, though there was a mocking smile on the thin lips, there was also a kindly look in the brilliant eyes. calvert blushed hotly at being so easily found out by this worldly looking prelate. monsieur de talleyrand shrugged his shoulders. "'tis a good sign, i think," and he looked still more kindly at calvert. "you have been brought up amid simpler, purer surroundings, mr. calvert," he said, suddenly leaning over toward the young man and speaking in tones so low as to be drowned in the noisy conversation. "i envy you your good fortune," he went on. "i envy you your inability to fit yourself into any niche, to adjust yourself to any surroundings, as your friend monsieur morris, for example, seems to have the faculty of doing. see, he is even making verses to madame la duchesse!" calvert looked over at mr. morris and saw him tear from his table-book a leaf upon which he had been writing and, with a bow, offer it to the duchess. "are we not to hear monsieur's verses?" demands monsieur de talleyrand, languidly, after a moment's silence, during which her highness had regarded the lines with a puzzled air, and smiling faintly. "these are in english--i shall have to get madame de chastellux to translate them for me some day," and she folded the paper as if to put it away, but there arose such exclamations of disappointment, such gentle entreaties not to be denied the pleasure of hearing the verses, that she yielded to the clamor and signalled madame de chastellux her permission to have them read aloud. amid a discreet silence, broken only by little murmurs of appreciation and perfumed applause, the lady of honor read the lines, translating them as she read: "if beauty so sweet in all gentleness drest, in loveliness, virtue arrayed; by the graces adorned, by the muses carest, by lofty ambition obeyed; ah! who shall escape from the gold-painted dart, when orléans touches the bow? who the softness resist of that sensible heart where love and benevolence glow? thus we dream of the gods who with bounty supreme our humble petitions accord, our love they excite, and command our esteem tho' only at distance adored." there was a ripple of applause, somewhat languid and perfunctory on the part of the gentlemen, vivacious and prolonged on the part of the ladies, as madame de chastellux finished. to mr. calvert the scene was a little ridiculous, the interest of the company, like the sentiment of the verses, somewhat artificial, and mr. morris's role of versifier to madame la duchesse decidedly beneath that gentleman's talents. monsieur de talleyrand laughed softly. "'other places--other customs,'" he said, and again reading calvert's thoughts so accurately that that young gentleman scarce knew whether to be most astonished or indignant. it would most likely have been the latter had not a certain friendliness in the bishop's glance disarmed his anger. "mr. morris is fortunate," he went on, quietly. "see--he has pleased everyone except madame de flahaut." 'twas indeed as he had said, and, amid the applause and compliments, only madame de flahaut sat silent and evidently piqued, her pretty face wearing an expression of bored indifference. but even while monsieur de talleyrand spoke, mr. morris, bending toward her, addressed some remark to her and in an instant she was all animation and charm, exerting for his benefit every fascination of which she was mistress, and showing him by glance and voice how greatly she prized his attentions. for a moment mr. calvert sat silent, contemplating the little play going on before his eyes, when, suddenly remembering the words of the duchesse d'orléans, he turned and looked at monsieur de talleyrand. such a softening change had come over the cynical, impassive countenance, so wistful a look into the keen, dark eyes bent upon madame de flahaut, as caused a feeling of pity in the young man's heart for this brilliant, unhappy, unrighteous servant of the church. "so mr. calvert has read my secret, as i read his," said monsieur de talleyrand, slowly, and returning the gaze which calvert had absently fastened upon him while revolving these thoughts. suddenly he began speaking rapidly, as if impelled thereto by some inward force, and, in a low but passionately intense voice, heard only by mr. calvert: "we are the sport of fate in this country more than in any other, i think," he said. "i might have been a young man like yourself, as noble, good, and true as yourself--oh, do not look astonished! 'tis one of my acknowledged talents--the reading of character--i, like yourself, might have fought and loved with honor but that i am lame, and why was i lame?" he went on, bitterly. "because i never knew a mother's love or care, because, when a baby, being sent from my home--and under that roof i have never spent a night since--i fell and injured my foot, and the woman in whose charge i had been put, being afraid to tell my parents of my mishap, the hurt was allowed to go uncorrected until 'twas too late. and so, being lame and unfit for a soldier's career, i was thrust into the church, _nolens volens_. monsieur calvert," he said, smiling seriously, "when you hear mr. jefferson criticising the bishop of autun--for i know he thinks but slightingly of the ecclesiastic--recollect that 'twas the disappointed ambition and the unrelenting commands of charles maurice talleyrand's parents which made him what he is! we are all like that," he went on, moodily. "look at de ligne--he was married by his father at twenty to a young girl whom he had never seen until a week before the wedding. and madame de flahaut--at fifteen she was sacrificed to a man of fifty-five, who scarcely notices her existence!" he glanced across the table and again the power of love touched and softened his face for an instant. he rose--for the supper was finished and the company beginning to move--and laid his hand for an instant on calvert's broad young shoulder. "mr. calvert," he said, half-mockingly, half-seriously, "do not be too hard upon us! there are some excuses to be made. in your country all things are new--your laws, your habits, your civilization are yet plastic. see that you mould them well! 'tis too late here--we are as the generations have made us. 'other places--other customs!'" and he went off limping. to his dying day mr. calvert never forgot the fascination, the open frankness of monsieur de talleyrand's manner on that occasion, nor the look of sadness and suffering in his eyes. when he heard him in after years accused of shameless veniality, of trickery, lying, duplicity, even murder, he always remembered that impulsive revelation--never repeated--of a warped, unhappy childhood, of a perverted destiny. mr. morris came to him later as he stood leaning against the wall behind the chair of madame de chastellux. "how goes it, ned?" he asked, half-laughing and stifling a yawn. "as for myself, i am getting confoundedly bored. i can't think of any more verses, so the ladies find me insipid, and they are beginning to talk politics, of which they know nothing, so i find them ridiculous. they are already deep in the discussion of the abbé siéyès's brochure, 'qu'est-ce que le tiers état,' and madame de flahaut declares that his writings and opinions will form a new epoch in politics as those of newton in physics! can fatuity go farther? and yet she is the cleverest woman i have met in france. the men are as ignorant as the women, except that scoundrel of a bishop, who, like myself, is bored by the incessant talk of politics and has just assured me that no one has an idea of the charm of life who has not lived before this year of 1789. i can easily believe it. but perhaps he told you the same thing--i saw you two talking together at supper." "yes," said calvert, "we were talking, but not of politics or the charm of life. he was very interesting and unexpectedly friendly," he added, with some emotion, for he was still under monsieur de talleyrand's spell. "i would have thought him the last man to interest you, my young bayard," returned mr. morris, with some surprise. "he appears to me to be a sly, cunning, ambitious man. i know not why conclusions so disadvantageous to him are formed in my mind, but so it is. i cannot help it." mr. calvert could not repress a smile, for it occurred to him that it was more than possible that monsieur de talleyrand's well-known devotion to madame de flahaut (whom it was evident mr. morris admired greatly, though he so stoutly denied it) might have prejudiced his opinion of the bishop. mr. morris was quick to note the smile and to divine its cause. "no, no, my dear ned," he said, laughing, "'tis not monsieur de talleyrand's connection with madame de flahaut which makes me speak of him after this fashion. indeed, there is but a platonic friendship between the fair lady and myself," and, still laughing, mr. morris turned away from calvert and stumped his way back to the side of the lady of his platonic affections, where he remained until the company broke up. as for mr. calvert, in spite of mr. morris's predilections, he was of the opinion that of the two--the unchurchly bishop and the pretty intrigante--monsieur de talleyrand was the more admirable character. indeed, he had disliked and distrusted madame de flahaut from the first time of meeting her, and, to do the lady justice, she had disliked mr. calvert just as heartily and could never be got to believe that he was anything but a most unintelligent and uninteresting young man, convinced that his taciturnity and unruffled serenity before her charms were the signs of crass stupidity. if mr. calvert found the pretty and vivacious comtesse de flahaut little to his taste, the society of which she was a type offended him still more. it had taken him but a short time to realize what shams, what hollowness, what corruption existed beneath the brilliant and gay surface. amiability, charm, wit, grace were to be found everywhere in their perfection, but nowhere was truth, or sincerity, or real pleasure. all things were perverted. constancy was only to be found in inconstancy. gossip and rumor left no frailty undiscovered, no reputation unsmirched. religion was scoffed at, love was caricatured. all about him calvert saw young nobles, each the slave of some particular goddess, bowing down and doing duty like the humblest menial, now caressed, now ill-treated, but always at beck and call, always obedient. it was the fashion, and no courtier resented this treatment, which served both to reduce the men to the rank of puppets and to render incredibly capricious the beauties who found themselves so powerful. all the virility of calvert's nature, all his new-world independence and his sense of honor, was revolted by such a state of things. as he looked around the company, there was not a man or woman to be seen of whom he had not already heard some risque story or covert insinuation, and, though he was no strait-laced puritan, a sort of disdain for these effeminate courtiers and a horror of these beautiful women took possession of him. "decidedly," he thought to himself, "i am not fitted for this society," and so, somewhat out of conceit with his surroundings, and the duchess having withdrawn, he bade good-night to the company without waiting for mr. morris, and took himself and his disturbed thoughts back to the legation. chapter ix in which mr. calvert's good intentions miscarry it was in the midst of such society that calvert encountered madame de st. andré repeatedly during the remainder of the winter and early spring. and though she was as imperious and capricious as possible, followed about by a dozen admirers (of whom poor beaufort was one of the most constant); though she was as thoughtless, as pleasure-loving as any of that thoughtless, pleasure-loving society in which she moved; though she had a hundred faults easy to be seen, yet, in calvert's opinion, there was still a saving grace about her, a fragrant youthfulness, a purity and splendor that coarsened and cheapened all who were brought into comparison with her. when she sat beside the old duchesse d'azay at the opéra or comédie, he had no eyes for la saint-huberti or contat, and thought that she outshone all the beauties both on the stage and in the brilliant audience. usually, however, he was content to admire her at a distance and rarely left the box which he occupied with mr. jefferson and mr. morris to pay his respects to her and madame d'azay. for while adrienne attracted him, he was yet conscious that it was best for him not to be drawn into the circle of her fascinations, and, although he made a thousand excuses for her caprice and coquetry, he had no intention of becoming the victim of either. indeed, he had already experienced somewhat of her caprice and had found it little to his liking. since the afternoon on which they had skated together she had never again treated him in so unaffected and friendly a fashion. a hundred times had she passed him at the opera or the play or in the salons which they both frequented, with scarcely a nod or smile, and mr. calvert was both offended and amused by such cavalier treatment and haughty manners. "she has the air of a princess royal and treats me as the meanest of her subjects. 'tis a good thing we americans have cast off the yoke of royalty," he thought to himself, with a smile. "and as for beauty--there are a dozen belles in virginia alone almost her equal in loveliness and surely far sweeter, simpler, less spoiled. and yet--and yet--" and the young man would find himself wondering what was that special charm by virtue of which she triumphed over all others. he did not himself yet know why it was that he excused her follies, found her the most beautiful of all women, or fell into a sort of rage at seeing her in the loose society of the day, with such men as st. aulaire and a dozen others of his kind in her train. but though unable to analyze her charm he was yet vaguely conscious of its danger, and had it depended upon himself he would have seen but little of her. this, however, was an impossibility, as mr. jefferson was a constant visitor at the hôtel of madame d'azay, who, true to her word, seemed to take the liveliest interest in mr. calvert and commanded his presence in her salon frequently. indeed, the old duchess was pleased to profess herself charmed with the young american, and would have been delighted, apparently, to see him at any and all hours, had his duties permitted him so much leisure. besides the cordial invitations of the dowager duchess to the hotel in the rue st. honoré, there were others as pressing from d'azay himself, who, having secured his election in touraine, had returned to paris. the young nobleman was frequently at the american legation in consultation with the minister, whose opinions and character excited his greatest admiration, and it was one of his chiefest delights, when business was concluded, to carry mr. jefferson and calvert back to his aunt's drawing-room with him for a dish of tea and an hour's conversation. it was on one of those occasions that, having accompanied mr. jefferson and d'azay to the rue st. honoré in the latter's coach (mr. morris promising to look in later), mr. calvert had the opportunity of speaking at length with madame de st. andré for the first time since the afternoon on the ice. when the three gentlemen entered the drawing-room a numerous company was already assembled, the older members of which were busy with quinze and lansquenet in a card-room that opened out of the salon, the younger ones standing or sitting about in groups and listening to a song which monsieur de st. aulaire, who was at the harpsichord, had just begun. it was blondel's song from grétry's "richard coeur de lion," about which all paris was crazy and which garat sang nightly with a prodigious success at the opéra. this aria monsieur de st. aulaire essayed in faithful imitation of the great tenor's manner and in a voice which showed traces of having once been beautiful, but which age and excesses had now broken and rendered harsh and forced. as calvert saluted adrienne, when the perfunctory applause which this performance called forth had died away, he thought he had never seen her look so lovely. she wore a dress of some soft water-green fabric shot with threads of silver that fell away from her rounded throat and arms, bringing the creamy fairness of her complexion (which, for the first time, he saw enhanced by black patches) and the dusky brown of her hair to a very perfection of beauty. she was standing by the harpsichord when the gentlemen entered, but, on catching sight of mr. jefferson, she went forward graciously, extending her hand, over which he bowed low in admiration of that young beauty which, in his eyes, had no equal in paris. there was another pair of eyes upon her which saw as mr. jefferson's kindly ones did, but to them the young girl paid little attention, only giving mr. calvert a brief courtesy as she went to salute her brother. "will you not make mr. jefferson a dish of tea, adrienne?" asked d'azay, kissing her on both her fair cheeks. "and if we are to have music i beg you will ask calvert to sing for us, for he has the sweetest voice in the world." "what!" exclaimed the young girl, a little disdainfully. "mr. calvert is a very prodigy of accomplishments!" "far from it!" returned mr. calvert, good-naturedly. "'tis but a jest of henri's. indeed, madame, i am nothing of a musician." "he may not be a musician, but he has a voice as beautiful as garat's, though i know 'tis heresy to compare anyone with that idol of paris," said beaufort, joining the group at that instant. "dost thou remember that pretty ballad that thou sangst at monticello, ned?" he asked, turning to calvert. "indeed, madame, i think 'twas of you he sang," he added, smiling mischievously at madame de st. andré. "what is this?" demanded adrienne, imperiously. "is this another jest? but i must hear this song," she went on, impatiently, and with a touch of curiosity. "'twas my favorite 'lass with the delicate air,'" said mr. jefferson, smiling. "you must sing it for us, ned, and i will play for you as i used to do." he took from its case a violin lying upon the harpsichord and, leaning over it, he began softly the quaint accompaniment that sustains so perfectly the whimsical melodies and surprising cadences of dr. arne's ballad. though few of mr. calvert's audience could understand the sentiment of his song, all listened with admiration to the voice, which still retained much of its boyish sweetness and thrilling pathos. amid the applause which followed the conclusion of the song, madame d'azay left the lansquenet table and appeared at the door of the salon. "charming," she cried. "but i don't know your english, so sing us something in french, monsieur, that i may applaud the sentiment as well as the voice." mr. calvert bowed with as good grace as he could, being secretly much dissatisfied at having to thus exploit his small talent for the benefit of the company, and, seating himself at the harpsichord, began a plaintive little air in a minor key, to which he had fitted the words of a song he had but lately read and greatly admired. being, as he had said, nothing of a musician, the delicate accompaniment of the song was quite beyond him, but having a true ear for accord and a firm, light touch, he improvised a not unpleasing melody that fitted perfectly the poem. 'twas the "consolation" of malherbe, and, as calvert sang, the tenderness and melancholy beauty of both words and music struck the whole company into silence: "'mais elle était du monde où les plus belles choses ont le pire destin, et, rose, elle a vécu ce que vivent les roses- l'espace d'un matin. "la mort a des rigueurs à nulle autre pareilles, on a beau la prier, la cruelle qu'elle est se bouche les oreilles, et nous laisse crier. "le pauvre en sa cabane, où le chaume le couvre, est sujet à ses lois, et le garde qui veille aux barrières du louvre n'en défend pas nos rois.'" "'tis a gloomy song," whispered beaufort to the young vicomte de noailles, lafayette's kinsman, and then, turning to monsieur de st. aulaire, sulkily looking on at the scene and whom he hated both for his devotion to adrienne and because he was of the orléans party, he said, with languid maliciousness, "my dear baron, a thousand pities that you have taken no care of your voice! i can remember when it was such a one as monsieur calvert's." "you were ever a sad flatterer, my dear beaufort," returned st. aulaire, one hand on the hilt of his silver dress sword, the other holding his chapeau de bras. he regarded beaufort for an instant with a sour smile, and then turned and made his way to calvert. "ah, monsieur," he said, and his voice was suave, though there was a mocking light in his eyes, "i see i have made a mistake. i had thought you a past master in the art of skating, now i see that your true role is that of the stage hero. you would become as spoilt a favorite as garat himself. the ladies all commit a thousand follies for him." "sir," returned mr. calvert, quietly, though he was white with unaccustomed anger, "i see that you are one destined to make mistakes. i am neither skating nor singing-master, nor clown nor coward. i am an american gentleman, and, should anyone be inclined to doubt that fact, i will convince him of it at the point of my sword--or with pistols, since english customs are the mode here." as calvert looked at the handsome, dissipated face of the nobleman before him a sudden gust of passion shook him that so insolent a scoundrel should dare to speak to him in such fashion. and though he retained all his self-control and outward composure, so strange a smile played about his lip and so meaning an expression came into his eye as caused no little surprise to st. aulaire, who had entirely underestimated the spirit that lay beneath so calm and boyish an exterior. as he was about to reply to calvert, madame de st. andré approached. making a low bow, and without a word, monsieur de st. aulaire retired, leaving calvert with the young girl. "come with me, sir," she said, smiling imperiously on the young man and speaking rapidly. "i have many questions to ask you! you are full of surprises, monsieur, and i must have my curiosity satisfied. we have many arrears of conversation to make up. did you not promise to tell me of general washington, of america, of your young scotch poet? but, first of all, i must have a list of your accomplishments," and she laughed musically. calvert thought it was like seeing the sun break through the clouds on a stormy day to see this sudden change to girlish gayety and naturalness from her grand air of princess royal, and which, after all, he reflected, she had something of a right to assume. indeed, she bore the name of one who had been a most distinguished officer of the king and who had died in his service, and she was herself the descendant of a long line of nobles who, if they had not all been benefactors of their race, had, at least, never shirked the brunt of battle nor any service in the royal cause. on her father's side she was sprung from that great warrior, jacques d'azay, who fought side by side with lafayette's ancestor in the battle of beaugé, when the brother of harry of england was defeated and slain. on her mother's side she came of the race of the wise and powerful duc de sully, henry of navarre's able minister. one of her great uncles had been a grand almoner of france, and another had commanded one of the victorious battalions at fontenoy under the maréchal saxe. the portraits of some of these great gentlemen and of many another of her illustrious ancestors hung upon the walls of the salons and galleries of this mansion in the rue st. honoré. the very house bespoke the pride of race and generations of affluence, and was only equalled in magnificence by the noailles hôtel near by. as mr. calvert looked about him at the splendor of this mansion, which had been in the d'azay family for near two centuries and a half; at the spacious apartment with its shining marquetry floor, its marble columns separating it from the great entrance hall; at the lofty ceiling, decorated by the famous lagrenée with a scene from virgil ('twas the meeting of dido and aeneas); at the brilliant company gathered together--as mr. calvert looked at all this, he felt a thousand miles removed from her in circumstance and sentiment, and thought to himself that it was not strange that she, who had been accustomed to this splendor since her birth, should treat an unassuming, untitled gentleman from an almost unknown country, without fortune or distinction, with supercilious indifference. indeed, in his heart mr. calvert was of the opinion that this dazzling creature's beauty alone was enough to place her above princesses, and (thinking of the fresco on the ceiling) that had aeneas but met her instead of queen dido he had never abandoned her as he did the carthagenian. perhaps something of the ardor of his thoughts was reflected in his expression, for it was with a somewhat embarrassed look that adrienne pointed to a low gilt chair beside her own. "will you be seated, sir? and now for your confession! but even before that i must know why you come to see us so seldom. were you provoked because i rebelled at being taken to task that afternoon on the ice? but see! am i not good now?" and she threw him a demure glance of mock humility that seemed to make her face more charming than ever. "you are very beautiful," said mr. calvert, quietly. "tiens! you will be a courtier yet if you are not careful," returned adrienne, smiling divinely at the young man from beneath her dark lashes. "tis no compliment, madame, but the very truth." "the truth," murmured the young girl, in some embarrassment at calvert's sincere, if detached, manner. "one hears it so seldom these days that 'tis difficult to recognize it! but if it was the truth i fear it was not the whole truth, sir. i am sure i detected an uncomplimentary arrière pensée in your speech!" and she laughed mockingly at the young man, whose turn it was to be embarrassed. "i am very beautiful, but--what, sir?" "but you would be even more so without those patches, which may be successful enhancements for lesser beauties but are beneath the uses of madame de st. andré," returned calvert, bravely, and joining in the laugh which the young girl could not repress. "pshaw, sir! what an idea!" said adrienne. "am i then so amiable that you dare take advantage of it to call me to account again? i am beginning to think, sir, that i, who have been assured by so many gentlemen to be perfection itself, must, after all, be a most faulty creature since you find reason to reprove me constantly," and she threw calvert so bewildering a glance that that young gentleman found himself unable to reply to her badinage. "besides, monsieur," she went on, "you do not do justice to these patches. is it possible that there exists a gentleman so ignorant of women and fashion as not to know the origin and uses of the mouche? come, sir, attend closely while i give you a lesson in beauty and gallantry! these patches which you so disdain were once tiny plasters stretched upon black velvet or silk for the cure of headache, and, though no one was ever known to be so cured, 'twas easy for the illest beauty to perceive that they made her complexion appear more brilliant by contrast. the poets declared that venus herself must have used them and that they spoke the language of love; thus one on the lip meant the 'coquette,' on the nose the 'impertinent,' on the cheek the 'gallant,' on the neck the 'scornful,' near the eye 'passionate,' on the forehead, such as this one i wear, sir, the 'majestic.'" as she spoke, so rapidly and archly did her mobile features express in their changes her varying thought that calvert sat entranced at her piquancy and daring. "and now, monsieur, have you no apology to make to these maligned patches?" and she touched the tiny plaster upon her brow. "a thousand, madame," said calvert, politely, "if you will still let me be of my opinion that your beauty needs no such aid." "so you would prevent my wearing so innocent a beautifier? you are more of a quaker than dr. franklin himself, whom i remember seeing here often," said adrienne, with a little laugh and a shrug. "i think he liked all the ladies and would have continued to like them had they worn rings in their noses! but as for you--'tis impossible to please you. no wonder you americans broke with the english! you are most difficile. but i am sure that mr. jefferson or the witty mr. morris could have found a handsomer reply than yours, monsieur! ah, here he is now," and she rose as mr. morris entered the room and made his way to her side. "at last i have the pleasure of saluting madame de st. andré!" he said, very gallantly. "you are late, sir. we had about given over seeing you this evening. mr. jefferson and mr. calvert have been with us an hour." "i envy them their good fortune, madame! but--i have been detained." "what a lame and insufficient excuse!" cried adrienne, laughing. "'tis no better than one of monsieur calvert's compliments!" "ah, madame," said mr. morris, recovering himself, "you must forgive us and remember that you complete our mental overthrow already begun by the dazzling brilliancy of the gayest capital in the world and the multitude of attractions it offers. a man in your paris, madame, lives in a sort of whirlwind which turns him around so fast that he can see nothing. 'tis no wonder that the people of this metropolis are under the necessity of pronouncing their definitive judgment from the first glance, and, being thus habituated to shoot flying, they have what sportsmen call a quick sight. they know a wit by his snuff-box, a man of taste by his bow, and a statesman by the cut of his coat." as he finished speaking there was a general movement at the card-tables, and madame d'azay, accompanied by mr. jefferson, who had been looking on at the game (for he never played), and followed by the company, entered the drawing-room. "ah, monsieur morris!" she said, catching sight of that gentleman. "you have a talent for being always à propos, monsieur! we have just finished our game and are ready to listen to the latest gossip, which, i am sure, you have heard from that charming friend of yours, madame de flahaut." "the duchess has just won prodigiously at quinze from the abbé délille, who hates damnably to lose," whispered ségur to calvert, "and, having won, she stopped the game in the best of humors." "alas, madame!" said mr. morris, in answer to the duchess, "i have not had the pleasure of seeing madame de flahaut, but am just from the club de valois. as you can imagine to yourself, i heard nothing but politics at the club." "unfortunately, one does not have to go to the club to hear politics," replied madame d'azay, dryly. "it has required all my authority to restrain these gentlemen this evening from discussing such subjects. indeed, i think monsieur jefferson and monsieur de lafayette, in spite of my defense, which i now remove, have had a political debate," and she snapped her bright eyes and nodded her withered old head severely at the two gentlemen. "_peccavi_!" said the marquis, bowing low. "i am the culprit, but surely, madame, you would not have me fail to listen to mr. jefferson's counsels when i am so fortunate as to be offered them! he advises me," continued monsieur de lafayette, turning to mr. morris, "to burn my instructions from the noblesse, which engage me absolutely to favor the vote by orders and not by persons, and, should this produce an irrevocable rupture with my electors, boldly to take my stand with the tiers état. i have seen necker to-day and he is as far as ever from a solution of this great and first question which must come up before the states-general. indeed, there is but one rational solution, and i must disregard my instructions in an endeavor to bring it about." "i would advise you to resign your seat!" said mr. morris, bluntly. "you have been elected by an order in whose principles you no longer believe. should you continue their representative your conscience will be continually at war with your duty. should you break away from your constituency you will offer an example of insubordination and lawlessness which may have the most deplorable results." "i cannot agree with you, mr. morris," broke in mr. jefferson, warmly. "in the desperate pass to which affairs are already come in this nation, desperate remedies must be employed. shall monsieur de lafayette deprive the tiers état of his enthusiasm, his earnest convictions, his talents, when, by an act of courage, entirely in accord with his conscience, he can become one of them and can lead them to victory and to that fusion with the other orders which is so vital to the usefulness, nay, to the very life of the states-general?" "in my opinion there is less need that monsieur de lafayette should lead the tiers état--they will travel fast enough, i think," says mr. morris, dryly--"than that he should stick to his own order, strengthening in every way in his power this conservative element, which is the safeguard of the nation. this annihilation of the distinctions of orders which you speak of seems to me to be the last thing to be desired. should the nobles abandon their order and give over their privileges, what will act as a check on the demands and encroachments of the commons? how far such ultra-democratic tendencies may be right respecting mankind in general is, i think, extremely problematical. with respect to this nation i am sure it is wrong. i am frank but i am sincere when i say that i believe you, monsieur de lafayette, and you, monsieur d'azay, to be too republican for the genius of this country." "or, monsieur morris, trop aristocrate," said the marquis, with a bitter smile on his disturbed countenance, for his vanity, which was becoming inordinate, could not brook unfriendly criticism. "'tis strange," said the vicomte d'azay, "to hear an american arguing against those principles which have won for him so lately his freedom and his glory! as for me, i think with mr. jefferson and the marquis, and, thinking so, i have sided with the people, which is, after all, the nation." "yes," broke in mr. jefferson with animation and speaking to d'azay, "you have found the vital truth. 'tis no king, but the sovereign people, which is the state. it has been my firm belief that with a great people, set in the path of civil and religious liberty, freedom and power in their grasp, let the executive be as limited as may be, that nation will still prosper. a strong people and a weak government make a great nation." "but who shall say that the french are a strong people?" demands mr. morris, impetuously, and turning to the company. "you are lively, imaginative, witty, charming, talented, but not substantial or persevering. inconstancy is mingled in your blood, marrow, and very essence. constancy is the phenomenon. the great mass of the common people have no religion but their priests, no law but their superiors, no morals but their interests. and how shall we expect a people to suddenly become wise and self-governing who are ignorant of statecraft, who have existed for centuries under a despotism? never having felt the results of a weak executive, they do not know the dangers of unlimited power. no man is more republican in sentiment than i am, but i think it no less than a crime to foist a republic upon a people in no way fitted for it, and all those who abandon the king in this hour of danger, who do not uphold his authority to the fullest extent, are participants in that crime and are helping to bring on those events which i fear will shortly convulse this country." "mr. morris is no optimist either in regard to french character or the progress of public affairs," said lafayette, bitingly. "but i can assure him that if the french are inconstant, ignorant, and immoral, they are also energetic, lively, and easily aroused by noble examples. moreover, the public mind has been instructed lately to an astonishing point by the political pamphlets issued in such numbers, and 'tis my opinion that these facts will bring us, after no great lapse of time, to an adequate representation and participation in public affairs, and that without the convulsion which mr. morris so acutely dreads." the company listened in silence with the intensest interest to this animated conversation, the women following with as close attention as the men (the duchess nodding her approval of mr. morris's opinions from time to time), and 'twas but a sample of the almost incredibly frank political discussion taking place daily in all the notable salons of paris. as for calvert, although he loved and honored mr. jefferson before all men and held him as all but infallible, he could not but agree with mr. morris's views as being the soundest and most practical. indeed, from that day mr. jefferson and mr. morris differed more and more widely in their political faiths, but the nobility of mr. jefferson's nature, the admirable tact of mr. morris, and, as much as anything, the common affection they felt for calvert, who would have been inexpressibly pained by any breach between them, kept them upon friendly terms. mr. morris, conscious that he had spoken impetuously and perhaps with too much warmth, made no reply to monsieur de lafayette's last words, spoken with some animus, and in a few minutes made his way to calvert. "come away, my boy," he said, in a low tone. "come away! lafayette, who can still believe that mighty changes will take place in this kingdom without a revolution, does not even know of this day's fearful business in the rue st. antoine. i had it from boursac, who arrived at the club two hours ago with both windows of his carriage broken, the panels splintered, and his coachman with a bloody cheek. he had tried to pass through the faubourg, where two hundred of the rabble have been killed by besenval's swiss guards at the house of a paper merchant, reveillon. the villains have broke into his factory, demolished everything, drunk his wines, and, accidentally, some poisonous acid used in his laboratory, of which they have died a horrible death, and all because the unfortunate merchant dared in the electoral assembly of ste. marguerite to advocate reducing the wages of his men. i ordered my coachman to drive by the faubourg, hoping to see for myself if the affair had not been greatly exaggerated, but i was turned back by some troops proceeding thither with two small cannon. 'twas this which detained me. boursac says 'tis known for certain that the whole affair has been instigated by the duc d'orléans. he passed in his coach among the rioters, urging them on in their villany, and 'tis even said by some that he was seen giving money to the mob. and this is the man whom the king hesitates to banish! perhaps, after all, boy, i did wrong to counsel lafayette and d'azay to stand by a king who is weakness itself and who knows not how to defend himself or his throne!" chapter x at versailles it was just a week after mr. calvert's visit to the hotel d'azay and the affair of the rue st. antoine, that the day arrived for the consummation of that great event toward which all france, nay, all europe, had been looking for months past. with a sudden burst and glory of sunshine and warm air the long, hard winter had given way to the spring of that year of 1789. by the end of april the green grass and flowering shrubs looked as if summer had come, and the cruel cold of but a few weeks back was all but forgotten. and with the quickening pulse of nature the agitation and restless activity among all classes had increased. the whole kingdom of france was astir with the excitement of the rapidly approaching convocation of the states-general. paris read daily in the columns of the _moniteur_ the names of the newly elected deputies, and by the 1st of may those deputies were thronging her streets. d'azay, lafayette, necker, duport, lameth, and many others, who saw their ardent wishes materializing, were quite beside themselves with delight, and prophesied the happiest things for france. madame d'azay, being of the court party, held widely differing views from those of her nephew, and was out of all conceit with this political ferment, while as for adrienne, she looked upon the opening of the states-general and the grand reception of the king on the 2d of may as splendid pageants merely, to which she would be glad to lend her presence and the lustre of her beauty. indeed, it is safe to say that for nearly every individual in that restless kingdom of france the states-general held a different meaning, a different hope, a different fear. fortunate it was for all alike, that none could see the ending of that terrible business about to be set afoot. in all the brilliant weather of that spring of 1789, no fairer day dawned than that great day of monday, the 4th of may. by earliest morning the whole world of paris seemed to be taking its way to versailles. mr. jefferson, having presented calvert with the billet reserved for mr. short (the secretary being absent at the hague), and mr. morris being provided for through the courtesy of the duchesse d'orléans, the three gentlemen left the legation at six in the morning in mr. jefferson's coach. the grand route to versailles was thronged with carriages and vehicles of every description, and the dust, heat, and confusion were indescribable. on their arrival, which was about eight o'clock, being hungry and thirsty, the gentlemen repaired to a café, where they had an indifferent breakfast at a table d'hôte, about which were seated several gloomy-looking members of the tiers. after the hasty meal they made their way as quickly as possible to the hôtel of madame de tessé in the rue dauphine, where they were awaited. madame de tessé, monsieur de lafayette's aunt, was, as mr. morris laughingly styled her, "a republican of the first feather," and it was with the most enthusiastic pleasure that she welcomed the ambassador from the united states and his two friends on that day which she believed held such happy auguries for the future of her country. a numerous company had already assembled at her invitation and were viewing the ever-increasing crowds in the streets from the great stone balcony draped with silken banners and rich velvet hangings. the british ambassador and the ambassadress, lady sutherland (whom calvert had the honor of meeting for the first time), were there, as was madame de montmorin, madame de staël, and madame de st. andré, looking radiant in the brilliant morning sunshine. as mr. calvert bent over her hand he thought to himself that she might have sat for a portrait of aurora's self, so fresh and beautiful did she look. the sun struck her dark hair (over which she wore no covering) to burnished brightness, the violet eyes sparkled with animation, and her complexion had the freshness and delicacy of some exquisite flower. "i am glad you are here, monsieur l'americain, on this great day for france, one of the most momentous, one of the happiest in all her history. you see i have not forgotten your fondness for history!" and she shot him an amused glance. "i am glad, too, madame," replied calvert, seating himself beside her. "'tis one of the most momentous days in france's history, as you say, but one of the happiest?--i don't know," and he looked dubiously at the thronged streets, for he was of mr. morris's way of thinking, and, try as he might, he could not bring himself to look upon the course of affairs with the optimism mr. jefferson felt. "are you going to be gloomy on this beautiful day?" demanded adrienne, impatiently. "aren't the very heavens giving us a sign that they approve of this event? mr. jefferson is the only one of you who appreciates this great occasion--even mr. morris, who is usually so agreeable, seems to be out of spirits," and she glanced toward that gentleman where he sat between madame de montmorin and madame de flahaut, who had just arrived with beaufort. mr. morris, hearing his name spoken, arose and went over to madame de st. andré. "are you saying evil things about me to mr. calvert, my dear young lady?" he asked, bowing with that charming show of deference which he always paid a pretty woman and which in part atoned for the cynical expression in his keen eyes. "but yes," returned adrienne, laughing. "i was saying that you wore a displeased air almost as if you envied france her good fortune of to-day!" "you mistake me," said mr. morris, warmly. "i have france's interest and happiness greatly at heart. the generous wish which a free people must form to disseminate freedom, the grateful emotion which rejoices in the happiness of a benefactor, and a strong personal interest as well in the liberty as in the power of this country, all conspire to make us far from indifferent spectators," and he glanced at calvert as though certain of having expressed the young man's sentiments as well as his own. "the leaders here are our friends, many of them have imbibed their principles in america, and all have been fired by our example. if i wear an anxious air 'tis because i am not sure that that example can be safely imitated in this country, that those principles can be safely inculcated here, that this people, once having thrown off the yoke of absolute dependence on and obedience to kingly power, will not confound license with liberty. but enough of this," he said, smiling. "may i ask why the duchess is not of the company?" "because she is even more pessimistic about the results of to-day's work than yourself, mr. morris, and has shut herself up in paris, refusing to be present at the opening of the states-general even as a spectator. she portends all sorts of disasters to france, but for the life of me i can't see what can happen without the king's authority, and surely so good a king will let no harm happen to his country. as for myself, i could bless the states-general for having furnished so gala an occasion! paris has been deadly stupid for months with all this talk of politics and elections and constitutions going on. i am glad it is all over and we have reached the beginning of the end. is it not a magnificent spectacle?" she asked. "'tis so, truly," assented mr. morris, with a curious smile, and leaning over the balustrade to get a better view of the street. versailles was indeed resplendent on that beautiful morning of the 4th of may, in honor of the procession and religious services to be held as a sort of prelude to the formal opening of the states-general the following day. from the church of our lady to the church of saint louis, where m. de la farre, archevêque of nancy, was to celebrate mass, the streets through which the procession was to pass were one mass of silken banners and the richest stuffs depending from every window, every balcony. crown tapestries lined the way in double row, and flowers in profusion were strewn along the streets. vast throngs surged backward and forward, held in check by the soldiers of the splendid maison du roi and the swiss troops, while every balcony, every window, every roof-top, every possible place of vantage was filled to overflowing with eager spectators. as the morning sun struck upon the magnificent decorations, on the ladies and cavaliers, as brilliantly arrayed as though for the opera or ball, on the gorgeous uniforms of the guards, the scene was one of indescribable splendor and color. a sudden silence fell upon the vast concourse of people as mr. morris leaned over the balcony, and in an instant the head of the procession came into view. in front were borne the banners of the church of our, lady and saint louis, followed by the parish clergy, and then in two close ranks walked the five hundred deputies of the tiers état in their sombre black garments and three-cornered hats. the silence which had so suddenly descended upon the great company was as suddenly broken at sight of the tiers, and a deafening shout saluted them. this, in turn, was quelled, and a curious quiet reigned again as the deputies from the nobles made their appearance in their rich dress, with cloak gold-faced, white silk stockings, and beplumed hat. "you would have to walk with the tiers were you of the procession, monsieur calvert," said madame de st. andré, mischievously, glancing from the young man's sober habit to the brilliant dress of the nobles as they filed past. "surely! i would be a very raven among those splendid birds of paradise," said the young man, a trifle scornfully. "they are very great gentlemen," returned adrienne, tossing her head. "see, there is monsieur le duc d'orléans himself leading the noblesse," and she courtesied low, as did the rest of the company, when he looked toward the balcony and bowed. so that was monsieur le duc d'orléans, the king's cousin, the king's enemy, as many already knew, the wildest, the most dissolute of all the wild, dissolute youth of paris, the boon companion of the duke of york, the destroyer of the unfortunate prince de lamballes, the hero of a thousand chroniques scandaleuses of the day! as for calvert, he thought that in spite of the splendid appearance of the royal personage he had never seen a human countenance so repulsive and so depraved. the brutal, languid eye looked out at him from a face whose unwholesome complexion, heavy jaw, and sensual mouth sent a thrill of sickening disgust through him. as he gazed at the retreating figure of the duke, which, in ifs heaviness and lethargy, bore the mark of excesses as unmistakably as did the coarsened face, all the disgraceful stories, the rumors, the anecdotes which he had ever heard concerning this dissipated young prince--for his reputation was only too well known even in america--flashed through his mind. "and this is one of your great gentlemen?" asked calvert, looking, not without some sadness, at the haughty beauty beside him, still flushed and smiling at the notice bestowed upon her by monsieur d'orléans. "his highness the duc d'orléans is one of the greatest personages in the kingdom, sir! tis said, perhaps, that he has been guilty of some indiscretions"--she hesitated, biting her lip, and coloring slightly beneath calvert's calm gaze--"but surely something must be pardoned to one of his exalted rank; to one who is incapable of any cowardice, of any baseness." "since he is of such exalted rank, it seems strange, madame, that he should walk so far ahead of his order as almost to seem to mingle with the tiers," replied calvert, quietly. "but i am glad to have such a good report of the duke, as there are those who have been mistaken enough to doubt his bravery at ouessant, and, merely to look at him, i confess that i saw many a humble deputy of the tiers who looked, even in his plebeian dress, more the nobleman than he." "ah, monsieur," returned madame de st. andré, contemptuously, "i see that you are indeed a republican enragé and hate us for our fine feathers and rank of birth as cordially as these people who applaud the tiers and remain silent before the deputies of the nobles." "indeed, you misjudge me, madame," says calvert, who could scarce restrain a smile at the lofty manner of the beautiful girl, "as you misjudge the crowd, for 'tis applauding someone among the noblesse now," and he stood up and looked over the balcony rail to better see the cause of the shout which had suddenly gone up. "'tis for monsieur de lafayette, i think. see, he is walking yonder, with d'azay on one side of him and noailles on the other." adrienne leaned over the balustrade, and looked down at her brother and monsieur de lafayette, who saw her at the same instant. smiling and bowing, she flung a handful of roses, which she had carried all morning, at the gentlemen, who uncovered and waved her their thanks. as they did so, a sudden blare of trumpets and strains of martial music burst forth, and the black-robed deputies of the clergy appeared, separated into two files by the band of royal musicians. "'tis like a play, n'est ce pas?" said adrienne, gayly, to mr. morris, who had again come up, having been dismissed by madame de flahaut on the arrival of monsieur de curt. "no, 'tis but the prologue," corrected mr. morris, "and the play itself is like enough to be a tragedy, i think," he added, in a low voice, to calvert. "and here are the king and queen at last," cried madame de st. andré, as a great cheering went up. every eye in that vast throng was riveted upon the king, who now appeared, preceded by the archbishop of paris carrying the holy sacrament under a great canopy, the four corners of which were held by the dukes of angoulême and berry and the king's two brothers, monsieur and the comte d'artois. near the holy sacrament marched the cardinals, bishops, and archbishops elected to the states-general, and in the throng calvert quickly and easily detected by his halting step his acquaintance, the bishop of autun. about his majesty walked the high officers of the crown, and the enthusiasm of madame de staël, which had been on the increase every instant, reached a climax when she recognized monsieur necker, conspicuous by his size and bearing, among the entourage of louis, and, when she courtesied, the obeisance seemed intended more for her father than her king. "you are wrong to rejoice so greatly," said madame de montmorin, laying a timid hand on madame de staël's arm, which trembled with excitement. she had scarce said a word the whole morning and had sat staring with troubled face at the magnificent pageant as it passed. "i feel sure that great disasters to france will follow this day's business." madame de staël impatiently shook off the detaining hand. "'tis the day of days," she cried, enthusiastically, "the day for which my father has labored so long, the day on which will be written the brightest page of french history." "i verily believe she thinks the states-general are come together to the sole honor and glorification of monsieur, necker," whispered mr. morris, in an amused undertone, to calvert. "but look yonder, to the right of the king! there go our friends of the palais royal, the young duc de chartres and monsieur de beaujolais! tis strange the duc d'orléans is not near the king. he curries favor with the multitude by abandoning his sovereign on this crucial day and putting himself forward as an elected deputy of the states-general! and there to the left of his majesty is the queen with the princesses. is she not beautiful, ned?--though beaufort tells me she has lost much of the brilliancy of her beauty in the last year. indeed, she has an almost melancholy air,-but i think it is becoming, for otherwise she would be too haughty-looking." "she has reason to look melancholy, monsieur," said madame de montmorin, in a low tone, and with a glance of deep sympathy at the queen, who sat rigid, palely smiling in her golden coach. "did you not know that the dauphin is very ill? 'tis little talked about at court, for the queen will not have the subject mentioned, but he has been ailing for a year past." as she spoke, the carriage of the queen passed close under the balcony, and at that instant a woman in the crowd, looking her majesty full in the face, cried out, shrilly, "long live d'orléans!" the pallid queen sank back, as though struck, into the arms of the princess de lamballes, who rode beside her. but in an instant she was herself again, and sat haughtily erect, with a bitter smile curving her beautiful lips. "a cruel blow!" said mr. morris, under his breath, to calvert. "her unhappiness was complete enough without that. arrayed in those rich stuffs, with the flowers in her hair and bosom and with that inscrutable and melancholy expression on her beautiful face, she looks as might have looked some athenian maiden decked for sacrifice. indeed, all the noblesse have a curious air of fatality about them, or so it seems to me, and somehow look as if they were going to their doom. take a good look at this splendid pageant, ned! 'tis the first time you have seen royalty, the first time you have seen the nobility in all the magnificence of ceremony. it may be the last." mr. jefferson got up from his place beside madame de tessé and came over to where calvert and mr. morris were standing. "what do you think of the king and queen?" he asked, in a low voice, laying his hand, in his customary affectionate manner, on calvert's shoulder. "the king has a benevolent, open countenance, do you not think so?--but the queen has a haughty, wayward look, and the imperious, unyielding spirit of her austrian mother." "she will need all the spirit of her whole family," broke in mr. morris, warmly, "if she is to bear up beneath such wanton insults as that just offered her." "i fear that the hand of heaven will weigh heavily on that selfish, proud, capricious sovereign, and that she will have to suffer many humiliations," replied mr. jefferson, coldly, for he disliked and distrusted marie antoinette profoundly, and always believed that she was largely responsible for the terrible disasters which overtook france, and that had louis been free of her influence and machinations, he had been able to disentangle himself and his kingdom from the fatal coil into which they were drawn. "as for myself, i can think only that she is a woman and in distress," said mr. morris, looking after the queen's coach, which rolled slowly through the crowded street, making a glittering track of light where the noonday sun (for 'twas past twelve o'clock by that time) struck the golden panels. it was followed on one side by a long line of carriages containing the princesses of the blood royal and the ladies-in-waiting to her majesty, on the other by the procession of princes, dukes, and gentlemen of the king's household. it was close on one o'clock when the last gilded coach, the last splendid rider, followed by the rabble, who closed in and pushed on behind to the church of saint louis, had passed beneath madame de tessé's balcony. some of her guests, having billets for the church reserved for them, entered their carriages and drove thither; the others, being weary with the long wait and excitement of the morning, accepted their hostess's invitation to breakfast, content to hear later of the celebration of mass in the church of saint louis. mr. jefferson, mr. morris, and calvert were of this party, and, after having promised to be at versailles early the next morning and to stay for the night at madame de tessé's so as to accompany the ladies to the king's reception, they set off for paris toward four o'clock in the afternoon. as they were about leaving, beaufort, who had attended mass, came in, tired and gloomy-looking, and told them that monseigneur de la farre had preached a political sermon which the deputies had the bad taste and hardihood to applaud in church and in the presence of his majesty. "how dare they so insult the king?" said madame de st. andré, pale with anger, to calvert, who had come up to bid her adieu. "by the way, mr. jefferson tells me he is to present you to their majesties to-morrow evening," she went on, recovering her composure and smiling somewhat. "i should like to see how an american salutes a king." "madame," said mr. calvert, quietly, "you forget that i have made my bow to general washington." it was not much past six o'clock the next morning when mr. calvert and mr. jefferson called, in the latter's carriage, for mr. morris in the rue de richelieu, and once more set out for versailles. as on the preceding day, the road was thronged with coaches, all making their way to the temporary capital. madame de flahaut (to whom mr. morris bowed very low, though he looked a little piqued when he saw monsieur de curt beside her) flashed by in her carriage as they neared versailles, and a little later madame de st. andré, accompanied by madame de chastellux and beaufort passed them, bowing and waving to the three gentlemen. "if it were possible, i should say she looks more beautiful to-day than yesterday, eh, ned?" said mr. morris, looking after madame de st. andré, and then giving calvert a quizzical glance, under which the young man blushed hotly. "by the way, i overheard your parting conversation yesterday, and i think you rather got the best of the haughty beauty," he went on, laughing. "i am not sure but that the unruffled serenity of your manner before the ladies advances you more in their estimation than does mr. jefferson's evident devotion to them all or my impartial compliments and gallantry. but beware! madame de st. andré is no woman if she does not try to retaliate for that retort of yours." after stopping in the rue dauphine for the billets, which madame de tessé had again been able to obtain for mr. morris through the interest of the duchesse d'orléans, the three gentlemen drove straight to the salle des menus plaisirs, and, by nine o'clock, were seated in the great gallery reserved for visitors. they were fortunate enough to find themselves placed immediately behind madame de chastellux, madame de st. andré, and madame de flahaut, who had entered together and who were kind enough to point out for the benefit of mr. morris and calvert many of the celebrities in the glittering assemblage. for, early as the hour was, the great balcony was already crowded, while the floor was slowly filling with the deputies ushered in one after the other by monsieur de brézé with the greatest ceremony. no more brilliant throng had ever come together in that spacious salle des menus plaisirs, and assuredly on no more momentous occasion. as mr. calvert looked about him at the splendid scene, at the great semicircular hall, with its ionic columns, at the balcony crowded with thousands of magnificently dressed courtiers and beautiful women, upon whose fair, painted faces and powdered hair the morning sun shone discreetly, its bright rays sifted through a silken awning covering the dome of the great room, at the throng of deputies sharply differentiated by positron and costume, at the empty throne set high above the tribune upon its dais of purple velvet strewn with the golden lilies of the bourbons; as mr. calvert looked at all this--especially as he looked at the empty throne--a curious presentiment of the awful import of the occasion struck in upon him forcibly. mr. jefferson, who sat beside him, seemed to read his thought. "i think this is like to live as one of the most famous scenes in history," he said. "we three are fortunate to be here to see it. tis the birth-hour of a new nation, if i mistake not. for the first time in two centuries the king meets the three orders of his subjects. who can foresee what will be the result?" "i think it is safe to say that the king does not foresee the result, or there would be no meeting," said mr. morris, dryly. "as pessimistic as ever, my dear sir!" retorted mr. jefferson, somewhat testily. "ah, here comes monsieur necker." as the minister of finance made his way in, preceded by monsieur de brézé, a loud cheer went up from every part of the hall. even the sombre mass of the tiers roused themselves to enthusiasm, which was redoubled when monsieur le duc d'orléans made his appearance with the clerical deputy from crépy-en-valois, who, he insisted, should enter before him. "tis like his highness," whispered mr. morris to calvert. "he is as thirsty for popularity as lafayette himself." though he spoke in a low tone and in english, madame de st. andré overheard and understood him. "you and mr. calvert seem to be in a conspiracy to malign his royal highness," she said, turning around. "no, no. if there is a conspirator in the case 'tis monsieur d'orléans himself," replied mr. morris, meaningly. to this madame de st. andré deigned no reply, and, shrugging her beautiful shoulders, turned her back once more to the gentlemen and her attention to the assemblage. mr. calvert, who sat directly behind her, could only see the pink ear and outline of the fair, displeased face thus turned away, but he thought she looked more imperiously lovely and more distant than the painted goddesses of the olympian hierarchy who disported themselves, after the artist's fancy, upon the great dome of the hall. "madame," he said, leaning over the back of madame de chastellux's chair, "can you tell me who is that deputy of the tiers just making his way in? 'tis the strangest and most terrible face i have ever seen," and he looked hard at the seamed, scarred visage, at the gloomy eyes, shining darkly in their great sockets, at the immense, burly figure of the man who was forcing his way contemptuously past the gallant monsieur de brézé to a seat among the commoners. as he looked, he was reminded in some fashion of the man danton whom he had seen in the café de l'ecole the afternoon he had gone thither with beaufort. "it is monsieur de mirabeau," said madame de chastellux. "there is something terrible in his face, as you say, but there is genius, also, i think," she added. "he has many talents and every vice, madame," said mr. jefferson, coldly. "a genius if you will, but a man without honor, without probity, erratic, unscrupulous, mercenary, passionate. _cupidus alieni prodigus sui_. great as are his parts, he will never be able to serve his country, for no dependence can be placed in him. he cannot even further his own interests, for he is his own worst enemy. no association with such a character can be either profitable or permanent. listen! he is being hissed!" it was true. a faint but perfectly audible murmur of disapprobation went up as mirabeau took his place among the deputies. as the sound struck on his ear, he turned upon the throng like a lion at bay and glanced about him with eyes which literally seemed to shoot fire and before which all sounds of hatred trembled back into silence. with conversation, with speculations as to whether the great question of voting par ordre or par tête would be settled by monsieur necker in his speech, what policy the king would follow, and with promenades in the great semicircular corridor running around the balcony, did the vast crowd while away the seemingly interminable wait before the court appeared. it was one o'clock when the heralds-at-arms, amid a profound silence, announced the approach of the king and queen. as his majesty made his appearance at the door, the silence was broken by tumultuous cries of "long live the king!" remembering that day and those prolonged demonstrations of loyalty and affection to his majesty, mr. calvert always considered it the wonderfullest change his life ever saw when, six months later, he was a witness to the sullen animosity and insolence of the crowd toward its sovereign. when the king had ascended the throne and seated himself (the princes of the blood royal who followed his majesty being ranged upon the steps of the dais to his right and his ministers below and in front), there was another call from the heralds-at-arms, and marie antoinette, beautiful, pallid, and haughty-looking, appeared at the entrance, accompanied by the princess royal and the members of her immediate household. amid a silence unbroken by a single acclamation the queen took her seat on the king's left and two steps below him. "is there no frenchman here who will raise his voice in greeting to his queen?" said mr. morris, very audibly. but though many hear him, not a sound is made, and at the cruel silence the queen, her haughtiness giving way for a moment, as it had the day before, wept. "i could never bear to see beauty in distress. if i were a subject of the queen she should have one loyal servitor, at least, to wish her well," said mr. morris, warmly, to calvert. the scene which, before the entrance of the royal party, had lacked its crowning touch, was now brilliant beyond description. to the right of the throne were ranged the princes of the church, hardly less resplendent in their robes than the secular nobles facing them, while between, forming a perfect foil for this glowing mass of color and jewels, a sombre spot in the brilliant assemblage, the tiers sat facing their sovereign. it was ominous--or so it seemed to mr. calvert--that the tiers should thus divide the two orders naturally most closely allied, and should sit as if in opposition or menace over against their king. and it was to them that the king seemed to speak or rather to read his address, which had been carefully prepared for him and was intentionally so vague that it aroused but little enthusiasm; to them that monsieur le garde des sceaux appealed without great effect; and it was, above all, to the tiers that monsieur necker, rising, addressed himself, receiving in turn their warmest plaudits. so long and so frequently interrupted by applause was necker's report that it was after four o'clock when the king rose to dismiss the assembly. as he descended the steps the queen came forward to his side, and, for the first time, a faint "vive la reine!" was heard. at the sound a quick blush of pleasure showed in her pallid cheeks and she courtesied low to the throng with such divine grace that the acclamations redoubled. to this the queen courtesied yet lower, and, amid a very thunder of applause, the royal party left the hall, followed by the deputies and the struggling throng of visitors. fatigued by the long séance, the excitement, and the tediousness of monsieur necker's report, mr. jefferson hurried mr. calvert--mr. morris had been carried off by madame de flahaut, to the great discomfiture of monsieur de curt--into his coach and drove directly to madame de tessé's, where they found apartments ready for them for the night and where they could get some repose before dressing for dinner and the king's levee, at which mr. jefferson intended to present both mr. morris and mr. calvert to their majesties. chapter xi mr. calvert attends the king's levee it had been the intention of the court to give but one levee--that to the deputies on the saturday preceding the opening of the states-general, but so widespread and so profound had been the dissatisfaction among the tiers at the treatment they had received on that occasion at the hands of monsieur de brézé, that the king had hastily decided to hold another levee on the evening of the 5th of may, to which all the deputies were again invited and at which much of the formal and displeasing ceremony of the first reception was to be banished. at the first levee his majesty had remained in state in the salle d'hercule, to which the deputies were admitted according to their rank, the noblesse and higher clergy passing in through the great state apartments, the tiers being introduced one after the other by a side entrance. the king now rightly determined to receive all in the great salle des glaces with as little formality as possible. but with that unhappy fatality which seemed to attend his every action, this resolution, which would have been productive of such good results at first, now seemed but a tardy and inefficient apology for courtly hauteur. so fatigued was madame de tessé and her guests by the day's proceedings, that it was late when they set off from the rue dauphine for the palace. mr. morris had the honor of driving alone with madame de tessé (lafayette and d'azay declining to attend this levee, having paid their respects to the king on saturday), while mr. jefferson, whose coach had remained at versailles, begged the pleasure of madame de st. andré's company for himself and mr. calvert. she came down the marble steps in her laces and gaze d'or, her dark hair unpowdered and unadorned save for a white rose, half-opened, held in the coil by a diamond buckle, and she looked so lovely and so much the grand princess that mr. jefferson could not forbear complimenting her as he handed her into the coach. as for mr. calvert, he stood by in silence, quite dazzled by her beauty. she took mr. jefferson's compliments and calvert's silent admiration complacently and as though they were no more than her just due, and talked gayly and graciously enough with the minister, though she had scarce a word for the younger man, whom she treated in a fashion even more than usually imperious, and to which he submitted with his unvarying composure and good-nature. in the place d'armes the crush of coaches was so great that the american minister's carriage could move but slowly from that point into the cour royale, and 'twas with much difficulty that mr. jefferson and calvert, finally alighting, forced a passage through the crowd for madame de st. andré. at the foot of the great escalier des ambassadeurs they found madame de tessé and mr. morris, who had just arrived. mounting together, they passed through the state apartments of the king, upon the ceilings and panellings of which mr. calvert noted the ever recurring sun-disk, emblem of the roi soleil whose sun had set so ingloriously long before; through the salle de la guerre, from whose dome that same sun-king, vanquished so easily by death, hurled thunder-bolts of wrath before which spain and holland cowered in fear; until they at length came into the galérie des glaces, where their majesties were to receive. not even the splendor of the salle des menus could rival for an instant the beauty of the vast hall, brilliantly lighted by great golden lustres set in double row up and down its length, in which mr. calvert now found himself. these lights burned themselves out in endless reflections in the seventeen great mirrors set between columns on one side of the hall. opposite each of these mirrors was a window of equal proportions giving upon the magnificent gardens and terraces. the vaulted ceiling of this great gallery was dedicated, in a series of paintings by lebrun, to the glorification of louis xiv, from the moment when, on the death of mazarin, in 1661, he took up the reins of government ('twas the theme of the great central fresco, _le roi gouverne par lui-même_, wherein, according to the fashion of the day, the very olympian deities were subject to the princes of france, and mercury announced this kingly resolve to the other powers of europe) to the peace of nymwegen, which closed that unjust and inglorious war with holland. lebrun, being a courtier as well as an artist, had made these military operations under turenne and condé resemble prodigious success, and from the passage of the rhine to the capture of ghent, louis was always the conqueror over the young stadtholder, william of orange. these and many other details mr. calvert had time to note as he made a tour of the princely apartment in the train of madame de st. andré and madame de tessé. their progress was necessarily slow, as the gallery was thronged with the deputies of the noblesse, the higher clergy, and the invited guests. but the members of the tiers, whose presence had been especially desired by his majesty, were conspicuous by their absence. here and there one saw a commoner in black coat and simple white tie, but he seemed to be separated from the rest of the splendid company by some invisible barrier, constrained, uneasy. indeed, there was over the whole scene that same feeling of constraint, a sense of danger, and an air of apathy, too, that killed all gayety. "if this is a fair sample, court balls must be but dreary affairs," said mr. morris to calvert, in a low tone, as they moved slowly about. and yet, in spite of this indefinite but sensible pall over everything, the company was both numerous and brilliant. the ladies of the queen's household and many others of the highest nobility were present, dazzling in jewels, powder, feathers, and richest court dresses. as for the gentlemen, they were as resplendent as the women in their satins and glittering orders and silver dress swords. mr. morris alone of all the company was without the dress sword, this concession having been granted him on account of his lameness and through the application of mr. jefferson. "it is a grim jest to give a man an extra arm when he needs a leg, mr. jefferson. can't you see to it that i am spared being made a monstrosity of?" mr. morris had said, whimsically. "i can hear ségur or beaufort now making some damned joke about the unequal distribution of my members," and mr. jefferson had made a formal request to the master of ceremonies to allow mr. morris to be presented to his majesty without a sword. with that exception, however, he was in full court costume and stumped his way about the galérie des glaces with his accustomed savoir faire, attracting almost as much attention and interest as mr. jefferson. that gentleman, in his gray cloth, with some fine mechlin lace at throat and wrists, and wearing only his order of the cincinnati, overtopped all the other ambassadors in stately bearing, and looked more noble than did most of the marquises and counts and dukes in their brocades and powdered perukes and glittering decorations--or, at least, so thought calvert, who was himself very good to look at in his white broadcloth and flowered satin waistcoat. the slow progress of the party around the room was not entirely to mr. calvert's liking, for at each step madame de st. andré was forced to stop and speak to some eager courtier who presented himself, and, by the time they were half-way through the tour and opposite the oeil de beef, such a retinue was following the beauty that he found himself quite in the rear and completely separated from her. "i feel like the remnant of a beleaguered army cut off from the base of supplies," said mr. morris, smiling at the young man. he and mr. jefferson had dropped behind, having given way to younger and more pressing claimants for madame de st. andré's favor. "shall we make a masterly retreat while there is time?" while he was yet speaking a sudden silence fell upon the company, and monsieur de brézé, throwing open the doors leading into the gallery of mirrors from louis's council chamber, announced the king and queen. their majesties entered immediately, attended at a respectful distance by a small retinue of gentlemen, among whom calvert recognized the duc de broglie, monsieur de la luzerne, and monsieur de montmorin. at this near sight of the king--for he found himself directly opposite the door by which their majesties entered--mr. calvert felt a shock of surprise. surrounded by all the pomp and circumstance of a most imposing ceremonial and seen across the vast salle des menus, louis xvi. had appeared to the young american kingly enough. but this large, awkward, good-natured-looking man who now made his way quietly and with a shambling gait into the brilliant room, crowded with the most splendid courtiers of europe, had no trace of majesty about him, unless it was a certain look of benignity and kindliness that shone in the light-blue eyes. his dress of unexpected simplicity and the unaffected style of his whole deportment were unlocked for by calvert. indeed, but for the splendid decorations he wore and the humility of his courtiers, the young gentleman would have found it hard to believe himself in such exalted company, and thought privately that general washington or mr. jefferson or many another great american whom he had known had a more commanding presence and a more noble countenance than this descendant of kings. but if louis xvi was awkward and unprepossessing he had the kindest manners in the world, and when mr. jefferson presented mr. calvert to his majesty as "son jeune et bien-aimé secrétaire, qui avait servi dans la guerre de l'indépendence sous le drapeau de la france, commandé par monsieur de lafayette, pour qu'il avait un respect le plus profond et une amitié la plus vive," the young man was quite overcome by the graciousness of his reception and retained for the rest of his life a very lively impression of the king's kind treatment of him. he never had speech with that unhappy, but well-intentioned, ruler but once afterward, and very possibly 'twas as much the memory of the courtesy shown him as the wish to see justice done and royalty in distress succored that made him, on the occasion of his second interview, offer himself so ardently in the dangerous service of the king. perhaps it was the presence at his side of his beautiful consort that accentuated all of louis's awkwardness. as mr. calvert bowed low before the queen, marie antoinette, he thought to himself that surely there was no other princess in all europe to compare with her, and but one beauty. certain it was that she bore herself with a pride of race, a majesty, a divine grace that were peerless. it must have been some such queen as this who first inspired the artists with the idea of representing the princes of this earth as olympic deities, for assuredly no goddess was ever more beautiful. though care and grief and humiliation had already touched her, though there were fine lines around the proudly curving lips and an anxious shadow in the large eyes, her complexion was still transcendently brilliant, her figure still youthful and marvellously graceful, and there was that in her carriage and glance that attracted all eyes. she was dressed in a silver gauze embroidered in laurier roses so cunningly wrought that they looked as if fresh plucked and scattered over the lacy fabric. her hair, which was worn simply--she had set the fashion for less extravagance in the style of head-dress--was piled up in lightly powdered coils, ornamented only with a feather and a star of brilliants. "ainsi, monsieur, vous connaissez notre cher de lafayette" (she hated and feared him) "et tout jeune que vous êtes vous avez déjà vu la guerre--la mort, la victorie, et la déroute!" she spoke with a certain sadness, and calvert, bowing low again, and speaking only indifferent french in his agitation, told her that under lafayette it had been "la mort et la victoire," but never defeat. she glanced around the assemblage. "monsieur de lafayette is not come to-night," she said, coldly, to the young man, and then, with a sudden accession of interest, she went on: "we heard much of that america of yours from him when he returned from your war" ('twas she herself who had obtained his forgiveness from the king and a command for him in the roi dragons). "i think he loves it and your general washington better than he does his own king and country," she said, smiling a little bitterly. "is it, then, so beautiful a country?" "tis a very beautiful and a very grateful country, your majesty," replied calvert. "america desires nothing so much as to do some service for your majesty in return for all the benefits and assistance france has rendered her." "we are glad to know that she is grateful. ingratitude is the last of vices," said the queen, quietly, looking at the young man with a sombre light in her beautiful eyes. "but, indeed, we fear france hath given her something she can never repay," and she passed on with the king. together they walked the length of the salon between the ranks of courtiers, after which they mingled freely and without formality with their guests. though it was easy to see that the queen was suffering, so charming and easy were her manners, so brilliant her very presence, that a new animation and gayety was diffused throughout the entire assemblage. mr. morris, whom she had also treated with the utmost graciousness, was enchanted with her. "i think venus herself was not more beautiful," he said, enthusiastically, to calvert when her majesty had passed on. "'tis no wonder the wits have dubbed the king vulcan. and this is the paragon of beauty and grace whom her ungallant subjects chose to insult this morning! have they no hearts, no senses to be charmed with her loveliness, her majesty, her sorrows? i think you and i, ned, ought to be loyal servants of both the king and queen, for surely royalty could not have been more courteous in its treatment of two untitled and unimportant gentlemen." "certainly their majesties were most amiable," said mr. jefferson, dryly, "and your reception was as unlike the ungracious notice which king george took of mr. adams and myself in '86 at buckingham palace as possible. but, come, i want to show you a view of the gardens," he went on, pushing back the heavy drapery and drawing the two gentlemen into the embrasure of one of the great windows, from which a perfect view of the extensive park, the bosquets, the artificial lakes and tapis vert, the fountains and statues, was to be had. a thousand lanterns lighted up the scene, though they shone with but a yellow, ineffectual radiance in the moonlight, which rested in splendor on the grass and water, turning to milky whiteness the foam in the basins of the fountains and throwing long shadows on the close-clipped lawns and marble walks. the three gentlemen gazed for some minutes in silence at the enchanting scene before them. "'tis a fitting-setting for the palace of a king," said mr. morris, at length. "yes--" returned mr. jefferson, slowly, "if 'tis ever fitting that a king should arrogate to his sole use the wealth, the toil, the bounty of an empire. i confess i never look at this stately palace, at these magnificent gardens, but i shudder to think of the hundred millions of francs this impoverished nation has been goaded into giving; of the thousands of lives lost in the building of these aqueducts; of the countless years and countless energy spent in devising and carrying out these schemes for royal aggrandizement and pleasure. we come here and gape and wonder at it all, and little think at what stupendous cost our senses are so gratified. "'the man of wealth and pride takes up a space that many poor supplied- space for his lake, his park's extended bounds, space for his horses, equipage, and hounds; the robe that wraps his limbs in silken sloth has robb'd the neighboring fields of half their growth; his seat, where solitary sports are seen, indignant spurns the cottage from the green; around the world each needful product flies, for all the luxuries the world supplies: while thus the land adorn'd for pleasure--all in barren splendor feebly waits the fall.'" as mr. jefferson finished quoting the lines, the sound of voices and exclamations of astonishment came to the gentlemen from the other side of the curtain. looking into the salon they saw monsieur de st. aulaire surrounded by a little group of ladies and gentlemen. he was speaking quite audibly, so that his words reached the astonished group in the embrasure of the window. "'tis the latest from the club des enragés--the king abdicates to-morrow!" he passed on amid a chorus of dismayed ejaculations. "what is this?" said mr. jefferson, in alarm. "'tis impossible that it should be true. yonder i see montmorin. i will ask him the meaning of this," and he passed hurriedly into the salon, leaving mr. morris and calvert alone. "'tis some infernal deviltry of st. aulaire's, i'll be bound," said mr. morris. "i think i will go, too, ned," he said, after a minute's silence, "and see if i can't find madame de flahaut. she will know what this wild report amounts to. oh, you need not stand there smiling at me with those serious eyes of yours, my young sir galahad! she's a very pretty and a very interesting woman, if a good deal of the intrigante, and as for me, i know excellently well how to take care of myself. i wonder if you do!" and with that he passed out, laughing and drawing the velvet curtains of the window together behind him. mr. calvert, thus left alone, and being shut off from the great gallery by the drapery of the window, folded his arms, and, leaning against the open casement, gazed out at the beautiful scene before him. and as he looked up in the heavens at the moon shining with such effulgence on this scene of splendor, the thought came to him that she was shining on other and far different scenes, too--on the tides of the ocean and on the cold snows of the mountain-peaks; on squalor and wretchedness and agitation in the great city so near; and especially did he think of one tranquil and beloved spot across the sea, on which he had seen this self-same moon shining with as serene a radiance many, many times. the sounds of laughter and animated talk, the click of silver swords, the strains of music from the musicians in the gallery above the oeil de beef came faintly to him. suddenly he was aware that the curtains had been lifted, and turning around, he saw madame de st. andré standing in the light, one hand pulling back the velvet hangings, and, behind her, monsieur de beaufort and st. aulaire. "i am come to congratulate you, monsieur," she said, smiling, and coming into the embrasure of the window, followed by the two gentlemen--it was so deep that the four could stand at ease in it, even when the curtains had been dropped. "i am come to congratulate you! your courtesy to the king was perfection itself. i was over against the oeil de beef and could see very well what passed. i am sure had his majesty been general washington himself you could not have excelled it. you must know, gentlemen," she said, laughing maliciously and turning to st. aulaire and beaufort, "you must know that when i expressed my great desire to see how an american would salute a king, monsieur told me that i need have no fear, as he had paid his respects to general washington!" "monsieur does not mean to compare general washington with his majesty louis xvi, does he?" drawled st. aulaire, insolently. "no, monsieur--no," says calvert, turning to the nobleman, who was leaning negligently against the ledge of the window. "there can be no comparison. who, indeed, can be compared with him?" he breaks out suddenly. "there is none like him. none so wise or courageous or truly royal. how can the kings of this world, born in the purple, who, through no act, nor powers, nor fitness of their own, reign over their people; how can they be compared to one who, by the greatness of his talents, the soundness of his judgment, the firmness of his will, the tenderness of his heart, the overtopping majesty of his whole nature, hath raised himself so gloriously above his fellows? to one, the kingly estate is but a gift blindly bestowed; to the other, 'tis the divine right of excelling merit. the one is ruler by sufferance; the other, by acclamation. and do you think, madame," he goes on, turning to adrienne, "that that ruler who has been elevated to his greatness by the choice of a people would betray that confidence, abandon that trust, as monsieur de st. aulaire has just announced that the king of france is about to do? surely general washington would not. ah, madame! could you but see him; but see the noble calm of his countenance, the commanding eye, the consummate majesty of his presence, you would say with me, 'there is no king like him!'" as calvert finished his impassioned eulogy of his great commander, there was a slight stir near him and, looking around, he beheld the king draw back the heavy curtains and, standing in the flood of light, look quietly into the embrasure of the window. behind him was mr. jefferson, pale and concerned-looking, but with a glow of ill-concealed pride on his countenance at the patriotic words he had just heard uttered. on either side of his majesty stood monsieur le due de broglie and monsieur de montmorin, white with anger and consternation. as the king stepped forward, madame de st. andré sank almost to the ground in a deep courtesy, while beaufort and st. aulaire dropped on their knees before him. calvert alone retained his composure and stood before the king, pale, with folded arms. for an instant there was a profound silence, and then louis, drawing himself up to his full height and looking around upon the stricken company, turned to calvert with so much benignity in his gaze and mien that the young american was startled and awed. he never forgot that unexpected graciousness nor ceased to feel grateful for it. "monsieur," said the king, and there was a thrill of deep feeling in his voice, "believe me, whatever failings crowned monarchs may have, they at least know how to value such deep devotion as you give your uncrowned ruler. tis as you say--this kingly estate is thrust upon us; it is not of our seeking, perhaps it would not be of our choosing; how much more grateful to us, then, is the loyalty and the love of those over whom we find ourselves involuntarily placed and who must of their own free wills give us their faith and service or else withhold them entirely! gentlemen, proud as i am of my kingdom and my subjects, i still find it in my heart to envy general washington! and yet, have i not as loyal subjects?" he turned and looked at the company about him. at his glance a hundred cries of "vive le roi!" were heard, and there was a sharp ring of silver swords as they leaped from their sheaths and were held aloft. the king stood smiling and triumphant. seeing him thus, with his courtiers about him, who could dream that the 6th of october was but a few months off! "ah, gentlemen, i am no 'king by trade,' as our cousin of austria hath called himself. at this moment i feel that i am indeed your king." the tumult of applause which followed these words was suddenly stilled as the king lifted his hand and pointed to st. aulaire. "but, monsieur," says louis, a sombre expression clouding the triumph in his face as he looked hard at st. aulaire, "what is the meaning of this speech of yours to which monsieur calvert makes reference?" "nom de diable!" whispered st. aulaire to calvert, deathly pale and almost ready to faint from consternation. "you have ruined me!" he managed to make a step forward and sank down before the king, who glowered at him. "'twas but a plaisanterie, your majesty!" and if such a jest, with a king for the butt, seems incredible, let one remember that already louis had been refused his cour plénière and the queen lampooned and hissed at the theatre. "monsieur le baron de st. aulaire, we have heard before of your plaisanteries," said louis, his light-blue eyes flashing more wrathfully than one could have believed possible, the red heels of his shoes clicking together, and his heavy figure bent forward menacingly, "but this audacity passes belief. the court of louis the sixteenth needs no jester. for a season you can be spared attendance upon us. your estates in brittany doubtless need your presence. this unpardonable levity, monsieur," he went on, severely, "contrasts strangely with the attitude and language of this american subject," and he bowed slightly to calvert as he turned away. st. aulaire, pallid with consternation, stretched out an imploring hand to the king. "your majesty," he said, "'twas but a thoughtless jest, too idle to be believed or repeated. will your majesty not deign to remember that st. aulaire's life and sword have been ever at your majesty's service?" as the prostrate nobleman began to speak, the king hesitated, turned back, and looked perplexedly at him. as he gazed, a look of indecision, of distaste and weariness, crept into his countenance. all the passion, dignity, and just anger which had lit it up faded away. the brief revelation of majesty was quenched, and the customary commonplace, vacant, good-natured expression held sway once more. "rise, monsieur de st. aulaire," he said, wearily. "we forgive you this unfortunate plaisanterie, since its execrable taste carries with it its own worst punishment. but be careful, sir, how you offend again!" with a last glance of warning, which, however, had lost its severity, the king turned away, followed by the due de broglie, and, seeking the queen, their majesties retired very shortly. with the queen's withdrawal, all the zest and animation of the function disappeared, too, and mr. calvert, wearying of the brilliant company, determined to leave the scene and stroll through the gardens. he descended by the grand escalier des ambassadeurs, up which he had come, and, passing out through the marble court, quickly found himself on the broad terrace beneath the windows of the gallery of mirrors. from this, marble steps led down to a beautiful parterre, below which the fountain of latona played in the white moonlight. standing on the terrace, calvert could see the marble nymph through the mist of spray flung upon her from the hideous gaping mouths of the gilded frogs lying along the edge of the basin. 'twas the story of jupiter's wrath against the lyceans which the sculptor had told, and calvert remembered it out of his ovid. beyond this lovely fountain the green level of the tapis vert fell away to the great bassin d'appollon, where the sun-god disported himself among his tritons, the foamy tops of the great jets of water blown from their shell-trumpets rising high in the air and scattered into spray by the night wind. it was a scene not to be forgotten, and mr. calvert stood gazing at it a long while--at the softly playing fountains and the sombre bosquets and the sculptured groups on every hand, showing faintly in the moonlight. fauns and satyrs peeped from the dense foliage. here there showed a venus sculptured in some ionian isle before ever caesar and his cohorts had pressed the soil of gallia beneath their roman sandals; there, a ganymede or a ceres or a minerva gleamed wan and beautiful; beneath an ilex-tree a bacchus leaned lightly on his marble thyrsus. it seemed as if all the hierarchy of olympus had descended to dwell in this royal pleasure-ground at the bidding of the roi soleil. filled with the unrivalled beauty of the scene, calvert at length turned away and, passing down the great flight of marble steps leading to the orangery, slowly made his way into the park. the shadows were so dense here that the statues looked ghostly in the dim light. now and then he could hear a low laugh and catch the flutter of a silken gown along the shadowy walks, or the glint of a stray moonbeam on a silver sword. he strolled about, scarcely knowing whither, guided by the sound of splashing water, and coming upon many a beautiful spot in his solitary ramble, among them that famous bosquet de la reine where the scoundrelly, frightened rohan had sworn the queen had stooped to him. he passed by the place, all unconscious of its unhappy history, and so on down a broad pathway toward the tapis vert. as he walked slowly along, charmed with the beauty of the scene around him, and smiling now and again to think that fortune should have placed him in the midst of such unaccustomed splendors, he suddenly heard the sounds of a lute near him, fingered in tentative accord, and an instant later he recognized st. aulaire's voice. "'twas written for you, madame, and 'tis called 'le pays du tendre,'" he said, still fingering the strings. "i would wander in the land with you, madame." suddenly he begins to sing softly, and, in the silence and perfume of the summer night, his hushed voice sounded like a caress: land of the madrigal and ode, of rainbow air and cloudless weather, tell me what ferny, elfin road will lead my eager footsteps thither. tricked out with gems shall i go hither? or in a carriage à la mode, land of the madrigal and ode, of rainbow air and cloudless weather? or in the garb by love bestow'd? with roses crown'd and sprigs of heather, with mandolin and dart enbow'd shall cupid and i go together- land of the madrigal and ode, of rainbow air and cloudless weather? as the last tinkling notes of the lute died away, calvert was about to go, but he was suddenly startled by hearing a faint scream. turning quickly and noiselessly in the direction from which the sound seemed to have come, he found himself in an instant in a thick and beautiful bosquet. a double row of ilex-trees, inside of which ran a colonnade of white marble, completely encircled and shut in a cleared space, in the centre of which bubbled a fountain. into this secluded spot the moon, high in the heavens, shone with unclouded radiance, so that he saw, as clearly as though 'twere noonday, madame de st. andré standing at the edge of the basin, her lips white and parted in fear, one hand pressed against her throat, the other held roughly in the grasp of monsieur de st. aulaire, who knelt before her, his lute fallen at his side. the rose which she had worn in her hair had escaped from its diamond loop and lay upon the ground; the delicate gaze d'or of her dress was torn and crushed. for an instant calvert stood in the shadow of one of the grecian columns and looked at the scene before him in sick amazement. so it was to adrienne that st. aulaire was singing love-songs in this isolated spot at midnight! as he hesitated, monsieur de st. aulaire rose from his knees. "you did not always treat me with such contempt, madame," he said, with a mocking laugh, "and by god, i have no mind to stand it now," and, putting one arm around her quivering shoulders and crushing in his the hand with which she would have pushed him from her, he leaned lightly over to kiss her. as he did so, calvert stepped quietly forward ('twas wonderful how, though he always seemed to move slowly, he was ever in the right place at the right time) and, seizing st. aulaire by the collar, hurled him backward with such force that he fell heavily against one of the gleaming marble columns and lay, for an instant, stunned and motionless. feeling herself thus violently released from st. aulaire's embrace, adrienne sprang back, uttering a low cry and gazing in surprise at calvert. the ease with which he had flung off the larger and heavier man aroused her wonder as well as her admiration, for she never imagined calvert's slender, boyish figure to be possessed of so much brute strength, and, since the days of hercules and omphale, brute strength in man has ever appealed to woman. before either of them could speak, st. aulaire struggled to his feet and, wrenching his dress sword from its sheath, staggered toward calvert, thrusting wildly and ineffectually at him. "put up your sword, my lord," says calvert, contemptuously, knocking up the silver blade with his own, which he had drawn. "we cannot fight with these toys. should you wish to pursue this affair with swords or pistols, if you prefer the english mode, you know where to find me. and now, begone, sir!" the quiet sternness with which the young man spoke filled adrienne with fresh wonder and something like fear. she glanced from calvert's face, with its look of calm authority, to st. aulaire's convulsed countenance. the nobleman's face, usually so debonair, was now white and seamed with anger. all the hidden evil traits of his soul came out and stamped themselves visibly on his countenance, in that heat of passion, like characters written in a secret ink and brought near a flame. "monsieur l'américain," he said, lowering his point and coming up quite close to calvert, "monsieur, you have a trick of being damnably mal apropos. i have had a lesson from you in skating and one in singing, but i need none in love-making. my patience--never very great, i fear--is at an end, sir! this intrusion, monsieur l'américain, is unpardonable," he went on, recovering his composure with a great effort, "unpardonable--unless, indeed, monsieur hoped to gain what i have just lost," he added, smiling his brilliant, insolent smile, though he had to half-kneel for support upon the marble edge of the fountain. "silence!" said calvert, his white face filled with such sudden horror and disgust that monsieur de st. aulaire burst out laughing. "a poor compliment to you, madame," he said to adrienne. at the words and the mocking laughter, calvert's wrath blazed up uncontrollably. he went over to st. aulaire, where he knelt on the basin, and, catching him again by the collar, shook him to and fro without mercy. "another word, sir, and i will toss you into this fountain with the hope that you break your head against the bottom! and now, go!" the water in the marble basin was not very deep, but st. aulaire did not covet a ducking--'twould be too good a theme for jests at his expense; and though he could still laugh and talk insolently, he felt weak and in no condition to prevent calvert from carrying out his threat. retreat seemed to be all left to him. with a sour smile he got upon his feet, and, making an elaborate courtesy to madame de st. andré, passed through the colonnade from the bosquet. when he had quite disappeared, calvert turned to the young girl. she still stood by the bubbling fountain, pale between anger and fright, one hand yet pressed against her throat, the other clenched and hanging by her side. at her feet the white rose lay crushed and unheeded. as calvert looked at the wilful, beautiful girl before him, he comprehended for the first time that he loved her--loved and mistrusted her. the shock of surprise that this cruel conviction brought with it held him rooted to the spot for an instant. love had ever been a vague dream to him, but certainly no woman could be further from his ideal than this brilliant, volatile, worldly creature. a smile rippled over her face, to which the color was gradually returning. "well done, sir! i am only sorry you did not drop him into the fountain, as you threatened. 'twould have been a light enough punishment, and, for once, we should have had the pleasure of seeing monsieur de st. aulaire in something besides his customary immaculate attire!" and she laughed faintly. as for calvert, he could not reply to her light banter, but stood looking at her in silence. "well, sir, why do you look at me so?" demanded adrienne, petulantly, after an instant. "have you nothing to say? but, indeed, i know you have! i can see you are dying to rebuke me for this indiscretion--this stroll with monsieur de st. aulaire!" and she gave him a mutinous side glance and tapped the gravel with her satin slipper. "one who dares express himself so frankly before the king will not hesitate to say his mind to a woman!" "ah, madame, i fear, indeed, that you can never forgive me for having betrayed my republican sentiments so freely in the presence of your monarch--unconscious though i was of doing so." "oh, no, monsieur, you mistake," said adrienne, maliciously. "i can forgive you for having betrayed your republican sentiments, but i can never forgive the king for not having properly rebuked them!" at these words calvert let his gaze rest on the haughty face before him for a moment, and then, making a profound obeisance, he said, quietly: "when you are quite ready, madame, permit me to escort you back to the palace." he spoke with such formality and dignity that adrienne blushed scarlet and bit her lips. "before i accept monsieur calvert's escort, i wish to explain--" but calvert interrupted her. "no explanation is necessary, madame, surely," he said, a little wearily. she blushed yet more deeply and raised her head imperiously. "you are right, monsieur. 'tis not necessary, as you say, but i will accept no favor--not even a safe-conduct back to the palace--from one whose manner"--she hesitated, as if at a loss for words--"whose manner is an accusation. but though i am hurt, i should not be surprised by it, sir!" she went on, advancing a step and drawing herself up proudly. "it has ever been your attitude toward me. from that first night we met i have felt myself under the ban of your disapproval. poor monsieur de st. aulaire and i!" and she laughed mockingly. "i pray you, madame, do not name yourself in the same breath with that scoundrel!" said calvert, in a low voice. "and why not, monsieur? we are both of the same world, we have both been brought up after the same fashion, we are probably much alike. ah, monsieur," she went on, defiantly, "is it the quaker in you--monsieur jefferson has told me that your mother was a quakeress--that makes you hate the world, the flesh, and the devil so? is paris, then, so much more wicked than your virginia? are we so different from the women of your world?" she went up to him and put her beautiful face close to his disturbed one. "are _you_ so different from the men of our world, monsieur, or is it only those grand yeux of yours, with their serious expression, that make you seem different--and better?" and her eyes smiled mockingly into his. "pshaw, sir, you make me feel like a naughty school-girl when you reprove me so. upon my word, i don't know why i submit to it! though i am younger than you, sir, i feel a hundred years older in experience--and yet--and yet--there is something about you--" she broke off and again tapped the gravel impatiently with her foot. "i have said nothing, madame." calvert was quiet and unsmiling. "no, monsieur, 'tis that i most object to--you keep silence, but your eyes reprove me. oh, i have seen you looking at me with that reproving glance many times when you did not know i saw it! am i to blame, sir, for being of the great world of which you do not approve? am i to be rebuked--even silently--for coming here with monsieur de st. aulaire, by _you_, monsieur?" suddenly she dropped her defiant tone and, leaning against the edge of the marble basin, looked intently and silently at the splashing water gleaming white in the moonlight. "can you not see?--do you not understand, monsieur?" she said at length, hurriedly, and in a low voice. "do not misjudge me. i have been brought up in this court life, which is the life of intrigue and dissimulation and wickedness--yes, wickedness! we know nothing else. there is no one in our world so pure as to be above suspicion. the walls of this great palace, thick and massive as they are, cannot keep out the whispers of calumny against the queen herself. is it so different in your country? sometimes i abhor this life and would hear of another. sometimes i hate all this," she went on, speaking as if more to herself than to calvert. "as for monsieur de st. aulaire, i loathe him! i thank you, monsieur, for ridding me of his presence. if i seemed ungrateful, believe me, i was not! 'tis but my pride which stands no rebuke. but it is late! will you do me the favor, monsieur, of taking me back to the galérie des glaces?" she turned her eyes away from the fountain, at which she had gazed steadily while speaking, and looked at calvert. he saw that they were full of tears. the mask was down again. there was an humbled, shamed expression on that lovely face usually so imperious. the look of appeal and distress went to his heart like a knife. she made him think of some brilliant bird cruelly wounded. for an instant she looked at him so, and then resuming her imperious air with a palpable effort and forcing a smile to her lips, she gathered up her trailing gown and passed slowly beneath the colonnade, calvert following at her side. as she turned away, he stooped quickly and picked up the white rose she had worn where it had fallen on the path. chapter xii the fourth and the fourteenth of july for the next few weeks mr. calvert had little time--and, indeed, little inclination--to see adrienne. the discovery that he loved her had brought pain, not happiness with it. he felt the gulf too wide between them, both in circumstance and character, to be bridged. how could he, an untitled american, an unknown young gentleman of small fortune, pretend to the hand of one of the most beautiful, most aristocratic, and most capricious women in paris? he smiled to himself as he mentally compared adrienne with the simple young beauties of virginia he had known--with miss molly crenshawe and miss peggy gary--and he wondered a little bitterly why he could not have fallen happily in love with some one of his own countrywomen, whose heart he could have won and kept, instead of falling a victim to the charms of a dazzling creature quite beyond his reach. with that clear good sense which was ever one of his most distinguishing traits, he fully comprehended the difficulties, the impossibility of a happy ending of his passion, and, having no desire to play the rôle of the disconsolate lover, he again determined to see as little of adrienne as possible. for a while circumstances favored this decision. the french government, being entirely absorbed in domestic affairs, mr. jefferson found himself with more leisure than he had known for some time, and, being enormously interested in the organization of the states-general, and realizing that their proceedings were of the first order of importance, he drove almost daily from paris to versailles to assist at their stormy deliberations. mr. calvert attended him thither at his express wish, for he had the young man's diplomatic education greatly at heart, and desired him to profit by the debates in the salle des menus. in this way the young gentleman found his days completely filled, while the evenings were frequently as busily occupied in the preparation of letters for the american packet, dictated by mr. jefferson and narrating the day's events. of things to be written there was no lack. day after day, through the hot months of may and june, events succeeded one another rapidly. tempestuous debates among the noblesse, the clergy, and the tiers état, upon the question of the verification of their powers, separately and together, were followed by proposition and counter-proposition, by commissions of conciliation which did not conciliate, by royal letters commanding a fusion of the three orders, by secessions from the nobility and clergy to the grimly determined and united tiers, by courtly intrigues at marly for the king's favor in behalf of the nobles, by royal séances and ruses which, instead of postponing, only hastened the evil hour, by the famous oath of the tennis court, and by the triumph of the third estate. and in this distracting clash of opposing political forces, amid this first crash and downfall of the ancient order of things, there passed, almost unnoticed, save by the weeping queen and harassed king, who hung over his pillow, the last sigh, the last childish words of the dauphin. the tired little royal head, which had been greeted eight years before with such acclamations of enthusiastic delight, dropped wearily and all unnoticed for the last time, happily ignorant of the martyr's crown it had escaped. calvert had the news from madame de montmorin when he went to pay his respects to her on the evening of the 3d of june, and in imagination he saw, over and over again, the lovely face of the queen distorted with unavailing grief. all these public occurrences which filled the hurrying days were reported in mr. jefferson's long letters to general washington, to the secretary of foreign affairs, mr. jay, to mr. madison, mr. carmichael, and other friends in america, whom he knew to be deeply interested in the trend of french affairs. indeed, he knew fully whereof he wrote, for, although in that summer of '89 the position of the united states in relation to europe was anything but enviable, though we were deeply in debt and our credit almost gone, though england and spain turned us the cold shoulder, though our enemies were diligently circulating damaging stories of the disunion, the bankruptcy, the agitation in american affairs, yet so friendly was the french government to us, so deep the personal respect and admiration for mr. jefferson as the representative of the infant republic, that he was consulted by the leaders of all parties and received the confidences of the most influential men of the day. so close, indeed, was his connection with the ministers in power that, during the early days of june and in pursuance of an idea which had occurred to him during a conversation with lafayette, mr. short, and monsieur de st. étienne, he drew up a paper for the consideration of the king, which, if it had received the royal sanction, might have produced the best results. it was a charter of those rights which the king was willing, nay, glad, to grant, but it was mr. jefferson's earnest conviction that louis should come forward with this charter of his own free will and offer it to his people, to be signed by himself and every member of the national assembly. but the king's timidity and the machinations of monsieur and the comte d'artois prevented this plan from coming to anything. mr. jefferson, thinking, perhaps, that his zeal had over-stepped his discretion, refused again to take an active part in the politics of the day, and declined the invitation of the archbishop of bordeaux to attend the deliberations of the committee for the "first drafting" of a constitution. "my mission is to the king as chief magistrate of france," said mr. jefferson to his grace of bordeaux, "and deeply as i am interested in the affairs of your country, my duties concern my own. but i have requested from congress a leave of absence for a few months, that i may return to america and settle some important private business, and as general washington and other friends will be only too anxious to hear a detailed and recent account of the progress of events here, i shall esteem it both my duty and pleasure to acquaint myself with them as fully as may be, without transcending the limits of my office." this leave of absence which mr. jefferson had solicited for some time was anxiously awaited, but packet after packet arrived without it. it had been his hope to receive the authority of congress for his departure during the early spring, that he might return to virginia, leaving affairs in the hands of calvert and mr. short, and return before cold weather set in again, but the end of june was at hand and still no word from congress. as it was evident that mr. jefferson was not to get away from paris for some time, he determined to celebrate the fourth of july at the legation with proper ceremony, and invited quite a little company to dinner for that day. among the guests were madame la duchesse d'azay, adrienne, monsieur and madame de montmorin, monsieur and madame de lafayette, madame de tessé, mr. morris, beaufort, calvert, and mr. short. the duchess of azay had accepted her invitation with characteristic brusqueness. "i don't approve of your fourth of july, monsieur jefferson," she said, "but i always approve of a good dinner, and your wines are so excellent that i dare say i shall drink your toasts, too." "i promise you there shall be none to offend the most ardent royalist," returned mr. jefferson, laughing at the old woman's sturdy independence. and so she had come, and madame de st. andré with her, though adrienne, too, was a stanch royalist, and had not been carried away by the popular enthusiasm for liberty and monsieur de lafayette which was spreading like wildfire through all ranks of parisian society. "i am here, not because i am so greatly in love with your fine american principles," she said to calvert, who was seated beside her at the table, "but because i like your mr. jefferson. for myself, i vastly prefer a king and a court, and i like titles and rank and power--all of which is heresy in your american ears, is it not?" she asked, with a perverse look. "however, henri's enthusiasm is enough for us both," she said, smiling a little scornfully at her brother, who, indeed, was quite wild with enthusiasm, and was on his feet drinking lafayette's toast of "long life and prosperity to the united states!" "get up, ned!" he says to calvert. "we are drinking to your country! we ought to have a toast to yorktown--see, mr. morris is going to give it to us now--'the french at yorktown!'" but there was another toast still more vociferously greeted, for the long-delayed american packet having arrived three days before at havre, mr. jefferson was that morning in receipt of letters from mr. jay and others containing news of the first importance. it was nothing less than the announcement of the election of general washington to the first presidency of the united states, and of his inauguration on the 13th of april in new york city. "'the oath was administered by chancellor livingston,'" says mr. jefferson, reading from mr. jay's letter, "'in the presence of a vast concourse of people assembled to witness the inauguration. the president, appearing upon the balcony, bowed again and again to the cheering multitude, but could scarcely speak for emotion.' 'tis a strange and happy coincidence that we should have this news on this day. i give you 'president washington!'" says mr. jefferson, solemnly. there were tears of joy in lafayette's eyes as he drank the toast. "it makes me think of that last night at monticello, ned," he said, turning to calvert, "when we toasted general washington and bade farewell to mr. jefferson." "'tis a far cry from paris to monticello, marquis," said calvert, smiling, "and 'tis a little strange that we should all be gathered here as we were there, discussing our dear general." "and so your demi-god, your general washington, is elected to the presidency," said adrienne, speaking to calvert. "'tis unnecessary to ask whether the choice meets with your approval." "there could be none other, madame," returned calvert. "you are a loyal admirer of general washington's, monsieur. i see you know how to approve as well as to rebuke. 'tis much pleasanter to be approved of than to be rebuked, as i know by personal experience," said adrienne, with a slight blush and a half glance at calvert. she was so lovely as she spoke, there was such sunny laughter in her blue eyes, that calvert gazed at her, lost in guilty wonder as to how he could ever have doubted this beautiful creature, how he could ever have condemned her by a thought. the inscrutable look in his serious eyes embarrassed her. "of what are you thinking, monsieur?" she asked, after an instant's silence. "i was wondering who could have the audacity to rebuke madame de st. andré." "'twas a very rash young gentleman from general washington's country," returned adrienne, smiling suddenly, "who, by his courage, saved madame de st. andré from the consequences of a foolish action, and who had the still greater courage to silently, but unmistakably, show his disapprobation of her." "'tis impossible that he should be a fellow-countryman of mine, madame," said calvert, smiling, too. "it would indeed be a rash and ill-considered person who could find fault with madame de st. andré." "another compliment, monsieur calvert! that is the second one you have given me. if you are not more careful i shall begin to doubt your sincerity! i am not jesting, sir," she says, suddenly serious. "i know not quite why i trust you so implicitly, but so it is, and, as sincerity is a rare virtue in our world, i should hate to lose my belief in yours. it takes no very keen vision to see my faults, sir. i recognize and deplore them," and she looked at the young man in so winning and frank a fashion as she rose from the table, that calvert thought to himself for the hundredth time that he had never seen anyone so incomparably beautiful and charming. although paris was unbearably hot and dusty in that month of july, all the world stayed in town or drove no farther than versailles to attend the meetings of the national assembly. political excitement and interest were intense, and were stimulated every day by the events taking place. but through it all the higher classes feasted and made merry, as though bent on literally obeying the biblical injunction. mr. morris, whose success in society continued prodigious, could scarce find the time for his numerous engagements, and was seen everywhere, often in company with mr. calvert, of whom he was extremely fond. indeed, he urged upon calvert the acceptance of many invitations which the latter would have declined, having an affectionate regard for the young man and a pride in the popularity which mr. calvert had won absolutely without effort and in spite of the lack of all brilliant social qualities. wherever they went madame de st. andré was of the party. perhaps 'twas this fact, rather than a wish to comply with mr. morris's requests, that induced calvert to accept the many invitations extended to him, and, in the constant delight and charm of adrienne's presence, his caution deserted him and he gradually found himself forgetting the wide gulf between them, of which he had thought so much at first, and eagerly watching for her wherever he went. he was engaged for innumerable pleasure-parties, dinners à la matelote, evenings with madame de chastellux, when the abbé délille read his verses, the theatre and opera with gardell and vestris, about whom all paris was wild, and water-picnics on the seine. in early june, at the express wish of the duchesse d'orléans, mr. calvert and mr. morris, with madame d'azay and adrienne, made a visit to her highness at raincy. the gardens and park of this old castle were so beautiful that calvert would have liked nothing better than to linger in them with adrienne for all the long summer day, but the duchess, being very devout, demanded the presence of her guests in the chapel of the chateau to hear mass. mr. calvert read another sign of the times in the conduct of monsieur de ségur and monsieur de cubières during mass, who furnished immoderate amusement to her highness's guests by putting lighted candles in the pockets of the abbé délille while he was on his knees. "truly an edifying example to the domestics opposite and the villagers worshipping below," thought calvert to himself. "if they but knew what triflers these beings are whom they look up to as their superiors, their respect would be transformed to contempt." and this thought occurred to him again when, at dinner, which was served under a large marquise on the terrace of the chateau, a crowd of the common people gathered at a respectful distance and looked enviously at the exalted company as it dined. it was at one of these numerous pleasure-parties with which paris sought to banish care and anxiety that mr. calvert and mr. morris first heard the astounding news of necker's dismissal, which woke the city from its false trance of security. they were at the hôtel of the maréchal de castries, whither they had driven for breakfast, when his frightened secretary, calling him from the table, told him the news which he had just heard. monsieur de castries, containing himself with difficulty during the rest of the meal, at which was gathered a large and mixed company, drew the american gentlemen aside as soon as possible and confided to them the disastrous intelligence he had just received. "the king sent monsieur de la luzerne with the message," he said. "he found necker at dinner, and, exacting a promise of absolute secrecy, delivered to him the king's decree. without a word monsieur necker proposed to his wife a visit to some friends, but went instead to his place at st. ouen, and at midnight set out for brussels." "what madness!" exclaimed mr. morris. "does the king, then, not realize that he is no longer the power in the state? the national assembly will not tolerate necker's dismissal. will you not go instantly to versailles and try to undo this fatal blunder of the king?" he asked. monsieur de castries shook his head despondingly. "'tis too late." "come, ned, we will go to mr. jefferson's and see whether he has heard this terrible news," said mr. morris, who was deeply affected by the intelligence. together they entered mr. morris's carriage and drove toward the legation. as they made their way along the boulevards, they were astonished to see pedestrians and carriages suddenly turn about and come toward them. in a few moments a troop of german cavalry, with drawn sabres, approached at a hand gallop, and, on reaching the place louis quinze, mr. morris and mr. calvert found themselves confronted by an angry mob of several hundred persons, who had intrenched themselves among the great blocks of stone piled there for the new bridge building. at the same instant, on looking back, they perceived that the cavalry had faced about and were returning, so that they found themselves hemmed in between the troops and the menacing mob. many other carriages were caught in the same cul-de-sac, and calvert, looking out, saw the pale face of madame de st. andré at the window of her carriage beside him. her coachman was trying in vain to get his horses through the crowd and was looking confoundedly frightened. in an instant calvert was out of his carriage and at her coach-door. "you must get in mr. morris's carriage, madame," he says, briefly, holding the door open and extending a hand to adrienne. at his tone of command, without a word, she stepped quickly from her coach into that of mr. morris. "heavens, madame! are you alone in this mob?" asks mr. morris, in much concern. "yes--i have just left my aunt in the rue st. honoré," says adrienne, sinking down on the cushions. mr. morris put his head out of the window. "drive on, martin!" he calls out. "to mr. jefferson's." but it is impossible for the plunging horses to move, so dense is the mob and so threatening its attitude. "they are arming themselves with stones," he says, looking out again. "we are in a pretty pass between this insane mob and the cavalry, which is advancing!" suddenly he bursts the door open and, standing on the coach-step, so that he is well seen, he calls out, "drive on there, martin! who stops an american's carriage in paris?" as he made his appearance at the coach-door a shout went up, and a man standing near and pointing to mr. morris's wooden stump, cries out, "make way for the american patriot crippled in the revolution!" at his words a great cheer goes up, and mr. morris, scrambling back into the coach, bursts out into such a hearty laugh that calvert, and adrienne, too, in spite of her fright, cannot refrain from joining in it. the people fall back and a lane is formed, through which martin urges his horses at a gallop. "'twill be a good story to tell mr. jefferson," says mr. morris, when he can speak. "i think this wooden stump has never done such yeoman service as to-day." "if i am not mistaken, that was my friend bertrand," says calvert, looking back at the man who had started the cheer for mr. morris. they had scarce got through the mob when the cavalry, advancing, were met by a shower of stones. "the captain is hit," says calvert, still looking out of the coach-window. pale with fear, adrienne laid her hand on his arm and calvert covered it with one of his. in a few minutes they were out of sight of the fray and, driving as rapidly as possible up the champs elysées, were soon at the door of the legation. mr. jefferson was not at home, but in a few moments he came in with the account of having been stopped also at the place louis quinze as he returned from a visit to monsieur de lafayette and a confirmation of the news regarding necker's dismissal. "it is sufficiently clear with what indignation the people regard the presence of troops in the city," he said, "and by to-morrow they will make known, i have no doubt, their equally bitter indignation at the removal of necker. affairs are coming rapidly to a crisis; the palais royal is this evening in a state of the wildest agitation, so d'azay has just told me, and, indeed, the city is not safe, even on the boulevards. i shall take you back, madame," he went on, turning to adrienne. "i believe the carriage of the american minister will be treated with respect even by this insane mob." "a thousand thanks, monsieur," said madame de st. andré, rising, "and, as it is late, perhaps we had better go at once, although i hate to take you away from monsieur morris and monsieur calvert." "oh, as for me, i am off to the club to hear further details of the riot and afterward to a supper with madame de flahaut. and as for ned, i am sure he would rather a thousand times escort you back to the rue st. honoré than to sit here chatting with an old fellow like myself," said mr. morris, and he went off limping and laughing, leaving the others to follow quickly. for, in truth, it was late, and the disturbance seemed to be increasing instead of decreasing as the night wore on. mr. jefferson and calvert turned into the palais royal on their way back, after leaving adrienne safe in the rue st. honoré, and found it a seething mass of revolutionary humanity, as d'azay had reported. the agitation increased all during the following day of the 13th, and on the 14th was struck the first great blow which resounded throughout france. mr. jefferson and calvert, who, unconscious of the disturbance in the distant quarter of the bastille, were calling at the hotel of monsieur de corny, had the particulars from that gentleman himself. he came in hurriedly, pale with emotion and fear and haggard with anxiety. "tis all over," he says to mr. jefferson when he could speak. "how it has happened god only knows. a fearful crime has been committed. the deputation, of which i was one, advanced, under a flag of truce, to have speech with de launay, governor of the bastile, when a discharge killed several men standing near us. we retired, and instantly the great throng of people--there were, god knows, how many thousand wretches waiting there--rushed forward, and are even now in possession of that impregnable fortification. 'tis incredible how 'twas done." "and de launay?" inquired calvert. "he has been beheaded and dragged to the place de grève," says de corny, gloomily. "come, if you wish to see the work of destruction," and he rose hurriedly. together the gentlemen entered mr. jefferson's carriage, which was waiting, and were driven along the boulevards toward the bastille. but the streets near the prison were so crowded with spectators and armed ruffians that they were finally forced to alight from the carriage, which was left in the place royale, and proceed on foot. as they passed monsieur beaumarchais's garden, they came upon mr. morris and madame de flahaut, who had also driven thither and were leaning against the fence looking on at the work of demolition. "you should have been here some moments ago," said mr. morris. "lafayette has just ridden by with the key of the bastille, which has been given to him and which, he tells me, he proposes sending to general washington. a strange gift!" "why strange?" inquired mr. jefferson. "'tis an emblem of hard-earned liberty." "an emblem of madness," said mr. morris, with a shrug. "however, i have witnessed some thrilling scenes in this madness. but an hour ago a fellow climbed upon the great iron gate and, failing to bring it down, implored his comrades to pull him by the legs, thus sustaining the rack. he had the courage and strength to hold on until his limbs were torn from the sockets. 'twould make a great painting, and i shall suggest the idea to d'angiviliers." "do they know of this at versailles?" asked calvert. "the duc de liancourt passed in his carriage half an hour ago," said mr. morris, "on his way to versailles to inform the king. yesterday it was the fashion at versailles not to believe that there were any disturbances at paris. i presume that this day's transactions will induce a conviction that all is not perfectly quiet! but, even with this awful evidence, the king is capable of not being convinced, i venture to say." he was quite right in his surmise, and 'twas not until two o'clock in the morning that monsieur de liancourt was able to force his way into the king's bed-chamber and compel his majesty to listen to a narrative of the awful events of the day in paris. in the meantime crowds of the greatest ladies and gentlemen flocked to the place de la bastille to witness the strange and horrid scenes there enacting, rubbing elbows with the armed and drunken scum of the city, and only retiring when night hid the sight of it all from them. it was amid a very carnival of mad liberty, of flaring lights and hideous noises, of fantastic and terrible figures thrusting their infuriated countenances in at the coach-windows, with a hundred orders to halt and to move on, a hundred demands to know if there were arms in the carriage, that mr. jefferson and calvert finally regained the champs elysées and the american legation. with the next day the foreign troops were dismissed by order of the frightened king, and paris had an armed milice bourgeoise of forty thousand men, at the head of which, to mr. jefferson's satisfaction and mr. morris's dismay, lafayette was placed as commander-in-chief. from the 16th to the 18th of that fatal july twenty noble cowards, among them monsieur de broglie, monsieur de st. aulaire, six princes of the blood royal, including the comte d'artois and the princes of condé and conti, fled affrighted before the first gust of the storm gathering over france. chapter xiii monsieur de lafayette brings friends to a dinner at the legation it was in the midst of the alarms, the horror, and feverish agitation following hard upon the taking of the bastille and the assassination and flight of so many important personages, that mr. jefferson, one evening, received from monsieur de lafayette a hurried note, requesting a dinner for himself and several friends. mr. morris and calvert, who were dining with mr. jefferson, would have retired, that the company might be alone, but monsieur de lafayette, coming in almost instantly, urged upon the gentlemen to remain. "tis to be a political deliberation, at which we shall be most happy and grateful to have you assist," he said, graciously, for, though he disliked mr. morris, he appreciated his abilities, and as for calvert, he both liked and admired the young man, having the greatest confidence in his good sense and keen judgment. mr. jefferson, though deeply embarrassed by that thoughtlessness which made the american legation the rendezvous for the leaders of opposing factions in french politics, made his unexpected guests as welcome as possible, but, though he was urged again and again to express himself by lafayette and his friends--he had brought with him some of the most brilliant and most influential of the revolutionary leaders, d'azay, barnave, lameth, mounier, and duport--he yet remained an almost silent spectator of the prolonged debate which took place when the cloth had been removed and wine placed on the table, according to the american custom. the discussion was opened by lafayette, who submitted to the consideration of the assembled company his "rights of man," to which he was inordinately attached and which he designed as a prelude to the new constitution. with pride and emphasis he read aloud the most important of his _dicta_, and which, he owned with a profound bow to mr. jefferson, had been largely inspired by the great declaration of independence. "the rights of man" were received with acclaim and approved almost without a dissenting voice, and then was introduced the main theme of the discussion--the new constitution projected by the assembly. so incredibly frank were the deliberations that the three american gentlemen could not but marvel that they were allowed to be present. 'twas a curious exhibition of weakness, thought calvert, that they should be allowed, nay, urged, to participate in such a session. so intimate, indeed, were the details presented to the company by its different members, so momentous the questions raised and settled, that even mr. morris, usually so impetuous, hesitated to express an opinion. only when it had been decided that the king should have a suspensive veto; that the legislature should be composed of but one chamber, elected by the people; only when it was evident that the noblesse were to be rendered powerless and that lafayette had abandoned his king, did mr. morris burst forth. "this is madness, marquis," he says, scarce able to contain himself. "take from the king his power and this realm will fall into anarchy, a bloody disunion, the like of which the world has never seen! this country is used to being governed, it must continue to be governed. strengthen the king's hands--for god's sake, do not weaken them! attach yourself to the king's party--'tis this unhappy country's only hope of salvation. range yourself on the side of his majesty's authority, not on that of this insane, uncontrollable people. what have i seen to-day? as i walked under the arcade of the palais royal, what was the horrible, the incredibly horrible sight that met my eyes? the head of one of your chief men--of foulon, counsellor of state, borne aloft on a pike, the body dragged naked on the earth, as though 'twere some dishonored slave of roman days. gracious god! what a people! have we gone backward centuries to pagan atrocities? and you talk of making this people the supreme authority in france! your party is mad!" "if 'tis madness," says monsieur de lafayette, coldly, "i am none the less determined to die with them." "'twould be more sensible to bring them to their senses and live with them," returned mr. morris, dryly. "we cannot hope to gain the liberty, so long and so hardly withheld from us, without bloodshed. mr. jefferson himself hath said that the tree of liberty must be watered with blood." "'tis a different creed from the one you believed in but a short time ago," rejoined mr. morris. "'twas not very long since i heard you prophesying a bloodless revolution. and this horde of undisciplined troops, for which you are responsible--do you not tremble for your authority when you deny the king's?" "they will obey me, they love me," cried lafayette, rising in some confusion, not unmixed with anger. "at any rate, 'tis too late to draw back. our dispositions are taken, gentlemen," he adds, turning to the company, which had risen at his signal, "and we will now withdraw, sensible of the courtesy and hospitality we have received," and with a bow to mr. morris and calvert, he passed from the room, accompanied by mr. jefferson and followed by the rest of the gentlemen. "what madness!" exclaimed mr. morris, as the door closed upon the company. "this is a country where everything is talked about and nothing understood, my boy." he sank into a chair opposite calvert's and poured himself a glass of wine. "there goes a man who, in his vanity, thinks himself capable of controlling these terrific forces he has helped to awaken, but, if i mistake not, he is not equal to the business in hand. he has the best intentions, but is lacking in judgment and strength. he has le besoin de briller, unfortunately, and does from vanity what he should do from conviction. i am almost glad that affairs call me to england for a while and that i shall not be a witness to the marquis's mistakes and the horrors toward which i see france fast drifting." "you are leaving for england?" asked calvert, in surprise. "yes," returned mr. morris. "i have thought for some time that it would be necessary for me to go to london on business connected with my brother's estate in america, and letters which i received lately have decided me to go at once. moreover," and here he hesitated slightly and laughed his dry, humorous laugh, "i have ever thought discretion the better part of valor, my boy. to speak plainly, madame de flahaut becomes too exigeante. i have told her that i am perfectly my own master with respect to her, and that, having no idea of inspiring her with a tender passion, i have no idea either of subjecting myself to one, but i hardly think she understands my attitude toward her. besides," he went on, with so sudden a change of tone and sentiment that calvert could not forbear smiling, "i find her too agreeable to bear with equanimity her treatment of me. the other day, at madame de chastellux's, her reception of me was such that i think i would not again have troubled her with a visit had she not sent for me to-day." "and did you go?" asked calvert, smiling. "yes," said mr. morris, bursting out laughing. "of course i went, ned--that is the way with all of us--the women treat us with contempt and we go away in a huff, vowing never to see them again, and they beckon to us and back we go, glad to have a word or glance again. she treated me very civilly indeed, and received me at her toilet--'twas a very decent performance, i assure you, ned. she undressed, even to the shift, with the utmost modesty, and i would have found it a pleasant enough experience, if a trifle astounding to my american mind, had it not been for the presence of the bishop of autun, who came in and who is confoundedly at his ease in madame de flahaut's society. high ho! we two are not the only favored ones. she is a thorough-paced flirt and plays off curt against wycombe--he is lansdowne's son and her latest admirer--or the bishop against myself, as it suits her whim. i would warn you to beware of women as the authors of all mischief and suffering, did i not think it too late," he said, looking keenly at the young man, who blushed deeply. "come to london with me, ned," he went on, impulsively, after an instant's silence. "i think you and i will not be bad travelling companions and will enjoy the journey together prodigiously." "i thank you, mr. morris," said calvert, shaking his head, "but--but 'tis impossible for me to leave france." "ah, 'tis as i thought," said mr. morris, slowly, "and madame de st. andré is a most charming and beautiful woman. forgive me for having guessed your secret, boy. 'tis my interest in you which makes me seem impertinent. have you told her that you love her?" "'tis a poor game to tell all one knows," says calvert, again shaking his head and smiling a little bitterly. "besides, it would be but folly in this case." "folly!" exclaimed mr. morris. "don't be above committing follies, ned! old age will be but a dreary thing if we have not the follies of youth to look back upon. happiness and folly go hand in hand sometimes. don't miss one in avoiding the other, boy! besides, why do you call your love for her folly? by the lord harry," he burst out, "why shouldn't she love you in return? 'tis true you are not one of the dukes or marquises who follow her about, but i think that no disability, and, were she not a capricious, worldly woman, she would have the wit vastly to prefer a clean, honest american gentleman to these dissolute popinjays, whose titles, riches, and very life are being menaced. were i a woman, ned," and he gave the young man a kindly look, "i think i could find it in my heart to admire and respect you above most men." "'tis far more than i can hope for in madame de st. andré, and it has been madness for me to think of her for a moment," said calvert, gloomily. "then come away," urged mr. morris. "come with me to london." but calvert was not to be persuaded. "you counselled me a while ago not to be afraid of committing follies," he said, looking at the older man. "i think i am capable of all folly--i don't dare hope, but i cannot leave her." "ah, you are not as wise as i, my boy," returned mr. morris, smiling cynically. "you stay because you care too much and i go for the same reason. believe me, mine is the better plan. but if you stay, speak! perhaps, after all, she may have the sense to appreciate you. though she is worldly and ambitious, there is a leaven of sincerity and purity in her nature, i think. and then, who can guess what is in a woman's heart? 'tis the greatest of puzzles. who knows what you may find in adrienne de st. andré's, ned? she is a high-spirited creature, trained in her world to conceal her feelings, should she be unfashionable enough to have any, and perhaps the indifference with which she treats you is but a mask. there are women like that, boy, who are as great actresses as raucourt or contat, and who would die before they betrayed themselves, just as there are women to whom candor is as natural as breathing and who can no more help showing the depth and tenderness of their hearts than the sun can help shining. and now," he said, rising as mr. jefferson entered the room, "i must be going or i shall be imprudent enough to make some observations on the extraordinary proceedings of this evening." "extraordinary indeed," said mr. jefferson, with a troubled air, as he seated himself. "i shall wait upon montmorin in the morning and explain how it has happened that the american legation has been the rendezvous for the political leaders of france. but though this affair has deeply embarrassed me, i would not, for a great deal, have missed hearing the coolness and candor of argument, the logical reasoning and chaste eloquence of the discussion this evening. would that it had all been employed in a better cause! it seems almost pitiful that these men should be battling for a king who, though meaning well toward the nation, is swayed absolutely by a queen, proud, disdainful of all restraint, concerned only in the present pleasure, a gambler and intrigante. dr. franklin and i have seen her in company with d'artois and coigny and the duchesse de polignac, than whom there is no more infamous woman in france, gambling and looking on at the wild dances and buffoonery of a guinguette, and, though her _incognita_ was respected, think you the people did not know the queen? 'tis to preserve the throne of a woman such as that that lafayette and d'azay and barnave bend all their powerful young energies and talents and may, perhaps, give their young lives!" "there are those who think differently about louis and marie antoinette, and who consider the queen the better man of the two," replied mr. morris, dryly. "but 'tis past my patience, the whole thing, and i can scarce trust myself to think of it. by the way, ned," he said, suddenly turning to calvert, "'twas that villain bertrand, that protégé of yours, who was carrying the head of that poor devil, foulon, on his pike this afternoon. i recognized the fellow instantly, and i think he knew me, too, though he was near crazed with blood and excitement. he handed the bike to a companion and slunk into the crowd when he saw me. have a care of him, boy. 'twas the most awful sight my eyes ever rested on! and now, good-night." at the door he looked back and saw mr. jefferson filling his long pipe with fragrant virginia tobacco and calvert still sitting beside the table with the troubled look on his thoughtful young face. a week later, after having bidden good-by to his friends in versailles and paris and having obtained a passport from lafayette at the hôtel de ville, he set out for london, from which capital he did not return until the middle of september. chapter xiv mr. calvert rides down into touraine august was a dreary month in paris. with the last days of july the heat became intense, and that, with the constant alarms and ever recurring outbreaks, caused such an exodus from the city as soon made paris a deserted place. mr. morris's departure was followed shortly by that of the old duchesse d'azay and madame de st. andré, who went down to azay-le-roi, so that in calvert's estimation the gayest capital in the world was but a lonely, uninteresting city. toward the close of august mr. jefferson received from congress that permission to return home which he had solicited for so long, and, without loss of time, he prepared to leave france for, as he supposed, an absence of a few months, at most. among the multitude of public and private affairs to be arranged before his departure, his friends were not forgotten, and he made many farewell visits to versailles, marly-le-roi, and st. germain. he had not thought it possible, however, to see his friends at azay-le-roi, but the middle of september found his affairs so nearly settled, and, his passage not being taken until the 26th of the month, he one day proposed to calvert that they should make the journey into touraine. "tis the most beautiful part of france," he said to the young man, "and i have a fancy to show you the country for the first time and to say farewell to our friends, madame d'azay and madame de st. andré." to this proposition the young man assented, suddenly determining that he would see adrienne and put his fortune to the touch. 'twas intolerable to remain longer in such a state of uncertainty and feverish unhappiness, he decided. any fate--the cruellest--would be preferable to the doubt which he suffered. and surely he was right, and uncertainty the greatest suffering the heart can know. "at the worst she can hurt me no more cruelly than she has already," he said to himself. "she shall know that i love her, even though that means i shall never see her again." his determination once taken, he was as eager as possible to be off, and, by the 16th, all was in readiness for their departure. passports were obtained from lafayette and places reserved in the public diligence. they took only one servant with them--the man bertrand, whom galvert had been at pains to ferret out and take into his employ, thinking to prevent him from mingling again with the ruffians and cutthroats of the palais royal and faubourgs. such was the fellow's devotion to calvert that he abandoned his revolutionary and bloody comrades and took service joyfully with the young man, delighted to be near and of use to him. the journey into touraine was a very short and a very pleasant one to mr. jefferson and calvert. the diligence left paris by the ivry gate, stopping for the night at orléans. the next morning at dawn they were again upon their way and bowling swiftly along the great highway that led down into the valley of the loire, past amboise and blois and vouvray to the old town of tours, lying snugly between the loire and the cher. they came into the rue royale just as the sun was flinging a splendor over everything--on the gray cathedral spires and the square tower of charlemagne and the gloomy tour de guise, and as they crossed the great stone bridge to the old quarter of st. symphorien, the loire flowed away beneath them like some fabled stream of molten gold. the diligence put them down at la boule d'or, a clean and well-kept inn, overlooking the river and from the windows of which could be seen the white façade of the hôtel de ville and the numberless towers rising here and there above the old town. after a night of refreshing sleep to mr. jefferson, but one full of misgivings and broken dreams to calvert, the two gentlemen set forth in the morning on horseback, followed shortly after by bertrand with light baggage, for mr. jefferson's affairs would not permit him to remain more than twenty-four hours at azay-le-roi. they rode slowly, at first, through the early sweetness of that september morning, scarcely disturbing the fine, white dust upon the broad road. the level land stretched away before them like some tranquil, inland sea, and against the horizon tall, stately poplars showed like the slender masts of ships against the blue of sky and ocean. "it is as though a whole world separated this peaceful valley from the agitation and uproar of paris," said mr. jefferson to calvert. "yet even here revolt has already left its mark," returned calvert, pointing to the half-burnt ruins of a château just visible through an avenue of trees to the left. in the early afternoon they came to azay, and, passing quickly through the little village and out into the country again, they were soon at the entrance of the great park surrounding azay-le-roi. calvert never forgot the look of the great avenue of rustling poplars and the exquisite grace of the château as he and mr. jefferson rode up to it on that september afternoon. a sunny stillness brooded over it; long shadows from the pointed turrets lay upon the fine white sand of the driveway and dipped along the gray walls of the château, which the hand of man had fretted with lace-like sculpture. in an angle of the courtyard two idle lackeys in scarlet liveries and powdered hair played with a little terrier. as mr. jefferson and calvert approached, they ran forward, one taking the horses and the other opening the great entrance door for the two gentlemen and ushering them into the salon where a large company was amusing itself with cards, books, and music. the old duchess and d'azay, who was down from versailles for a few days, could not welcome the gentlemen warmly enough, and even adrienne seemed so pleased to see them again that, for the first time since beginning the journey, calvert felt some of his misgivings quieted and dared to hope that his embassy might not be unsuccessful. he would have spoken to her that very evening, she was so gracious to him, but that the numerous company prevented any conversation alone. not only did guests arrive for dinner, but there were several families from the neighboring chateaux staying at azay-le-roi, frightened thither by rumors of outbreaks among the peasantry and the approach of brigands. "they cannot frighten me from azay-le-roi," says the duchess, stoutly, to mr. jefferson. "if they burn my house, 'twill be over my head, and as for the brigands, i believe in them no more than in the alleged plot of the queen to blow up the assembly." the talk was all of the tumults in paris, the hasty decrees of the assembly, and the agitation spreading over the provinces, and the evening would have passed gloomily enough had it not been for the intrepid old duchess, who scouted all vague alarms, and for adrienne, who turned them into ridicule, and who had never appeared to calvert more sparkling and charming. it was not until the next morning that he could get a word with her alone. he found her walking slowly up and down an allée of elms, through the leaves of which the bright september sunshine sifted down. she nodded coolly to the young man who joined her. all her animation and gracious air of the evening before had disappeared, and calvert could have cursed himself that he had come upon her in this capricious mood. but he would not put off saying what he had come so far to say, for all her changed manner, and, moreover, there would be no better time, for they were to set out for tours again by noon. "madame," he said, after an instant's silence, during which they had paced slowly up and down together, "as you know, this is no farewell visit i have come to pay, since i do not leave france with mr. jefferson. i have come because i dared to love you," he went on, bluntly, and meeting the look of surprise, which adrienne shot at him, squarely and steadily. they both stopped in their walk and regarded each other, the young girl blushing slightly as she looked at calvert's pale face and met his steady gaze. "i can make you no fine phrases. indeed, i know no words either in your tongue or mine that can express the love i feel for you," he said, a little sadly. "'tis the first time i have ever known mr. calvert to be at a loss for french phrases," returned adrienne, recovering from her momentary confusion and smiling mockingly at the young man. "you should have taken a lesson from monsieur de beaufort or monsieur de st. aulaire." "no doubt they have had much experience which i have missed, and could teach me much. but i fear beaufort could only teach me how to fail, and as for monsieur de st. aulaire, i have no time to go to england to find that gentleman in the retreat which he has so suddenly seen fit to seek." madame de st. andré blushed and bit her lip. "'tis the first time i have ever told a woman i loved her," said calvert, "and i would rather tell her in my own blunt fashion. if she loves me, she will know the things my heart tells her, but which my lips are too unskilled to translate." "ah, we women are too wise to try to divine unspoken things; we scarce dare believe what we are told," and the young girl laughed lightly. "yet i think you once paid me the compliment of saying that you believed me sincere," said poor calvert. "'tis true--there is something about you which compels belief--'tis your eyes, i think," and then, throwing off the seriousness with which she had spoken, she added, jestingly: "but in truth, sir, it is too much to ask of me to believe that i am the first woman you have ever loved." "it is nevertheless true," said calvert, quietly. "and you told me you could make no fine phrases!" cried the young girl, with a gesture of pretended disappointment, and glancing with eyes full of amusement at calvert. "i pray you to still that spirit of mockery and listen to me," said the young man, turning to her with passion. as adrienne looked at his white face and heard the sternness in his voice, the laughter faded from her eyes. "i have never known the love of a mother or sister. it is true what i have told you, whether you believe it or not, that you are the first and only woman i have loved. and i think i have loved you ever since that night, years ago at monticello, when d'azay showed me your miniature. i have loved you when you were kind and unkind to me. i love you now, although i do not dare to hope that you love me in return. i can offer you nothing," he went on, hurriedly, seeing that she would have stopped him. "i can offer you nothing but this love and a home over the sea. 'tis a pretty place, though it would doubtless seem to you poor enough after the splendors of versailles and paris," he says, smiling ruefully; "but we might be happy there. is it impossible?" as she looked into calvert's serious eyes, lighted with a glow she had never seen in them, there swept over her that admiration for him which she had felt before. but she conquered it before it could conquer her. "impossible. ah, you americans want everything. you have triumphed over the english; do you wish to conquer france, too? i am not worth being taken prisoner, monsieur," she says, suddenly. "i am capricious and cold and ambitious. i have never been taught to value love above position. how can i change now? how could i leave this france, and its court and pleasures, for the wilds of a new country? no, no, monsieur; i haven't any of the heroine in me." "'tis not exactly to the wilds of a new country that i would take you, madame," and calvert smiled palely, in spite of himself, "but to a very fertile and beautiful land, where some of the kindest people in the world live. but i do not deny that our life and pleasures are of the simplest--'twould, in truth, be a poor exchange for the marquise de st. andré." "it might be a happy enough lot for some woman; for me, i own it would be a sacrifice," said adrienne, imperiously. "believe me, no one realizes more clearly than i do the sacrifice i would ask you to make, with only the honest love of a plain american gentleman for compensation. there are no titles, no riches, no courtly pleasures in my virginia; i can't even offer you a reputation, a little fame. but my life is before me, and i swear, if you will but give me some hope, i will yet bring you honors and some fortune to lay with my heart at your feet! there have been days when you were so gracious that i have been tempted to believe i might win your love," says poor calvert. "if you mean i have knowingly encouraged this madness, monsieur calvert, believe me, you mistake and wrong me." "i do not reproach you," returned calvert, smiling sadly. "i can easily believe you did not mean to show me any kindness. this folly is all my own, and has become so much a part of me that i think i would not have done with it if i could. i would give you my life if it would do you any good. you need not smile so mockingly. it is no idle assertion, and it would be a poor gift, after all, as it is less than nothing since you will not share it. i used to wonder what this love was," he goes on, as if to himself, "that seizes upon men and holds them fast and changes them so. i think i understand it now, and the beauty of it and the degradation, too. i love you so that, if by some stroke of fate i could be changed into a prince or a duke, like your monsieur de grammont or monsieur de noailles, and you would give me your love, as to some such exalted personage, i would be base enough to accept it, though i knew you would never give it to the untitled american." "enough, monsieur!" said adrienne, rising in some agitation. "this conversation is painful to me and i know must be to you. had i guessed what you had to say, i would have spared you." "no," returned calvert, grimly, a wave of crimson suddenly spreading over his pale face ('twas the only sign he gave of the anger and pain gnawing at his heart), "you would have had to listen. i came to azay-le-roi to tell you that i love you. do you think i would have gone away without speaking?" adrienne regarded him in haughty amazement. "at least you will do me the favor never to refer to this again?" "you may rest assured, madame, that i shall never annoy you again." he spoke as haughtily as she, for he was bitterly hurt, and he was young enough to feel a fierce pride in the thought that he, too, would have done with this love which she had so lightly disdained. he sank down upon the bench and covered his face with his hands. a sudden spasm of coquetry seized the young girl. "then, in case i should ever change my mind, as women have been known to do since time immemorial, monsieur, _i_ shall have to ask you to marry me!" she said, laughing lightly. calvert raised his head wearily. his face looked as though a dozen years had left their mark upon it since he entered the little allée of elms; there were fine lines of pain about the mouth and a curious, listless look in his usually serene eyes. "after this morning i cannot believe that you will ever change your mind," he said, rising as he spoke. "but be assured that whatever may happen i shall never forget your command and offend again. and now, as i shall not see you again before we leave, i bid you farewell, madame." he pressed the hand which adrienne held out to his pale lips, and then holding it for an instant in both of his, turned quickly and left the allée. madame de st. andré looked after the clean-limbed, athletic young figure as it disappeared rapidly through the trees. and suddenly a keen regret for what she had done swept over her. did she love him, then, that she should wish him back? she sank upon the bench with a beating heart. she would have called out to him, have brought him back to her side, but that her pride held her in check. "what insolence!" she said, half-starting up. "and yet--and yet--'tis more to my liking than fine phrases! and it was true--what he said--had he been monsieur le duc de montmorency or monsieur de villeroi--! at least i shall see him again--he will come back--they always do." but though she smiled, a curious foreboding and a sort of fear seized upon her. at the château calvert found mr. jefferson making his adieux to madame d'azay and her guests. the horses had been ordered, and in a few minutes the gentlemen were ready to start. d'azay walked with calvert to where bertrand stood holding them. "'tis an infernal shame, ned," he said, in a low tone, wringing the young man's hand. "i guessed thy mission down here and thy face tells me how it has gone. as for myself, i would have wished for nothing better. perhaps she may change her mind--all women do," he added, hopefully. but calvert only shook his head. "she is for some greater and luckier man than i," he said, quietly, taking the reins from bertrand, and waving an adieu to the young lord as he rode down the avenue. as d'azay slowly made his way back to the château, bertrand stood for a moment looking after him before mounting to follow mr. jefferson and calvert. "and so," he said, half-aloud, "that was monsieur's reason for coming to azay-le-roi! and she won't have him! all women are fools, and these great ladies seem to be the biggest fools of all. she will not find his equal among the white-livered aristocrats who swarm around her. i wish i could revenge monsieur for this," he said, savagely, and jumping on his horse he rode after the two gentlemen. the journey back to tours was made more quickly than coming, and mr. jefferson was so full of his visit to azay-le-roi as not to notice calvert's preoccupation and silence. they rode into the town in the late afternoon and made their way to the boule d'or, where calvert, who had a sudden longing to be alone, left mr. jefferson writing letters, and strolled back into the old town. almost before he was aware of it he found himself in the little square before the great cathedral. with a sudden impulse he entered and leaned against one of the fretted columns. a chorister was practising softly in the transept overhead. 'twas the _benedictus_ from one of mozart's masses. "_benedictus qui venit in nomine domini_," he sang over and over again. calvert could not see the singer, but the young voice floated downward, reminding him of his own boyish voice. he closed his eyes and bowed his head against the cold stone. when he could stand it no longer, he went softly down the echoing aisle of the church, out through the great doors, into the yellow sunshine of the deserted little street. there were some linden-trees planted in a hollow square before the parvis of the cathedral, and stone benches set beneath them. upon one of these he sank down, as if physically weary. perhaps he was--at any rate, a sudden, sick disgust for everything, for the melancholy afternoon sunshine and the yellowing grass and blighted flowers, took possession of him. the wind, rising, made a dreary sound among the stiffening leaves. one fluttered downward and lay upon the bench beside him. he noted with surprise the sudden chill, the first touch of coming winter. but that morning it had seemed like spring to him. he looked up at the great front of the cathedral, unchanging through so many changing years, and, as he looked, he thought how small and ephemeral a thing he was and his love and grief. the two great spires towering upward seemed to his sick fancy like two uplifted hands drawing benediction down on the weary, grief-stricken world, and before their awful patience and supplication something of his own impatience and bitterness passed from him and, comforted, he left the spot and made his way along the deserted quay and so back to the little inn where mr. jefferson awaited him. chapter xv christmas eve had it not been for mr. morris's sudden return from london, calvert would have felt alone, indeed, in paris. having received certain intelligence concerning the plan for the purchase of the american debt to france, mr. morris set off hastily for france and arrived there several days before mr. jefferson's departure for havre. this absence, as all thought, was to be but temporary, but, when mr. jefferson left paris on that morning of the 26th of september, it was never to return. he left his affairs in the hands of calvert and mr. short, and, as for the former, he was only too happy to plunge into work and so forget, if possible, his own unhappiness. mr. morris easily divined it, however, and its cause, and tried, in his cynical, kindly fashion, to divert the young man. he made it a point to see calvert frequently, and, indeed, it was not only out of kindness of heart that he did so, but because he had the greatest liking for the young gentleman and enjoyed his society above that of most of his acquaintances. it was easy enough for the two to see much of each other, for although the approach of winter brought a slight return of gayety, paris was dreary and deserted enough. that first wave of fear which had seized upon the nobles had swept many of them out of france to turin, to frankfort, to metz, to coblentz, and to london. many of those salons which mr. morris and calvert had frequented were already closed, hostesses and guests alike in exile and poverty. alarm succeeded alarm in paris until, with the ill-starred feast to the regiment of flanders and the march on versailles, alarm rose to panic. the incredible folly and stupidity which precipitated these events aroused mr. morris's contempt and indignation to the utmost pitch. "what malignant devil is it, ned," he fairly groaned, as he and calvert sat over their wine one evening after dinner at the legation, "that urges their unfortunate majesties on to their destruction? what could have been more ill-advised, nay, more fatal in these starvation times, than the banquet to the flanders regiment? and the presence at it of their majesties! oh, luxembourg must have been stricken mad to have urged them to go thither! and once there, who or what could have prevented that tipsy royalist enthusiasm, the wild burst of sympathy, the trampling of the tri-color cockade? they say the queen moved among the half-crazed soldiers shining and beautiful as a star, boy. i had the whole scene from maupas, a cousin of madame de flahaut, who is in the body guard. what wonder that paris raged to remove the suborned regiment of flanders! and, if only the king had remained firm and kept it at versailles, this other horror of the 5th and 6th of october would never have happened. but what can you expect from such a monarch? as i wrote president washington this afternoon, 'if the reigning prince were not the small-beer character he is, there can be but little doubt that, watching events and making a tolerable use of them, he would regain his authority; but what will you have from a creature who, situated as he is, eats and drinks, sleeps well and laughs, and is as merry a grig as lives? there is, besides, no possibility of serving him, for, at the slightest show of opposition, he gives up everything and every person.' and yet i would like to attempt it, if only to thwart those rampant, feather-brained philosophers who are hurrying france to her doom." "it is lafayette i would like to serve," said calvert, moodily. "d'azay and i were with him at the hôtel de ville for the greater part of the day of the 5th of october. he was no longer master of himself or of those he commanded, and i could scarce believe that this harried, brow-beaten, menaced leader of the milice was the alert and intrepid soldier i had served under before yorktown." "ah, ned, there is a man whom this revolution has spoiled and will spoil even more! another lost reputation, i fear. truly a dreadful situation to find one's self in. marched by compulsion, guarded by his own troops, who suspect and threaten him! obliged to do what he abhors, or suffer an ignominious death, with the certainty that the sacrifice of his own life will not prevent the mischief! and he has but himself to thank--the dreadful events of the 5th and 6th of october were, as far as concerned lafayette, but the natural consequences of his former policy. did i not warn him long ago of the madness of trimming between the court and popular party, of the danger of a vast, undisciplined body of troops?" he got up and stumped about the room, irritation and pity expressed in every feature of his countenance, not wholly unmixed, it must be confessed (or so it seemed to calvert, who could not help being a little amused thereat), with a certain satisfaction at his perspicacity. suddenly he burst out laughing. "after all, there is a humorous side to the marquis's tardy march to versailles with his rabble of soldiers. as the old duchesse d'azay said the other evening to the bishop of autun and myself, 'lafayette et sa garde nationale ressemblent à l'arc-en-ciel et n'arrivent qu'après l'orage!'--i will be willing to bet you a dinner at the cafe de l'école that the bishop repeats it within a week as his own _bon mot_!" but mr. morris had graver charges against the bishop than the confiscation of a witty saying. over talleyrand's motion for the public sale of church property he lost all patience, and did not hesitate to point out to him one evening, when they supped together at madame de flahaut's, the serious objections to be urged against such a step. 'twas but one, however, of the many signs of the times which both irritated and pained him, for he was genuinely and ardently interested in the fate of france, and looked on with alarm and sadness at the events taking place. his own plan for a supply of flour from america and the negotiations for the purchase to france of the american debt, which he was endeavoring to conclude with necker, were alternately renewed and broken off in a most exasperating fashion, owing to that minister's short-sighted policy and niggardliness. indeed, france's finances were in a hopelessly deplorable state, and mr. morris looked on in dismay at the various futile plans suggested as remedies--at the proposal to make the bankrupt caisse d'escompte a national bank, at the foolish caisse patriotique, and at the issue of assignats. "if they only had a financier of the calibre of hamilton," said mr. morris to calvert; "but they haven't a man to compare with that young genius. necker is only a sublimated bank-clerk. indeed, i think you or i could conduct the finances of this unhappy country better than they are at present conducted," he added, laughing. "i have great hopes of you as a financier, ned, since that affair of the holland loans, and as for myself, luxembourg has urged me seriously to enter the ministry. 'tis a curious proposition, but these visionary philosophers, who are trying to pilot the ship of state into a safe harbor, know nothing of their business, and will fetch up on some hidden reef pretty soon, if i mistake not. the assembly is already held in utter contempt--their sittings are tumultuous farces--the thing they call a constitution is utterly good for nothing. and there is lafayette, with an ambition far beyond his talents, aspiring not only to the command of all the forces, but to a leadership in the assembly--a kind of generalissimo-dictatorship. 'tis almost inconceivable folly, and, to cap all, that scoundrel mirabeau has the deputies under his thumb. can a country be more utterly prostrated than france is at this moment?" "to get lafayette and mirabeau together is her only chance of safety, i think," said calvert, in reply. "the leader of the people and the leader of the assembly, working together, might do much." "impossible," objected mr. morris, decidedly, "and i do not blame lafayette for refusing to ally himself with so profligate a creature as mirabeau, great and undeniable as are his talents. why, boy, all paris knows that while he leads the assembly, he is in the pay of the king and queen." "and yet i heard you yourself declare," returned calvert, with a smile, "that men do not go into the administration as the direct road to heaven. i think it were well for this country to avail itself of the great abilities of mirabeau and make it to his interest to be true to it." and in the long argument which ensued over the advisability of taking monsieur de mirabeau into the administration, calvert had all the best of it, and judged mirabeau's talents and usefulness more accurately than mr. morris, keen and practical as that gentleman usually was. toward the middle of november word came to the american legation at paris, by the british packet, of the appointment of mr. jefferson to the secretaryship of foreign affairs under president washington, and the commission of mr. short as chargé d'affaires at paris until a new minister could be appointed. this news was confirmed six weeks later by a letter from mr. jefferson himself to calvert and mr. morris: * * * * * it had been my ardent wish to return to france and see the ending of the revolution now convulsing that unhappy country, but the sense of duty which sent me thither when i had no wish to leave america now constrains me to remain here. hamilton has been made secretary of the treasury, and he is anxious to have you return, that he may associate you with him in some way. but i have told him that, greatly as i should like to see you and to see you busy in your own country, it was my opinion that you had better stay abroad for a year or two longer and study the governments of the different european powers before returning to the united states. you can learn much in that time, and your usefulness and advancement in your own country will be proportionately greater. at any rate, i will beg of you to stay in paris until you can arrange some of my private affairs, left at loose ends. i enclose a list of the most important, with instructions. mr. short will attend to the official ones for the present. his commission was the first one signed by president washington. pray present my kindest regards to mr. morris, and, with the hope of hearing from you both soon and frequently, your friend and servant, thomas jefferson. * * * * * this letter reached mr. calvert on the day before christmas, and added not a little to the gloom of an anniversary already sufficiently depressing, passed so far from friends and home and amid such untoward surroundings. he and mr. short were in mr. jefferson's little octagonal library, still discussing the letter, among others received by the same packet, when mr. morris came in, the three gentlemen intending to have a bachelor dinner at the legation. "i see you have the news about mr. jefferson," he said, looking at mr. calvert and mr. short. "i have a letter from him myself and a long one from president washington, which i have permission to communicate to you two, but which must go no further for the present," and he handed it to mr. calvert. "as you see, 'tis my orders to proceed to england as accredited agent to the british government, with the object of settling the treaty disputes and of establishing, if possible, a commercial alliance with great britain. the president has written me at length on the subject, and i shall start for london as soon as possible--within a month, i hope." "'tis a great compliment," said mr. short, a little enviously. "and a very delicate mission," added calvert. and so it was, and an ungrateful one, too. several of the stipulations of the peace of paris, though ratified several years previously, were still unfulfilled. the british had failed to surrender the frontier posts included in the territory of the united states, and the united states, on her side, had failed to pay the debts due to british merchants before the war. now, although america, at washington's instigation, was eager to fulfil her part of the treaty, england still held off, and 'twas to learn her ultimate intentions, and persuade her, if possible, to carry out her share of the conditions, that the president had named mr. gouverneur morris as private agent to the british government. he was furthermore to discover whether england would send a minister to the infant union and also what her dispositions were in regard to making a commercial treaty. this mission was discussed at length during dinner and until late into the evening, when mr. short, pleading a supper engagement with the duchesse d'orléans, went away, leaving mr. morris and calvert together. "and now, ned," said the older man, as they sat comfortably before the fire after mr. short's departure, "your duties here will detain you no longer than mine, so why cannot we take that journey to england together? you remember you would not go the last time i asked you." "there is nothing to keep me now," returned calvert, quietly, "and--and in truth i shall be glad enough to get away," he said, rising, and moving restlessly about the room. and, indeed, he was anxious to get away and conquer, if possible, in some unfamiliar scene, the disappointment which was consuming him. "i saw her a few days ago at madame de montmorin's," said mr. morris, in a kindly tone. "she was looking very beautiful and asked about you--do you know, boy, i think she would be glad to see you again? haven't you been to the rue st. honoré all this while?" "no," replied calvert, "and i shall not go." "the hardness of youth! my young philosopher, when you are older you will be glad to make compromises with happiness and go to meet her half way. i think you can be a little cruel in your sure young strength, ned, and a woman's heart is easily hurt," said mr. morris, with a sudden, unaccustomed seriousness. "i am not much of a philosopher. i tried my fortune and failed, and i thought i could bear it, but it is unendurable. perhaps i shall find it more tolerable away from her," said calvert, gloomily. "then if you won't tempt your fortune further, come to london with me, ned. i promise you diversion and excitement. there are other interesting things to study besides the 'governments of different european powers,'" and mr. morris laughed and tapped mr. jefferson's letter, which he held in his hand. "i am not averse to going away myself. ugh! paris has become insufferable these days, with its riots and murders and houses marked for destruction. 'tis the irony of fate that this breeding-spot of every kind and degree of vice known under high heaven should come forward in the sacred cause of liberty! besides all of which, madame de flahaut has found a new admirer. she swore eternal affection for me, but nothing here below can last forever," he went on, in his old cynical fashion. "i embarrass her manoeuvres, and 'twere well i were away and leave a fair field for my rival." as he spoke, the clock on the mantel chimed the hour of half after eleven. "'tis christmas eve, ned," he said, getting up. "perhaps we sha'n't be in paris for another, and so i propose we go and hear mass at notre dame. 'tis a most christian and edifying ceremony, i believe. garat is to sing the te deum, so madame de flauhaut tells me." the two gentlemen decided to walk, the night being clear and frosty, and so, dismissing mr. morris's carriage, they sauntered leisurely down to the place louis xv. and so by the way of the quai de bourbon and the quai de l'école over the pont neuf to the great parvis of notre dame. arrived at the cathedral, the suisse, in scarlet velvet and gold lace, gave them places over against the choir, where they could hear and see all that passed. though 'twas midnight, the great church was filled with a throng of worshippers, who knelt and rose and knelt again as mass proceeded. from the altar rose clouds of incense from censers swung by acolytes; now and then could be heard the tinkle of a silver bell at the elevation of the host and the voice of the priest, monotonous and indistinct, in that vast edifice. lights twinkled, the air grew heavy with incense, and great bursts of music rolled from the organ-loft. 'twas a magnificent ceremonial, and mr. morris and calvert came away thrilled and awed. they made their way out by the old rue st. louis and the quai des orfèvres, and, keeping still to the left bank of the seine, did not cross until they came to the pont royal. from the bridge they could see far down the river and the lights of paris on both sides of the water. a feathery sprinkling of snow, which had fallen in the afternoon, lay over everything; but the rack of clouds which had brought it had blown away, and the night was frosty and starlit. a tremulous excitement and unrest seemed to be in the keen air. "tis a doomed city, i think, and we are better away," said mr. morris, leaning on the stone parapet of the bridge and looking far out over the river and at the silent ranks of houses lining its shore. a great bell from some tower on the left boomed out two strokes. "two o'clock! 'tis christmas morning, and we had best be getting back, ned." together they walked under the keen, frosty stars as far as the rue st. honoré, and then, with best christmas wishes, they parted, mr. morris going to the rue richelieu, and calvert back to the legation. chapter xvi mr. calvert tries to forget it was with the gloomiest forebodings and the doubt whether he should ever see them under happier circumstances, or, indeed, at all, that mr. calvert bade farewell to a few friends on the eve of his departure for england. although he had the greatest power of making devoted friends, yet he was intimate with but very few persons, and so, while mr. morris was making a score of farewell visits and engaging to fill a dozen commissions for the parisian ladies in london, calvert was saying good-by very quietly to but three or four friends. d'azay he saw at the club, and it was not without great anxiety that he parted from him. calvert had noticed his friend's extreme republicanism and his alliance with lafayette with grave apprehension, and it was with the keenest uncertainty as to the future that he said good-by to the young nobleman. he was spared the embarrassment of bidding madame de st. andré farewell, for, when he called at the hôtel in the rue st. honoré to pay his respects to madame d'azay, as he felt in duty bound to do, he was told by the lackey that both ladies were out. mr. morris, having obtained information that the banking house in amsterdam, upon which he was relying for backing in the purchase of the american debt, had opened a loan on account of congress and had withdrawn from their engagements with him, determined to proceed to england by way of holland, that he might have personal interviews with the directors relative to the affair. accordingly, he and mr. calvert set out for amsterdam on the morning of the 17th of february, travelling in a large berline and taking but one servant--mr. morris's--with them. 'twas with much reluctance that calvert had left bertrand behind, for the fellow was as devotedly attached to him as a slave, and was never so happy as when doing some service for the young man. "i am afraid he will go back to his wild companions and become the enragé that he was," said calvert to mr. morris, "and i have given him much good advice, which i dare say he will not follow, however. but my plans are so uncertain that there is no knowing when he would see france again." they travelled by way of flanders, stopping a day and night in brussels, and thence to malines and antwerp, where they saw the famous "descent from the cross," which mr. calvert thought the greatest and most terrible painting he had ever seen. at amsterdam they were received into the highest society of the place, and were most hospitably entertained; but the state of the whole country was so unsettled that mr. morris deemed it most prudent not to press the financial engagements which he had expected to make, and, accordingly, they set out for england. journeying by way of the hague and rotterdam, they set sail in the holland packet and were landed at harwich on the 27th of march. they proceeded at once to london, arriving late in the afternoon, and took rooms and lodgings at froome's hotel, covent garden. there they were waited on, in the course of the evening, by general morris, mr. gouverneur morris's brother. this gentleman, who had remained a royalist and removed to england, was a general in the british army, and had married the duchess of gordon. he was eager to make the travellers from paris welcome to london, and could scarcely wait for the morrow to begin his kind offices. as mr. morris had hoped and, indeed, expected, he took an instant liking to mr. calvert, and professed himself anxious that that young gentleman's stay in london should prove agreeable. this kind wish was echoed by his wife, who was as greatly prepossessed in calvert's favor when he was presented to her the following day as general morris had been, and, as they moved in the highest circles of society, it was easy enough to introduce the young american to the gayest social life of the capital. with the acquaintances thus made and the large circle of friends which mr. morris had formed on his previous visit to london, calvert soon found himself on pleasant terms. perhaps the house they both most liked to frequent was that of mr. john b. church. mr. morris had known the gentleman when he was commissary-general under lafayette in america and before he had married his american wife. mr. church's american proclivities made him unpopular with the tory party on his return to england, but he numbered among his friends the whig leaders and many of the most eminent men and women of the day. 'twas at a ball given by mrs. church a few days after his arrival in london that mr. calvert saw, for the first time, some of the greatest personages in the kingdom--the prince of wales, and mrs. fitzherbert, the beautiful mrs. damer and the duc d'orléans, who had but lately come over, sent out of france by the king under pretext of an embassy to the english monarch. calvert had not seen his hateful face since the opening of the states-general, and 'twas with a kind of horror that he now looked at this royal renegade. pitt was there, too, but, although mr. calvert saw him, he did not meet him until on a subsequent occasion. he marvelled, as did everyone who saw pitt at this time, at the youth (he was but thirty-one) and the dignity of the prime minister of george iii. indeed, he moved among the company with a kind of cold splendor that sat strangely on so young a man, smacking of affectation somewhat, and which rather repelled than invited calvert's admiration. this first impression mr. calvert had little reason to alter when, some weeks later, in company with mr. morris, he was presented to mr. pitt by the duke of leeds, and had the occasion of seeing and conversing with him at some length. this interview was the second one which mr. morris had had with his grace of leeds, and was scarcely more satisfactory than the first had been. but a few days after his arrival in london he had requested an interview with the minister of foreign affairs, and presented to him his letter from president washington. a few minutes' conversation with the incapable, indolent diplomat convinced mr. morris that little, if anything, would be done toward settling the treaty difficulties, in spite of his grace's extreme courtesy of manner and vague assurance of immediate attention to the facts presented to him. it was therefore with no surprise, but a good deal of irritation, that mr. morris saw the weeks slip by with but one evasive answer to his demands being sent him. being importuned to appeal to the british government on another score--the impressment of american seamen into the english navy--he determined again to urge upon the minister of foreign affairs a settlement of the treaty stipulations at the same time that he presented the new subject of grievance. to mr. morris's request for another interview, the duke of leeds readily assented. "he has set to-morrow as the day, ned," said mr. morris, consulting his grace's letter, which he held in his hand, "and says that 'he and mr. pitt will be glad to discuss informally with me any matters i wish to bring to their attention.' as it is to be so 'informal,' and as leeds is to have the advantage of a friend at the interview, i think i will ask you to accompany me. i can't for the life of me get him to commit himself in writing, so 'tis as well to have a witness to our conversations," he said, smiling a little cynically. accordingly, at one o'clock the following day, mr. morris and calvert drove to whitehall, where they found the prime minister and the duke of leeds awaiting them. the duke presented calvert to mr. pitt, who seemed glad to see the young american, and not at all disconcerted by the addition to their numbers. indeed, the interview was as easy and familiar as possible, the gentlemen sitting about a table whereon were glasses and a decanter of port, of which mr. pitt drank liberally. "'tis the only medicine dr. addington, my father's physician, ever prescribed for me," he said, with a smile, to mr. morris and calvert. "i beg of you to try this--'tis some just sent me from oporto, and, i think, particularly good. but we are here to discuss more important affairs than port wine, however excellent," he added, with another smile. "yes," said mr. morris, courteously but firmly, "i have requested this interview that i might place before you the complaint of the united states that your press-gangs enter our american ships and impress our seamen under the pretence that they are british subjects. it has long been a sore subject with america, and calls for a speedy remedy, sir." "such conduct meets with no more approval from us than from you, mr. morris," said the duke of leeds, evasively; "but a remedy will be hard to find because of the difficulties of distinguishing between a seaman of two countries so closely related." "closely related we are, sir, but i believe this is the only instance in which we are not treated as aliens," returned mr. morris, with a dry irony that caused the duke to flush and move uneasily in his chair. "you speak of a speedy remedy, mr. morris," said mr. pitt, hastily, taking up the conversation. "have you any suggestions as to what remedy might be employed?" "i would suggest certificates of citizenship from the admiralty court of america to our seamen," replied mr. morris, promptly. both mr. pitt and the duke of leeds looked somewhat surprised at this bold and concise answer. "'tis a good idea," said mr. pitt, after an instant's hesitation, "and worthy of mature consideration." "and now, gentlemen, i would like to again place before you these stipulations in the treaty existing between america and england which are as yet unfulfilled, and would urge you to engage that they will no longer be neglected," said mr. morris, content to have made his point in regard to the impressment of seamen. "suppose you enumerate them in the order of their importance from your point of view and let us discuss the situation," said mr. pitt, and he settled himself in his chair and listened with undivided attention to mr. morris, parrying with great animation that gentleman's thrusts (which were made again and again with the utmost shrewdness and coolness), and avoiding, whenever possible, a positive promise or a direct answer to his demands. in this conversation mr. calvert joined but once--when appealed to by mr. pitt on the subject of the frontier posts. "mr. morris has a new variation on the old theme of 'heads i win, tails you lose,'" he said, turning jocularly to calvert. "he insists that the frontier posts are worth nothing to us, and yet he insists they are most necessary to you." "england and america are so widely separated, sir," replied calvert, smiling, "that it would seem to be well to respect laws which nature has set, and keep them so. near neighbors are seldom good ones, and, to keep the peace between us, 'twere well to keep the distance, also." "we do not think it worth while to go to war about these posts," said mr. morris, rising and bowing to mr. pitt and his grace of leeds, "but we know our rights and will avail ourselves of them when time and circumstance suit." "another fruitless effort," he said, when they had been ushered out and were in the carriage and driving along whitehall. "i think there is little chance of making a new commercial treaty when they will not fulfil the peace treaty already in existence. i caught the drift of mr. pitt's suggestion about mutual accommodation--'twas but a snare to trip us up into repudiating the old treaty." "yes," said calvert, laughing, "a pittfall." "and you will see, ned," added mr. morris, joining in the laugh, "that nothing will be done--unless 'tis to appoint a minister to the united states. 'tis my conviction that mr. pitt has determined, in spite of his suavity and apparent friendliness, to make no move in this matter--he hasn't that damned long, obstinate upper lip for nothing, boy. he is all for looking after home affairs and doesn't want to meddle with any foreign policy. i think he is not wise or great enough to look abroad and seize the opportunities that offer. as charles fox said--i met him the other evening at dinner at mrs. church's--'pitt was a lucky man before he was a great one,' and i am inclined to agree with him. but i am convinced that they mean to hold the frontier posts and refuse all indemnity for the slaves taken away. and as for the commercial treaty--this country is too powerful just now to be willing to give us fair terms. we could make but a poor bargain with her now, one which we would probably soon regret, and so i shall write the president." affairs eventuated exactly as mr. morris had predicted, and, although he conducted the embassy with the greatest possible address, shrewdness, and persistence, this failure was made much of in america, and used as an argument against his later appointment as minister to france. one of the greatest pleasures of mr. calvert's stay in london was the unexpected presence there of mr. gilbert stuart. the queen, wishing to have a portrait of the king, and fearing lest another attack of that dreadful malady from which the poor gentleman had temporarily recovered, should assail him, had commanded mr. stuart's presence from dublin, where he was by invitation of the duke of rutland. the royal commission having been executed, mr. stuart was passing a few weeks in london with his friend and former patron, benjamin west, when he met calvert at a dinner at the house of general and mrs. morris. he recognized the young man instantly and reverted to their former meeting at monticello. "and i promised both myself and mr. jefferson to paint a portrait of you, sir," he said, smiling. "i am to be in london for some weeks, and, if you are to be here, too, what time could be more propitious than the present?" calvert's assurance that he was in town indefinitely delighted mr. stuart. "then i must have that sketch of you i have so long promised myself, and we will send a _replica_ to mr. jefferson. from the affectionate manner in which he spoke of you, i think i could send him no more acceptable present, mr. calvert," he said, speaking with great animation. "i shall beg a corner of mr. west's studio, and we must begin our sittings at once." indeed, he sent for calvert the very next day, and for several weeks thereafter the young man was thrown much with stuart and many of the most interesting and famous men of the time, who delighted to foregather in mr. west's studio. the portrait which mr. stuart made of calvert at this time he always reckoned one of his masterpieces, as, indeed, all who ever saw it declared it to be. never did the artist execute anything simpler or purer in outline, never were his wonderful flesh tints better laid on, nor the expression of a noble countenance more perfectly caught than in this sketch, a copy of which he was good enough to make and send to mr. jefferson, as he had promised. 'twas at one of the sittings to mr. stuart that calvert made the acquaintance of mr. burke. he came in with sir joshua reynolds--the two gentlemen were the greatest friends--and, on discovering that the young gentleman was an american and had been attached to the legation in paris, he immediately entered into an animated conversation with him. "you ought to be able to give us some interesting information about the present state of affairs in france, mr. calvert," said burke to the young man. "by the way, i have thrown together some reflections on the revolution which i would be glad to have you see. they are elaborated from notes made a year ago and are still in manuscript. i live near here in gerrard street, soho, and i would be happy to welcome you and mr. stuart to my home, and to have you give me your opinion on certain points." mr. stuart saying that the sitting was over, suggested that they should go at once, so the three gentlemen accompanied mr. burke to gerrard street and were hospitably ushered into his library. he brought out the manuscript of which he had spoken so lightly (and which was, indeed, voluminous enough for a book) and, turning over the pages rapidly, read here and there extracts from that remarkable treatise which he thought might most interest his audience. "it has been nearly a score of years since i was in france," he says to mr. calvert, laying down the manuscript, "but the interest which that country aroused in me then has never flagged, and ever since my return i have endeavored to keep myself informed of the progress of events there. while in paris i was presented to their majesties and many of the most notable men and women of the day. i remember the queen well--surely there never was a princess so beautiful and so entrancing. she shone brilliant as the morning star, full of splendor and joy. but stay--i have written what i thought of her here," and so saying, he began to read that wonderful passage, that exquisite panegyric of the dauphiness of france which was soon to be so justly famous. there was a murmur of applause from the gentlemen when he laid the manuscript down. "'tis a beautiful tribute. i wish mr. jefferson could hear it," says mr. calvert, with a smile. "he is not an admirer of the queen, like yourself, mr. burke, and thinks she should be shut up in a convent and the king left free to follow his ministers, but i think your eloquence would win him over, if anything could." a couple of days afterward, at a dinner at the french ambassador's, monsieur de la luzerne, mr. calvert repeated this famous panegyric of the queen, as nearly as he could remember it. 'twas received with the wildest enthusiasm and mr. burke's health drunk by the loyal refugees who were always to be found at monsieur de la luzerne's table and in his drawing-rooms. an immense amount of "refugee" was talked there, and the latest news from paris discussed and rediscussed by the homesick and déscouvré emigrants. mr. morris and calvert were frequent visitors there, liking to hear of their friends in paris and the events taking place in france. in spite of all the distractions and pleasures of town life which mr. calvert engaged in, he still felt those secret pangs of bitter disappointment and the fever of unsatisfied desire, but he was both too unselfish and too proud to show what he suffered. there are some of us who keep our dark thoughts and secret, hopeless longings in the background, as the maimed and diseased beggars are kept off the streets in paris, and only let them come from their hiding-places at long intervals, like the beggars again, who crawl forth once or twice a year to solicit alms and pity. although mr. morris knew calvert so well, his impetuous nature could never quite comprehend the calm fortitude, the silent endurance of the younger man, and so, when he saw him apparently amused and distracted by the society to which he had been introduced, and by the thousand gayeties of town life, he left him in september and returned for a brief stay in paris, happy in the belief that the young man was already half-cured of his passion. he was back again in december with a budget of news from france. "the situation grows desperate," he said to calvert. "i told montmorin and the due de liancourt that the constitution the assemblée had proposed is such that the almighty himself could not make it succeed without creating a new species of man. the assignats have depreciated, just as i predicted, the army is in revolt, and the ministers threatened with la lanterne. 'tis much the fashion in paris, let me tell you. but murder, duelling, and pillage--they sacked the hotel of the duc de castries the other day because his son wounded charles de lameth in a duel--are every-day occurrences now. lafayette is in a peck of trouble, and received me with the utmost coldness. he knows i cannot commend him, and therefore he feels embarrassed and impatient in my society. i am seriously pained for d'azay, too. i met him at montmorin's, and he confessed to me that he knew not how to steer his course. he is horrified at the insane measures of the jacobins, he has cut himself loose from his own class, and is beginning to doubt lafayette's wisdom and powers. he is in a hopeless situation. he told me that montmorin had asked that carmichael be appointed to the court of france, but that he and beaufort and other of my friends had insisted on my appointment. 'tis a matter of indifference to me. whoever is appointed--short, carmichael, madison, or myself--will have no sinecure in france. unhappy country! the closet philosophers who are trying to rule it are absolutely bewildered, and i know not what will save the state unless it be a foreign war." "'tis the general opinion here among the ministers that the emperor is too cautious ever to engage in that war, however," said calvert. "i see you have been affiliating with the peaceful pitt and not carousing with sheridan and fox," returned mr. morris, with a smile. "i have been endeavoring to learn some of that useful information which mr. jefferson recommended," said calvert, smiling also. "upon mr. pitt's recommendation i have been reading 'the wealth of nations' and studying the political history of europe. seriously, i hope my time has not been spent entirely without profit, although i have caroused, as you express it, to some extent. i have drunk more than was good for me, and i have gone to the play and tried to fancy myself in love with mrs. jordan, but, to tell the truth, i can't do any of these things with enthusiasm. i'm a quiet fellow, with nothing of the stage hero in me, and i can't go to the devil for a woman after the approved style." "don't try it, boy! the pretty ones are not worth it and the good ones are not pretty," said mr. morris, cynically. "i found madame de flahaut surrounded by half a dozen new admirers, in spite of which she tried to make me believe she had not forgotten me in my absence. i pretended to be convinced, of course, but i devoted myself to the comtesse de frize, and i think she liked me all the better for my defection. come back to paris with me and see what madame de st. andré would say to a like treatment," he went on, laughing, but looking shrewdly at the young man. "i am best away from paris--although separation does not seem to help me." "absence may extinguish a small passion, but i think it only broadens and deepens a great one," said mr. morris. "i saw many of our friends--madame de chastellux and the duchesse d'orléans, madame de staël and madame d'azay--she is much broken, ned; the emigration of so many of her friends, the tragic death of many, the disrupting of her whole social world, has begun to tell seriously on her health, though her spirit is still indomitable. she and madame de st. andré and d'azay are living very quietly in the mansion in the rue st. honoré. in the evenings some of the friends who still remain come in for a dinner or to play quinze or lansquenet, but, in truth, 'tis difficult to get half a dozen people together. madame de st. andré is more beautiful than ever, with a new and softer beauty. the horror of the times hath touched her, too, i think, and rendered more serious that capricious nature. but who, indeed, could live in paris and not be chastened by the awful scenes there enacting? i almost shudder to think of having to return so soon, but i shall only stay to see his grace of leeds once more relative to the treaty." this interview, having been twice postponed, and pressing affairs calling mr. morris to france, he finally left london in january with the promise of returning in the spring. this promise he fulfilled, getting back in may and bringing with him news of mirabeau's death and splendid burial and of the widespread fear of a counter-revolution by the emigrant army under the prince de condé. he was warmly welcomed by calvert, who, in spite of the many kind offices and attentions of the friends he had made, was beginning to weary of the english capital. in truth, he was possessed by a restlessness that would have sent him home had he not wished to respect mr. jefferson's advice and make a tour on the continent before returning. he hoped to persuade mr. morris to accompany him, and in this he was not disappointed. accordingly, after a month in london, they set out for rotterdam and, travelling leisurely through the low countries, made their way to cologne. it was while waiting there for a boat to take them up the rhine--both mr. morris and calvert were anxious to make this water trip--that they heard the news, already two weeks old, of the flight of their majesties and of monsieur from france and of the recapture of the king and queen at varennes. monsieur had escaped safely to brussels and had made his way to coblentz, where mr. morris and calvert saw him later. he was installed in a castle, placed at his service by the elector of trèves, which over-looked the great fortress of ehrenbreitstein, and there he held his little court and made merry with the officers of the prince de condé's army and the throngs of émigrés who came and went and did a vast deal of talking and even laughing over their misfortunes, but who never seemed to learn a lesson from them. coblentz was full of these exiles from france, who treated the townsfolk with a mixture of condescension and rudeness which caused them to speedily become detested. there was one little café in particular, les trois colonnes, which they frequented, and where they laughed and gambled and made witty speeches and tremendous threats against the men in france from whom they had run away. it was at this little inn that mr. calvert one day saw monsieur de st. aulaire for the first time in two years. he came into the gaming-room where mr. morris and calvert were sitting at a side-table drinking a glass of cognac and talking with monsieur de puymaigre, one of the prince de condé's officers. as his glance met that of mr. calvert, he bowed constrainedly, and the red of his face deepened. he was more dissipated-looking, less debonair than he had seemed to calvert in madame d'azay's salon. there was an uneasiness, too, in his manner that was reflected in the attitude toward him of the other gentlemen in the room. in fact, he was welcomed coldly enough, and in a few days he left the town. 'twas rumored pretty freely that he was an emissary of orléans and that monsieur and the prince de condé were in a hurry to get rid of him. mr. calvert was of this belief, which was confirmed by st. aulaire himself when calvert met him unexpectedly during the winter in london. this journey, so pleasantly begun and which was to have continued through the fall, was interrupted, shortly after the two gentlemen left coblentz, by a pressing and disquieting letter which urged mr. morris's presence in paris. he therefore left calvert to continue the tour alone, which the young man did, travelling through germany and stopping at many of the famous watering-places, and even going as far as the austrian capital, where he met with a young mr. huger of the carolinas. this young american, who was an ardent admirer of lafayette and who was destined to attempt to serve him and suffer for him, accompanied mr. calvert as far as lake constance, where they parted, mr. calvert going on to bale and up through the austrian netherlands. he passed through maubeuge and lille and namur, and so was, fortunately, made familiar with places he was to see something of a little later in the service of his majesty louis xvi. he was back in london by christmas, and was joined there shortly after the new year by mr. morris, who had gone over on private affairs entirely, but whose close connection with the court party in france laid open to the suspicion of being an agent of the aristocratic party. "i heard the rumors myself," said mr. morris. "indeed, i was openly told of it before leaving paris. but only a madman would interfere in french politics at this hour. the whole country is in a state of disorganization almost inconceivable. the king--poor creature--has been reinstated, after a fashion, since his flight, but with most unkingly limitations. all political parties are broken up--lafayette and bailly and the lameths find themselves in an impossible position and have seceded from the jacobins. for two years now they have been preaching the pure democracy of rousseau, the rights of man, the sovereignty of the people. they have done everything to deprive the king of his power, they have hurled abuse at the throne, at the whole old order of things. and now, when they see to what chaos things are coming, when they wish to stop at moderation, at order, at a monarchy based on solid principles and supported by the solid middle class, they are suddenly made to realize how little their theories correspond with their real desires. incapacity, misrule, is everywhere. narbonne has been made war minister! at this crisis, when the allied armies are gathering on the frontier, when war is imminent against two hundred and fifty thousand of the finest soldiers in europe, a trifler like narbonne is placed in power! but if others were no worse than he! 'tis incredible the villains who have pushed themselves into the high places. can you believe it, boy?--your servant, that scoundrel bertrand, that soldier of the ranks, that waiter of the café de l'école, is a great man in paris these days. he is listened to by thousands when he rants in the garden of the palais royal; he is hand in glove with danton; he divides attention with robespierre; he is a power in himself. heaven knows how he has become so--but these creatures spring up like mushrooms in a night. i saw much of danton and not a little of bertrand, for i frequented the cordelliers club a good deal. 'tis well to stand in with all parties, especially if there is even a remote chance of my being placed as minister at the french court. 'tis so rumored in paris, and the elections are now taking place in america," so mr. short informs me. "i heard of st. aulaire," went on mr. morris. "beaufort told me that he had got into paris secretly on the due d'orléans's business, but that he had spent much of his time in the rue st. honoré, pressing his suit with madame de st. andré. she would have none of him, however, and seems to have conceived a sort of horror of him--as, indeed, well she might. he went away, raging, beaufort said, and vowing some mysterious vengeance. he is believed to be in london, ned, and i dare say we shall meet with him some day. d'azay has been denounced in the assembly and is in bad odor with all parties, apparently. i fear he is in imminent peril, and 'tis pitiful to see the anxiety of his sister and the old duchess for him. i think she would not survive the shock should he be imprisoned. 'twould be but another gap in the ranks of our friends." the appointment of american ministers to the different foreign courts was in progress, as mr. short had said, and, on january 12th, mr. morris, after a stormy debate in the senate, was chosen minister to france by a majority of only five votes out of sixteen. he was told of his appointment by mr. constable in february and, shortly after, received the official notice of it under the seal of the secretary of state. although mr. jefferson had differed radically from mr. morris in his opinion concerning the french revolution, knowing him as he did, he could not but affirm both officially and personally so wise a choice. the president's indorsement of mr. morris was even more hearty, and, indeed, 'twas hinted by mr. morris's enemies that washington's open approval of him had alone saved him from defeat. but though the president was of the opinion that mr. morris was the best possible choice for the difficult post of minister plenipotentiary from the united states to france, he was also entirely aware of those traits of character which, his opponents urged, rendered him unsuited for the place. his impetuosity, occasional haughtiness, and close connection with the aristocratic party, were disabilities undoubtedly, but the president was convinced that they were far more than counterbalanced by his force of character, mental keenness, and wide knowledge of french affairs, and so wrote mr. morris in one of the kindest letters that great man ever penned. this letter mr. morris received in the spirit in which it was written, and, being already involved in a secret affair, of which, as minister, he should not even have known, much less been engaged in, he determined to withdraw himself from it as speedily as possible and to conduct himself with such discretion that the president would have no occasion to regret his efforts in his behalf. he immediately set about making the necessary arrangements for his new establishment, writing to paris to engage a hotel in the rue de la planche, faubourg st. germain, for the new legation, and forwarding to france as rapidly as possible the english horses and coach, the furniture and plate which he had purchased in london. he set out for paris in early march, leaving calvert again in london, though he pressed the young man urgently to accompany him back to the capital and accept the post of secretary of the legation under him. chapter xvii mr. calvert meets an old enemy this kind, and even brilliant, offer of mr. morris's calvert declined, reiterating smilingly to that gentleman that he felt himself a little better of that fever of love and disappointment which he had endured in silence for so long, and that he had no intention of suffering a relapse. indeed, he might have got over it in time, and been as contented as many another man, but that he was suddenly recalled to all that he had tried so sedulously for two years to forget. this was brought about by a meeting with monsieur le baron de st. aulaire a couple of weeks after mr. morris's departure for paris. although it was known that the french nobleman was in london, mr. calvert did not see him until one evening at the house of monsieur de la luzerne. a large company had gathered at the ambassador's, where monsieur de st. aulaire presented himself toward the end of the evening. 'twas so evident that he had been drinking deeply that calvert would have avoided him, but that the tipsy nobleman, catching sight of him, made his way directly to him. "at last, monsieur," he said, bowing low and laying his hand unsteadily on the small sword he wore at his side. "well," replied mr. calvert, coldly, by no means pleased at the attention bestowed upon him so unexpectedly. monsieur de st. aulaire sober he found objectionable; monsieur de st. aulaire drunk was insufferable. "'well' is a cold welcome, mr. calvert," he said, the insolent smile deepening on his lips. "i am not here to welcome you, monsieur," returned calvert, indifferently. monsieur de st. aulaire waved his hand lightly as if flinging off the insult, but the flush on his dissipated face deepened. calvert, seeing that he could not be got rid of immediately, drew him into a little anteroom where they were almost alone. "and yet i wished profoundly that we might meet, monsieur--more so, apparently, i regret to say, than you have. i have seen friends of ours in paris since you have had that pleasure, monsieur," says st. aulaire, throwing himself across a chair and resting his folded arms on the back. "indeed." "you are cold-blooded, monsieur--'tis a grave fault. you miss half the pleasures of life--but i think you would like to know whom i mean. confess, monsieur! but there, i see you know--who else could it be but madame de st. andré?" and the insolent smile broke into a still more insolent laugh. "we will leave madame de st. andré's name out of this conversation, monsieur." "pardieu! so you think i am not worthy to mention it, monsieur," cried st. aulaire, half-rising and laying his hand again on his dress sword. "i know it, monsieur," retorted calvert, coolly. "you are not so cold-blooded after all! i have struck fire at last!" said st. aulaire, looking at calvert for an instant and then breaking into a drunken laugh as he reseated himself. "'tis a pity madame de st. andré has not my luck--for, look you, monsieur," he went on, leaning over the back of the chair and shaking his finger at calvert, "i think she likes you and would be kind--very kind--to you, should you be inclined to return to paris and tempt your fortune." "were you sober, monsieur, i would ask you for five minutes and a pair of pistols or rapiers, if you prefer," says calvert, white and threatening. "by god, monsieur, how dare you say i am drunk?" flings out the other, rising so unsteadily as to overturn the chair, which crashed upon the floor. "but i have no time for duels just now. i have other and more important business in hand. later--later, sir, and i will be at your service. i add that insult to the long list i have against you. i will punish you when the time comes, but first i must punish her. she would not even listen to me. she crushed me with her disdain. 'tis another favor i have to thank you for, monsieur, i think." he was quite wild and flushed by this time, and spoke so thickly that calvert could scarce understand him. the few gentlemen who had been lounging in the anteroom had retired, thinking not to overhear a conversation evidently so personal and stormy, so that they were quite alone. as st. aulaire reeled forward, a sudden thought came to calvert. "'_in vino veritas_,'" he said to himself, and then--"how do you propose punishing madame de st. andré, monsieur?" he asked, slowly, aloud, and looking nonchalantly at the distorted face before him. st. aulaire laughed. "i am not as drunk as you think me, monsieur calvert," he said. "'tis enough that i know and shall act. by god, sir," he cried, suddenly starting up, "shall a man stand everything and have no revenge? let madame de st. andré take care! let d'azay take care! should you be inclined to go to their rescue, monsieur, perhaps we may meet again!" and with a mocking smile on his wicked, handsome face, he flung himself out of the room. the young man sat for a long while where st. aulaire had left him, pondering upon this strange meeting and the mysterious hints and threats thrown out. he could make nothing of them, but it was clear that some danger menaced those he loved in france, and he felt only too well assured that st. aulaire would stop at nothing. indeed, it did not need a personal and malignant enemy to bring terror and death to any in paris, as he knew. terror and death were in the air. the last despatches from the capital had told of almost inconceivable horrors being there perpetrated. "aristocrats in paris must keep quiet or the aristocrats will hang," mr. morris had said to him tersely one evening just before leaving. suddenly an overwhelming desire to go to france, to be near adrienne, to avert, if humanly possible, this unknown, but, as he felt, no less real danger, took possession of him. all the tenderness for her, which he had hoped and believed was dying within him, revived at the thought of the peril she was in. for himself he felt there could be no danger, and it was possible that his standing as an american and his close connection with the american minister might be of service to her. but whatever the consequences to himself--and he thought with far more dread of the revival of his love, which the sight and near presence of her would surely bring, than of any physical danger to himself--he felt it to be unendurable to be so near her and yet not to be near enough to render her aid if danger threatened. he thought of d'azay and beaufort and lafayette, of mr. morris, re-established there, and of all those great and terrible events taking place, and he suddenly found himself a thousand times more anxious to get back to paris than he had ever been to leave it, and wondered how he could have stayed away so long. he sat alone in the little anteroom thinking of these things until almost the last of the guests had gone, and then, bidding the ambassador and ambassadress good-night, he, too, left, walking to his lodgings, thinking the while of his return to paris and the legation, where he felt assured he would receive a warm welcome from mr. morris. chapter xviii mr. calvert fights a duel the welcome which mr. calvert received at the legation was even more cordial than he had dared to hope for, mr. morris being surprised and delighted beyond measure by the young man's sudden arrival. as for calvert, the sight of his old friend and the cheerful, sumptuous air of the new legation, where mr. morris was but just established, were inexpressibly pleasant. "i think you have a talent for making yourself comfortable even in the midst of horrors," he said, looking about the brilliantly lit drawing-room, for mr. morris was expecting a large company to supper. "in these rooms i can scarcely believe i have been for days travelling through a country strangely and terribly changed since i last saw it--so desolate and soldier-ridden and suspicious that i am truly glad to get within these walls. and to-night, when my passport had been examined for the hundredth time since leaving havre and we had passed the city barrier, i thought the very look and sound of these streets of paris had changed utterly in the last two years." "and indeed they have, ned," returned mr. morris, earnestly. "each day sees that difference grow more and more marked, more and more terrible. anarchy and bloodshed are becoming rampant, all semblance of order is gone. the rest of the diplomatic corps look upon me as a madman to come here at this time and set up a legation. _they_ are asking for their passports--the spanish minister withdrew yesterday and lord gower is in the devil of a fright," he says, laughing. "but as for myself, i have no fear and shall uphold the interests and independence of the american legation to the last gasp. god only knows whether this house will prove a protection, but, in all events, i shall not abandon it, nor my friends here, voluntarily," he adds, intrepidly. "i could have wished, however, boy, that events had kept you out of france just now. though i urged you to accompany me, when i returned and realized the awful state of affairs here, i was heartily glad you had not yielded to my wishes." "as it happened, though," said calvert, "events have brought me," and in a few words he told mr. morris of all that had occurred at the house of monsieur de la luzerne, and of the uneasiness he felt at the manner and threats of st. aulaire. "he is capable of any villany. we must thresh this matter out to-morrow, ned. had i known you were coming i would have had no guests here to-night. we could have had a quiet evening together, and i could have shown you over my new establishment. all this must wait, however, and now you had best go to your room and dress for supper." but mr. calvert, begging to be excused from the company that evening, and saying that he would go out by himself and get a look at this changed paris, left mr. morris to entertain his guests, who were beginning to arrive. "i would offer you my carriage," said mr. morris, as the young man turned away, "but 'twere best you walked abroad. carriages are but little the fashion these days--they are being rapidly abolished along with everything else that makes life comfortable in this city." mr. calvert went out into the dimly lit street that, despite the hour, was full of a restless throng of people, who seemed to be wandering about as aimlessly as himself. here and there he encountered squads of the national guard being manoeuvred by their lieutenants, here and there mobs of ragged men, shouting and cursing and bearing torches which rained sparks of fire as they were swung aloft, and once, as he passed the abbaie st. germain des prés, a horrible throng pressed by him, holding high in their midst a head on a dripping pike. he turned away, sick at the sight, and, making his way down by the quays, crossed by the pont royal to the other side of the city. he stopped for an instant on the bridge to look down the river, and, as he did so, he recalled that christmas eve two years before when he and mr. morris had stood on that same spot. much, very much, had happened since; it seemed as if both a long and a short time had elapsed; perhaps, the greatest difference he felt was that then he had been eager to leave paris; now he was relieved to be back. he strolled along under the glittering stars and the fast-sailing clouds, through ill-lighted streets and past deserted mansions whose owners were in voluntary exile beyond the rhine, until he suddenly bethought himself of a little café in the champs elysées not far from the demi-lune du cours de la reine, where he and mr. jefferson and mr. morris had often gone together. it occurred to him that he was both thirsty and a little tired, and that he would turn in there for something to drink and to see what might be happening. not much was happening, for a wonder. the gusty march wind, sweeping through the gardens and under the lighted arcades, seemed to have swept away the usual throng of strollers in the champs elysées. even the café was deserted except for a small group in a far corner of the room, which mr. calvert scarce noticed as he passed in. a cheerful fire was burning in an open grate, near which were set a screen and a settle. mr. calvert ensconced himself comfortably in this cosy corner and, calling for a glass of wine, fell to reading the day's copy of the _moniteur_ lying on the table beside him. but his thoughts were other-where than with the account of the assembly's proceedings. although he was in paris and near the woman he loved, he was as greatly in the dark as ever as to what course to pursue to protect her. he knew not in what direction to turn, seeing that he knew not what danger threatened. after he had seen st. aulaire, pressing affairs had detained him in london three days before he could set out for paris. he knew not whether that worthy had arrived there before him or not--whether he intended to return to paris at all or to work through some secret agency. a thousand vague plans for discovering these things floated through his mind and were rejected one after the other. all were alike in one respect--she must not know, if possible, that he was rendering her any service. though he realized that this danger hanging over her endeared her to him a thousand times more than ever, though the chivalry of his nature impelled him to serve her, he knew she did not love him, nor ever could, and all the pride and hardness of youth made him resolve to guard his secret more jealously than ever. he had humbled himself once before her and she had treated him lightly, indifferently, contemptuously, and he had no mind to suffer a second humiliation. upon one thing he was resolved--that he would see d'azay in the morning and discover if he knew of any peril that threatened. as this thought passed through his mind he suddenly heard d'azay's name distinctly pronounced from the other side of the room. he laid the copy of the _moniteur_, which he had been turning in his hands, quietly down upon the table and listened. the voices from the corner, which had been low and confused on his entrance, were now louder and bolder. either the speakers did not know that they were not alone or else the wine had made them careless. "'tis a pleasure i have long had in contemplation and which has become peculiarly dear to me of late," and the speaker laughed mockingly. "i shall denounce d'azay to-morrow." calvert started and looked hurriedly through the small panel of glass at the top of the screen. even before he looked he knew he was not mistaken--st. aulaire sat at the table with three companions, and it was he who had spoken. two of the men--one of them had a most villainous countenance--calvert had never seen before, but the third one he discovered, to his intense surprise, was bertrand--bertrand, whose honest lackey's face now wore a curious and sinister look of power and importance. so, it was in the society of such that monsieur de st. aulaire now talked and drank familiarly! "he has already been denounced and released," says bertrand, moodily. "he will not be released this time," replies st. aulaire, with so much evident satisfaction as to strike one of the other two drinkers with astonishment. "not entirely a matter of patriotism, i judge?" he questioned, with a chuckle. "a duty i owe myself as well as to my country," says st. aulaire, so much mocking meaning in his voice and glance that his three listeners fell to laughing. "there is a lady to whom i owe a small debt of ingratitude, and i like best to settle the case in this fashion." so that was his method of punishment! to strike adrienne through her brother--to spare her and take away all that she loved! calvert thought 'twas a way worthy of its author, and so strong a desire took possession of him to leap upon st. aulaire and strike him dead that he caught hold of the sides of the chair to restrain himself. "but you are not a member of the assembly," objected the man who had hitherto kept silent. "i have observed that a denunciation from the gallery is more dramatic and effective than one from the floor. besides, there is no one just at present to do it for me. i am well prepared. when i rise to-morrow and call the attention of monsieur de gensonné to the fact that i have proof of the treasonable relations of monsieur d'azay with the chiefs of the counter-revolutionists across the rhine, 'twill be as if monsieur d'azay already stood condemned before the bar of the assembly," and he struck the table with his clinched fist. while the glasses were still rattling from the blow and st. aulaire's companions laughing at his vehemence, mr. calvert made his decision. by st. aulaire's own confession there was no one else interested, for the moment, at least, in denouncing d'azay. if he were out of the way that denunciation would not take place and d'azay might be got out of paris. at all hazards and at all costs st. aulaire must not go to the assembly on the next day. at all hazards and at all costs st. aulaire must not know that he, calvert, desired to prevent his going. he must be surprised, driven to his own destruction, if it could be done. very quietly calvert arose from his place by the fire, and, passing out by a door concealed from the rest of the room by the screen, he made his way through a vestibule, where he put on his coat and hat again and so back into the room he had just left. but this time he entered noisily and by an entrance near the table, at which were seated st. aulaire and his friends. at sight of st. aulaire mr. calvert affected an extreme surprise. he bowed low, and smiling, but without a word, he advanced to him and, drawing off his heavy glove, struck him with it across his flushed face. the four sprang to their feet, and bertrand, recognizing calvert, called out, "monsieur--monsieur calvert!" all his airs of equality and importance fell from him, and he ran toward his former master, but calvert waved him aside. "the last time monsieur de st. aulaire and i met, gentlemen," says calvert, looking around contemptuously at the company, "he insulted me grossly. unfortunately he was drunk--drunk, i repeat it, and in no condition to answer for himself. i demand satisfaction to-night." "and, by god! you shall have it," cried st. aulaire, half beside himself. his face was quite white now except for the red mark across it, which calvert's blow had furrowed, and his eyes were wild and staring. the suddenness and fierceness of calvert's attack had driven every thought out of his mind but the wish to avenge the insult offered him, and almost without a word more the party left the room and went out into one of the allées of the champs elysées close beside the café. such affairs were so common in the champs elysées and elsewhere in paris in those days that, though they were but a few feet from the public thoroughfare, they apprehended no interference from the guard or the passers-by. 'twas the aristocratic mode of helping forward the revolution, and there were almost as many victims by it as by the more republican one of la lanterne and the pike. though it was the first affair of honor that calvert had ever been engaged in, the compelling necessity he was under and that unusual steadiness and calmness of character he possessed rendered him less nervous and more master of himself than was the older man, who had had numberless affairs of the kind. "will you choose swords or will you fight in the english mode with pistols?" said calvert, with another low bow to st. aulaire. "both, by god!" shouted st. aulaire. "we will follow the lead of bazencourt and st. luce!" but here bertrand and another of his companions interfered (the third and villainous-looking fellow said nothing and seemed indifferent on the subject), and declared they could not be party to murder, and that terrible affair had been no less. it had been known and talked of all over paris, the shameful conditions being--that the combatants should fight first with swords, and the one who fell, and fell wounded only, was to have his brains blown out by the other. one of the company brought from the house a lantern and a pair of english pistols, and both agreeing to fight with them, and the ground being hastily measured, the two gentlemen threw off their coats and took up their positions. the light was so uncertain from the occasional fitful brightness of the moon shining through the clouds and the light from the swaying lantern, held aloft by bertrand, who took his stand near calvert and watched him with his old devotion, that 'twas almost impossible for either combatant to take accurate aim. at the word "fire!" both pistols cracked, and st. aulaire, staggering forward a few steps, fell, wounded in the groin. calvert was untouched, but before he could collect himself or move to the assistance of st. aulaire, he suddenly heard the sound of coach-wheels passing close to the allée, and, at the same instant, to his astonishment, he felt a sharp pain tear its way from his left shoulder to the wrist. he turned his head an instant to see who had attacked him from this unexpected quarter and was just in time to see the scoundrel who had been in st. aulaire's company throw down his stained sword and make for the boulevard. and then as he reeled forward, the blood spurting from the long gash in his arm, all grew black before him and he knew no more. chapter xix in which an unlooked-for event takes place that great and desolating change which had swept over france in the two years and more of calvert's absence was reflected in every heart, in every life left in that wrecked land. on the most insensible, the most frivolous, the most indifferent alike fell the shadow of those terrible times. the sadness and the horror fell on adrienne de st. andré as it fell on so many others, but besides the terror of those days she had to bear a still heavier sorrow. there is no pang which the heart can suffer like the realization, too late, that we have lost what we most prize; that we have missed some great opportunity for happiness which can never come to us again; that we have rejected and passed by what we would now sell our souls to possess. this conviction, slowly borne in upon adrienne, caused her more anguish than she had supposed, in her ignorance, anything in the world could make her feel. the man whose name she bore was scarcely a memory to her. for the first time she knew what love was and realized that she had cared for calvert with all the repressed tenderness and unsounded depths of her heart. her very helplessness, the impossibility to recall him, made him more dear to her by far. a man can stretch out his hand and seize his happiness, but a woman must wait for hers. and if it passes her by she must bear her hurt in silence and as best she can. it was with a sort of blind despair that adrienne thought of calvert and all that she had wilfully thrown away. had he been at her beck and call, fetched and carried for her, she would never have loved him. but the consciousness that he was as proud as she, that, though he was near her for so long, she could not lure him back, that he could master his love and defy her beauty and charm, exercised a fascination over her. and when he left her entirely and was gone away without even seeing her, she suddenly realized how deeply she loved him. we have all had such experiences--we live along, thinking of things after a certain fashion, and suddenly there comes a day when everything seems changed. it was so with adrienne. all things seemed changed to her, and in that bitter necromancy her pride was humbled. wherever she went there was but one dear face she longed to see--one dear face with the quiet eyes she loved. there were days when she so longed to see him, when the sound of his voice or the touch of his hand would have been so inexpressibly dear to her, that it seemed as if the very force of her passion must surely draw him back to her. but he never came. during those two long years something went from her forever. she was not conscious of it at the time--only of the dull ache, and feverish longing, and utter apathy that seized her by turns. there was a subtle difference in all things. 'twas as if some fine spring in the delicate mechanism of her being had broken. it might run on for years, but never again with the perfectness and buoyancy with which it had once moved. as her life altered so terribly, as all that she had known and valued perished miserably before her eyes day by day, the thought of calvert and of his calm steadiness and sincerity became constant with her. she heard of him from time to time from mr. morris after his frequent visits to london and through letters to her brother and lafayette, to whom calvert wrote periodically, but she had no hope of ever seeing him again, and she suffered in the knowledge. though he seemed cruel to her in his hardness, she was just enough to confess to herself that she so deserved to suffer. but she had learned so much through suffering that a sick distaste for life's lessons grew upon her, and she felt that she wanted no more of them unless knowledge should come to her through love. in her changed life there was little to relieve her suffering, but she devoted herself to the old duchess, who failed visibly day by day, and in that service she could sometimes forget her own unhappiness. she went with the intrepid old lady (who continued to ignore the revolution as much as possible) wherever they could find distraction--to the play and to the houses of their friends still left in paris, where a little dinner or a game of quinze or whist could still be enjoyed. 'twas on one of these occasions that, accompanied by beaufort, as they were returning along the champs elysées from madame de montmorin's, where they had spent the evening, they suddenly heard the report of pistols proceeding from an allée by the road-side. "a duel!" said beaufort. "'twas near here that poor castries was killed. perhaps it is another friend in trouble, and i had best see," and, calling to the coachman to stop the horses, he jumped out. almost at the same instant a man stumbled out of the allée and ran down the boulevard. beaufort would have followed him, but, as he started to do so, he heard his name called and, looking back, saw another man emerge from the allée and gaze down the almost deserted street. by the dim light of the lantern swung from its great iron post the man recognized monsieur de beaufort and ran forward. "will you come?" he said, hurriedly. "monsieur calvert is here--wounded by that villain." "calvert--impossible! he is not in paris." "but he is!--here," said bertrand, drawing beaufort toward the allée. adrienne's pale face appeared at the coach-door. "did i hear someone speak of monsieur calvert?" beaufort went up to her. "he is here--wounded, i think," he said in a low voice. "i will go and see--you will not be afraid to wait?" "to wait!--i am going, too," and before he could prevent it she had stepped from the coach and was making her way toward the allée. a ghastly sight met their eyes as they entered the lane. st. aulaire lay upon the ground, one of his companions standing over him, and at a little distance, calvert, white and unconscious, the blood trickling from his left shoulder. with a low cry adrienne knelt on the ground beside him and felt his pulse to see if he still lived. in an instant she was up. "bring him to the carriage. we must take him to the legation--to mr. morris," she says, in a low tone, to beaufort and bertrand, whom she had recognized as the servant calvert had brought with him to azay-le-roi. without a look at st. aulaire she helped the two to get calvert to the coach, where he was placed on the cushions as easily as possible and held between herself and madame d'azay. she hung over him during the long drive in a sort of passion of pity and love. it was the dearest happiness she had ever known to touch him, to feel his head upon her arm. even though he were dead, she thought, it were worth all her life to have held him so. she scarcely spoke save to ask bertrand if he knew the cause of the encounter, and, when he had told her all he knew of the events of the evening, she relapsed again into silence. they reached the legation as mr. morris's guests were leaving, and in a very few minutes the young man was put to bed and a surgeon called. though the wound was not fatal--not even very serious--a sharp fever fastened upon calvert, and, in the delirium of the few days following, mr. morris was easily able to learn the cause of the duel. the story he thus gathered from calvert's wild talk he told adrienne and madame d'azay--the two ladies came daily to inquire how the patient was doing--for he thought that they should know of the noble action of the young man, and he felt sure that as soon as calvert was himself again he would request him to keep silence about his share in the matter. he was right, for when calvert was come to his senses again and was beginning to be convalescent--which was at the end of a week--he told mr. morris the particulars of his encounter with st. aulaire, requesting that he make no mention of his part in the affair and begging him to urge d'azay to leave paris. this was the more necessary as st. aulaire, though badly wounded, was fully conscious and might at any moment cause d'azay's arrest, and, moreover, passports were becoming daily harder to obtain. mr. morris had to confess his inability to comply with calvert's first request, but promised to see d'azay immediately, and, ordering his carriage, in half an hour was on his way to the rue st. honoré. no man in paris knew better than he the risk an aristocrat ran who was denounced to the assembly and remained in paris, nor how difficult it was to get out of the city. he was also aware of rumors concerning d'azay of which he thought best not to tell calvert in his present condition, but which made him seriously fear for d'azay's safety. on his arrival in the rue st. honoré he found adrienne with the old duchess in one of the smaller salons, but d'azay was not with them, nor did they know where he was. mr. morris had not intended telling the two ladies of his mission, fearing to increase the anxiety which he knew they already felt on d'azay's account, but he suddenly changed his determination and, in a few words, informed them of calvert's urgent message to d'azay and of the reasons for his instant departure from paris. "he is not safe for a day," he said. "calvert has saved him for the time being, but st. aulaire, though unable himself to go to the assembly and prefer charges against him, can find a dozen tools among the orléans party who will do his dirty work for him. the mere assertion that d'azay is in correspondence with monsieur de condé or any of the counter-revolutionists will send him to prison--or worse. as you know, he, like lafayette, is out of favor with all factions. there is but one thing to do--get him out of paris." "he will never go!" said the old duchess, proudly. "he must! listen," said adrienne, rising and laying her hand on mr. morris's arm. "i think he will never ask for a passport himself, but if we could get it for him, if, when he comes in, he should find all in readiness for his going, if we could convince him by these means that his immediate departure was so necessary--" she stood looking at mr. morris, forcing herself to be calm, and with such an expression of courage and determination on her pale face that mr. morris, who had always admired her, was touched and astonished. "'tis the very best thing to be done, my dear young lady," he said. "we must get the passport for d'azay and force him to quit paris. i think i am not entirely without influence with some of these scoundrels in authority just now. danton, for instance. he is, without doubt, the most powerful man in paris for the moment. suppose we apply to him and his worthy assistant, bertrand, and see what can be done. as danton himself said to me the other evening at the cordelliers club, 'in times of revolution authority falls into the hands of rascals!' bertrand was a good valet, but he knows no more of statescraft than my coachman does. however, what we want is not a statesman but a friend, and i think bertrand may prove to be that. my carriage is waiting below; shall we go at once?" "oh, we cannot go too soon! i will not lose a moment." she ran out of the room and returned almost instantly with her wraps, for the march day was chill and gloomy. the two set out immediately, mr. morris giving orders to his coachman to drive to the palais de justice, where he hoped to find danton, the deputy attorney-general of the commune of paris, and bertrand, his assistant. as he expected, they were there and, on being announced, he and madame de st. andré were almost instantly admitted to their presence. there could be no better proof of the unique and powerful position held by the representative of the infant united states than the reception accorded him by this dictator of paris. though mr. morris was known to disapprove openly of the excesses to which the assembly and the revolution had already gone, yet this agitator, this leader of the most violent district of paris, welcomed him with marked deference and consideration. and it was with the deepest regret that he professed himself unable to undertake to obtain, at mr. morris's request, a passport for monsieur d'azay, brother of madame de st. andré, to whom he showed a coldness and brusqueness in marked contrast to his manner toward mr. morris. "the applications are so numerous, and the emigrant army is becoming so large," and here he darted a keen, mocking look at madame de st. andré out of his small, ardent eyes, "that even were i as influential as monsieur morris is pleased to think me, i would scarcely dare to ask for a passport for monsieur d'azay. moreover," and he bent his great, hideous head for an instant over a pile of papers upon the desk before him, "moreover, monsieur d'azay is particularly wanted in paris just now." "it is not his wish to leave--indeed, he knows nothing of this application for a passport. it is by my wish and on my affairs that he goes to england," says adrienne, steadily, facing with courage the malignant look of that terrible countenance. monsieur danton ignored these remarks and turned to mr. morris. "receive my regrets, monsieur, that i can do nothing in this matter. it would give me pleasure to render any favor to an american." "then we must ask assistance in other quarters," says mr. morris, rising abruptly, and with a show of confidence which he was far from feeling. he had applied in the most powerful and available quarter that he knew of, and he confessed to himself that, having failed here, he had no hope of succeeding elsewhere. as he and adrienne turned to go, bertrand, who had sat quietly by during this short colloquy, arose and accompanied them toward the door. "it is a pity madame de st. andré is not an american--is not madame calvert," he says, in a low tone, and fixing a meaning look on adrienne. "passports for the brother-in-law of monsieur calvert, the american, were easy to obtain. it is doubly a pity," and he spoke in a still lower tone, "since i have, on good authority, the news that monsieur d'azay is to be accused of forwarding military intelligence to monsieur de condé in to-morrow's session of the assembly." the young girl stopped and stood looking at him, transfixed with terror and astonishment. "what do you mean?" she says, in a frightened, hushed voice. "this, madame. a long time ago, when i was a soldier in america under lafayette, monsieur calvert did me a great service--he saved my life--he was kind to me. he is the only man, the only person in the world i love, and i have sworn to repay that debt of gratitude. i was with monsieur, as his servant, at azay-le-roi, and i guessed, madame, what passed there between you and him. afterward i was with him in paris, and i saw how he suffered, and i swore, if the thing were ever possible, i would make you suffer as he suffered. there is but one thing i would rather do than make you suffer--and that is to make him happy. the passport for the brother of madame calvert will be ready at six this evening and monsieur will be free to leave paris. do you understand now, madame?" "it is impossible," she says, faintly, leaning for support on mr. morris, who stood by, unspeakably astonished at the strange scene taking place. "impossible? then i am sorry," he says. "frankly, there is but one way, madame, for you to obtain the passport you wish, and that is by becoming an american subject, the wife of monsieur calvert. i can interest myself in the matter only on those conditions. i have but to mention to danton my good reasons for serving so close a relation of monsieur calvert, and he will be inclined to interest himself in obtaining the freedom of monsieur d'azay--for such it really is. should he still be disinclined to serve a friend who has stood him well"--and his face darkened ominously and a sinister smile came to his lips--"i have but to recall to his mind a certain scene which took place in the cafe de l'école some years ago in which monsieur calvert was an actor, and i can answer for it that monsieur d'azay leaves paris to-night. shall i do these things or not? if not, i think 'tis sure that, let madame and monsieur morris apply to whom they may, danton and i will see to it that no passport for monsieur d'azay is granted. is it still impossible?" he asks, with an insolent smile. the girl turned piteously from bertrand to mr. morris and back again, as if seeking some escape from the trap in which she was caught. her pale lips trembled. "is it impossible?" again asks bertrand, noting her pallor and cruel indecision. "no, no," she cries, suddenly, shuddering and putting out her hand. "then all will be in readiness at six, monsieur," says bertrand, addressing himself to mr. morris. "a word aside with you," he says to bertrand, and, leading adrienne to a seat, he went back to bertrand, who waited for him beside the door. "what is the meaning of this extraordinary scene?" he asked, sternly. the man shrugged his shoulders. "just what i have said. you know yourself, monsieur, whether or not i am devoted to monsieur calvert. for madame de st. andré i care less than nothing," he said, snapping his fingers carelessly. "but monsieur calvert loves her--it seems a pretty enough way of making them happy, though 'tis a strange métier for me--arranging love-matches among the nobility! however, stranger things than that are happening in france. besides, it is necessary," he said, his light manner suddenly changing to one more serious. "i swear it is the only way of getting d'azay out of paris. i doubt if even danton, urged on by me, could obtain a passport for him to quit the city. but i can answer for one for the brother of madame calvert, wife of the former secretary of monsieur jefferson, friend of the present minister plenipotentiary from the united states of america to france." mr. morris looked at the man keenly. "and suppose this thing were done--i can rely upon you?" "absolutely. attend a moment," he said, and, going back to where danton still sat at his desk, he spoke with him in low and earnest tones. from where mr. morris stood he could see danton's expression change from sternness and anger to astonishment and interest. in a few moments, with a low exclamation, he got up and, followed by bertrand, came toward mr. morris. "bertrand has just told me facts which alter this case--which impel me to aid monsieur d'azay if possible," he said; and then, turning to adrienne, who, pale with anxiety and terror, had risen from her seat and drawn near, he went on: "i will use all my power to be of service to the wife of the man who once showed a courtesy to mine." at his words the girl drew back and blushed deeply over her whole fair face. "i swore that i would reward him if possible, and i do so to-day. i also swore to reward his companion, monsieur de beaufort--the time is not yet come for that, but it will," and he smiled in so terrible a fashion that adrienne could have cried out in fear. the fierce malignity of his look so filled mr. morris with disgust that he could scarce bear to speak to him. "we will return at six," he said, at length, and leading adrienne to the door that the painful interview might end. "at six," said danton. they made their way out and found mr. morris's coach. in the carriage the courage which had sustained the young girl gave way. mr. morris laid a kindly hand upon her arm. "be calm. a way is found to save d'azay, and surely it is no great trial to become an american subject," he said, smiling a little and looking keenly at adrienne. "i do not know how i shall dare to ask this great sacrifice of him," said she, in a low tone. "true, he risked his life for d'azay, but that is not so great a sacrifice as to marry a woman he does not love." "i think he does love you still," said mr. morris, very gently. "he is not like some of us--he is not one to forget easily. he is silent and constant. he has told me that he loved you." but she only shook her head. "i have no hope that he loves me still." "shall i tell him of this strange plan, of the cruel position you find yourself in? i can prepare him----" "no," she said, in a low tone, "i--i will see him myself and at once." she sat quiet and thoughtful for the rest of the drive until the coach drew up before the legation. after the first fear and despair had passed, a wave of happiness swept over her that made her blush and then pale as it ebbed. perhaps, after all, his love for her might not be dead; at all events a curious fate had brought it about that she should see him again and hear him speak and learn for herself if he loved her. she remembered, with a sudden shock, the words she had spoken at azay-le-roi--that should she change her mind it would be she who would ask him to marry her. she could have laughed aloud with joy to think that fate had played her such a trick. she remembered with a sort of shamed wonder the proud condescension with which she had treated him. she felt now as if she could fling herself before him on her knees and beg him to give her back his love. but did he still love her? at the thought an icy pang of apprehension and fear seized her, and her heart almost stopped beating. it was not alone her own happiness that was at stake, but a life that she held dear, too, was in the hands of one whom she had misprized, to whom she had shown no pity or tenderness. "i will go up with you to the library, where i think we shall find calvert, and then i will leave you," said mr. morris as the coach stopped. they went up the broad stairway together and mr. morris knocked at the library door. a voice answered "come," and he entered, leaving adrienne in the shadow of the archway. a bright fire was burning on the open hearth and before it sat calvert. he looked ill, and his left arm and shoulder were bandaged and held in a sling. he wore no coat--indeed, he could get none over the bandages--and the whiteness of his linen and the bright flame of the fire made him look very pale. at mr. morris's entrance he glanced up smiling and made an effort to go toward him. "don't move, my boy," said mr. morris, hastily--"i have brought someone to see you. she--she is here," and motioning adrienne to enter, he went out, softly closing the door behind him. for an instant calvert could not see who his visitor was, for, though the firelight was bright, the room was much in shadow from the grayness of the afternoon and the heavy hangings at the long windows. as the young girl came forward, however, he recognized her in spite of her extreme pallor and the change which two years and a half had wrought. concealing, as best he could, the shock of surprise and the sudden faintness which attacked him at her unexpected presence (for he was still very weak and ill), he bowed low and placed a chair for her. but she shook her head and remained standing beside a little table in the centre of the room, one hand resting upon it for support. she was so agitated, and so fearful lest calvert should notice it and guess its true cause, that she summoned all her pride and old imperiousness to her aid. looking at her so, he wondered how it was that mr. morris had found her so softened. looking at him so, weak and ill and hurt for one she loved, she could have thrown herself at his feet and kissed his wounded arm. it was with difficulty she commanded her voice sufficiently to speak. "i am come, mr. calvert," she said, at length, hurriedly, and in so constrained a tone that he could scarcely hear her, "i am come on an errand for which the sole excuse is your own nobility. had you not already risked your life for my brother, i could not dare to ask this still greater sacrifice. indeed, i think i cannot, as it is," she said, clasping her hands and suddenly turning away. calvert was inexpressibly surprised by this exhibition of deep emotion in her. he had never seen her so moved before. "there is nothing i would not do for d'azay, believe me," he said, earnestly. "i had hoped to avert this danger from him, but, unfortunately, i fear i have only postponed it. is there anything i can do? if so, tell me what it is." "it is nothing less than the sacrifice of your whole life," she said, in a low tone, and drawing back in the shadow of one of the windows. "it is this--i am come to ask you to marry me, mr. calvert, that by becoming an american subject i may save my brother. we--we have just been to obtain a passport for him to leave the city--he is to be accused in the assembly to-morrow," she says, rapidly and breathlessly. "a passport for monsieur d'azay is refused unconditionally, but one is promised for the brother of madame calvert, the american." she was no longer pale. a burning blush was dyeing her whole face crimson, and she drew still farther back into the shadow of the window. she laid one hand on the velvet curtain to steady herself. calvert gazed at her in unspeakable surprise. for an instant a wild hope awoke within him, only to die. she had come but to save her brother, as she had said, and the painfulness of her duty was only too apparent. "and--and who has imposed this strange condition?" he says, at length, quietly, mastering himself. "your servant bertrand, who is all-powerful with danton and who, he promises, shall obtain the passport by six this evening." "were i not wounded and weak from fever, madame, believe me, by that hour he would deeply repent having caused you this humiliation," says calvert, bitterly. "my humiliation is a slight thing in comparison with the sacrifice i ask of you, monsieur." "and what of yours?" he asks, gloomily, but he did not look at her. had he done so he would have seen love, not self-sacrifice, shining in her appealing eyes. "but i have influence over this fellow--he is devoted to me--he shall do this thing without demanding so great, so fabulous a price for his services," he goes on, half-speaking to himself. "'tis indeed a fabulous price," she says, paling a little at calvert's words and drawing herself up proudly. "but he fancies he is serving you by imposing this condition, and i confess that i--i dared not tell him that you no longer loved me, lest i should lose the one hold i had on him. for d'azay, for me, he will do absolutely nothing." from the shadow of the curtain she watched calvert's face for some sign that she was mistaken, that after all he did still love her, that what she had asked of him would be no life-long sacrifice, but the dearest joy. but none came. he stood quiet and thoughtful, looking down into the firelight and betraying nothing of the conflict going on within him. his one thought was to find a way out of this horrible trap for her, or, failing that, to make it as easy as possible for her. he stilled the wild exultation he felt that was making his feverish pulse leap and sink by turns. he tried to put away temptation from him--to think only for her. this incredible, unlooked-for happiness was not for him. he searched about in his mind for words that would make her understand that he knew what anguish had driven her to this extremity; that would convince her that she had nothing to fear from him and that he would meet her as he felt sure she wished him to meet her. "what he asks is madness," he said, at length. "i know only too well the insurmountable objections you have to doing what he demands; if i can convince him of these--if i can convince him that it is also not my wish--that he can best serve me by not insisting on this thing----" "then, indeed, i think all is lost," said adrienne, quietly. "he professes that he can do nothing for the french emigrant d'azay, only for the brother of the american, calvert. there is no hope left for us except through himself and danton, since it is already known that d'azay is to be accused to-morrow, and, indeed, there is scarce time to seek other aid," she added, despairingly. "is mr. morris of the opinion that this is the best thing to be done?" asked calvert, in a low voice. "he thinks it is the only way to save d'azay." suddenly she came forward from the embrasure of the window and stood once more beside the table, her face lighted up by the glow of the fire. "believe me, i know how great a thing i ask," she says, quite wildly, and covering her eyes with her hand. "i ask you now what you once asked me and what i flung away." calvert looked up startled, but not being able to read her face, which was concealed, he dropped his head again, and she went on: "if it is possible for you to make this sacrifice, everything i can do to make it bearable shall be done--we need never see each other again--i can follow d'azay to whatever retreat he may find----" "don't distress yourself so," said calvert, gently, interrupting her. he looked at the appealing, despairing woman before him, she who had been so brilliant, so untouched by sorrow, and a great desire to serve her and a great compassion for her came over him. there was pity for himself, too, in his thoughts, for he had schooled himself for so long to believe that the woman he loved did not love him, and could never love him, that no slightest idea that he was mistaken came to him now to help lighten his sacrifice. as he realized all this he thought, not without a pang, of the future and of the unknown possible happiness it might hold for him and which he was renouncing forever. in the long days to come, he had thought, he might be able to forget that greater happiness denied him and be as contented as many another man, but even that consolation he could now no longer look forward to. "do not distress yourself," he said again, quietly. "be assured that i shall make no effort to see you--indeed, i think i shall leave paris myself as soon as this wound permits," and he touched his bandaged arm. "in the last few days i have thought seriously of entering military service again under lafayette. he is a good soldier, if a bad statesman, and has need of officers and men in this crisis, if ever general had." as he turned away and touched a small bell on the table, adrienne's hand dropped at her side and she gave him so strange, so sad a glance that had he looked at her he would have seen that in her pale face and miserable eyes which he had longed to see two years before. she took a step forward--for an instant the wild thought crossed her mind of flinging herself down before him, of confessing her love for him, but sorrow and trouble had not yet wholly humbled that proud nature. with a great effort she drew back. "will you, then, serve us again?" she said, and her voice sounded far off and strange in her own ears. "can you doubt it? i will send for mr. morris and we will leave everything to him." in a few moments he came in, looking anxiously from calvert to madame de st. andré and back again. "we are agreed upon this matter," said calvert, quietly, interpreting mr. morris's look, "providing, in your opinion, it is a necessity. is the case as desperate as madame de st. andré deems it, and is this the best remedy for it?" "'tis the only remedy, i think," replied mr. morris. "i fear there is no doubt as to d'azay's fate when arraigned, as he will be to-morrow. too many of his friends have already suffered that same fate to leave any reasonable hope that his will be other or happier." he drew calvert to one side and spoke in a low tone. "indeed, i think 'tis more than probable that he is guilty of the charges preferred against him and would go over to monsieur de condé had he the chance. i have known for a long while that he has become thoroughly disgusted with the trend of affairs here, and has no thought now but to serve the king. i think he has broken with lafayette entirely since the affair of st. cloud, and his change of political faith is only too well known here. if he does not leave paris to-night, he will never leave it." "then," said mr. calvert, "i am ready to do my part." "no, no, 'tis impossible that this thing should be," broke out mr. morris, looking at the young man's pale, gloomy face. "i had hoped that it would be the greatest happiness; was i, then, mistaken?" calvert laid his hand on the elder man's shoulder. "hush, she must not hear. 'tis an agreement we have entered into," he says, hurriedly. "will you call a priest and send for the duchess and d'azay?" "the bishop of autun has just come in," said mr. morris, after a moment's silence, and pressing the young man's hand, "and there is no time to send for anyone. i will go myself and ask him to come up." they came in together in a very few moments, his grace of autun grave and asking no questions (from which calvert rightly argued that mr. morris had confided in him), but with a concerned and kindly air toward the young man, for whom he had always entertained an especial liking. in a simple and impressive manner he repeated the marriage service in the presence of mr. morris and some of the servants of the household, called in to be witnesses, adrienne kneeling beside the couch on which calvert lay, for he was too weak and ill to stand longer. the strange scene was quickly over, the two parted almost without a word, adrienne being led away by mr. morris to the hotel de ville, and mr. calvert remanded to bed by the surgeon, who was just arrived to dress his wound. chapter xx mr. calvert sees a short campaign under lafayette the project which calvert had formed for joining the army he was able to put into execution within a couple of weeks. the fever which had attacked him having entirely subsided and his wound healing rapidly, he was soon well enough to feel a consuming restlessness and craving for action. the painful experience through which he had just passed, the still more painful future to which he had to look forward, aroused an irresistible longing for some immediate and violent change of scene and thought. his vague plan for joining the army was suddenly crystallized by the situation in which he found himself, and though this resolution was strongly opposed by mr. morris, who, with keen foresight, prophesied the speedy overthrow of the constitution and the downfall of lafayette with the king, he adhered to it. d'azay being safely out of the country--he had retreated to brussels and joined a small detachment of the emigrant army still there--and adrienne protected by his name, his one desire was to forget in action his misfortunes and to remove himself from the scene of them. it was this desire, rather than any enthusiasm for the cause in which he was engaged, which impelled him to offer his services to lafayette. indeed, it was with no very sanguine belief in that cause or hope of its success that he prepared to go to metz. although he believed, with mr. morris, that the only hope of france lay in the suppression of internal disorder and the union of interests which a foreign war would bring about, yet he could not regard with much horror the threatenings of the proscribed émigrés and the military preparations making by the allies to prevent the spread of the revolution into their own territories. indeed, so great was his contempt for the ministers of louis and for their mad and selfish policy that he confessed to himself, but for his desire to serve under his old commander, he would almost as soon have joined d'azay at brussels, or taken a commission with the austrians under marshal bender, who commanded in the low countries. this division of sympathies felt by calvert animated thousands of other breasts, so that whole regiments of cavalry went over to the enemy, and officers and men deserted daily. berwick, mirabeau, bussy, de la châtre, with their commands, crossed over the rhine and joined the prince de condé at worms. the highest in command were suspected of intriguing with the enemy; men distrusted their superiors, and officers could place no reliance on their men. of the widespread and profound character of this feeling of distrust mr. calvert had no adequate idea until he joined the army of the centre at metz in the middle of april. although lafayette had, since january, been endeavoring to discipline his troops, to animate them with confidence, courage, and endurance, they had defied his every effort. indeed, what wonder that an army composed of the scum of a revolutionary populace, without knowledge of arms, suspicious, violent, unused to every form of military restraint, should defy organization in three months? perhaps no sovereign ever entered upon a great conflict less prepared than did louis when he declared war against the king of hungary and bohemia--for francis was not yet crowned emperor of austria. but that unhappy monarch found himself in a situation from which the only issue was a recourse to arms. confronted on the one hand by a republican party of daily increasing power and on the other by an aristocratical one openly allied with sovereigns who were suspected of a desire to partition his dominion among themselves as poland had been, his one hope lay in warring his way out between the two. that louis should be the advocate and leader of this war was the one inspiration of narbonne, and, had the king persevered in this, he might have saved himself and his throne. but, with his fatal vacillation, after having entered upon military preparations and committed himself to narbonne's policy, he suddenly abandoned him as he had abandoned so many of his advisers. grave replaced the dismissed and chagrined young minister, and dumouriez, the minister of foreign affairs, took into his hands all the power and glory of the war movement. he developed and supplemented the plans which narbonne had already formed, and, by the new year, a vast army was assembled and the frontier divided into three great military districts. on the left, the territory from dunkirk to philippeville was defended by the army under rochambeau, forty thousand foot and eight thousand cavalry strong; lafayette, with his army of the centre, of more than a hundred thousand men and some seven thousand horse, commanded between philippeville and weissenberg, while luckner, with his army of the rhine, stretched from weissenberg to bâle. dumouriez's diplomatic negotiations were apparently nearly as successful as his military operations. though he could not dissolve that "unnatural alliance" formed the year before at pilnitz and enthusiastically adhered to by prince henri and the duke of brunswick with the young king of hungary and bohemia, yet, by the assassination of the king of sweden, that country was no longer to be feared, england remained neutral by virtue of pitt's commercial policy, and many of the petty german principalities openly approved of and aided the french revolutionists. with military and diplomatic affairs in this state and with austria still holding out for her impossible conditions, 'twas easy for dumouriez and the war party to browbeat the wellnigh desperate king into a declaration of hostilities that was to convulse the whole of europe for nearly a quarter of a century. this was done on the 20th of april, three days after mr. calvert had joined lafayette at metz, and was almost instantly followed by orders from dumouriez to that general to advance with ten thousand men upon namur and thence upon brussels and liège. 'twas dumouriez's policy (and surely a wise one) to strike the first blow against austria through her dependency, flanders, which country, but two years before, had shown the strongest disposition to throw off austrian rule. how strong that disposition was, dumouriez himself knew fully, for he had been sent by montmorin on a secret mission into belgium, and he felt assured that the brabant patriots would rally to the standards of the french army. had that army been what he supposed, his plans might have succeeded and the humiliations and defeats of the spring campaign averted. as has been said, calvert joined the army at metz a few days before the formal declaration of war was made, and so was there when general de lafayette received orders to advance upon namur. he was much touched by the reception which lafayette accorded him. "i will give you a regiment, calvert, but i need you near my person. there is no one upon whom i can rely--i wish you could be my aide-de-camp again. it would be like old times once more," he said, looking at the young man with so harassed and despondent a glance that calvert was both surprised and alarmed. "i could wish for nothing better," he replied, "but surely you do not mean what you say--you have many others upon whom you can count." "almost no one," replied lafayette, briefly. "i distrust my officers and am myself suspected of intriguing with the enemy. i know not what day i may be forced to fly across the frontier. no one is safe, and i dare not count upon my troops to obey commands. although there are only thirty thousand austrians in flanders, i am not sure that we can beat them," he said, bitterly. on the 27th of april, lafayette, who had moved his camp to givet, received despatches from dumouriez detailing the plan of campaign against belgium. according to this plan, lafayette, with ten thousand picked men, was to advance by forced marches upon namur. he was to be supported by two divisions of the army of the north, one of four thousand men under general dillon, which was to move from its encampment at lille upon tournay, and the other of ten thousand troops under general biron, which was to advance from valenciennes upon mons. before daybreak on the morning of the 28th lafayette had his army in motion and, as they rode out of the city gates together, calvert noted that the depression and anxiety which had weighed upon the general so heavily had disappeared and that he had regained something of his old fire and intrepidity. this renewal of confidence was cruelly dissipated three days later when, on reaching bouvines, half-way to namur, after a fifty-league march over bad roads, lafayette was met by frightened, breathless couriers with despatches detailing the humiliating disasters which had befallen both biron's and dillon's divisions. the former, who had advanced upon quiévrain and succeeded in occupying that town, was utterly routed on arriving before mons, and fled with the loss of all his baggage. dillon met with even a more tragic and shameful fate. moving upon tournay, where a strong body of austrians was ready to receive him, his men were seized with a sudden panic and fled back to the gates of lille, where, mad with fear and crying that dillon had betrayed them, they brutally murdered him. this disastrous news being confirmed the following day by further despatches, lafayette was forced to fall back to maubeuge without striking a blow, and thus ended calvert's hopes of seeing a campaign which had promised most brilliantly. the news of these defeats creating the greatest sensation both at the front and in paris, rochambeau resigned his command, grave was replaced by servan in the ministry, and the army was reorganized. during the entire month of may lafayette and his army remained inactive at maubeuge awaiting orders which the distracted ministers at paris were incapable of giving. 'twas a pretty little place near the belgian frontier, lying on both sides of the sambre, and which had been ceded to france by the treaty of nymwegen. mr. calvert spent much of his leisure time--of which he had more than enough--admiring and studying the fortifications of this town, which had been engineered by the great vauban. much of it he also spent with lafayette, who, in the intervals of disciplining his troops and attending to his increased military duties--rochambeau's command had been divided between himself and luckner--conversed freely with his young aide-de-camp. sometimes, too, at lafayette's urgent request, calvert would sing as he had used to do around the camp-fires in the virginia campaign. during those days and evenings of inactive and anxious waiting, the old friendship between the two was renewed. lafayette had heard of calvert's marriage through mr. morris and, with the utmost delicacy, touched upon the subject. calvert told him frankly as much of the story as he intended to reveal to anyone, and this confidence became another bond of friendship between them. the years of separation and disagreement somehow melted away. the lafayette of maubeuge was like the lafayette whom calvert had first known and admired; he noticed how much of his rabid republicanism had vanished--indeed, lafayette himself owned as much, for if he was impetuous and extreme, he was also courageous and was not afraid or ashamed to confess his faults. "i have learned much," he said to calvert one evening when they were alone in the general's quarters, "and am beginning to have radically different opinions upon some subjects from those i entertained but a short while ago. sometimes i ask myself if my call for the states-general did not open for france a pandora's box of evils. what has become of all my efforts?" he said, pushing away a map of the austrian netherlands which they had been studying together and beginning to pace the room agitatedly. "instead of the wise ministers prevailing at paris, a horde of mad, insensate creatures are ruling the assembly, the city, the whole country! if only there were some man courageous enough to defy the jacobins and their power--to meet them on their own ground and conquer them! what can i do at this distance, overwhelmed with military duties, restricted by my official position? i have been thinking of addressing a letter to the assembly," he went on, suddenly turning to calvert, "a letter of warning against the jacobin power, of reproach that they should be ruled by that ignoble faction, or remonstrance against their unwarrantable proceedings, and as soon as i can find the time to write such a letter, i shall do so, and despatch it to paris by my secretary, let the consequences be what they may." this design was not accomplished until the middle of june, for, at the beginning of the month, a number of skirmishes and night attacks took place between the austrians, who had encamped near maubeuge, and lafayette's troops, and the general was too much occupied with the military situation to busy himself with affairs at paris. these attacks culminated in a bloody and almost disastrous engagement for the patriot army on the 11th of june. the austrians, reinforced by the emigrant army which had been left at brussels and in which calvert knew d'azay held a captain's commission, advanced during the early afternoon of june 11th and attacked the vanguard of lafayette's army, encamped two miles from maubeuge, farther up the sambre, and commanded by gouvion. although the french occupied a formidable position, being securely intrenched on rising ground fortified by a dozen redoubts and batteries arranged in tiers, the enemy advanced with such fierceness and intrepidity that gouvion had all he could do to keep his gunners from deserting their posts. the infantry, too, behaved ill, and when ordered to advance, wavered and were driven back at the very first charge from the austrians. their cavalry pursued the advantage thus gained and pressed forward, advancing in three lines and driving the disordered french troops before them up the hill. at this juncture, lafayette, with six thousand men and two thousand horse, arrived, having been sent for in hot haste by gouvion when the action first began, and, attacking the austrian and émigrés from the flank, after a sharp and bloody struggle, succeeded by nightfall in putting them to flight. although the forces engaged in this action were small, the slaughter was terrible and the little battle-field by the sambre presented a ghastly sight in the moonlight of that june night. gouvion himself was killed leading the last attack, and the austrian and emigrant forces suffered severely. the regiment which calvert commanded was in the thick of the engagement the whole time, once it arrived on the scene of action, and no officer of either side more exposed or distinguished himself than did the young american. indeed, it was not from reckless bravery that he offered himself a target for the bullets of the enemy, but from a feeling that he would not be sorry to end there, to close forever the book of his life. and, as usual with those who seek, rather than avoid, death in battle, from this action, which was the only one he was destined to engage in, he came out unscathed, while many another poor fellow who longed to live, lay quiet and cold on the bloody ground. so close was the fighting during the late afternoon that calvert once thought he caught a glimpse of d'azay and, with a strange presentiment of evil, he determined to look for him among the slain. accompanied by an orderly bearing a lantern--though the moonlight was so bright that one could easily recognize the pallid, upturned faces--he began his search an hour after the firing had ceased, with many others engaged in the same ghastly work of finding dead comrades. he had looked but a short while, or so it seemed to him, when he came upon d'azay lying prone upon a little hillock of austrian slain. as calvert looked down upon him, grief for this dead friend and an awful sense of the futility of the sacrifice which had been made for him, came upon him. he knelt beside him for a few minutes and looked into the quiet, dead face. he had never before thought that d'azay resembled adrienne, but now the resemblance of brother and sister was quite marked, and 'twas with the sharpest pang calvert had ever known that he looked upon those pallid features. it might have been that other and dearer face, he thought to himself. at length he arose and, helping the orderly place the body upon a stretcher, they bore it back to the camp, where, next day, it was buried with what military honors calvert could get accorded it. he sent a lock of d'azay's hair, his seals and rings, back to paris to adrienne (he kept for his own her miniature, which he found in d'azay's pocket and which he had first seen that night at monticello), and the letter she wrote him thanking him for all he had done were the first written words of hers he had ever had. though there was not a word of love in the note--not even of friendship--calvert re-read it a score of times and treasured it, and at last put it with the miniature in the little chamois case that rested near his heart. the check which lafayette had put upon the austrians on the 11th of june having produced a cessation of hostilities, he wrote and despatched to the assembly the letter which he had had in contemplation for some time and of which he had spoken to calvert. this courageous letter--the authenticity of which was fiercely denied in the assembly--not only did not produce the effect lafayette so hoped for, but was followed by the outrage of the 20th of june. who does not know the shameful events of that day?--the invasion of the tuileries by hordes of ruffians and the insults to helpless royalty? when lafayette heard of the uprising of the 20th he determined to go in person to paris, affirm the authorship of his letter, and urge upon the assembly the destruction of the jacobin party. he sent calvert to luckner's head-quarters to ask of the maréchal permission to go to paris and, placing his troops in safety under the guns of maubeuge, he departed for the capital, whither he arrived on the 28th. after two days spent in incessant and fruitless efforts with the assembly and national guard, in audiences with the king and consultations with friends, he sped back to the army, more thoroughly and bitterly convinced than ever that the revolution which he had led and believed in was now fast approaching anarchy; that the throne was lost and his own brilliant popularity vanished. he took with him to calvert the news of the sudden death of the old duchesse d'azay--she had failed rapidly since hearing of the death of d'azay, and had passed away painlessly on the morning of lafayette's arrival in paris--the escape of st. aulaire to canada, and a letter from mr. morris. "he desired me to give you this," said lafayette, gravely, handing the letter to calvert. "the message is of the greatest importance. we had a long interview. i am at last come to the same opinion on certain subjects as himself," he said, with a gloomy smile, "and we want your co-operation. he will explain all when he sees you. as for myself, i must say no more," and he went away, leaving the young man to read his letter alone. chapter xxi mr. calvert quits the army and engages in a hazardous enterprise the letter which calvert had received from mr. morris was short but very urgent. it begged him to resign his commission at once, which affair, the letter hinted, would be immediately arranged by lafayette, and come to paris, as mr. morris had business of the first importance on hand in which he wished calvert's assistance. it went on to add that the exact nature of that business had best not be divulged until the young man should find himself at the american legation, and ended by urging mr. calvert not to delay his departure from maubeuge by a day, if possible. conformably with these requests calvert set out for paris on the very next day, after the briefest of preparations, and, arriving in the city on the evening of the 7th, made his way straight to the rue de la planche, where he found mr. morris anxiously awaiting him. with a brief greeting, and scarcely allowing the young man time to divest himself of his travelling things, he drew him into his private study, and there, with locked doors, began eagerly to speak about the business upon which he had called calvert so hastily to paris. "i knew i could trust you," said mr. morris to calvert. "lafayette has given you my letter and you have lost no time in coming to me, as i felt assured you would do, my boy. 'tis the most satisfactory sensation in the world to feel an absolute trust in one as i do in you," he went on, with a kindly look at the young man. "living in the midst of this people who think less than nothing of breaking every agreement, violating every oath, that feeling of confidence becomes doubly precious. but to the business in hand." he hesitated slightly and then went on, "you must know that in the month of november last (and before my appointment by congress to this post of american minister to france), inspired by the unhappy consequences to the royal family of the flight to varennes, i, together with several of the stanchest friends of the harassed monarch, engaged in an enterprise to assist the king and queen to escape, from france. this plan, in which favernay, monciel, beaufort, brémond, and some others whom you know, were leagued together, never ripened, because, by the appointment of narbonne and the preparations for war which immediately commenced, we hoped that louis might regain his lost power. it was at this juncture and while i thought that this enterprise was at an end and that there would be no further occasion for me to intermeddle in the politics of this unhappy country, that i received and accepted my appointment as minister to this court. most unfortunately, the great opportunity which the king had to retrieve his fortunes he flung away by his subsequent vacillation and his secret negotiations with the allies; and this, together with the reverses of the french array, the growing violence of the opposing political factions here, and the terrible events of the 20th of june, have again made it necessary for the friends of the king, if they wish to save him, to exert themselves in his behalf. when this was made plain, those gentlemen with whom i had formerly been associated in the effort to serve his majesty again applied to me for assistance, so that i found myself in the cruel position of either betraying my official trust or of abandoning the monarch whom i sincerely pitied and whom i had pledged myself to aid. the last and most moving appeal made to me was that of monsieur lafayette. i met him at the tuileries when he went to pay his respects to their majesties before rejoining his army. i know not what had passed between the king and himself at the levee, for i arrived just as he was going, but i saw by his countenance that he had the gloomiest forebodings. he drew me into a small anteroom and spoke to me with his old familiarity and affection. indeed, he is greatly changed, and i could not help but be touched by the consternation and grief that weighed upon him. he opened himself to me very freely and confessed that 'twas his opinion that the king was lost if brave and wise friends did not immediately offer their services in his behalf. he knew of the scheme in which i had been before engaged to assist the king, and he besought me to renew those engagements and to prosecute them with the utmost diligence. the king, he said, had let fall some expressions indicating his confidence in myself, 'a confidence,' said lafayette, 'which he did not hesitate to show he did not feel in me. the queen is even more distrustful of me than the king, so that i think their safety lies in your hands. but, believe me, though they do not trust me, they have no more devoted servant. i am come, at length, to your belief that in the king alone is to be found the cure for the ills of the present time, and not the most ardent royalist is now more anxious to preserve his majesty than myself.' while lafayette was speaking, a way out of my difficulties suddenly occurred to me. i thought of you, my boy, and, knowing that i could rely on you as on myself, i determined to appeal to you to act in my stead, to take upon yourself those dangers and risks which, in my position of minister from a neutral power to this country, i have now no right to assume. i know how great a thing i am asking, but i also know your generous nature, your steadfastness, your capability to carry through discreetly and swiftly any undertaking you engage in. as an american, you will have the confidence of the king and queen, and will act as a surety for lafayette, whom 'tis only too true their majesties distrust profoundly. i reminded lafayette of the unalterable obligation which prevented me from interesting myself personally in the political situation here and of the plan i had just formed of appealing to you. he approved of it entirely, saying that there was no one in whose hands he would more willingly leave matters. we made an appointment for that evening at monsieur de la rochefoucauld's, where he was staying, to discuss some plan of assistance to his majesty. i consented to this interview, for it was impossible at that late hour to call together all those interested in the affair and, as lafayette was leaving the next morning, something had to be done immediately. our interview was a long one, but the plan we hit upon was, in the end, very simple and, indeed, the circumstances of the case, the short time, and the necessity for the greatest secrecy demand that the simplest methods should be employed. shall i tell you that plan?" asked mr. morris, suddenly breaking off in the midst of his long talk and regarding calvert with a keen, questioning glance. "there is no lead i would follow sooner than yours, mr. morris," replied the young man, quietly and firmly. "as you know, all my sympathies are with the king and queen, and in whatsoever way i can serve their majesties i am ready here and now to pledge myself to that service." indeed, the enterprise suited calvert's temper well. any excitement or danger was welcome to him just then. his hopes of seeing military service having been frustrated, he was glad to find some other scheme at hand which promised to divert his melancholy thoughts from himself. "'tis like you to speak so, boy," said mr. morris, grasping calvert warmly by the hand. "i knew you would not fail me. and, before god, how could i fail them?" he burst out, rising in agitation and stumping about the room. "i have done wrong in engaging in the remotest way in this affair, in urging you to become a party to it, but my humanity forbids me to withhold whatever of aid i can render. was ever a monarch so cruelly beset, so bereft of wise counsellors, of trusty friends? he knows not where to look for help, nor which way to turn. he suspects every adviser of treachery, of self-interest, of veniality, and he has reason to do so. the wisest, in his desperate position, would scarce know how to bear himself, and what can we expect of so narrow an intellect, so vacillating and timid a nature? i pity him profoundly, but i also despise him, for there is a want of metal in him which will ever prevent him from being truly royal." "'tis doubly difficult to help those who will not help themselves. do you think it is really possible to save his majesty?" asked calvert, doubtfully. "we can but make one more desperate effort, and i confess that i rely more on the firmness of the queen for its success than i do on the king," said mr. morris. "but i will tell you of the plan and you can judge for yourself of its feasibility." the scheme agreed upon between mr. morris and lafayette in that interview at monsieur de la rochefoucauld's, and which mr. morris proceeded to detail to calvert, was briefly this: it being evident that as long as the king remained in paris he was a virtual prisoner and subject to the capricious commands of the assembly, his ministers, and the mobs, daily increasing in numbers and lawlessness, it seemed to both mr. morris and lafayette that the thing of first importance was to effect the king's escape from the capital. to accomplish this it was lafayette's suggestion that the king should go to the assembly when affairs should be ripe for that act and announce his intention of passing a few days at one of his country residences within the limits prescribed for his free movements. "i thought he blushed as he made this suggestion, and 'twas all i could do to keep from asking him if he intended to serve his majesty on this occasion as he had in the st. cloud affair," said mr. morris, dryly. "but his distress and his sincerity were so evident that i contained myself." the king established as far from paris as possible, lafayette was to arrange a manoeuvre of his troops at a point near the royal residence, and once arrived there, he was to rapidly and secretly march the trustiest of his regiments to the king's rescue, surround the palace, and call upon the army for a new oath of fidelity to the monarch and constitution. rendered independent by this stroke, louis was to issue a proclamation forbidding the allies and émigrés to enter his kingdom. should the army flash in the pan and refuse to swear allegiance, lafayette was, at all hazards, and with the aid of the regiments whose loyalty was beyond question, to escort the king to a place of safety beyond the border. for the accomplishment of this plan, simple though it was, an enormous sum of money and the greatest diplomacy were necessary. as for the money, that was easily come by; indeed, monsieur de monciel had already brought to mr. morris two hundred thousand livres contributed by the loyal adherents of his majesty; more was promised within the next few days. mr. morris consented to receive these sums, though he felt obliged to refuse the protection of the legation to any papers relative to the matter in hand. with such sums at their disposal it was hoped and believed by mr. morris and the other ardent friends of the unfortunate sovereign that enough influential members of the assembly could be bribed to insure the king's departure from paris and the allegiance of those doubtful regiments upon the frontier. "it was my suggestion, calvert," said mr. morris, "that you should be sent to test and influence those disaffected regiments, and to find a safe retreat for his majesty in case of failure of our scheme, while we remain here to work with the members of the assembly and watch the situation for a favorable moment to strike the blow. it was my further suggestion that your wife should be one of the ladies-in-waiting to the queen, that we might have sure and swift intelligence of what passes within the palace. by the greatest good fortune i heard the following day, through madame de flahaut, of the illness and withdrawal of one of the queen's attendants, and the next evening at court, having the opportunity of saying a few words in private to her majesty, i besought her to give the vacant post to your wife. i intimated to her that the appointment was of the greatest importance to herself and the king, and being, doubtless, impressed by the earnestness of my manner, she promised to grant my request, though she had intended to leave the place vacant, saying bitterly that 'twere best she should draw no other into the circle of danger which surrounded her. i had the satisfaction of learning yesterday that the appointment had been made, and already your wife is installed as a lady-in-waiting at the tuileries. "under cover of letters to her--which, i think, will be more likely to escape patriotic curiosity than any others--you will keep the king and his friends here in paris informed of your movements and the progress of affairs, and through her we can have intimate knowledge of what passes in the palace, so that they can hardly fail to know when to take the decisive step. are you willing to undertake this difficult and dangerous enterprise?" asked mr. morris, looking at the young man. "with all my heart," replied calvert. "were i not interested in the cause itself, i would still remember the graciousness of their majesties when i was presented to them, and hold it a privilege to serve them." "you will see them again to-morrow evening and can assure them yourself of your fidelity. i think they have no doubt of it now, nor ever will. through monsieur de favernay i arranged for a private audience with the king and queen for to-morrow--you see, i counted on you as on myself, and felt assured that you would come at the earliest moment, ned. at that interview i will again present you to their majesties, and then i will withdraw definitely from all connection with this affair, leaving you to lay the plan before the king and queen, and to carry it through should it be agreed to by their majesties." the two gentlemen sat up until far into the night discussing the enterprise, calvert making many valuable suggestions, and entering so heartily into the arrangement that mr. morris began to take a more hopeful view of the situation than he had hitherto allowed himself to do. on the following evening, about ten o'clock, beaufort arrived hastily at the legation with the information that all was in readiness for the private audience which mr. morris had requested, and the three gentlemen, entering a coach, were driven rapidly to the tuileries. they were introduced at a wicket on the little rue du manège, and, passing up a stairway seldom used and through the queen's apartments, at length found themselves at the door of a small and private chamber of his majesty's suite. at this door beaufort tapped gently, and hearing an "entrez!" from within, he pushed it open, and then, with a low bow, retired, leaving mr. morris and calvert to enter by themselves. his majesty was alone and seated beside a small table, on which were a lamp and some writing materials. as mr. morris and calvert advanced into the room he rose and graciously extended a hand to each of the gentlemen. "vous êtes le bien venu," he says to mr. morris, and then, looking at calvert with a half-smile. "i remember you very well, now," he adds, rapidly, in french to the younger man. while the king was speaking, calvert noticed with a glance the heavy, harassed expression of louis's face. the eyes, which had once been benign and rather stupid, had now a haunted, suspicious look in them. while he was yet bowing, and before he could form a reply to the king's remarks, the queen entered rapidly from an adjoining apartment. calvert felt a shock, a thrill of pity, as he looked at her majesty. a dozen fateful years seemed to have rolled over that countenance, so lovely when last he had seen it. though she still held herself proudly, the animation and beauty of face and figure had vanished. the large blue eyes were tired and red with weeping, the complexion had lost its brilliancy, and the fair hair was tinged with gray. history hath made it out that the queen's hair whitened in a single night of her captivity, but it had already begun to lose its golden color before the days of the temple, and the lock which she shortly after this sent to calvert, in token of her appreciation of his services, was thickly streaked with white. she came forward and stood beside the king, inclining her head graciously to mr. morris, who made their majesties a profound obeisance. "i am come to again present my friend, mr. calvert of virginia, to your majesties," he says, indicating calvert, who bowed again, and at whom the queen looked with a keen, suspicious glance that almost instantly kindled into one of kindness and trust. "he is to be my representative in that affair in which it will be my undying regret not to have been able to participate," continued mr. morris, "and i beg of your majesties to give him your utmost confidence and trust, for i assure your majesties that he is entirely worthy of both. he will acquaint you with the details of that plan, the existence of which monsieur de monciel intimated to your majesties yesterday, and, should that plan meet with your royal approval, mr. calvert is ready to stake his life and his honor in the execution of it. your majesties understand how impossible it is for me to say more, and i can only ask permission to withdraw." 'twas the queen who answered--the king seemed unable to find a word. "we thank you with all our hearts," she says, in a low, mournful tone, looking at mr. morris, "and we understand." at her gesture of recognition and dismissal mr. morris executed another low obeisance and withdrew. left alone with the king and queen, and being seated, at their majesties' invitation, calvert unfolded to them in detail the plan agreed upon by the king's friends, leaving out as much as possible lafayette's part in it ('twas his own wish, conveyed through mr. morris) lest the queen should take fright and refuse her sanction to the enterprise. indeed, so deep was her distrust of him, that to mr. calvert it seemed that she only gave her consent because of the share mr. morris and himself had in it. "so that is the plan," she said, musing. "we betrayed ourselves when we succored america. perhaps we are to be repaid now and americans are to help us in this desperate strait. 'tis a bitter humiliation to have to turn to strangers for aid, but our only true friends are all scattered now; there is no one about us but would betray and sacrifice us," she says, bitterly, and looking at the king, whose heavy countenance reflected in a dull way her poignant distress. "pardon me, your majesty," says calvert, ardently, "there are still some stanch friends left to you. i have seen these gentlemen but this morning, when we discussed anew this plan, and they but wait your approval to pledge their lives and fortunes to extricate your majesties from the distressing situation you now find yourselves in. it but depends upon you to say whether this scheme shall be carried through. with firmness and confidence on your part it cannot fail." "i fear to hope again--do not arouse my expectations only to have them disappointed," and rising in the greatest agitation, the queen began to pace up and down the little room. "who would have thought that fersen could fail?--and yet he did." she covered her face with her hands to hide the tears which filled her eyes. suddenly she stopped before calvert, who had risen, and gave him so penetrating and anguished a look that the young man could scarce bear to meet her glance. "there is that in your face which inspires confidence," says the queen. "i think you would not know either defeat or deceit. pray god you may not. we will trust him, shall we not?" she says, turning to the king and putting out her hand so graciously that calvert fell upon one knee before her and kissed it. he knelt to the suffering woman who had instinctively appealed to him and her faith in him even more than to the desperate queen. it was by such moments of genuineness and winning sweetness that marie antoinette captivated those with whom she came in contact. could such bursts of true feeling have endured, could she always have been as sincere and single-hearted as she was at such times, she would have been a great and good woman. genius, ambition, firmness, courage, all these she had, but insincerity and suspicion warped a noble nature. to calvert, just then, she seemed the incarnation of great womanhood, and 'twas with the utmost fervor that he pressed her to allow himself and her other faithful friends to serve her. "in a few weeks all will be ready," he says. "i go from here to the frontier to visit and, if possible, win over those troops whose loyalty to your majesties has been in question; then on to secure a safe retreat in case our plan fails, which, pray god, it may not! either worms, where monsieur de condé is powerful, or spire, whose prince-bishop is most devoted to your majesties, will surely offer its hospitality and protection. it depends only on your majesties' firmness to escape from this capital and captivity. through letters to my wife" (calvert hesitated slightly--'twas the first time he had so used the word) "your majesties will know exactly the situation of affairs outside of paris, and through her replies we must know what takes place in the palace. kept informed of each other's movements, 'twill be easy to fix upon the best day for striking the blow we have in contemplation, and, if you will but do your part, it must needs be successful." as he concluded his urgent appeal he rose from his knees and stood before the king and queen, glancing anxiously from one to the other. his face expressed so much earnestness and enthusiasm that their majesties could not help but be impressed. "and our engagements with our cousin of austria?" said the queen, after an instant's silence, "for i will not conceal from you, monsieur, that since varennes i have no hope save in our allies." "were it not better that you should depend for your safety on your own subjects, madame?" asked calvert. the king agreed with him and said so at once, but it was with reluctance that the queen gave her consent to the enterprise. "it is a noble plan and a hazardous one, and we thank you, monsieur, and those other gentlemen who are imperilling their lives to insure our safety, but i confess to you," said her majesty, sadly, "that i sanction the undertaking and enter into it, not in the hope that the first part of it will succeed--alas! i distrust our generals and troops too deeply for that--but in the belief that once out of paris we may ultimately be able to take refuge with our friends beyond the frontier." as she spoke, there came a hurried tapping at the door, and, almost before permission to enter had been given, beaufort appeared. he signed hastily to calvert to depart, and on a silent gesture of dismissal from the king and queen, he followed the young nobleman from the room through a door opposite to the one by which he had been admitted. hurrying past endless antechambers, down marble stairways, and through long corridors, calvert at length found himself at a little gate which gave upon the carrousel. this beaufort unlocked and, giving the password to the swiss sentry who stood without, the two young men at length found themselves on the quai des tuileries. there, after a moment's hurried conversation, during which calvert told beaufort of the result of the momentous interview with the king and queen, the two parted, the young frenchman returning to the palace and calvert making his way as quickly as possible back to the legation, where mr. morris anxiously awaited him. chapter xxii mr. calvert starts on a journey the queen's consent having been obtained, calvert set out upon his journey to the frontier the next day. he would have carried a lighter heart had he felt better assured of the good faith of the king and queen. louis had given his consent readily enough and had approved heartily of the plan, for it had ever been against his real wishes to call in the aid of the allies, but calvert knew too well how little he dared rely on the king's firmness or courage. as for the queen, he could only hope that the continued representations of beaufort, favernay, and others about her majesty cognizant of the enterprise and the confidence she had expressed in himself, would confirm her in her resolution to help carry the undertaking through to a successful termination. mr. calvert first made his way with all possible expedition back to maubeuge, where he reported to lafayette the result of his interview with their majesties and received from him letters to certain officers who were to be taken into the enterprise and whose commands were to be won over if possible. "her majesty can surely no longer doubt my good faith," said lafayette, bitterly, to calvert. "success, death, or flight is all that is left to me now." with these letters calvert proceeded on his way to namur, givet, and trèves, where different detachments of lafayette's troops were garrisoned. he was made welcome at every mess-table, and his scheme was received with such enthusiasm that it seemed almost an unnecessary precaution to cross the frontier and seek a possible asylum for the royal family in case the great plan failed. but the very enthusiasm of some of these young officers caused calvert to fear for the success of the enterprise. so loud-tongued were they in their loyalty, with such imprudence did they drink toasts to their majesties and the success of the undertaking, that calvert, himself so calm and silent, was both disgusted and alarmed. with the enthusiastic promise of allegiance to the plan on their own part and that of their regiments, calvert quitted the society of these officers, and, certain of the hearty co-operation of enough troops to make the safety of the king and queen amply assured, he proceeded, by way of the mozelle, to coblentz. he arrived at that city on the 26th of july, and was immediately granted an interview with the great prince-elector of trèves, but recently established in his splendid new palace on the rhine, and the commander-in-chief of the allied army, his grace the duke of brunswick. though calvert had journeyed with all possible speed, he was come a day too late, and he heard with inexpressible alarm and chagrin of the imprudent manifesto issued by the duke but the day before. surely no other great general of the world ever made so colossal, so fatal a blunder. in that arrogant and sanguinary manifesto could be heard the death-knell of the unhappy king of france, or so it seemed to calvert, who was so deeply impressed with the rashness and danger of his grace's diplomacy that he made no attempt to conceal the alarm he felt. this open disapproval so offended the duke and his friend, the prince-elector, that the latter received calvert's proposals with the utmost coldness, and would make no promise to receive the royal fugitives in case it became necessary. perhaps, too, he was weary of royal guests. seeing that nothing was to be got from the elector, calvert hurried on to worms through that beautiful rhine country which he had once traversed so leisurely and delightfully with mr. morris. there he found monsieur le prince de condé, with whom he had a long audience. this great leader of the emigrant forces, being apprised of calvert's embassy, approved heartily of that scheme which would make the king openly join issue with his nobles, and sent the young man on with all speed to kehl with secret letters for monsieur de vioménil. this general, under monsieur de condé's orders, was stationed with trusty troops from luckner's command at the little town of kehl, opposite strasburg, and was deep in secret negotiations with officers of the garrison for the capitulation of that city and the entry of the emigrant army. these intrigues had been going on for some time, and so crafty were vioménil's plans (he was the greatest diplomat the émigrés could boast), and so successful was monsieur de thessonnet, aide-de-camp to the prince de condé, in carrying them out, that when calvert arrived at head-quarters the possession of strasburg by the emigrant forces seemed to be a question of only a few days. 'twas in this belief that monsieur de condé had despatched calvert to monsieur de vioménil, who joined in the enterprise with the utmost enthusiasm and confidence. so assured was he of the success of his own undertaking that he spoke of it almost as if 'twere already an accomplished triumph, even going to the length of showing the young man the method of attack and occupation traced upon the plan of the city; at this street a regiment was to be stationed; at that gate a body of cavalry was to enter--as though he were master of fate and naught could interfere with his plans. so confident was vioménil, and so impregnable a defence did strasburg seem to offer for the king should misfortune overtake him, that calvert set out on his journey back to maubeuge the following day buoyed up with the belief that should the army refuse its allegiance and support the king would find, at any rate, a safe asylum at strasburg. but already brunswick's ill-advised manifesto was at work overthrowing these well-laid plans, which were to come to nothing, as were his own, unhappily, though for a different reason. at maubeuge, where he arrived on the 1st of august, gloomy forebodings in regard to the disastrous effects of his grace of brunswick's manifesto were fully shared by lafayette and those officers committed to the conspiracy. indeed, lafayette was in the greatest anxiety and dismay. "we must force our hand," he said to calvert. "there is not a moment to lose. this cursed, imprudent, vainglorious mandate of brunswick's has set the whole country by the ears, for all paris and the army believes, aye, knows, that the king had cognizance of it before it was issued. the queen has usually been the double dealer, but this time i think they have both had a hand in it, although these letters from your wife, which, according to our agreement, i have opened, assure us that their majesties are still of a mind to trust to the issue of our plan and are ready to make the trial at any moment." "what success have you had with the army?" asked calvert. "much. i can count on a dozen regiments--saurel, marbois, pelletet, and their commands will go with me. i have favorable news, too, from namur and tréves; but there is no more time, i think, to gain over others. we must work with what we have. the advices from paris make it plain that the king is all but lost," and he laid before calvert a budget of despatches lately arrived by couriers from the capital. "you will see for yourself in what a ferment the city is, and how bitterly hostile is the attitude of assembly and people to the king." "and what do you hear from beaufort, monciel, and the rest who are working with the members of the assembly?" asked calvert, who had heard nothing on his long journey, though he had kept their majesties informed of his own movements. "here is beaufort's letter--it reached me yesterday," replied lafayette. "he reports a sufficient number engaged on our side by bribery or interest to insure the king's departure--only it must be instantly, instantly, or all is lost." "then i will go at once to paris," said calvert, "and report all ready here, and the great step must be taken if it is ever to be." "it cannot be too soon." "and have you made all arrangements?" "this is my plan," says the general, laying a military map of france upon the table before calvert. "the king must ask permission to retire to compiègne for a few days--'tis, as you know, one of his majesty's favorite residences, hence the request will seem natural. three days preceding that request (and which, i think, cannot be later than the 9th) i will order several of the most loyal regiments under saurel and marbois to proceed to laon to invest that fortress. i will march with these troops myself, and at la capelle, which, as you see, is about six leagues from compiègne, will order them to proceed to the latter point instead of to laon. the king will find a loyal army surrounding his château of compiègne when he arrives." "and if the assembly refuses to let him leave paris?" "then he and the queen on that same evening must escape disguised--she is a good actress, ned, and did not play beaumarchais's comedies at the little trianon for nothing; the king will have more trouble--to courbevoie, where a detachment of the swiss guard will be found to escort their majesties to compiègne. we must make sure of bachman, who is, i think, of the king's cause, and must have his promise to detail his guard at courbevoie and hold them in readiness. his troops will be strengthened by a regiment under marbois, which will push on from compiègne to meet them. should all go well and his majesty's request be granted, you must instantly send an aide-de-camp to intercept marbois and turn him back to compiègne. though i do not doubt bachman's loyalty, 'tis well to be on the safe side, so that thou, ned, and favernay, and other of the king's friends must be at courbevoie to aid his majesty's flight and see that no treachery is done. we must trust beaufort to accompany the king to the assembly and stay beside their majesties to see that our plans do not miscarry within the palace. and now what dost thou think of the great enterprise?" "i think it cannot fail of success, if their majesties will but do their part, and that they will at last appreciate the marquis de lafayette at his true value," says calvert, warmly. "i think i shall get small credit in that quarter," replies lafayette, smiling a little sarcastically. "nor do i feel that i deserve much. 'tis to thee and to mr. morris that the king's gratitude is due, and if louis xvi is saved from his enemies it will be by the courage and generosity of two american gentlemen," he says, very nobly. "'twas mr. morris's shrewd wit which first set the enterprise afoot, and 'tis thy coolness and bravery which has carried it so far on its way to success. i could not have moved hand or foot in the matter without you two." after fixing upon the 9th of august as the day on which his majesty should repair to the assembly to make his request, and arranging some further details of communication between the army at compiègne and the troops at courbevoie, calvert, in spite of his fatigue (he had ridden for two days and the better part of two nights), set out at once for paris, where he arrived on the morning of the 5th. as he feared, he found the city in a state of the greatest agitation. the different sections of paris had demanded the dethronement of the king, and the temper of the people was so hostile toward their ruler that his majesty's friends were of the opinion that their plan to save him must be put to the test instantly or all would be lost. mr. calvert met those gentlemen (there were five in all besides calvert--monciel, brémond, beaufort, favernay, and d'angrémont) at monsieur de monciel's, together with mr. morris, who, although he obeyed the letter of the law he had laid down for himself, could not, to save his life, refrain from being a spectator, if a silent one, at those deliberations in which he was so profoundly interested. 'twas agreed by these gentlemen, who were all impatient of any delay, that the date, the 9th, set by lafayette, should be adopted for the trial of the great enterprise, and monsieur de favernay was instantly despatched to the frontier to acquaint him of this decision. beaufort and d'angrémont, who had knowledge of all that passed within the palace, were to prepare the king's address to the assembly and to urge upon their majesties the necessity of the speedy trial of that plan to which they had committed themselves. this was no easy business, for, since the unfortunate flight to varennes, both the king and the queen hesitated to trust themselves to their friends or to take any step, the failure of which would but add to the misfortunes they already had to bear. brémond and monciel were to renew their efforts to insure the king's departure by the assembly and to make assurance doubly sure in that quarter; while as for calvert, he was to sound bachman, gain his allegiance to the king's cause, and engage him to detain his swiss guard at courbevoie to aid the king's flight should it be necessary. with these arrangements fully agreed upon, the gentlemen separated, calvert going to the legation for a talk with mr. morris (though he would not stop there for fear of compromising him should the enterprise bring him into peril) and then to the guard-room of the palace, where he found the captain of the swiss troop. 'twas easy enough to engage bachman in calvert's plan, for he was already devoted to the royal cause, and his troops would follow him wherever he led. he entered enthusiastically into the hazardous scheme, agreeing to detail certain regiments at courbevoie under his own command on the evening of the 9th of august to act as an escort for their majesties as far as compiègne if necessary. when this affair was satisfactorily settled and reported to the other conspirators for the king's safety, calvert made his way to the hotel in the rue richelieu, at which he had stayed with mr. morris, and sought the first repose he had known for nearly fifty-six hours. during the days of the 6th, 7th, and 8th of august, mr. calvert and those other devoted friends of the king who were plotting for his safety were kept in the greatest state of alarm by the wildest and most sanguinary rumors of conspiracies to storm the palace and murder the royal family. 'twas only too evident that the temper of the mob could not be counted on from one hour to the next, and that the king must be got out of paris at all hazards. no step could be taken until the 9th, however, when lafayette would be at compiègne, and, in the meantime, those gentlemen engaged in the service of his majesty were busy trying to prepare the way for the king's removal from the capital. the sums of money which were continually brought to mr. morris by monciel, brémond, and others were expended in bribing those who might stand in the way of the king's departure or else invested by him for the future use of their majesties, a rigid account of all of which was given by mr. morris to the young duchesse d'angoulême when he had audience with her royal highness at vienna, years after, and when the tragedy which he had so ardently tried to avert had been consummated. mémoires and addresses for the king were hastily drawn up by calvert, monciel, and beaufort, assisted by mr. morris, who, in the terrible excitement and danger of those last two days preceding the final step, threw prudence to the winds and lent his aid morning and night to the enterprise. early on the morning of the 9th, favernay returned, worn by the fatigue of his long and rapid journey, with the news that lafayette was on the march; that the troops would reach compiègne by afternoon, and that he had left them at la capelle. all being thus in readiness outside of the city, word was borne to his majesty by calvert in a secret interview, and after some persuasion, and the address to the legislators, prepared by mr. morris, being presented to his majesty, he agreed to repair to the assembly at six in the evening to make his request to be allowed to retire to compiègne for a few days. in the early afternoon, and after every precaution possible had been taken to insure the success of the undertaking, calvert, brémond, and favernay left the city, by different routes, for courbevoie, agreeing to meet there at the caserne of the swiss guard to await the issue of the king's appeal to the assembly and be ready to escort his majesty by force, if necessary, to compiègne, while mr. morris, deeming it best not to appear at the assembly, remained at the legation, anxiously waiting for news of the success or failure of the plan. chapter xxiii within the palace the arrival of calvert at the château with his message that all was in readiness for the taking of the final step, the decision for instant action thus forced upon his majesty, and the excitement pervading the whole city, threw the king and queen and those few about them who were in the secret into the greatest agitation. her majesty, especially, was in the cruellest apprehension, and, dismissing her other attendants, kept only adrienne with her during that weary day, which, it seemed, would never end. she was the only soul the queen could confide in, and the two frightened women clung to each other, waiting in terror for the issue of that day's great business. a hundred times did her majesty change her mind about the expediency of risking further the displeasure of the assembly and the people by this request to leave the capital; a hundred times did she revert to her former purpose of waiting for and trusting in the allies whose approach was now so near. it took all of adrienne's courage and persuasiveness to bring the queen back to her purpose of adhering to the enterprise afoot; she found herself arguing passionately in behalf of calvert, and at length succeeded in again imbuing the queen's mind with that faith in him which she herself had. 'twas curious how that old trust she had felt and acknowledged long before she had loved him animated her now, mingled with a pride in him, a passionate devotion, which she had thought never to experience. as for the king, she saw but little of him, for he was either closeted with his ministers or else sat alone, silent and apathetic, as if in resignation of that fate thrust upon him. toward seven o'clock beaufort and d'angrémont were admitted, and, shortly after, his majesty prepared to go with them to the assembly. during the two hours which followed, a thousand hopes and fears agitated the two women left alone in a private chamber of the queen's apartments. her majesty, unable to remain quiet, paced the room in the cruellest apprehension. at exactly nine the king entered, pale and alarmed-looking, and attended only by beaufort. at sight of him the queen arose and went to him with a little cry. "they have refused--all is lost," says his majesty, in a hollow voice. "impossible!" she exclaims, looking from the king to beaufort, who stood by, deathly pale, also. "it is only too true, your majesty," says beaufort, for the king seemed incapable of speech. "in spite of the enormous bribes offered and received, in spite of promises, in spite of his majesty's address, which should have mollified all parties and inspired confidence, the temper of the assembly, which had appeared favorable to his majesty, suddenly changed and an outrageous scene took place; humiliations and insults and threats were heaped upon his majesty, who retired as speedily as possible. d'angrémont was arrested as we left the assembly, which has refused to allow the departure of your majesties, and there remains nothing but to try the last expedient." the queen stood gazing at the king and beaufort, anger and despair written on every feature. her eyes blazed, and into the lately colorless cheeks a deep crimson sprang. "impossible," she says again. "the traitors! to betray us at every turn! surely there is no one so friendless as the king and queen of france! and shall we trust ourselves again to flight? oh, the horrors of that last ride!" she shuddered and sank into a chair. adrienne knelt beside the despairing woman. "all is ready--your majesties have but to follow the instructions--to don the disguises prepared--once at courbevoie all is secure," she says, speaking with the greatest energy and confidence and clasping the queen's hand in her own. suddenly her majesty started up. "never--never!" she bursts out, beginning to pace up and down the small chamber. "never will i again go through with the humiliation of flight and capture. better death or imprisonment at the hands of this ungrateful, mad people!" "but, your majesty--" says beaufort, beginning to speak, but the queen interrupted him. "i know what you would tell me, beaufort," she stopped and spoke imperiously--"that this scheme is the best possible one, the only one, perhaps; that in this enterprise lies our only safety, but i cannot believe it! a thousand times would i rather trust myself to the allies!" she said, beginning to pace the floor again. "i think 'tis not that alone which monsieur de beaufort would tell your majesty," said adrienne, rising from beside the chair where the queen had been sitting. she stood straight and tall before the desperate queen and spoke rapidly. "he would say, also, that there is a handful of brave gentlemen who have risked their lives to serve your majesties, who are waiting now but a few miles away and the further opportunity of serving you. every moment adds to their peril. should your majesties fail them, what will become of them?" she threw out her hands with an appealing gesture. "'tis true," murmured the king. "it must not be said that we sacrificed the last of our friends," he said, smiling a little bitterly and looking at the queen, who continued to pace the little room in the cruellest agitation. "i pray your majesties not to think of us," said beaufort. "your devoted friends and servants think only of what is best for your majesties. 'tis their opinion, as well as my own, that there is nothing left but flight." "never, never!" exclaimed the queen, with increasing firmness. "but think of the danger of remaining in paris!" urged beaufort. "we know not at what moment this insurrection prepared by the jacobins may burst out, we know not at what moment this palace and the sacred persons of your majesties may be at the mercy of an infuriated, insensate mob." "let them come--these dangers--these horrors," says the queen, intrepidly; "they will bring brunswick and the allies that much sooner to this paris which i will not leave until they enter it." she stamped her foot upon the velvet carpet and clinched her white hands at her sides. "then your majesty is resolved to give up the enterprise she has promised to support, to abandon those loyal servants who have depended upon her and his majesty the king?" asks adrienne, looking at the queen, her face pale as marble and her eyes burning with indignation. "does madame calvert permit herself to question our actions?" says the queen, turning imperiously upon her. suddenly her beautiful eyes filled with tears. "forgive me--you are right," she says. "'tis our fate--our wretched fate--to seem to abandon and injure all who are brought near us, all who attempt to serve us. we cannot help ourselves--even now we must break our faith with these loyal friends, for now i see that after the refusal of the assembly to allow us to leave paris, 'twere madness to attempt to go. we would but increase the danger, the humiliation we already have to endure. the only wise course is to await brunswick and the allies. i see now the folly of this plan of escape--indeed, i was never fully persuaded of its wisdom. the confidence i felt in this young american--his devotion to us and that of those other friends--blinded me to the dangers and difficulties of the undertaking." "and the king?" asks adrienne, turning from the queen to his majesty, who sat by, indecision and weariness and timidity written on all his heavy features. "we dare not," he says, at length, apathetically. "the queen is right--after the refusal by the assembly to allow us to depart, after this new humiliation, it were worse than folly to think of escaping. we are surrounded by spies--treachery is within these very walls--how can we hope to get away? it is best to await our doom quietly here. what think you, beaufort?" he asks. "i implore your majesty to make the effort," says beaufort. "once outside paris, the swiss guards await you, lafayette with his loyal regiments is even now at compiègne----" "lafayette at compiègne?--who knows?" says the queen, gloomily, interrupting beaufort again. "monsieur de lafayette hath betrayed us before and may do so again. i trust him not! to know that he has a share in this enterprise is to make me fear to pursue it! no, no," she goes on, shuddering and turning away. "st. cloud and the 5th of october are too well remembered. i should have thought of all this before," she says, striking her hands together in an agony of doubt and despair. "it is too late now." "and who will tell these gentlemen waiting at courbevoie, and the regiments advancing from compiègne at the risk of their lives, of this sudden change in your majesties' plans? should monsieur d'angrémont be induced to divulge their names they will inevitably be lost--their only hope is in immediate flight," says adrienne, looking from the king, sunk in resigned silence, to the frantic, hapless queen, and back again. "who but myself, madame?" said beaufort, advancing. "and if your majesties are fully determined to go no further in this business, i will ask leave to withdraw and set out for courbevoie at once. every moment is precious, and an hour's delay may mean the loss of many lives." "no, no, beaufort, i cannot let you go," cried the king, starting up. "nom de dieu, i forbid you!--d'angrémont is taken from me--there is no one in whom i can confide or trust--we must send another," he went on, incoherently, and raising his hand as if to check beaufort's departure. for an instant the queen swept him a glance of disdain. 'twas not timidity that made her falter. she could not understand the physical weakness of the king; with her the abandonment of the great undertaking was a matter of expediency, not of fear, and she deserted her friends as relentlessly from interest as he did from cowardice. "there is no one, your majesty--no one whom we can send. 'tis too late to trust others with this great secret--" "then i will go," said adrienne, suddenly stepping forward. "send me--i am in the secret, i can be trusted! i can put on the disguise intended for your majesty and go." she turned to the queen and spoke eagerly and rapidly. "i fear nothing. let me go, let me go!" she dropped on her knees before the queen. "i must go--i must," she said, wildly. "is there no other?" asked the queen, turning to beaufort. "surely we are not so destitute of friends that we must send this girl upon such a dangerous mission!" she said, sorrowfully. "i implore your majesty to let me go," said adrienne, once more. "'tis a service i would do myself as well as your majesty," she went on, her white face suddenly covered with a burning blush. the queen looked at her keenly for a moment, and then she put out her hand with a sad, comprehending smile. "you may go," she said. chapter xxiv the tenth of august according to agreement, bremond sped instantly from the assembly to courbevoie with news of the fresh humiliation put upon the king and the outrageous scene which had taken place. he found calvert, monciel, favernay, bachman, and several officers of the swiss guard, upon whose loyalty they could depend, assembled in a room of the officers' quarters of the barracks, anxiously awaiting the issue of the day's events. he told his news amid a dead silence, broken only now and then by an exclamation of indignation or disappointment from one of the listeners. when he had finished speaking, calvert turned to the little group, "then, gentlemen," he says, "pursuant to the plan, the king's request having been denied, we may expect their majesties here before ten, and shall have the honor of guarding them to compiègne." as he looked around upon the little company, there was not a face but expressed some secret doubt and misgiving. the king's timidity and vacillation were so well known that 'twas impossible not to question his good faith even in this last extremity. as ten o'clock passed and eleven and no message or sign of the royal fugitives came to the anxious, impatient watchers, those secret doubts and misgivings began to be openly expressed. "'tis the austrian who has kept him, i will bet a hundred louis," said one of the guard's officers, gloomily. "i never believed she would keep faith with us--she is too deeply committed to brunswick--nor will she let the king do so." even while he spoke there was a sound of someone's running hurriedly up the stairs--they were assembled in an upper room--and in an instant an orderly was hammering at the door, which was flung open by monciel. "a messenger for monsieur calvert," he says, saluting. calvert followed the man hastily down the steps to where a figure waited for him which made him start back with an exclamation of surprise and consternation. adrienne--for it was she--came forward, taking off the cap pulled over her eyes and letting fall the great cloak with which she had enveloped herself in spite of the intense heat, and appearing in the outrider's livery which was to have been the queen's disguise. "c'est moi," she says, hurriedly, and putting a finger to her lips, "and i am come to tell you that their majesties have failed you--have abandoned the plan--and to implore you to escape while there is time." she stood straight and tall in her boy's clothes, but the dim light, falling upon her upturned face, showed it pale as death, and her voice trembled as she spoke. "you are come to tell me this?" says calvert, slowly, still staring at her as though scarce able to believe his senses. "and where is beaufort?" "the king refused to let him go; he is with his majesty," she says, breathlessly--"d'angrémont is taken--'tis reported that the palace is to be attacked to-night. the king and queen will not come--the king is afraid to attempt the escape, and the queen will rely on no one save the allies--we implored them in vain to come but they refused--they have failed you--save yourselves!" she leaned heavily against the door. "it is quite certain?--they will not come?" asked calvert. adrienne shook her head. "then wait--come in here," he said, drawing her into a little anteroom. he ran back up the stairs and burst into the room he had just left, with an imprecation. "their majesties have flashed in the pan," he said to the gentlemen who crowded about him. "'tis no use to wait longer. d'angrémont is taken. you, monciel and favernay, set out instantly to intercept marbois's regiment and turn it back to compiègne. you will go back with the troops and report to general de lafayette what has happened. as for you, gentlemen," he says to the officers of the guard, "not being needed here longer, you had best lead your men back with all speed to paris to guard the palace. the attack is for to-night." almost before he had finished speaking the little company had vanished which it had taken such secrecy and courage and fidelity to call together; the great plan was overthrown which had taken such daring and patience and wealth to set afoot. timidity and bad faith had, in a moment, destroyed what had taken so many weeks to build up, and for the future calamities the king and queen of france were to bear, they had only themselves to thank. calvert ran down the stairs again quickly to the anteroom, where the boyish figure in the long cloak awaited him. "come," he said, briefly, and, ordering a fresh horse for the rider, whose mount was weary, almost without a word the two galloped back together under the fading stars to the city of tumult and horror and crime. and as they raced forward in silence, a thousand hopes and fears crowded in upon calvert's mind, but he put them steadily from him, trying to think but of the king and queen and if there might yet be help for them or service to render. only as he looked at the pale face beside him, at the blue eyes, tired and strained now, a mad wonder would steal over him that she had done this thing. and with this wonder tugging at his heart and brain they pressed onward with all speed. they entered paris as the first streaks of dawn were beginning to redden the sky, and in this rosy morning glow the haggard faces of the multitudes of men and women pacing the streets--for who could sleep during that awful night?--looked more haggard and wretched than ever before. bands of armed ruffians marched through the streets from all sections of the city. 'twas plain that some movement of importance was going forward. the two riders made their way as quickly as possible past the place du carrousel, where calvert could see the faithful swiss regiment at their post, over the pont royal and so to the faubourg st. germain and the american legation. "mr. morris's house is the only safe place in all this mad city, i think," he said to adrienne. "i will leave you in his care while i go and see what has befallen the king and queen." early as was the hour, the legation was all astir, and mr. morris himself came out to meet calvert and adrienne as they dismounted. he had not been to bed during the night and looked harassed and weary. he drew them into the house, where they found a large company assembled. madame de montmorin was there, agony and terror written on her pallid face; the old count d'estaing, who had fought so gallantly in america; dillon, madame de flahaut, and a dozen others, who had taken refuge with the american minister during that terrible night. "you see!" said mr. morris, in a low tone, to calvert, and indicating the little group. "they have fled for protection here, but god knows whether even this spot will afford them safety! i call you to witness, calvert, that if my protection of these persons should become a matter of reproach to me here, or at home (and i have reason to expect it will, from what i have already experienced), i call you to witness that i have not violated the neutrality of this place by inviting them here, but i will never put them out now that they are here, let the consequences be what they may!" "who could believe that you could act in any other way!" said calvert, warmly, touched by the nobility and earnestness of mr. morris's manner, very different from his usual cynical one. "and i am come to put another in your charge until the queen sends for her," he went on. "she has ridden through this terrible night--god knows how--to give us warning that the king and queen have abandoned us and the great plan and have chosen to remain at the palace. i must go to the tuileries and find out what has befallen their majesties and then i will return." "i know all," said mr. morris, bitterly. "i scarcely dared to hope that their majesties would stand by us or their promises. 'tis as i thought, my boy. sacrifices and devotion, time and money have all been wasted in their behalf. so be it! i think no power can save them now. you have bravely done your share. let this end it. and it were best that you should leave paris at once. d'angrémont has died nobly without revealing our secrets--he was murdered within two hours of his capture--but this is no safe place for you. go to the tuileries, if you will, but return to me as soon as possible. you have lost at the palace, but i think there is a reward waiting for you here at the legation," he says, smiling a little and turning away. scarcely had calvert left the legation when he heard the alarm from the great bell of st. germain l'auxerrois--that fatal bell which had rung in the massacre of st. bartholomew two hundred and twenty years before--and almost immediately after there came the sounds of musketry and cannonading from the direction of the palace of the tuileries. the attack had already begun, and calvert thought with a thrill of horror of the fate that awaited beaufort and those other loyal servants of their majesties within the palace. the fearful drama of that day is too well known to need repeating. on that day louis xvi of france passed from history and the revolution was consummated. by the time calvert had reached the quai opposite the louvre the battle was begun, the mob was forcing its way past the scattered national guard, whose commander lay murdered on the steps of the hôtel de ville, past the stanch, true swiss guard, who, left without orders, stood, martyrs at their posts, _ne sacramenti fidem fallerent_, through the carrousel up to the very palace itself. there, surrounded by seven hundred loyal gentlemen, whom he was to abandon as he had abandoned all his friends and servants, the king awaited his doom in apathetic resignation. it was impossible to reach his majesty or to do aught for him, and calvert could only look on from afar. there was no place in that fearful scene for an american. the french at last knew their power, had at last got the bit between their teeth, and no outside interference could stay that fearful pace. the mob surged about calvert, increased every instant by fresh additions from the lowest quarters of the city, reinforced by deputations from the provinces. the firing from without grew quicker and quicker; from within fainter and less frequent, as those devoted servants of the king were shot down, until finally there was silence within the palace and the scarlet of the swiss could be seen scattered and fleeing in every direction as the armed and triumphant mob pushed its way forward. looking into the mad whirlwind of faces, calvert saw the great, disfigured head, the massive shoulders of danton, (but just come, on that fearful morning, to the fulness of his infamy and power), followed by bertrand, battling his way beside his great leader. "and 'twas for this i saved him!" said calvert to himself. "truly the ways and ends of providence are inscrutable!" he watched the terrible scene a long while, and then, seeing that he was powerless to aid those in the palace, he made his way back to the legation with a beating heart. the great disappointment the night had brought, the failure of all those plans in which he had been so profoundly interested and for which he had hazarded so much, even the peril of the king and queen, faded from before his mind as he thought of adrienne and asked himself why she had risked her life to come to him. he saw her still galloping by his side, her face pale in the light of the full august moon, her dusky hair blown backward, the strange, inscrutable expression in her eyes. she was not with the rest of the little company when calvert once more entered the legation. he found her in an upper chamber, where she stood alone beside an open window, looking out on the agitation and tumult of the city below. she had doffed her travel-stained boy's clothes and now wore a dress, which madame de montmorin had offered her, of some soft black stuff that fell in heavy folds about her slender young figure. as he entered she turned, hearing the sound, and their eyes met. he stood silent, trying to fathom the strange look on that pale face. it was the same beautiful face that he had seen in pictured loveliness that last night at monticello, the same that he had seen in reality for the first time at mr. jefferson's levee at the legation, and yet how changed! all the haughty pride, the caprice, the vanity, the artificiality were gone, and instead, upon the finely chiselled features and in the blue eyes, rested a serene, if melancholy beauty, a quiet nobility born of suffering. there rushed through calvert's mind the thought that, after all, that loveliness had at last developed into all that was best and finest. he stood thus looking at her in silence and thinking of these things, and then he went slowly forward, scarce knowing how to address her or explain his presence, who had so long avoided her. "i am come," he says, at length, "to thank you for the great service that you have this night rendered me and those other gentlemen engaged with myself in the king's business. i dare not think what might have been the fate of us all had you not come to our assistance. were they here they would, like myself, thank you with all their hearts." "'twas no great service," she says, "and i could scarce have done less for one who has done so much--who has sacrificed so much for me." "i have sacrificed nothing," says calvert, in a low, compassionate voice. "'twas you who sacrificed yourself, and all in vain! believe me, i suffered for you in that knowledge. i should not have let you--should have found a way, but i was weak and ill and scarcely struggled against the fate that gave you to me. i wish that 'twere as easy to undo the evil as for you to forget me." "forget you! i wish i could forget you. i have thought of you so much that sometimes i wish i could forget you entirely. but i think 'tis out of my power to do so now. i think i should have to be quite dead--and even then i do not know--i am not sure--if you should speak to me i think i would hear," she says, wildly, and covering her eyes with her hand. he looked at the dark-robed figure, the dark head bowed on the heaving breast, and suddenly a joy such as he had never thought to feel ran through his veins. he went over to her, and, lifting the hand from the closed eyes, he put it to his lips. "adrienne," he says, tenderly and wonderingly, "you are crying! why?" "i am crying for so many things! for joy and despair and hope and dead love, because this means nothing to you and everything to me, because i love you and you love me not, because you once loved me--!" she stopped in an access of anguish and, sobbing, knelt before him. the humility of true love had at last mastered her. "not to me--not to me," he said, unsteadily, lifting her. "and why not to you? there is no one so true, no one i honor so much! in my pride and ignorance i thought you were not the equal of these fine gentlemen who have abandoned their king and their country. but i have learned to know you, and my own heart, and what i have thrown away! i am not ashamed to say this--to own to you that i love you." she threw back her head and looked at calvert with eyes that shone with a sorrowful light. "for you once told me that you loved me, and though i know i have lost that love, the memory that i once had it will stay with me and be my pride forever." "'tis yours still, believe me," said calvert. "'tis yours now and forever--forever." he put his arm around her and drew her to him. "far or near i have loved you since the first day i saw you, but i never dreamed that you would come to care, and in my pride i swore i would never tell you of my love after that day in the garden at azay." "i must have been mad, i think," she said, wonderingly. "mad to have laughed at you--mad to have thrown away your love. ah, i have learned since then!" "'tis like a miracle that you should have come to care for me," said calvert, his lips upon her dark hair. "the hour you left me i knew that i loved you. oh, the agony of that knowledge and the thought that i would never see you again! even then my pride would not let me tell you--i thought you would come again--and then--then when later you turned from me--my heart broke, i think--'twas quite numb--i was neither sorry nor glad--" she stopped again. "are you glad now, adrienne?" asked calvert, looking at her tenderly. "yes," she said, quietly. "and will you be content to leave this france of yours and come with me to america? there is a home waiting for you there--'tis not a splendid place like those you know, but only a country house that stands near the noblest and loveliest river of the land, upon whose banks peace and happiness dwell." as he spoke, grim sounds of tumult, cannonading, fierce cries, and hoarse commands came to them from the hot, crowded street below, but they did not heed them--they were far away from that terrible, doomed city. words were scarcely needed--they stood there soul to soul, alone in all the world, and happy. "i am going back to that land of mine, where there is work for me to do. will you not go with me? there is nothing more we can do here. the last chance to save their majesties is gone. will you leave this troubled, fated land and come with me to that other one, where i will make you forget the horrors, the sufferings you have endured in this--where i swear i will make you happy? will you go to this america of mine?" he asked. she gazed into the eyes she so loved and trusted with a glance as serene and true as their own. "i will go," she said. [transcriber's note: the second edition is still under copyright, but contained a few corrections. the quote attributed to jefferson on pages 80-82 is from thomas paine and has a different plate. the text on pages 82-85 and in the introduction were significantly revised. the last paragraph on page 375 was reworded to be less critical of john adams. the original text includes greek characters, which have been replaced with transliterations for this text version. also, certain words use "oe" ligature in the original. carat (^) character has been used to represent subscript in this text version.] thomas jefferson _the apostle of americanism_ books by gilbert chinard volney et l'amérique jefferson et les idéologues les réfugiés huguenots en amérique the commonplace book of thomas jefferson les amitiés françaises de jefferson the literary bible of jefferson [illustration: bust of thomas jefferson by houdon _in the possession of the new york historical society_] thomas jefferson the apostle of americanism _by_ gilbert chinard _with illustrations_ boston little, brown, and company 1929 _copyright, 1929_, by little, brown, and company _all rights reserved_ published september, 1929 printed in the united states of america introduction this study of jefferson's mind is the indirect outcome of an ambitious undertaking on which i launched about ten years ago. my original purpose had been to determine more exactly than had heretofore been done the contribution of the french thinkers to the political philosophy of thomas jefferson. the points of similarity were obvious: the parallelism between the theory of natural rights and the _déclaration des droits de l'homme_ is patent; the american statesman shared with the french "doctrinaires" the same faith in the ultimate wisdom of the people, the same belief in the necessity of a free press and religious freedom. many of his utterances had a sort of french ring and countless gallicisms could be discovered in his letters. he spent in france the five years immediately preceding the revolution of 1789; he knew madame d'houdetot, madame helvétius, lafayette, condorcet, cabanis, du pont de nemours, l'abbé morellet and destutt de tracy. he was accused of bringing back from france the "infidel doctrines" of the philosophers and to some of his contemporaries he appeared as the embodiment of jacobinism. how could such a man have failed to be influenced by the political, social and economic theories which brought about the great upheaval of the end of the eighteenth century? a rapid survey of the jefferson papers in the library of congress and in the massachusetts historical society soon convinced me that the subject had scarcely been touched, notwithstanding the controversy that had been raging about the origin of jefferson's political ideas for more than a century. hundreds of letters written to jefferson by french correspondents were preserved in the precious archives, and had apparently never been consulted. many days were spent in the rotunda of the manuscript division, turning the leaves of the two hundred and thirty volumes of the jefferson papers. documents after documents threw a new light on the mind of the great american--letters hastily written, rough drafts corrected and recorrected, press copies blurred and hardly decipherable, yellowed scraps of paper crumbling to pieces but piously restored; more letters in a regular, precise hand, the hand of a man who had been a surveyor and who drew rather than wrote. fifty years of the most eventful period of american history, told by the chief participants, rose from the old documents, and day by day was revealed more clearly the clean-cut figure of jefferson the american. first of all, the tall, lanky boy, born in a frame dwelling by the rivanna,--not a farmer boy by any means, but the son of an ambitious, energetic and respected surveyor, a landowner and a colonel in the militia, and of a mother in whose veins ran the best blood of virginia. the stern and pious education received in the family, the reading of the bible and shakespeare, the lessons of reverend maury, the son of a huguenot who took the boy as a boarding student, the years at william and mary college in the brilliant, animated, but small capital of virginia, the conversations with mr. small, mr. wythe and governor fauquier, the apollo tavern, the first love affair, and the long roamings in the hills surrounding shadwell. more years as a student of law and as a law practitioner, quickly followed by his marriage with a virginia "belle", and thomas jefferson had settled down, a promising young man, a talented lawyer, a respectable landowner, an omnivorous reader who culled from hundreds of authors moral maxims, bits of poetry, historical, legal and philosophical disquisitions and copied them in a neat hand in his commonplace books. but curiously enough during these formative years, the direct influence of the french philosophers was almost negligible. he knew montesquieu's "esprit des lois" and voltaire's "essai sur les moeurs", but he used both books as repertories of facts rather than as founts of ideas. his masters were the greeks of old, homer and euripides, then cicero and horace, finally bolingbroke and above all the historians of the english law in whose works he studied the principles, development and degeneration of free institutions. the choice of the abstracts made by this young virginian who was still in his twenties already reveals an extraordinary capacity for absorbing knowledge and a most remarkable independence of thought. as he had planned to build a house according to his own plans, he had likewise decided to construct for himself, with material just as carefully chosen, the intellectual house in which he intended to live. had not the revolution intervened, thomas jefferson would probably have spent his years in his native colony, become a successful member of the virginia bar, perhaps a judge learned and respected, a wealthy landowner adding constantly to the paternal acres. he had no ambition and little suspected his own latent genius, and yet, during all these years which he might have passed in leisurely and pleasant idleness, he never ceased, unknowingly as it were, to prepare himself for the great part he was to play. when the call came he was ready. the ideas expressed in the declaration of independence were common property, but their felicitous wording was not due to a sudden and feverish inspiration. the young virginian expressed only the definite conclusions he had slowly reached in reading the historians and the old lawyers. the principles there proclaimed were not abstract and _a priori_ principles; they were distinctly the principles that had directed his saxon forefathers in their "settlement" of england. they were the legitimate inheritance of their descendants and continuators who had brought over with them to america the rights of their ancestors to settle in sparsely inhabited land, there to live freely and happily under institutions chosen by themselves. to go back to a primitive past, to the good old times, had been the dream of many political philosophers; but jefferson's vision of that ancestral past was no dream, for it had originated in the only part of the inhabited earth where it could become a reality. this was the true background of the declaration of independence, the background of jeffersonian democracy--a curious justification of the pioneer spirit by a student of history who cared little for abstract reasoning and philosophical constructions. thus far the national consciousness of thomas jefferson had been somewhat hazy. born in virginia and intensely devoted to the old dominion, he had never left his native habitat until he was sent as a delegate to congress. there only did he realize the divergences of the different colonies and the imperious necessity for them to organize their life and to agree to some sort of a permanent compact. no dealings with foreign nations could be transacted, no efficient measures of protection against the common foe could be devised, unless the several states were held together by some sort of a common bond and had achieved some sort of a unity. while the articles of confederation were being discussed, he puzzled over the essence and meaning of these "natural rights" so often mentioned in the different committees on which he sat, and he preserved the result of his meditations in an unpublished document i had the good fortune to discover in the library of congress. first of all, he was led to establish a distinction between the fundamental natural rights, which the individual can exercise by himself, and another class of rights which cannot be safely enjoyed unless society provides adequate protection. in forming a society and in accepting a social compact, the first rights were to be reserved and to remain inalienable; rights of the second class, on the contrary, were partly given up in exchange for more security. this very simple distinction enabled the young delegate to do away with the old antinomy so perplexing to many political philosophers and to solve the difficulty against which rousseau had vainly struggled in his _contrat social_. the individual remained in full possession of certain rights; society was granted only part of the others, a part to be determined strictly in forming a social compact: the citizen no longer had to sacrifice all his rights on the altar of the country; he remained sovereign in a sovereign society. what was true of individuals was true of the states coalescing to form a union or confederation. each individual state remained sovereign and yielded only part of certain rights in order to obtain more security against foreign aggressors. to the right of expatriation for the individual corresponded the right of secession for the state. but from this recognition of the right to denounce the compact, it did not follow that jefferson would have encouraged either the individual or the states to withdraw from the society thus formed in order to resume a precarious life by themselves. even if he had been an anarchistic instead of being a truly "socialistic" political thinker, a few meetings of the committees on which he sat would have sufficed to demonstrate that, to the necessity of society for the individuals, corresponded the necessity of a union for the individual states. the virginian had developed into a true american. jefferson was thinking nationally and not sectionally; he was ready for the great rôle he was about to assume. his five-year stay in europe confirmed him in the opinion that there existed in america the germ of something infinitely precious, if somewhat precarious, and he realized that his country had really become the hope of the world. he was too fond of good music, good architecture, good dinners, good wines and long conversations not to appreciate fully the good points of life while in paris. he praised the french for their achievements in the arts and sciences, and formed with many of them long-enduring friendships; but neither france, nor england, and even less italy or spain, were countries toward which men could turn their eyes when looking for a political "polar star." traditions were too deeply rooted, prejudices of too long standing, class distinctions too sharply defined to leave room for any hope of ever seeing them establish within a reasonable time a tolerable form of government. on the contrary, unhampered by such hoary traditionalism and free to shape her destinies, america, provided she carefully avoided the dangers under which europe was laboring, could not only establish the best possible form of government, but set an example to be followed by the rest of mankind. these dangers were patent; they resulted from the existence of privileged classes or hereditary aristocracies, of state religions, censorship of the press and books, centralization and concentration in a few hands of all the financial and economic resources of the country. anything that smacked of the european system was to be fought with the utmost energy, not only for the sake of america, but for the sake of the world. such were the real reasons that justify the fight waged by jefferson after his return from europe against the tendencies represented by hamilton. not out of any sympathy for the jacobins did he seem to favor the french revolution; but, since america herself had become the battlefield of two opposed ideals, he sided with the one which, in his opinion, presented the smaller danger for the existence of his country. throughout the long-drawn-out battle, he remained convinced that only by avoiding any entanglement with european politics could america fulfill her destiny. the great obstacle to such an isolation was foreign commerce, for jefferson clearly understood that economic and commercial bonds or dependence would necessarily entail political bonds and political dependence. america was to live in her own world, to pay her debts as soon as possible, to become industrially independent of europe, to manufacture at home enough for her own consumption "and no more." she was also to seize every opportunity to eliminate dangerous neighbors, not that she really coveted any territory or colony held by foreign powers, not that she needed new land for a surplus of population; but she could not keep out of european politics if europe remained at her doors and used her colonies as a "fulcrum for her intrigues." spain was so weak that nothing had to be feared directly from her, but her colonies could be seized at any time by more powerful enemies; france should not be permitted again to set her foot on the american continent. as to england, she was to be expelled from her continental dominions whenever america would be strong enough to enforce the "_american jus gentium_", and the sea was to be neutralized. having removed all causes for foreign frictions and aggressions, america would be free to develop along her own lines. she was to remain for long years to come an agricultural nation; she would grow towards the west by attaching to herself new territories as their population increased. the federal government was to retain a minimum of power and attributions. it was to be carefully and constantly watched for fear of concentrating too much power in a few hands and in one place. federal legislation was to be kept down, for the more laws, the worse the republic--"_plurimae leges, pessima republica_." there was nothing intangible, however, in the government which had been hastily put together at the close of the revolution. it was desirable and necessary to preserve the main principles embodied in the constitution in so far as they expressed the permanent and inalienable rights of the people and the states, but each generation had a right to determine anew the details of the legislation and how they chose to be governed. the different articles adopted in 1787 were not to be considered as sacred as the tables of the law, they were the work of fallible and changing human beings, and the essence of the american government did not rest on a written document but on the dispositions of the individual citizens and on enlightened public opinion. this being the case, it became necessary to prepare each citizen for the part he was called upon to play in the life of the country. the great mass of the american people had a "cool common sense" and a certain degree of instruction which fitted all of them to do certain things, but not everything. a farmer could not overnight and by virtue of the popular choice become qualified to judge of fine legal points, to settle complicated economic problems, or to conduct difficult diplomatic negotiations with foreign courts. all this required more than ordinary common sense and ordinary education: the country needed leaders and experts to be carefully trained in special institutions--in a national university or, if this proved impossible, in state universities. as to the great mass of the common people, they could be trusted to judge of facts and to sit on a jury; they were also good judges of men and properly could choose between candidates for the different offices. a free press would keep them informed of the conduct of the men thus selected; primary and secondary schools would help in the diffusion of knowledge, and enlightened self-interest would prevent them at any time from making grievous mistakes. such a system constituted the best form of government ever established by man; but it did not ensue that it was immediately to be adopted by all the nations of the earth. it embodied certain permanent principles susceptible of general application, for they did nothing but express the unalienable rights of man. all men, however, were not to be intrusted at once with the full enjoyment of their rights. there were certain countries which for generations had been priest-ridden and king-ridden and in which men unaccustomed to use their judgment were swayed by emotions, hatreds and prejudices. a time might come when the sacred contagion of liberty would spread to these unfortunate populations, but it would take many revolutions, much bloodshed and a slow and painful process of education to enable them to shake off their shackles and to enjoy the full benefits of self-government. america, on the contrary, because of her geographical remoteness from europe, because of the quality of the people who had settled in the english colonies, had fought, not to destroy an old order of things, but to preserve and to extend already existing liberties. among the nations of the world she stood as an example and a hope. she was the living evidence that under a free government a large nation could grow prosperous and powerful, simply by existing, and without preaching any new gospel she fulfilled her duty to mankind. whatever may be the shortcomings of this political philosophy, it was distinctly an american doctrine; one cannot imagine it to have originated in any european country, for what would have been a utopian and chimerical dream in the old world was within the reach of man in america. whether it corresponds to present conditions is still another question; it is nevertheless true that by emphasizing the uniqueness of america and the political superiority of his native land for more than fifty years, thomas jefferson did more than any other man of his generation to formulate the creed of americanism. the man who was accused of being denationalized stands as the most integrally and truly american among his contemporaries. this does not mean, however, that jefferson did not occasionally depart from the policies he had thus drawn. no man can remain in public life for half a century without ever falling into contradictions and inconsistencies. only "closet politicians" and mere theorists never accept any compromise, and jefferson was a very practical politician with a keen sense of possibilities and realities. trained as a small-town lawyer, then placed on many committees in congress, forced to wrest war measures out of a reluctant assembly, even managing to hold his own with the resourceful diplomats of europe, thomas jefferson knew how to handle men and how "to take things by their smooth handle." there was nothing quixotic about him and he never tried to fight against windmills, nor did he break his head against blank walls. but he was singularly apt to bide his time, to wait for a favorable opportunity and, whenever he saw a chance, he never failed to come back to his original line of conduct and to his original policies. he seldom indulged in undue display of emotions and personal feelings, but he was no mere thinking machine. in his youth he loved and suffered; later he was perplexed by the riddle of the world; he studied the old philosophers in order to find the moral props which religion could no longer give him and, in his older age, came back to the morals of jesus. his encyclopedic curiosity and the versatility of his mind won for him the admiration of his contemporaries, and, in that sense--the eighteenth-century sense--he was truly "a philosopher." but he was too practical-minded to waste much time in mere theorizing or in theological and metaphysical "disquisitions." firmly convinced that the business of life was with matter, he considered science as an instrument and a tool to master the blind forces of nature. he was more interested in applications than in disinterested research, and in that respect, as in many others, he was not only an american, but, above all, an eighteenth-century man. intensely nationalistic as he was when it came to politics, he was truly cosmopolitan in the realm of intellectual achievements, and thus was created the legend of a denationalized jefferson; for the popular mind, fond of generalizations, is unable to recognize such distinctions. among his friends he counted all the leading scientists of the time and through them--particularly through his french friends of the museum--he exerted an influence of which he himself was perhaps not fully aware. to his european correspondents he appeared the embodiment of what was best in the american character. his influence on the development of liberalism and democratic ideas throughout the world can hardly be estimated, and separate investigations will have to be carried out before his exact contribution to the growth of democracy can be rightly estimated. through his letters he encouraged his friends to keep their faith, but better still he demonstrated that self-government and democracy, as he understood it, were practical and workable schemes and not the idle dreams of philosophers shut in their closets. i hardly dare mention here the names of the many friends and colleagues who gave me most generously their assistance and encouragement. to doctor j. c. fitzpatrick, untiring, most patient and helpful in his suggestions, i owe a particular debt. mr. w. c. ford afforded me all possible facilities for consulting the letters of jefferson in the jefferson coolidge collection of the massachusetts historical society. i discussed more than once with professors willoughby, latané and lovejoy and with president goodnow of the johns hopkins university the perplexing problems that confronted me, and submitted several hypotheses to the history of ideas club of the university. doctor l. p. shanks gave me his time and friendly assistance in the revision of the manuscript. but none of my counselors and friends are to be held responsible for the ideas here expressed, some of which they would probably refuse to indorse. in the course of this investigation i consulted too many books to list them all. randall is still very useful and has not been completely superseded by more modern biographies. i found the books of beveridge fascinating though having somewhat of a tendency, and could not completely agree with mr. beard on the economic origins of the jeffersonian democracy. i naturally made use of mr. becker's study of the declaration of independence. i read the biography of mr. hirst with great interest, though our points of view were very different, and i almost decided to abandon my undertaking when the more recent work of mr. nock appeared. incomplete and unsatisfactory as they are in some respects, the ford edition and the memorial edition are very useful tools, the best available at the present time. much to my regret, i had to omit many documents still unpublished which are preserved in the jefferson papers. the collections of the library of congress and the massachusetts historical society constitute the richest treasure house of historical information ever left by a single man. it would take several lives and a fortune to edit them properly; but since monticello has now become again a national shrine and will be safely preserved, it may not be out of place to express the wish that the day will soon come when a national association will undertake to publish an integral edition of the jefferson papers,--a most fitting monument to the greatest political philosopher of america and one of her greatest sons. gilbert chinard contents introduction book one: _the virginian_ i a virginia boyhood 3 ii an american disciple of greece and old england 19 iii a virginia lawyer 34 book two: _jefferson and the american revolution_ i the declaration of independence 59 ii the revision of the laws of virginia 86 iii governor of virginia--the "notes on virginia" 108 iv a statesman's apprenticeship 137 book three: _an american view of europe_ i society and travel 159 ii gallo-american commerce and the debt question 176 iii union and isolation 194 iv jefferson and the french revolution 215 book four: _monocrats and republicans_ i the quarrel with hamilton 245 ii jacobin or american? 274 iii monticello--agriculture and politics 298 iv "the dictates of reason and pure americanism" 321 v political leader and strategist 343 book five: _the presidency_ i "all republicans, all federalists" 379 ii protective imperialism and territorial expansion 396 iii "self-preservation is paramount to all law" 425 iv "peace and commerce with every nation" 440 book six: _the sage of monticello_ i "america has a hemisphere to itself" 467 ii democratic america 489 iii the philosophy of old age 513 index 533 illustrations bust of thomas jefferson by houdon _frontispiece_ _in the possession of the new york historical society_ a page of jefferson's reflections on the articles of confederation 80 _from the manuscript in the possession of the library of congress_ a page from jefferson's "commonplace book" 102 _from the manuscript in the possession of the library of congress_ lafayette 206 _after a lithograph from the portrait by grevedon_ alexander hamilton 256 _from the painting by john trumbull in the possession of the essex institute, salem, mass._ thomas jefferson 290 _from the portrait by rembrandt peale_ monticello as it appears to-day 314 thomas jefferson 468 _from the portrait by kosciuszko_ book one _the virginian_ chapter i a virginia boyhood the peoples of the old world worship at the birthplaces of their national heroes and bury their mortal remains in splendid mausoleums, pantheons or westminster abbeys. by a significant and symbolic contrast, the memories of washington and jefferson are enshrined in no ancestral homes, but in the mansions planned with loving care, in which they so expressed themselves that their very spirit seems to haunt the deserted rooms of mount vernon and monticello. they are buried according to their wishes on their own land, at the very center of the acres they had themselves surveyed and reclaimed from the wilderness, close to nature and mother earth. however great may be their debt to the past and their remote ancestors, they stand by themselves at the threshold of america's national history,--master builders who wrestled with gigantic tasks and first thought of their country as the future home of unborn millions. the boy who was born on april 2, 1743, in the recently erected farmhouse at shadwell, on the bank of the rivanna, never gave much thought to his lineage in his later life. yet virginians of good stock were always proud of their ancestry, and more than once he was told by his mother that the randolphs could "trace their pedigree far back in england and scotland." jefferson's mother and john marshall's grandmother were descended from william randolph and mary isham, both of the english gentry, and jane randolph, issued from the best blood in the old dominion, had married when she was nineteen a man without means, whose education had been neglected, but sturdy and industrious and belonging to one of the proudest and most aristocratic lines of old virginians. of his mother, jefferson has told us very little either in his letters or in his "autobiography." we may surmise she had the refined, modest, unobtrusive and yet efficient qualities so marked in the virginia girls of the colonial days and so often noticed by travelers. sons are apt to mold their feminine ideal on the memory of their mother, and jefferson may have been thinking both of her and of his wife when, many years later, he contrasted french frivolity with virginian virtues: in america, the society of your husband, the fond cares for the children, the arrangements of the house, the improvements of the grounds, fill every moment with a useful and healthy activity.... the intervals of leisure are filled by the society of real friends, whose affections are not thinned to cobweb, by being spread over a thousand objects. this is the picture, in the light it is presented to my mind.[1] the fond cares for her children would have been ample to fill all the minutes of jefferson's mother. large families were the rule in virginia; fifteen children were born to thomas marshall and mary keith, and jefferson's family was no exception to the rule. between 1740 and 1755, jane randolph gave ten children to peter jefferson; thomas was the third child and the first son. what information he gave about his father has to be completed from other sources. the tradition in the family was that "the first paternal ancestor came from wales, and from near the mountain of snowdon, the highest in great britain." peter jefferson, landowner, practical surveyor, of gigantic stature and strength, had the sturdy qualities and ambition of the pioneer. he received a colonelcy in the militia, became a member of the house of burgesses in 1755, and in 1749 had been chosen with joshua fry, professor of mathematics in william and mary college, to continue the boundary line between virginia and north carolina. "he was afterwards employed with the same mr. fry to make the first map of virginia which was ever made." besides his association with fry, from whom he drew the theoretical knowledge of mathematics in which he was lacking, peter jefferson improved himself by much reading, not novels, but the serious and sound books which constituted the ordinary family library in colonial virginia,--historians, essayists, and most of all shakespeare. for in virginia as well as in new england, shakespeare and the bible were the two books found in every household, the two richest springs of the modern english language. religion took up as much of their life as in new england. prayers were said three and sometimes four times a day, and from his earliest infancy, jefferson became familiar with the liturgy of the church of england, and had stamped in his memory the strong old words, vigorous phrases and noble speech of king james' version. he was only five years old when his father, already planning to give him the education of which he himself had been deprived, decided to send the boy to the best school in the neighborhood. he stayed two years at the english school; then, when nine, he went to the school of mr. douglas, a scotch clergyman, who taught him french and the rudiments of latin and greek. most of his childhood was spent away from home, as a boarding student, and the silence maintained by jefferson with reference to his parents is thus easily explained. it explains also the lack of spontaneity and the awkwardness which always prevented him from expressing freely his emotions and sentiments. what may seem in him a national characteristic was largely a matter of training and early discipline. he was fourteen when his father died, with a last recommendation that his son be given a classical education. still a mere boy, thomas jefferson had become the oldest living male of the family and to a certain extent its head. whether he was at first fully aware of his new responsibility is very doubtful. he could not remember without a retrospective fear in his later years how close he had come to wasting his whole life: when i recollect that at fourteen years of age, the whole care and direction of myself was thrown on myself entirely, without a relation or friend, qualified to advise or guide me, and recollect the various sorts of bad company with which i associated from time to time, i am astonished i did not turn off with some of them, and become as worthless to society as they were.[2] the next two years were spent as a boarding student with reverend mr. maury, "a correct classical scholar"--probably not a very inspiring one, if we interpret rightly the adjective used by jefferson. we may well imagine him at sixteen, a tall, slim boy, with auburn hair and clear eyes, fond of fowling, horse-riding and outdoors, fond of reading also, but disposing of very few books; for his father's library was not large and, if the reverend mr. maury followed the tradition of many old schoolmasters, he seldom opened his library to his students. still, he knew his bible, had read a few english classics, was well grounded in greek and latin, and had perfected his knowledge of french; but it is doubtful whether he was acquainted with any french writer except the old standard authors--"télémaque", berquin, perhaps "gil blas" and pascal's "pensées." but, even at that age, jefferson necessarily knew something of the many duties of a landowner; for the slaves he was the young master, and during the summer he had to become somewhat acquainted with the management of a large estate. the education he had received was not exactly a frontier education with the usual connotations of that word. he had not been brought up in a log cabin, he had never engaged in back-breaking tasks of felling trees or of splitting rails; he probably had never put his hand to the plow except as an experiment. he had heard his father tell of long journeys in the wilderness and of treacherous indians, but no red men roamed the forests near shadwell. the only indians he knew were peaceful, almost romantic characters who stopped at the house of colonel jefferson on their way to williamsburg. i knew much--he said--of the great ontasseré, the warrior and orator of the cherokees; he was always the guest of my father on his journeys to and from williamsburg. i was in his camp when he made his great farewell oration to his people, the evening before his departure for england. the moon was in full splendor, and to her he seemed to address himself in his prayers for his own safety on the voyage, and that of his people during his absence; his sounding voice, distinct articulation, animated action, and the solemn silence of his people at their several fires, filled me with awe and admiration.[3] this youthful impression left an indelible mark on his mind and was not without some influence on the "notes on virginia" as well as on the letters he wrote to indian chiefs when he was president. nor was shadwell exactly in the "howling wilderness", even if there was no large city near it. it was located on the road to williamsburg, and many travelers stopped at the house on their way to the capital. hospitality to friends and strangers was a sacred rite and most scrupulously observed. much visiting was done in virginia, and men particularly spent considerable time traveling from house to house; slaves were put up, horses were sent to the stable, while the best was spread on the table for the master. during the summer months, when roads were not made impassable by deep mudholes, one visitor had hardly left when another came. they had to be entertained, sometimes at a considerable expense, always at a considerable loss of time. young jefferson soon realized, after returning to shadwell, that he would never amount to much and would probably become an idler, if he stayed on the estate like so many of his young friends. the wasting of precious moments irritated and disturbed him when he wanted to do some reading or some study, and he felt that the condition of the estate hardly warranted such a generous hospitality. he therefore decided to leave, and the letter he wrote on this occasion to his guardian, mr. john hervey of bellemont, shows him fully aware of his responsibilities and perfectly definite in his plans.[4] in the spring of 1760, the young man, then exactly seventeen, went to williamsburg and enrolled in the college of william and mary. quite possibly it was his first visit to the capital of virginia, his first contact with urban life. it was, for the time, a place of very respectable size and considerable activity. old professor hugh jones, a man much traveled and much read, described it enthusiastically in his "present state of virginia", published in london in 1724: williamsburg is a market town, and is governed by a mayor and aldermen. it is a town well stocked with rich stores, all sorts of goods, and well furnished with the best provisions and liquors. here dwell several good families, and more reside here in their own houses at publick times. they live in the same neat manner, dress after the same modes, and behave themselves exactly as the gentry in london; most families of note having a coach, chariot, berlin, or chaize.... thus they dwell comfortably, genteely, pleasantly, and plentifully in this delightful, healthful, and (i hope) pleasant city of virginia. great occasions were receptions given by the governor, meetings of the assembly, occasional performances by regular companies from new york, semi-professional players and later, by the virginian company of comedians. horse races attracted every year a large concourse of people, for every true virginian is a lover of horseflesh. betting was active and large sums of money changed hands, particularly for the four-mile heat race given each year on the course adjoining the town. ladies in all the glory of their imported dresses, gentlemen in brilliantly colored knee breeches and coats, with elegantly chased swords at their sides and the best beaver hats made in london under their arms, attended the receptions, the dances, the theater, and more than once adjourned to the famous apollo room in the raleigh tavern, where they indulged in much drinking of "punch, beer, nantes rum, brandy, madeira and french claret." the first time young jefferson went to the raleigh he was probably shown the largest punch bowl in the house, which had played a part in the purchase of shadwell, for had not colonel jefferson bought the site from william randolph of tuckahoe, for "henry weatherbourne's biggest bowl of arrack punch"? the college itself was no less an attraction than the town. built originally on the plans of christopher wren, it had unfortunately been remodeled after a fire, "a rude, misshapen pile, which but it had a roof would be taken for a brick-kiln", wrote jefferson in his "notes on virginia." such as it was, however, with the capitol, of much better style, it was the first large building and monument the young man had ever seen and he probably admired it at the time as much as most virginians did. it was by no means a university, not even a real college. like most institutions of learning in the colonies, it had been established "to the end that the church of virginia may be furnished with a seminary for ministers of the gospel, and that the youth may be piously educated in good letters and manners, and that the christian faith may be propagated amongst the western indians, to the glory of the almighty." the lack of preparation of the students, the fact that the sons of the wealthiest were sent to england to finish their education, perhaps also an aristocratic scorn for specialized and intensive learning among the gentry of virginia, all had contributed to keep down the standards of the institution. much to his disgust, jefferson found ... that the admission of the learners of latin and greek had filled the college with children. this rendering it disagreeable and degrading to young gentlemen, already prepared for entering on the sciences, they were discouraged from resorting to it, and thus the schools for mathematics and moral philosophy, which might have been of some service, became of very little. the revenues, too, were exhausted in accommodating those who came only to acquire the rudiments of the sciences.[5] thus the problem of caring for the many, the danger of keeping together in college the prepared and the unprepared students, which is still with us, existed already in america one hundred and fifty years ago. evidently jefferson considered himself as one of those young gentlemen who were prepared for entering upon the study of the sciences; he was certainly more mature for his years than most of his fellow students and looked down upon them as well, we may surmise, as upon the teachers themselves. on the other hand, the town offered many temptations and he probably yielded to some of them. he was often thrown into the society of horse-racers, card-players, fox-hunters, and at the end of his first year in college it appeared to him that he had spent more than his share of the income of the estate. he therefore wrote to his guardian to charge his expenses to his share of the property: "no," colonel walker is reported to have said,--"if you have sowed your wild oats thus, the estate may well afford to pay the bill." we possess no precise information upon the amount spent by jefferson nor any account book for that year, but we may surmise that colonel walker would not have been so lenient if the total sum had been spent in reprehensible dissipations. williamsburg boasted of a large bookstore, and in 1775 dixon and hunter published a list of more than three hundred titles in their stock. book lovers are born and not made. jefferson had never been able to satisfy fully his passion for books, and as the college library offered him only very meager resources, he must have plunged with delight in the bookshop of williamsburg and bought extravagantly, an expense the estate "could well afford to pay." but the fact remained that what he had learned he had learned by himself, and that college life had not furnished him the guidance and direction he was looking for. it was at this juncture that doctor small, professor of mathematics, was appointed _ad interim_ professor of philosophy and soon developed an interest in the young virginian. jefferson himself paid a grateful tribute to the man who just in time rescued him from his frivolous companions and brought back to his mind the serious purpose he had entertained when he entered william and mary. it was my good fortune and that probably fixed the destinies of my life, that doctor william small of scotland was then professor of mathematics, a man profound in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, and an enlarged and liberal mind. he, most happily for me, became soon attached to me, and made me his daily companion when not engaged in the school; and from his conversation i got my first views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in which we are placed. fortunately, the philosophical chair became vacant soon after my arrival at college, and he was appointed to fill it _per interim_: and he was the first who ever gave, in that college, regular lectures in ethics, rhetoric and belles-lettres.[6] for jefferson doctor small was the prime awakener and inspirer. through him the young man was introduced to george wythe who soon accepted him as a student of law, and through him again he was received by governor fauquier. such were the first really cultured men with whom jefferson ever came in contact: william small, the mathematician and philosopher, would not have been a true scot if he had not had that passionate love for discussion and logic which seems the innate gift of so many sons of the highlands. francis fauquier, "the ornament and delight of virginia", generous, liberal, elegant in his manners and requirements, was the son of doctor fauquier of floirac, near bordeaux, who had worked under newton in the mint and become a director of the bank of england. his early biographer burke, the virginia historian, has chiefly emphasized his propensity to gaming. but fauquier was an economist of no mean distinction and had written an important tract on the basis of taxation. he was interested in physics or natural philosophy and had become a fellow of the royal society. he was a student of natural phenomena and sent to the society the description of a hail-storm in virginia. finally, there was george wythe, whose virtue was of the purest tint, his integrity inflexible, and his justice exact. last and most important of all his qualities, perhaps, was the characteristic peculiarity mentioned by jefferson in the sketch he wrote after the death of his old master: "he was firm in his philosophy, and neither troubling, nor perhaps trusting any one with his religion." such were the true masters of thomas jefferson, and from their conversations around the table, after bottles of port had been brought, he learned more than any student at william and mary ever acquired in college. it was a rare privilege for a young man of jefferson's age to be admitted to the "_parties carrées_", and he must have already given singular promise to have been invited at all into the society of these three luminaries of virginia. what topics were discussed among them can easily be imagined. fauquier would speak of old england, the theaters of london, the monuments and works of art, of his colleagues of the royal society, or discuss a problem of taxation or a recent meteorological phenomenon. a man of the world, a friend of admiral anson whom he had met after his circumnavigation of the globe, a director of the south sea company, he would speak of ships, strange lands, and reveal to the young man the existence of a world extending far beyond his native virginia. thus was born in jefferson that ardent desire to travel and most of all to see england which appears in some letters written in the early sixties. philosophical and religious subjects perhaps were introduced, although that is rather doubtful, in my opinion. the passage on george wythe, already quoted, mentions his reticence on religion. whatever may have been the propensity of fauquier to gaming, he was never accused by his contemporaries of being a religious libertine. it is also very doubtful whether any of the group would naturally have discussed such subjects, particularly in the presence of a young student whose education had been deeply religious. finally it must be remembered that in virginia, as well as in new england, there always existed some "reserved questions", that it was not good form to criticize established institutions and current beliefs. it is quite possible that fauquier may have lent to jefferson certain volumes of shaftesbury and bolingbroke, but in spite of the contrary opinion expressed by some biographers of jefferson, it seems very unlikely that any of the three older men should have undertaken to shake the foundations of his faith. the "_parties carrées_" could not have lasted very long, since william small went back to scotland in 1762. but jefferson's acquaintance with fauquier and wythe was continued for many years after the departure of the philosopher and, in both cases, until the death of the older men. the master of shadwell had sown his wild oats; he had had his brief flight of dissipation and had reformed; but he had by no means become a hermit. he had not entirely given up attending horse races and fox hunts. many a time--he wrote in 1808--have i asked myself, in the enthusiastic moment of the death of a fox, the victory of a favorite horse, the issue of a question eloquently argued at the bar, or in the great councils of the nation. well, which of these kinds of reputation would i prefer? that of a horse jockey? a fox hunter? an orator? or the finest advocate of my country's rights?[7] what young man has not thus dreamed of serving his country and devoting himself to some noble cause, what student preparing for the bar has not pictured himself winning a difficult case, forcing the judge's attention and swaying a reluctant jury? the ambition to become an orator may have been awakened in his mind by the acquaintance he had made of the "uncultured demosthenes" of the old dominion. in the winter of 1759-1760, he had met at the house of mr. dandrige, in hanover, a tall, ascetic-looking fellow, rather disdainful of finery and careless in his wearing apparel, but "with such strains of native eloquence as homer wrote in"--"i never heard anything that deserved to be called by the same name with what flowed from him," wrote jefferson later, "and where he got that torrent of language is unconceivable. i have frequently shut my eyes while he spoke, and, when he was done, asked myself what he had said, without being able to recollect a word of it. he was no logician. he was truly a great man, however--one of enlarged views." his name was patrick henry. far less uncultured than jefferson's portrait would lead us to believe, related to very good families, although poor and a complete failure as a merchant, patrick henry had suddenly decided to enter the legal profession, and after borrowing a "coke upon littleton" and a "digest of the virginia acts", he had appeared after six weeks' preparation before the board of examiners. he won his diploma through logic, clear presentation and common sense rather than through his knowledge of the law, and commenced practicing in the fall of the same year. whenever a case appeared before the general court sitting at williamsburg and consisting of the governor and his council, "he used to put up" with jefferson, borrowing books which he seldom read, always ready with stories of the backwoods. fame came to him soon after, when his fiery eloquence in the "parson's case" drew down upon him clerical hostility and public admiration. "instead of feeding the hungry and clothing the naked," he cried out in the courtroom, "these religious harpies would, were their powers equal to their will, snatch from the hearth of their honest parishioner his last hoe-cake, from the widow and her orphan children their last milch cow, the last bed, nay, the last blanket, from the lying-in woman."[8] not even in the days of the convention did the halls of paris echo with more vehement vituperations and more indignant denunciations. a magnetic power, an emotional appeal to elementary passion, to a sense of justice in the mass rather than to the letter of the law fitted him for political life. he was soon to have his opportunity; in the meantime he awoke in jefferson a revolt against clerical usurpations that was to bear its fruit in time. usually passed over by jefferson's biographers, the plea made by patrick henry in the "parson's case" seems to have been the incident that called the young man's attention to the position occupied by the established church in its relations to the civil power. it started in him the train of thought that culminated in the "bill for religious freedom." it has been sometimes said that jefferson used to spend fourteen hours a day in study when he was at williamsburg; his correspondence with john page shows him in a very different light. he was not in any sense a bookworm, even though he read enormously, but he played as strenuously as he studied. a good horseman, a good violin player, a good dancer, he was a much-sought-after young man. he had a keen eye for the ladies, and very early in 1762 he had fallen in love with miss rebecca burwell, the _bell-in-day, belinda, campana in die, adnileb_ of his letters to page. the young lady had given him her profile cut in black paper which he carried in his watch case. far from her, life lost all interest: "all things appear to me to trudge in one and the same round: we rise in the morning that we may eat breakfast, dinner and supper, and to go to bed again, that we may get up the next morning and do the same, so that you never saw two peas more alike than our yesterday and to-day." he had in mind to go back to williamsburg, to propose, receive his sentence and be no longer in suspense: "but reason says, if you go, and your attempts prove unsuccessful, you will be ten times more wretched than ever."[9] spring, then summer came, and he could not muster up enough courage to declare himself. madly in love as he was, he was not intending to marry at once. he had formed great plans for traveling. he was dreaming of hoisting his sail and visiting england, holland, france, spain, italy (where i would buy me a good fiddle), and egypt, and return home through the british provinces to the northward. this would take him two or three years. was it fair to ask belinda to wait so long for him? and yet he could not leave without speaking and remain in suspense and cruel uncertainty during the whole trip. "if i am to meet with a disappointment, the sooner i know it, the more of life i shall have to wear if off ... if belinda will not accept of my service, it will never be offered to another. that she may i pray most sincerely: but that she will, she never gave me reason to hope."[10] when college opened again at the beginning of october, he had made up his mind to make his position clear. a dance was to be given in the apollo room of the raleigh tavern. he dressed up in all his finery, he rehearsed in his head such thoughts as occurred to him and made a complete fiasco. "a few broken sentences, uttered in great disorder, and interrupted with pauses of uncommon length were the too visible marks of my strange confusion" (october 7, 1763). belinda did not say a word to relieve him in his embarrassment, did not manifest in any way that she understood his purpose, and several months were to elapse before jefferson had another opportunity to express himself. this time he had learnt his piece perfectly, and from what we know of him already it is probable that he made a very clear presentation of his case, too clear and too logical even, for he concluded by saying that the decision rested with her and that a new interview would not serve any purpose. a strange lover indeed, apparently as madly in love as a young man could be, and yet too respectful of the free will of his beloved to attempt to sweep her off her feet by too frequent interviews and too passionate pleas! belinda listened attentively but did not give any indication that jefferson's speech had convinced her and won her heart. a few weeks later the bashful suitor heard indirectly of her answer when she announced her marriage to mr. b ... whether it was "for money, beauty, or principle will be so nice a dispute, that no one will venture to pronounce", wrote jefferson at the time. to crown the joke, his happy rival, who evidently had been kept in blissful ignorance of jefferson's sentiments, asked him to act as a best man at the wedding. a more ironical trick of fate could scarcely be imagined; but, all considered, belinda was not altogether to blame. thomas jefferson did not think of committing suicide, he did not swear revenge, nor did he curse the ungrateful one in any of his letters. we have some reason to believe, however, that his affair with belinda marked a decisive turn in his life. it killed whatever romantic strains may have existed in his heart; it matured him, and it was probably at that time that the long-belated metaphysical crisis took place, the disappointed lover evolving a certain philosophy of life which he was to retain to the end of his days. chapter ii an american disciple of greece and old england until very recently the material for a study of the formative years of thomas jefferson was very scanty. many of his earliest letters have disappeared and he always felt a strong disinclination to analyze himself in writing. it was also contrary to his training and to the customs of his milieu to discuss personal matters too frankly and too openly. an american jean-jacques rousseau baring his heart to posterity would have been as out of place as a man from the moon in new england or virginia. but what he did not express as his personal feelings, he copied from the philosophers and poets he read during his studious nights or when resting under a tree on one of the hills surrounding shadwell. the two commonplace books i have recently published, written by jefferson during his student days and consulted by him throughout his life, could rightly be called "jefferson self-revealed."[11] they enable us at any rate to determine with a fair degree of certainty the sentimental and intellectual preoccupations that filled his mind when examining the problems of society and the universe. it does not seem that, until 1764, that is to say until the unfortunate ending of his love affair with belinda, jefferson had ever been touched by any religious doubt. when, in july, 1763, he foresaw the possibility of being rejected, he wrote to page a long letter in which he appears still strongly marked by the christian training he had received in his family and at the hand of mr. douglas and the reverend mr. maury: perfect happiness, i believe, was never intended by the deity to be the lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he has very much put in our power the nearness of our approaches to it, is what i have steadfastly believed. the most fortunate of us, in our journey through life, frequently meet with calamities and misfortunes which may greatly afflict us; and, to fortify our minds against the attacks of these calamities and misfortunes, should be one of the principal studies and endeavors of our lives. the only method of doing this is to assume a perfect resignation to the divine will, to consider that whatever does happen, must happen; and that, by our uneasiness, we cannot prevent the blow before it does fall, but we may add to its force after it has fallen. these considerations, and such others as these, may enable us in some measure to surmount the difficulties thrown in our way; to bear up with a tolerable degree of patience under this burden of life; and to proceed with a pious and unshaken resignation, till we arrive at our journey's end, when we may deliver up our trust into the hands of him who gave it, and receive such reward as to him shall seem proportioned to our merit. such, dear page, will be the language of the man who considers his situation in life, and such should be the language of every man who would wish to render that situation as easy as the nature of it will admit. few things will disturb him at all: nothing will disturb him much.[12] this note of christian stoicism is exactly what might be expected from a young protestant whose mind was not particularly perturbed by metaphysical problems. at that time jefferson did not even conceive that there might exist a code of ethics resting on a different basis. if doctor small had helped him to find his exact relation to "the system of things in which we are placed", he was satisfied that complete resignation to divine will was the only wisdom. it may be safely assumed that three years after meeting governor fauquier, thomas jefferson had retained intact the faith of his youth. what brought a change in his attitude and disturbed his equilibrium is certainly not the influence of the "infidel french philosophers." the volume of extracts which i published under the title of "the literary bible of thomas jefferson" does not contain a single quotation from voltaire, diderot, or rousseau, and french literature is represented only by a few insignificant lines from racine. it is more likely that the first doubts were injected into his mind by the reading of bolingbroke. he did not even need the assistance of fauquier to lead him to the english philosopher. the catalogues of the old libraries of virginia frequently mention shaftesbury's "characteristics" and bolingbroke's "works."[13] whether it was from the town bookstore or from fauquier's own library, the fact remains that sometime, when still a student, but certainly after 1764, jefferson obtained a copy of bolingbroke and came to question the authenticity of the bible as a historical document. it may have been due to the sentimental shock he had suffered, or simply to the critical attitude developed in him by his study of legal texts and decisions, but there is little doubt that he put into practice at that time the advice he gave later to peter carr, when he told him to "question with boldness the existence of a god; because, if there be one, he must more approve of the homage of reason, than that of blindfold fear. you will naturally examine first, the religion of your own country. read the bible, then, as you would read livy or tacitus."[14] he therefore went systematically through bolingbroke, learned from him methods of historical criticism and scientific doubt, weighed the evidence with a legal mind and came to very definite conclusions. at this decisive turn in his life, jefferson might easily have become a sceptic and a cynic, like so many men of the eighteenth century. as a matter of fact, a careful study of his "literary bible" indicates that at least for a time he was extremely cynical in his attitude towards women. this may have been due to the cruelty of belinda, but it was more than a passing mood, for as late as 1770, two years before his marriage, he scribbled on the margin of his account book a latin doggerel clearly indicating his distrust of the female kind: _crede ratem ventis, animum ne crede puellis namque est foeminea tutior unda fide. foemina nulla bona est, sed si bona contigit ulla nescio quo fato mala facta bona est._ from euripides particularly he collected with a sort of waggish pleasure the strongest denunciations of women in the old poet and repeated with him "mortals should beget children from some other sources, and there should be no woman-kind: thus there would be no ill for man"--and again, "o zeus, why hast thou established women, a curse deceiving men, in the light of the sun?" in milton he found an echo of euripides' misogynism and from "paradise lost" and "samson agonistes", he compiled a pretty set of accusations against female usurpations. his conclusion at that time was probably that of the old english poet, and he affirmed his superiority over the treacherous sex by repeating after him: therefore god's universal law gave to man despotic power over his female in due awe.[15] his outlook on life must have been very gloomy, if we are to trust certain quotations from greek and latin authors. to matters of mythology, descriptions of battles, and grandiose comparisons in homer, jefferson apparently paid no attention. he saw in the old poet a repository of ancient wisdom and the ancient philosophy of life. from him he collected verses in which he found expressed views on human destiny,--a courageous, stoic, yet disenchanted philosophy, summed up in two lines from pope's translation: to labour is the lot of man below and when jove gave us life, he gave us woe. when he read from cicero's "tusculanae" he selected passages with a view to confirm the deistic and materialistic principles towards which he was leaning at the time: "all must die; if only there should be an end to misery in death. what is there agreeable in life, when we must reflect that, at some time or other we must die." this particular piece of reasoning seems to have struck jefferson quite forcibly, for he repeated it again and again fifty years later in his letters to john adams: "for if either the heart, or the blood, or the brains, is the soul, then certainly the soul, being corporeal, must perish with the rest of the body; if it is air, it will perhaps be dissolved; if it is fire, it will be extinguished."[16] it was then that he copied and evidently accepted the statement of bolingbroke that "it is not true that christ revealed an entire body of ethics, proved to be the law of nature." the "law of nature"--what was meant by the word? was it the epicurean maxim of horace,--"enjoy to-day and put as little trust as possible in the morrow?" if such had been the conclusion reached by jefferson he could have followed the line of least resistance and enjoyed the good things of life, the good wines of the raleigh tavern, the pretty girls and all the social dissipations of many of his contemporaries. such would have been jefferson's destiny, had he been born in the old world. had he been made of weaker stuff he would have become one of the fox-hunters, horse-racers and card-players of the virginian gentry. but he was saved by his aristocratic pride and the stern teaching of the old stoics. he was conscious that he was of good stock, and he had read in euripides that "to be of the noble born gives a peculiar distinction clearly marked among men, and the noble name increases in lustre in those who are worthy."[17] to be ever upright and to be worthy of one's good blood, this was the simplest, most obvious and most imperious duty. it would have been very difficult for jefferson to believe any longer that "at the end of the journey we shall deliver up our trust into the hands of him who gave it and receive such reward as to him shall seem proportionate to our merit", which was his belief in 1763. there was not even much to obtain in our life as a reward, for most societies are so organized that "whenever a man is noble and zealous, he wins no higher prize than baser men."[18] still the fact remained that, after the collapse of all the religious superstructure, the foundations of morality were left unshaken, so jefferson undertook to rebuild his own philosophy of life according to bolingbroke's advice, with the material at hand. for it was evident that "a system thus collected from the writings of ancient heathen moralists, of tully and seneca, of epictetus, and others, would be more full, more entire, more coherent, and more clearly deduced from unquestionable principles of knowledge."[19] but he would take nobody's word for it, he would accept the teachings of no professor of moral philosophy; every man had to think for himself and to formulate once for all his own philosophy. when writing to his nephew, who he thought might go through the same crisis, jefferson declared some forty years later that: man was destined for society. his morality, therefore, was to be formed to this object. he was endowed with a sense of right and wrong, merely relative to this. this sense is as much part of his nature, as the sense of hearing, seeing, feeling; it is the true foundation of morality and not the to kalon, truth, etc. as fanciful writers have imagined. the moral sense, or conscience is as much a part of man, as his leg or arm. but this is the jefferson of 1808, the mature man, almost the aged sage of monticello. how far he was from having reached that poise and that clear vision of the moral world, appears in the confusion and contradictions of the abstracts collected in the "literary bible." yet when he read homer, euripides, cicero, shakespeare, and even buchanan, jefferson had a clear and single purpose. he was reading more for profit than for pleasure, to gather material with which to build anew, by himself and for himself, a moral shelter in which he could find refuge for the rest of his days. he was not thinking then of devoting his life to his country; if he had any patriotism, it was dormant, and if he had any sense of abstract justice it is nowhere manifest. and yet, quite in contrast with the general run of quotations in the "literary bible" are some maxims scribbled in one of his unpublished memorandum books under the year 1770. he had already levelled the top of the hill on which he was to build monticello and was digging the cellar. but one day, after noting carefully that "4 good fellows, a lad and two girls, of about 16 each, have dug in my cellar a place in 8 hrs. 1/2, 3 feet deep, 8 feet wide and 16½ feet long," he stopped to recapitulate the most striking maxims by which he intended to regulate his life: ... no liberty no life--endure and abstain--_bonum est quod honestum, macte virtute esto, nil desperandum, faber suae quisque fortunae, fari quae sentiat_, what is, is right--_ex recto decus_--_ne cede malis sed contra audientior ito_--long life, long health, long pleasure and a friend--_non votum nobis sed patriae_--_fiat justitia ruat coelum_. clearly between the time he compiled his "literary bible" and this entry in the memorandum book, a considerable change had taken place in jefferson's mental world. what was dormant had been awakened, what was non-existent had been created. let those who are looking for influences hunt for pale reflections of these maxims in the writings of the french philosophers. i cannot perceive any. i would even say that there is no distinct influence of bolingbroke, for jefferson borrowed from bolingbroke methods of approaching certain problems rather than definite ideas. the young virginian made use, for a short time only, of the critical reasoning employed by the english philosopher, but when it came to building anew, he gathered all the material, stone by stone and maxim by maxim, from the old greek stoics. it was a pessimistic yet courageous philosophy of life, far different from eighteenth-century optimism. by a strange anomaly, the son of the pioneer, the young man supposedly brought up under frontier influence, felt more kinship with greece and republican rome than with the philosophers of london, paris or geneva. during this early period of his life and when he had rejected the christian system of ethics, the young virginian found the moral props he needed in homer's simple code of honor and friendship; in echoes from the greek stoics discovered in cicero; and through them also was revealed to him a conception of patriotism and devotion to public duty which was to mold the rest of his life. in the transformation that took place in jefferson's attitude towards life, it would be unjust to leave out the influence exerted by patrick henry. the young student was present when henry delivered his famous speech in the house of burgesses in 1765 and ended the speech with the defiant declaration, "if this be treason make the most of it." "he appeared to me," wrote jefferson, "to speak as homer wrote; his talents were great indeed, such as i never heard from any man." from henry he did not receive any particular political philosophy, but from him he learned the value of those striking formulas which remain in the memory of men, become mottoes and battle cries of political campaigns. he liked the vehemence and completeness of henry's affirmation and when, in 1770, he wrote in his memorandum that maxim of all revolutionists and radicals of every age--_fiat justitia ruat coelum_, let there be justice, even if the heavens should crumble down--he was thinking as much of the virginia orator as of the romans of old. a last item in the same memorandum book of 1770 may justify the supposition that still another influence had entered jefferson's life. by that time he had forgotten the fickle belinda who had played with his heart, but he was no longer a woman-hater. when he quoted from pope "the sleepy eye that speaks to the melting soul", he was already thinking of the young and attractive widow he was to marry two years later. in the meantime he had been pursuing assiduously his law studies and his readings of political philosophers. very early after entering college, he had decided that he would not be satisfied with the study of belles-lettres, or the life of a gentleman managing a large country estate. the clergy and the law were the only two professions open to a young man of distinctly aristocratic tendencies. he chose the law and began his training under the direction of mr. wythe. this training was markedly different from the instruction he would have received in europe. there was no regularly organized law school at williamsburg; candidates for the bar had to prepare themselves under the direction of an old practitioner; they attended the sessions of the court and prepared briefs for their master; they studied by themselves and consequently were much more familiar with the practice than with the theory of jurisprudence. no examination was given by a regular faculty; but a license to practice law and to hang out his shingle was obtained by the candidate after appearing before a special board of examiners. in the case of patrick henry, the examiners had been john randolph, afterward attorney-general for the colony, peyton randolph, mr. wythe and perhaps robert c. nicholas. if henry "got by" after six months' study, thanks to his phenomenal fluency and "aplomb", it took jefferson six years before he considered himself sufficiently prepared to appear before the examiners. a large part of his time however was spent at shadwell in agricultural pursuits and independent study; but he came regularly to williamsburg to consult mr. wythe, to attend the sessions of the court, to buy books, and also to attend during the winter the many functions given by the brilliant society of the capital of virginia. these years, the most important of all in the formation of jefferson's political theories, can now be studied in the "commonplace book", long thought destroyed, which even randall had not been able to find, but which is now safely deposited in the library of congress. it is a most revealing compilation and throws an unexpected light on the origin of jefferson's political doctrines. it contains first of all no less than five hundred fifty-six articles analyzing special cases from the reports of cases in the king's bench, george andrews, robert raymond, william salkeld and coke's "institutes", for in a colony where no attempt had been made to codify the body of existing laws, and where the common law was the supreme law of the land, the first prerequisite to becoming a good lawyer was to assimilate an enormous number of cases and precedents. jefferson proceeded, like all the law students of his time, to dig in "coke upon littleton" and others, putting down in his "commonplace book" decisions, discussions, definitions, matters of importance to a country lawyer, such as wills, devises, commercial contracts, cases on larceny, trespassing, debts, damages, bankruptcy, leases, libels; and he did it with his customary thoroughness and clarity. a detailed study of the "commonplace book" would be most illuminating for those who, in spite of all evidence to the contrary, still maintain that jefferson was an impractical philosopher, interested only in abstract principles and in theory. on the other hand, he was not simply a country lawyer, either. if he had not seemed to manifest any interest in the abstract study of the principles of law, in what he used to call "metaphysical disquisitions", he was keenly interested in the historical development of the legal structure on which rested modern society and particularly the colonial society of virginia. he carefully went through lord kames' "historical law tracts" and studied from him the history of criminal law, promises and covenant, property, securities upon land, courts, briefs. it is in kames that he found a definition of society which he could have written himself and which expresses his political individualism and subordination to law: mutual defence against a more powerful neighbor being in early times the chief, or sole motive for joining society, individuals never thought of surrendering any of their natural rights which could be retained consistently with their great aim of mutual defence. this is elaborated upon in the passage quoted from the "history of property": man, by his nature, is fitted for society, and society by its conveniences is fitted for man. the perfection of human society consists in that just degree of union among the individuals, which to each reserves freedom and independency, as far as is consistent with peace and good order. the bonds of society where every man shall be bound to dedicate the whole of his industry to the common interest would be of the strictest kind, but it would be unnatural and uncomfortable, because destructive of liberty and independence; so would be the enjoyment of the goods of fortune in common. i am perfectly aware of the undeniable influence of locke upon the theory of kames; and it would be very unlikely that jefferson had not read at that date locke's "treatise on civil government." the fact remains, however, that neither locke, nor so far as i know any political thinker of the period, had yet so clearly defined that particular combination of individualism and respect for peace and order so characteristic of american democracy. we shall see in one of the following chapters how jefferson, elaborating on this statement of kames, derived from it all his conception of natural rights. the scottish lord was for him a master and a guide. in sir john dalrymple, author of an "essay towards a general history of feudal property", in francis stoughton sullivan's "an historical treatise of the feudal laws and the constitution of the laws of england", jefferson studied the history of primogeniture and of entails and came to the conclusion that both of them had foundation neither in nature nor in law, and certainly did not appear in england before the norman conquest. he reached to the same finding in his long dissertation on the original common law, and thus we can trace directly through the "commonplace book" the sources of the bill on primogeniture, of the bill for religious freedom, and of the law to abolish entails, which jefferson considered as forming a system "which would eradicate every fibre of ancient or future aristocracy and lay a foundation for a government truly republican." some of the entries in the "commonplace book" were evidently made after the period with which we are dealing in this chapter, although most of them can be dated before 1776. we have no means of determining whether jefferson had undertaken a systematic study of federative governments when he was still a student, or at what time he copied the many extracts and quotations from montesquieu. nor can we enter here into a detailed discussion of all the articles. one or two facts, however, stand out even after a superficial glimpse of this repertory of ideas on government and society. the first is that jefferson at that date, and indeed during most of his life, was not interested in abstract principles or in theoretical discussions. his was eminently the mind of a lawyer, and it is not for a lawyer to arrive at a definition of justice but to determine what the law says on a particular point. yet in a country where law is not codified and the common law is the basis of the legal structure, it is impossible to find out what the law is without undertaking a historical study of the cases at hand in the different repertories. men are either fallible or dishonest, false interpretations creep in, texts are distorted from their original meaning, and thus it becomes necessary to apply to legal decisions the rules of historical evidence formulated by bolingbroke. after undertaking such a study, jefferson arrived at a very curious conclusion; that at a time which was not buried in a mythological past, the anglo-saxons had lived under customs and unwritten laws based upon the natural rights of man and permitting the individual to develop freely, normally and happily. in the course of time, these free institutions deteriorated through the nefarious influences of several agencies. unwritten law became written law and jurists succeeded in concealing under their sophistry and verbiage the primitive intent of natural legislation. priests, striving to extend their domination over a realm which primitively was foreign to them, introduced religious prescriptions into civil laws and thus diminished the rights of the individual. conquerors and a long lineage of hereditary kings further modified primitive institutions in order to provide an apparently legal foundation for their usurpations, until the people, no longer able to withstand patiently the evils of tyranny, arose and recovered at least some of their rights. such a conspectus of the history of england was neither new nor original; it was one of the favorite contentions of english jurists during the eighteenth century, and nowhere perhaps is it more forcibly developed than in the last chapter of blackstone's "commentaries", "of the rise, progress and gradual improvements of the laws of england." it is fundamentally also the doctrine of jefferson, who went much farther than any of the english political thinkers in his revindication of the saxon liberties. one may see already how such a conception differs from the theories of rousseau and the french philosophers, and indeed from those of the english philosophers. and this is easily explained, even if too seldom realized. born in the eighteenth century, jefferson is in some respects a man of the eighteenth century, but no greater mistake could be made than to apply to him the same standards that apply to european political thinkers. the very fact that he was born and grew up in a remote colony prevented him from joining any particular school of political philosophy. he had comparatively few books at his disposal, certainly fewer gazettes, and only faint echoes of the philosophical battles raging in europe reached the capital of virginia. during the long winter evenings at shadwell, he had ample time to think, to sift from the books he was reading, not matter of passing interest, but matter of practical value and principles susceptible of being applied to the society which he knew and in which he lived. he could not have the cosmopolitan and universal outlook of thinkers who had traveled and met with representatives of many nationalities. his "literary bible", as well as his "commonplace book", contains many examples which might be used to illustrate his provincialism or, if one prefers, his regionalism. no man can become genuinely interested in things he has never seen and cannot imagine. he had never seen the english countryside and so, when he copied from thomson's description of spring, he selected only passages that could apply as well to the landscape of virginia as to the scenery of old england. even when he read horace he eliminated verses with too much local color, unknown plants, unfamiliar dishes and beverages, until the descriptions of a roman farm by the old poet would fit a typical virginia plantation with the slaves singing in the great courtyard after the day's work is done. he knew latin and greek, french and italian, and perhaps even german; for the time and place his library was rich and varied. he had read milton, shakespeare, dryden, buchanan, thomson, thomas moss; he had studied kames, pelloutier, stanyan, eden, baccaria, montesquieu and possibly voltaire's "essai sur les moeurs", but from each of these he had culled facts and definitions rather than principles and theories. he had read some books of travel and listened with enjoyment to fauquier's accounts of his long voyages. he was dreaming of visiting england, the continent and the mediterranean, but the only form of society he knew was the colonial society of virginia. no cosmopolitan tendencies would develop in such surroundings. superior as he was in intelligence and culture to his fellow students and to the young gentry of williamsburg, jefferson, at the age of twenty-five, was not yet an american; he was distinctly a virginian. chapter iii a virginia lawyer in 1767, thomas jefferson, then twenty-four years of age, was "led into the practice of the law at the bar of the general court" by his friend and mentor, mr. wythe. he was the owner of a substantial estate inherited from his father, and he managed the family property of shadwell, but he had already formed plans for an establishment of his own and begun preparations to build monticello on the other side of the rivanna. the only future open to him seemed to be that of any young virginian of his social class. he occasionally joined them in fox-hunting and attended the races, enjoyed a dance, a concert, and a good play at the theater. the following year was particularly brilliant at williamsburg. the governor held stately receptions and the virginian company of comedians presented a rich program: "the constant couple or a trip to jubilee", a farce called "the miller of mansfield", "the beggar's opera", "the anatomist or sham doctor", besides the ordinary plays of the repertory, were given during the spring and summer of that year.[20] jefferson had his share of all these social pleasures, together with others, but there were also simpler and more austere occupations. first of all he had to look after his plantation. agriculture, so long a haphazard and empirical affair, was making great strides in europe, particularly in england. treatises on the subject and special magazines were read eagerly in virginia; the choice of cultures, the improvement of seeds, the introduction of new crops greatly concerned the minds of progressive planters like colonel washington and the young master of shadwell. the "garden books" kept by jefferson and now published only in part, reveal him as a forerunner of modern efficiency engineers. fences, walls, roads and bridges had to be built on the 1900-acre estate left him by his father; trees had to be planted and vegetables raised for the large family at shadwell, for the slaves and for the many travelers and visitors who continued to drop in. if all the seeds planted in jefferson's vegetable garden and orchards did well, he must have had an extraordinary variety of produce, considerably larger than is to be found on the best appointed farms of to-day. for he was not satisfied with the staple vegetables which appear on the american table with clocklike regularity; he sowed "salsifia, peppergrass, sorrel, salmon radishes, nasturtium, asparagus, all sorts of lettuce, cresses, celery, strawberries, snap-beans, purple beans, white beans, sugar beans, cucumbers, watermelons, cherries, olive stones, raspberries, turnips", and--horrors!--garlic. he was led into many such experiments by his neighbor and friend philip mazzei, formerly of tuscany and now of albemarle county, for many of the entries in the garden book are in italian and "_aglio de terracina_ (_vulgo_ garlic), _radiocchio di pistoia_ (succory or wild endive), _cavolo broccolo francese di pisa, fragole maggese_ (may strawberries)" and dozens of other imported varieties appear in his garden lists. then there were the horses, for, true to the virginia tradition, jefferson kept no less than half a dozen blood mares of good pedigree. above all, the regular crops of wheat, corn and especially tobacco had to be looked after; for tobacco was the only crop that could be marketed for solid cash or sent to london to be exchanged for books, furniture, fine clothes, musical instruments, and the choice wines of europe. as a practical farmer jefferson was rather successful, since during these early years his land brought him an average return of two thousand dollars. this was ample for his needs. but his main resources were procured from the practice of law. he kept a complete memorandum of all the cases in which he appeared before the courts of virginia and opposite each case entered the fee received for his professional services.[21] these fees would seem very moderate to the least ambitious practitioner of our days. in many cases no fee is mentioned at all, and we are at liberty to suppose that jefferson took some charity cases, or that the defendants were not always scrupulous in paying their bills. yet, altogether, the total averaged close to three thousand dollars a year, a nice fat addition to the income from shadwell and monticello. starting with one hundred and fifteen cases in 1768, jefferson was retained as attorney or counsel in no less than four hundred thirty cases in 1771, and it is no exaggeration to state that no day passed during the twelve years he remained engaged in the practice of law without his giving considerable time to his profession. the moderate amount of these fees and the large number of cases indicate the kind of practice in which jefferson was employed. trespassing of cattle on a neighbor's field, destruction of fences, robbery committed by a clerk, wills, administration of estates, interest, quarrels between two goodwives, with a lively exchange of actionable words, assault and battery, all the seamy, sordid, petty side of life, constituted for these twelve years the daily practice of thomas jefferson, an apprenticeship of life and a training in the knowledge of human nature enjoyed by very few abstract philosophers. in the old days of the bar, one of the earmarks of most lawyers was a fluency of speech, unsurpassed except perhaps by the ministers. but words never came easily to jefferson, or in great abundance. his voice, pleasant and modulated in ordinary conversation, "sank in his throat", if raised higher, and became husky. he was clearly a business lawyer, an office lawyer, whose clear, precise, meticulous presentation of facts fitted him particularly for appearing before a court of appeals like the general court, rather than for moving and emotionally convincing a jury of twelve men good and true. his scorn for oratory, long sentences, images, apostrophes may have been a case of sour grapes, for in his youth he admired tremendously patrick henry. as we have seen, he was wise enough not to aim higher than he could reach. not only did he never crave the fame of the popular orator, but, conscious of his limitations, he always showed a real repugnance to addressing a large assembly. particularly brilliant in conversation, he was destined to be a committee man, to win his ends by the pen rather than by the silver tongue of the politician. yet if he had been fond of rhetoric, rhetoric would have found its way into his writings, but no man of the period wrote less figuratively, employed fewer artifices of style; metaphors, comparisons were unknown to him. ideas remained ideas and were never clad in the flowing garments of mythology; facts remained facts and never became allegories. liberty never appeared before his eyes and was never represented by him as a goddess, and neither america nor britannia were majestic figures of heroic size that passed in his dreams. he was neither emotional nor imaginative, yet his eyes were keen and quick to note and establish distinctions between different varieties of plants or animals. his mind was alert and always on the lookout for new facts to add to his store of knowledge, after proper cataloguing. surely he was not the man to make startling discoveries in the realm of natural history, or to propose a new system of the universe, nor was he one to conceive, in a moment of inspiration, a new political gospel and a new system of society; when he took up the practice of law in williamsburg, the greatest future that destiny had in store for him, promising as he was, seemed to become as upright and sound a lawyer as mr. wythe, and a legal authority as good and learned as mr. pendleton. he was admitted to the bar in 1767, and two years later was chosen as a member of the house of burgesses and placed on the committee appointed to draw up an answer to the governor's speech. his draft was rejected, however, and colonel nicholas' address substituted.[22] a few days later governor botetourt, unable to endorse the spirited remonstrance to the king on the subject of taxation, dissolved the assembly. the next day--wrote jefferson--we met in the apollo of the raleigh tavern, formed ourselves into a voluntary convention, drew up articles of association against the use of any merchandise imported from great britain, signed and recommended them to the people, repaired to our several counties, and were re-elected without any other exception than of the very few who had declined to follow our proceedings.[23] a spirit of discontent was abroad and had spread throughout the colonies, but it was neither disloyalty nor rebellion. easily satisfied with this gesture, which for many remained a mere gesture, the virginians paid little attention to public affairs during the next two years. in the words of jefferson "nothing of particular excitement occurring for a considerable time, our countrymen seemed to fall into a state of insensibility and inaction." his private life was more eventful. the first of february, 1770, the house at shadwell in which he lived with his mother, his brother and his unmarried sisters, was burnt to the ground, and with it every paper he had and almost every book. on reasonable estimate--he wrote to page--i calculate the _cost_ of the books burned to have been £200 sterling. would to god it had been the money, then it had never cost me a sigh. to make the loss more sensible, it fell principally on my books of common law, of which i have but one left, at that time lent out. of papers too of every kind i am utterly destitute. all of these whether public or private, of business or of amusement, have perished in the flames. the disaster had not been quite so complete as jefferson indicates. his "commonplace book" was saved, his account books, garden books and many memoranda and family papers escaped the flames and were discovered again in 1851 at the bottom of an old trunk.[24] even as far as books were concerned, the loss was not altogether irretrievable. jefferson wrote at once to skipwith for a catalogue of books, sent orders to london, and two years later he could proudly enter in a diary not yet published that his library consisted on august 1, 1773, of twelve hundred and fifty books, not including volumes of music or "his books in williamsburg." a very substantial store of printed matter for the time. another event of quite a different order took place in his life. jefferson had lost a home, but he was building another, soon to be ready for occupancy, on the hill of monticello, and he already knew that the house would not be left long without a mistress. on the third day of december, 1771, he filled out a formal application for a marriage license in the court of charles city county and on the first of january he was married to martha skelton, widow of bathurst skelton, and daughter of john wayles, then twenty-three years old. john wayles of "the forest" was a lawyer with a large practice, a man of worth if not of eminence, a boon companion welcomed in every society, who had amassed quite a large fortune. his daughter martha, a true type of virginia girl, of medium height and well-formed figure, had been well educated and possessed all the social accomplishments of the time. she danced gracefully, played the harpsichord and the spinet, was well read and, above all, was a very efficient housekeeper, for she knew how to manage the slaves and care for them in their illnesses, knew how to keep accounts and to arrange for a reception. if the family tradition is true, she was receptive to music, for jefferson had won out over two rivals because of his talent on the violin and his ability to sing duets. it was a _mariage de raison_, to be sure, and two years later jefferson noted with undisguised satisfaction that, following the death of his father-in-law, the portion that came to martha was equal to his own patrimony and consequently "doubled the ease of our circumstances." but it was also a marriage of love, not without romantic color, with a wedding trip from charles city to monticello through a snowstorm, and a late arrival at night in the cold new house. jefferson did not take any of his friends into his confidence and did not celebrate his connubial bliss; but at the very end of the pages given to milton in his "literary bible", as an afterthought and a recantation from his misogynism, are found the following lines copied, we may surmise, during his honeymoon: nor gentle purpose, nor endearing smiles wanted, nor youthful dalliance, as beseems fair couple, linkt in happy league alone as they....[25] belinda had been forgotten, and the young woman-hater had found his fair conqueror. but death again took its toll and cast its cloud over monticello. with page, dabney carr, jefferson's fellow student at william and mary, had been his closest friend. carr, a frequent visitor at shadwell, had married in 1764 jefferson's sister martha. not a wealthy man, he was described by his brother-in-law as living in a very small house, with a table, half a dozen chairs, and one or two servants, but the happiest man in the universe.[26] he died when hardly thirty and jefferson had him buried beneath the shade of their favorite tree at monticello under which they had so often read, dreamed and discussed; and such was the origin of the little cemetery in which jefferson was to bury so many of his dear ones before he joined them himself in his last sleep. for carr he went to his "literary bible", as he himself felt unable to write a fitting tribute, and copied from mallet's "excursion" an inscription to nail on the tree, by the grave of the friend "who of all men living loved him most." honored by the royal government and made by botetourt "lieutenant of the county of albemarle, and chief commander of all his majesty's militia, horse and foot in the said county of albemarle"; honored also by his alma mater and appointed by the president of william and mary "surveyor of albemarle county",[27] a member of the assembly, one of the richest landowners of his county, one of the most successful lawyers of virginia, happily married, busy with his estate, his books, his violin, his law practice, jefferson could look forward to a long, quiet and moderate life, the ideal life of a farmer, a gentleman and a scholar. for a man who took his duties seriously it was by no means an existence of idleness, in nowise to be compared with the life of an english gentleman farmer. every planter was to some extent a captain, and every plantation was to a large extent self-sufficient and self-supporting. in the case of jefferson, who had recently increased his domain, difficulties and new problems requiring inventiveness, resourcefulness and ingenuity arose every day. slaves had to be taught new trades and trained, the wilderness had to be reclaimed. thus were developed qualities of leadership and qualities of class pride. a young planter related to the best families of the colony felt that he belonged to a ruling class, above which could only exist the remote power of the british parliament and the majesty of the king represented by a governor who never really belonged, and who in spite of his exalted position, always remained a stranger. an english tourist, burnaby, traveling in virginia in 1760, had already noted signs of impatience and restlessness among the colonists of virginia. "they are haughty," he wrote, "and jealous of their liberties; impatient of restraint and can scarcely bear the thought of being controlled by superior power. many of them consider the colonies as independent states, not connected with great britain otherwise than by having the same common king."[28] when the delegates from virginia were sent to the first continental congress, silas deane noted that "the virginia, and indeed all the southern delegates appear like men of importance...they are sociable, sensible, and spirited men. not a milksop among them."[29] they were aristocrats wont to give orders and resentful of any interference; they were lords and almost supreme rulers on their plantations; they were owners of many slaves and they had been accustomed to call no man master; and jefferson was one of them. the change in the situation had come very abruptly. it is not the purpose of this book to present an elaborate discussion of the causes of the american revolution, whether they were economic or political or philosophical, or whether they were of mixed motives, varying with each colony and in each colony with every man, did not impel the colonies to revolt against the mother country. i am aware of the present tendency to attribute most of the agitation preceding the revolution to purely economic causes; it must be remembered however, that, if the ulterior motives of the promoters of the american revolution were selfish and interested, jefferson was one of those who were moved by entirely different considerations, as were, as a matter of fact, most of the members of the first continental congress. while life was still moving easily and happily in virginia, where in 1772 the theatrical season had been particularly brilliant, things were coming to a head in new england. news of the bill closing the port of boston on the first of june, 1774, reached the virginia assembly during the spring session; how it was received had better be told in the words of jefferson. as so often happens in history at the decisive turn of events, the leadership was taken by a very small group of men who made up their minds at once, assumed responsibility and changed the course of the ship of state. so far no strong protest had been made by virginia to the british government. dunmore was far from being tyrannical; the order imposing duties on many english products had been largely rescinded, except on tea, but it may not be sacrilegious to state that the virginia gentry were more partial to french wines, madeira and nantes rum than to the english national beverage. if virginia had not declared at that particular time her solidarity, if jefferson and his friends had not taken the right steps and found the right words to "arouse the people from the lethargy into which they had fallen", even new england steadfastness and stanchness of heart would have been unequal to the task. it was on this occasion, rather than on the fourth of july, 1776, that the fate of the british colonies of america was decided. according to jefferson's own statement, leadership in these subjects was no longer left to the old members of the assembly, but patrick henry, r. h. lee, f. l. lee, three or four other members and he himself met in the library after agreeing that they must take "an unequivocal stand in the line with massachusetts." they decided that the best means of calling the seriousness of the situation to the attention of the public was to appoint a day of general fasting and prayer, quite an unprecedented measure in virginia; but they rummaged in old books "for revolutionary precedents and forms of the puritans", and they finally "cooked up a resolution, somewhat modernizing their phrases, for appointing the 1st day of june on which the port-bill was to commence, for a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, to implore heaven to avert from us the evils of civil war, to inspire us with firmness in support of our rights, and to turn the hearts of the king and parliament to moderation and justice."[30] clearly the day of fasting and prayer did not appear to any of the members of the unofficial committee as springing from a profound religious sentiment, but they knew how strong over the people was the power of the church, and how impossible it was to unite them except by giving a religious appearance to a purely political manifestation. these young virginia lawyers knew their people and were not totally unacquainted with mass psychology; they knew how to play the game of practical politics, despite their high and disinterested ideal. the next day governor dunmore pronounced the usual english remedy in such circumstances: the dissolution of the assembly. once more the members met in the apollo room, and "they agreed to an association, and instructed the committee of correspondence to propose to the corresponding committees of the other colonies to appoint deputies to meet in congress at such place _annually_ as would be convenient, to direct, from time to time, the measures required by the general interest." this passage in the "autobiography" has led historians into a spirited controversy as to whether the proposal to form a congress originated in virginia or in massachusetts, and whether such a plan had not been discussed in boston as early as 1770. whatever the case may be, the most important part of the resolution passed in the raleigh tavern was not the establishment of a coördinating organism; it was the declaration recorded by jefferson, "that an attack on any one colony should be considered as an attack on the whole." this last part was not a simple administrative provision, it was more than a promise of a union; it was the constitution of a new society, since according to kames as quoted by jefferson in his "commonplace book" "mutual defence against a more powerful neighbor is in early times the chief, or sole motive for joining society." the deputies went back home and, on the first of june, met the assemblies of the people "to perform ceremonies of the day and to address to them discourses suited to the occasion. the people met generally, with anxiety and alarm in their countenance, and the effect of the day, through the whole colony was like a shock of electricity, arousing every man and placing him erect and solid on his centre."[31] as a result of the train of thought started by the meeting, the freeholders of albemarle county adopted on june 26 a series of resolutions evidently written by jefferson. here for the first time jefferson declared that: the inhabitants of the several states of british america are subject to the laws which they adopted at their first settlement, and to such others as have been since made by their respective legislatures, duly constituted and appointed with their own consent. that no other legislature whatever can rightly exercise authority over them; and that these privileges they as the common rights of mankind, confirmed by the political constitutions they have respectively assumed, and also by several charters of compact from the crown. the originality of this theory cannot be determined without comparison with the resolutions adopted a few days before by the assembly of fairfax county presided over by colonel george washington. these came from the pen of george mason and they stated with equal emphasis the contractual theory of the government of the british colonies. whether jefferson knew them or not, the similarity with the views expressed by the freeholders of albemarle is most striking. the first article averred the principle also found in jefferson's "commonplace book" that "this colony and dominion of virginia cannot be considered as a conquered country, and as it was, that the present inhabitants are not of the conquered, but of the conquerors." it added that: our ancestors, when they left their native land, and settled in america, brought over with them, even if the same is not confirmed by charters, the civil constitution and form of government of the country they came from and were by the laws of nature and nations entitled to all its privileges, immunities and advantages, which have descended to us, their posterity, and ought of right to be as fully enjoyed as if we had still continued with the realm of england. the second article enunciated the most essential and "fundamental principle of government", that the people "could be governed by no laws to which they had not given their consent by representatives freely chosen by themselves." the third article declared that the colonies had some duty to fulfill towards the mother country and admitted that the british parliament might, "directed with wisdom and moderation", take measures to regulate "american commerce", although such action was in some degree repugnant to the principles of the constitution.[32] whether or not jefferson had received the fairfax resolutions before writing the albemarle declaration, this is the capital difference between the two documents and the two doctrines. on the one hand, george mason accepted the theory that the first settlers had brought over with them the civil constitution and form of government of the mother country, and consequently admitted a permanent connection between the colony and the metropolis. jefferson, on the contrary, asserted with great strength and clarity the complete independence of the colonists from the british constitution. they were subject to no laws except those they had freely adopted when they had consented to a new compact and formed a new society. he was perfectly justified when he declared in his "autobiography": our other patriots, randolph, the lees, nicholas, pendleton, stopped at the half-way house of john dickinson, who admitted that england had a right to regulate our commerce, and to lay duties on it for the purpose of regulation, but not of raising revenue. but for this ground there was no foundation in compact, in any acknowledged principles of colonisation, nor in reason; expatriation being a natural right, and acted on as such by all nations, in all ages. this was really the core of the question. jefferson had reached that conclusion, not from following a certain line of abstract reasoning, but after studying the history of the greek colonies in stanyan, and the history of the saxon settlement of great britain in many authors, as may be seen in his "commonplace book", and he was soon to reaffirm the doctrine of expatriation as the fundamental principle on which rested all the claims of the american colonies. the virginia convention was to meet at williamsburg on august 1, to select delegates to a general congress of the colonies. with all his books at hand, all his legal authorities, the precious "commonplace book" and all the repertories he had gathered in his library, jefferson proceeded to draft a project of instructions for the future delegates. he was taken ill on his way to williamsburg but forwarded the plan to peyton randolph and patrick henry. henry never mentioned it; randolph informed the convention that he had received such a paper from a member, prevented by sickness from offering it, and laid it on the table for perusal. it was read generally by the members, approved by many, though thought too bold for use at that time; but they printed it in pamphlet form, under the title of "a summary view of the rights of british america." in some respects it is a more original and more important document than the declaration of independence itself. with the detailed account of the grievances enumerated by jefferson we cannot deal here. a few points, however, deserve special attention. the difficulties that had arisen between the colonies and the home government had occasioned the publication of many pamphlets dealing with the situation. most of jefferson's predecessors, however, had attempted to define _in jure_ the rights of the british colonies. thus george mason had made his "extracts" from the virginia charters, "with some remarks on them" in 1773, and he had come to the conclusion already given in the "fairfax resolves", that "the ancestors of the colonists when they had left their native land and settled in america had brought with them, although not confirmed by charters, the civil government and form of government of the country they came from."[33] but he had gone back no farther in history and had not formulated the principles of the "constitution" of england. not so with jefferson, who emphatically denied that the colonists had anything to do with the british constitution or with its form of government. he had studied the history of the settlement of england in molesworth, in pelloutier, in sir william temple, in dalrymple, and had come to the conclusion enunciated in the "rights of british america": that our ancestors, before their emigration to america, were the free inhabitants of the british dominions in europe, and possessed a right which nature has given to all men of leaving the country in which chance, not choice, had placed them, and of seeking out new habitations, and there establishing new societies, under such laws and regulations as, to them, shall seem most likely to promote public happiness. that their saxon ancestors had, under this universal law, in like manner, left their native wilds and woods in the north of europe, possessed themselves of the island of britain, then less charged with inhabitants, and established there a system of laws which has been so long the glory and protection of that country. on another and not less important point, jefferson was indebted to his "commonplace book." he had taken great care to determine through historical and judicial authorities the origin of land tenures in the kingdom of england and he had found that in the good old saxon times, "upon settling in the countries which they subdued, the victorious army divided the conquered lands. that portion which fell to every soldier he seized as a recompense due to his valour, as a settlement acquired by his own sword. he took possession of it as a freeman in full property. he enjoyed it during his own life and could dispose of it at pleasure, or transmit it as an inheritance to his children." it was not until after the fifth century that the king, because as general he was thought fittest to distribute the conquered lands to each according to his merits, assumed to himself and was quietly allowed the entire power of the partition of lands. this abominable system however was not introduced into england before the norman conquest, and thus was spread the false notion that all lands belonged to the crown.[34] against this last claim, which he believed to rest on a false conception of history, jefferson raises an emphatic protest. backed by his knowledge of the gradual encroachment of the feudal system on the natural rights of his anglo-saxon ancestors, he claimed for the american colonists the same rights as belonged in the good old anglo-saxon days to those who had acquired a settlement by their own sword. it is time for us to lay this matter before his majesty, and to declare, that he has no right to grant lands of himself. from the nature and purpose of civil institutions, all the lands within the limits, which any particular party has circumscribed around itself, are assumed by that society, and subject to their allotment; this may be done by themselves assembled collectively, or by their legislature, to whom they may have delegated sovereign authority; and, if they are alloted in neither of these ways, each individual of the society, may appropriate to himself such lands as he finds vacant, and occupancy will give him title. according to this theory, one of the mainstays of the doctrine of americanism, of which jefferson made himself the advocate, is the right of conquest. but here jefferson would have introduced a distinction borrowed from lord kames, for "the northern nations who overran europe fought not for glory or dominion but for habitation" and invaded only countries which were sparsely populated.[35] whether such a position was tenable historically is quite another matter. the important point maintained by jefferson is that when the first settlers left great britain for the shores of america, they were not colonists but free agents. by the mere fact of expatriating themselves they had severed all ties with the mother country, they had recovered full possession of all their natural rights and were at liberty to agree on a new social compact; they derived their rights of property not from the king but from their occupancy of a new and unsettled territory. all considered, this curious doctrine was nothing but a sort of sublimation and legal justification of the pioneer spirit. this historical and legal demonstration, in which jefferson had gone back to the very beginnings of anglo-saxon society, transcended all contemporary discussions on the rights of the british parliament. jefferson was perfectly aware of its originality and not a little proud of it. it was in his opinion the only orthodox or tenable doctrine--that our emigration from england to this country gave her no more rights over us, than the emigration of the danes and saxons gave to the present authorities of the mother country, over england. in this doctrine, however, i have never been able to get any one to agree with me but mr. wythe. he concurred in it from the first dawn of the question, what was the political relation between us and england? once the question was clearly put, jefferson went at it with the methods used by a lawyer to prove the title to a piece of property. the first point to be settled was to determine who was the legitimate owner of the territory occupied by the american "colonists", the king or the colonists themselves; thus presented, the question became very simple: for it is thought that no circumstance has occurred to distinguish materially, the british from the saxon emigration. america was conquered, and her settlements made and firmly established, at the expense of individuals, and not of the british public. their own blood was spilt in acquiring lands for their settlement, their own fortunes expanded in making this settlement effectual. for themselves they fought, for themselves they conquered, and for themselves alone they have a right to hold. this was the keystone of jefferson's social system at that time. it is not unimportant to note that it was a doctrine that could apply only to anglo-saxon colonies, more particularly to american colonies, and not a doctrine susceptible of universal application. whether or not the principle might also be advanced by other peoples or nations, jefferson did not state and did not care. his was not a mind to generalize and to extend universally any given principle. for the present, at least, he was satisfied to claim for the american settlers not the rights of man, but the rights of their saxon ancestors. his position was legal and historical, not philosophical. it was also to some extent an aristocratic position. since the land was theirs by right of conquest, it almost necessarily ensued that only landowners, or to use the old colonial word, freeholders, were entitled to the rights, privileges, and happiness of self-government. the consequence was not expressed but it was implied. the analogy with the doctrine of the physiocrats strikes one at first; but this analogy is only superficial. true enough, only freeholders are really worth considering and can raise a legitimate protest; but in a country as new and as extensive as america, it is within the power of every inhabitant to become a freeholder. for it is another iniquity to suppose that the crown has the right to give grants of land: it is time for us to lay this matter before his majesty, and to declare, that he has no right to grant lands of himself. from the nature and purpose of civil institutions, all the lands within the limits, which any particular party has circumscribed around itself, are assumed by that society, and subject to their allotment; this may be done by themselves assembled collectively, or by their legislature, to whom they may have delegated sovereign authority; and, if they are alloted in neither of these ways, each individual of the society may appropriate to himself such lands as he finds vacant, and occupancy gives him title. thus spoke the pioneer, a pioneer who had studied law and history and could express in clear and forcible terms what the pioneers had felt only confusedly. unless i am much mistaken, it is the first enunciation of one of the cardinal principles of americanism; but, as far as jefferson is concerned, it did not rest upon any political philosophy, either hooker's or locke's. the american settlers resumed and resurrected on a new soil the tradition interrupted by parliamentary and kingly usurpations. by a sort of curious primitivism they renounced their immediate and degraded british forbears to claim as their true ancestors the saxon conquerors of the british isles. can any one imagine anything farther from the theory of rousseau in the "discourse on the origin of inequality", or in the "social contract", anything farther from the universal humanitarianism of the french philosophers? in a last analysis, american society as it existed, and as it expressed its will to exist through its young spokesman, rested essentially not on an _a priori_ principle but on the right of conquest, or more exactly, of discovery. the best student of william and mary, the young artist who wanted to make monticello a thing of beauty, the lover of the literature of greece and rome, proclaimed loudly that "our ancestors who migrated hither were laborers, not lawyers." his was not a political philosophy dealing with "fictitious principles", it was the harsh, hard-headed, practical and fierce determination of the pioneer who stakes out a piece of land in the wilderness, ready to hold it against all claim jumpers. the virginia convention dominated by "randolph, the lees, nicholas, pendleton" was not ready to go so far as the young master of monticello. the instructions to the delegates finally adopted and printed in an appendix to jefferson's own "autobiography" were exceedingly tame, but his declaration was printed, widely circulated among the people, and even reached england. it was just what was needed to set afire the public mind, for no people will rise, fight and die for an economic doctrine or in defense of its commercial interests. they have to be provided with mottoes which appeal to their imagination, they have to be raised above the ordinary trend of things; they must have a banner, a flag and a battle cry, and such was the object of jefferson's peroration, which no pendleton and no lee could have written: that these are our grievances, which we have just laid before his majesty, with that freedom of language and sentiment which becomes a free people claiming their rights as derived from the laws of nature, and not as the gift of their chief magistrate. let those flatter, who fear: it is not an american art. to give praise where it is not due might be well from the venal, but it would ill beseem those who are asserting the rights of human nature. they know and will, therefore, say, that kings are the servants, not the proprietors of the people. congress assembled at philadelphia on september 4, 1774, under the presidency of peyton randolph of virginia and adjourned in october, not without a recommendation "to discountenance every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse racing, all kinds of gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shows, plays and other diversions and entertainments."[36] the colonies were girding their loins for the fight, society life came to a standstill; the brilliant days of the little capital of virginia were over. when the counties organized committees of safety, jefferson was at the top of the list of appointees in his county. he was again sent to the second convention of virginia as representative from albemarle. the convention met in richmond, march 20, 1775, and it was then that patrick henry poured out in a fierce outburst the famous speech ending with the war cry of "give me liberty or give me death." the resolution to arm passed with a decided majority and a plan of defense was adopted. collisions threatened between the militia and the regulars on several occasions. but when lord north's "conciliatory proposition" was received, lord dunmore convened the house of burgesses on the first of july to take it into consideration. peyton randolph was then recalled from congress and jefferson appointed to succeed him. he did not leave, however, before an answer to the proposition had been drafted. the virginians did not close the door to a compromise, but insisted that the final answer did not depend on them, for they considered that they were "bound in honor as well as interest, to share their general fate with their sister colonies, and should hold themselves base deserters of that union to which they had acceeded, were they to agree to any measure distinct and apart from them." a few days later lord dunmore left the city and took refuge on board a man-of-war lying at york, declaring he had taken this step for his safety. jefferson departed from williamsburg for philadelphia on the eleventh of june, 1775, and reached the capital of pennsylvania on the twentieth. the national rôle of the young virginia lawyer and landowner was about to begin. book two _jefferson and the american revolution_ chapter i the declaration of independence when thomas jefferson arrived in philadelphia and took lodgings with "ben randolph" on chestnut street, he was only thirty-three years old, "the youngest member of congress but one." but he was already known as the author of the "summary view of the rights of british america", he was bringing with him virginia's answer to lord north's "conciliatory proposition," and he had been appointed to succeed as delegate the former president of congress. most of all he had behind him, not only the first colony in population, but also, to a large extent, all the southern colonies, which were bound to follow the course of virginia. unassuming and straightforward, he was at once welcomed with open arms by the new england leaders, and years later john adams still remembered the first impression he made upon him: mr. jefferson came into congress in june 1775, and brought with him a reputation for literature, science and a happy talent of composition.... though a silent member in congress, he was so prompt, frank, explicit and decisive upon committees and in conversation--not even samuel adams was more so--that he soon seized upon my heart. five days later, he was placed on the committee appointed to draw up a "declaration of the causes of taking up arms." through deference for the authority of dickinson, leader of the conservative party, he withdrew a draft he had prepared and in the final text he claimed as his only the last four paragraphs. but these last paragraphs contained some of the sharply coined sentences that impress themselves on the mind, the final expression of so many ideas ever since repeated in political speeches whenever an attempt is made to define america's ideal policies. to a certain extent jefferson, as well as most of his contemporaries, may have been influenced by thomas paine, whose "common sense", a pamphlet addressed to the inhabitants of america, had taken the city by fire. for the first time the colonists had been told that "the cause of america is in a great measure the cause of all _mankind_. many circumstances, have and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all lovers of mankind are affected and in the event of which this affection is interested." it also contained a rather vague plan for a confederation, a "continental charter", but paine's pamphlet was essentially an eloquent appeal to elemental feelings; it exalted the cause of the colonists calling on them as the last defenders of oppressed liberty; it had all the fire and passion of an evangelical message: o ye that love mankind! ye that dare oppose not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth. every spot of the old world is over-run with oppression. freedom hath been hunted around the globe. asia and africa have long expelled her.--europe regards her like a stranger; and england hath given her warning to depart. o receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind! but greatly as he admired paine's eloquence, jefferson did not try to emulate it; impassioned as it was, his appeal to the inhabitants of the british colonies sounded more like the summing-up of a lawyer before the jury than an emotional sermon. our cause is just. our union is perfect--our internal resources are great.... we fight not for glory or for conquest. we exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by provoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offense. they boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder condition than servitude or death. thus was the uniqueness of america's position emphasized and called to the attention of her own people. nor was it forgotten that the country was particularly favored by god, for it declared that: we gratefully acknowledge, as signal instance of the divine towards us, that his providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike apparatus, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. finally, jefferson reiterated once more his favorite contention, the theory which has become one of the fundamental axioms of the doctrine of americanism: that america did not owe anything to the older civilization of europe, and was a self-made country: in our native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it; for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. we shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before. then came a perfunctory appeal to conciliation, and a final religious note strictly nonsectarian; for of his religious faith the young delegate had retained the form and the tone which scarcely concealed his deism: with an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial judge and ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to conduct us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamity of civil war. no wonder this "declaration" was read amid thundering huzzas in every market place and amid fervent prayers in nearly every pulpit in the colonies. with an extraordinary "felicity of expression", with a unique sense of fitness, jefferson had struck every chord susceptible of response in every american heart. he had drawn for the people an ideal picture of the nation and themselves, he had portrayed them as they yearned to be looked upon by posterity and the nations of the world: he had formulated the creed of americanism. far more judicial in tone was the neat state paper prepared by jefferson to answer lord north's "conciliatory proposition." the committee appointed consisted of benjamin franklin, thomas jefferson, john adams and richard h. lee. the youngest member of the committee was chosen to draw up the document, the answer of the virginia assembly he had brought with him having been approved. not for nothing had jefferson attended the courts of justice of albemarle county and williamsburg for more than ten years and listened to decisions from the bench. the answer strives to be a cold, dispassionate enumeration of facts, with its short paragraphs beginning: "we are of opinion"--recalling the "whereases" of legal documents. but there is an undertone of indignation, cropping up in every sentence, which belies the studied reserve. the conclusion, one might call it a peroration, is a genuine specimen of revolutionary eloquence: when it considers the great armaments with which they have invaded us, and the circumstances of cruelty with which these have commenced and prosecuted hostilities; when these things, we say, are laid together and attentively considered, can the world be deceived into an opinion that we are unreasonable? or can it hesitate to believe with us, that nothing but our own exertions may defeat the ministerial sentence of death or abject submission? truly jefferson might have become a great orator had he chosen to correct his handicap in speech and train his voice. historians who attribute much importance to racial traits and inherited characteristics may believe that this was due to the welshman that reappeared in him at times; but the welsh temperament was suppressed and checked by the puritanical restraint of mr. small, mr. maury, the judicial reserve of mr. wythe, the example of mr. peyton randolph; and, carried away as he was by patrick henry's oratory, jefferson saw in him impulsive and emotional qualities to be admired but to be shunned. more than any of his contemporaries, however, he was unconsciously influenced by reminiscences of speeches he had read and memorized in livy, cicero and perhaps demosthenes. these sentences have a classical ring; his true models were the greek and latin orators, and if a critical edition of jefferson's early papers were ever attempted, a careful investigation could not fail to bring to light the classical sources of his inspiration. the report was adopted on july 31, and congress adjourned the next day. jefferson returned at once to monticello, to stay in virginia until the opening of congress. in spite of the fiery tone of the answer to lord north's proposition, it seems that neither he nor any of his friends seriously entertained nor even considered the possibility of the colonies separating entirely from the mother country. war had already begun, but it was a civil war. there still remained some hope that an "everlasting avulsion from great britain would be avoided." yet it could be avoided only on one condition: that the british government should accept, without reservation or restriction, the minimum terms of congress. jefferson then wrote to his friend, john randolph, who had decided to remove to england: i would rather be in dependence on great britain, properly limited, than on any nation upon earth, or than on no nation. but i am one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of legislation for us, assumed by the british parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.[37] the manuscript letter in the library of congress is not the one that was used in the different editions of jefferson's "works." it is a much corrected and written-over draft, containing several passages which have disappeared in the published text.[38] it contained particularly a request to john randolph who was going to "the hub of literature", to buy him "books of parliamentary learning." it also included a request to randolph to sell him his fine violin, to which randolph acceded, averring that "tho we _may politically_ differ in sentiments, yet i see no reason, why _privately_ we may not cherish the same esteem for each other which formerly i believe subsisted between us. we both of us seem to be steering opposite courses: the success of either lies in the womb of time."[39] such letters are very significant, for they express better than long dissertations the state of mind of the leading men of the day. the question at issue was still a political question; it was a question of internal politics on which men could differ without necessarily becoming enemies or losing each other's esteem and affection. less than a year before the declaration of independence, independence seemed to jefferson the worst possible solution, to be delayed and avoided if it were possible. chosen again as delegate to congress, but delayed by the illness and death of his second child, jefferson reached philadelphia on september 25, twenty days after the opening of the session. he stayed only until the twenty-eighth of december, and resumed his seat on may 13 of the following year. in the meantime events were moving rapidly. congress had been advised of the king's refusal even to notice their second petition; and jefferson, writing a second time to john randolph, could declare: believe me, my dear sir, there is not in the british empire, a man who more cordially loves a union with great britain than i do. but by the god that made me, i will cease to exist before i yield to a connection on such terms as the british parliament propose; and in this i think i speak the sentiment of america. we want neither inducement nor power, to declare and assert a separation. it is will alone which is wanting, and that is growing apace under the fostering hand of our king.[40] on the sixth of december, a declaration was adopted repudiating allegiance to the king, and the british constitution was proclaimed "our best inheritance." four days previously jefferson had drafted a declaration concerning ethan allen, when news arrived of his being arrested and sent to britain in irons to be punished for pretended treason. for the first time the delegate from virginia referred to the british as "our enemies" and called upon them to respect "the rights of nations." at this juncture and shortly after being appointed on an important committee, jefferson abruptly left congress and set out for home. the reason for his sudden departure has never been satisfactorily explained. it may have been due to news of the bad health of his mother: she died on march 31, 1776, and this is the only explanation that randall could offer. it was more probably due to his anxiety about the fate of his family. communications with virginia were rare and difficult. he wrote home regularly every week, but on october 31 he had not yet received a word "from any mortal breathing", and on november 7 he repeated: "i have never received the script of a pen from any mortal in virginia since i left it, nor been able by any inquiries i could make to hear of my family. i had hoped that when mrs. byrd came i could have heard something of them. the suspense under which i am is too terrible to be endured. if anything has happened, for god's sake let me know it!" two weeks later he urged his wife to keep herself "at a distance from ld. dunmore", and he was planning to meet eppes "as proposed." there seems to be very little doubt that he yielded to his anxiety and to the entreaties of eppes who seems to have urged him to come back. he had left at monticello a sick mother, his sisters, a wife who had recently lost a child and had hardly recovered from the blow, and he was in constant fear that a raid from the british troops, who had already burnt norfolk, should endanger the lives of his dear ones. furthermore he believed that his presence in philadelphia was not indispensable; for he was never one who overrated himself. finally, a document overlooked by his biographers informs us that on september 26, 1775, he had been appointed by the committee of safety for the colony of virginia, lieutenant and commander in chief of the militia of the county of albemarle.[41] in view of lord dunmore's impending attacks his presence was evidently required to organize local forces. all these are reasons enough to explain why he left philadelphia. we do not even know that he hesitated at all or experienced any conflict of duties. national patriotism was still limited by family duty, and local patriotism was stronger in him than obligations to a country which did not yet exist. so it happened that the man who wrote the declaration of independence was to miss many of the preliminary steps and discussions that preceded it. he did not resume his seat in congress until may 14, 1776. five days before, a resolution framed by adams and r. h. lee had been adopted, instructing the colonies to form governments. it was passed the very day jefferson arrived in philadelphia. not only had he come back rather reluctantly, but he was anxious to return to virginia in order to participate in the work of the colonial convention, as appears from his letter to thomas nelson, junior: should our convention propose to establish now a form of government, perhaps it might be agreeable to recall for a short time their delegates. it is a work of the most interesting nature and such as every individual would wish to have his voice in.... but this i mention to you in confidence, as in our situation, a hint to any other is too delicate however anxiously interesting the subject is to our feelings. with all his attention turned towards the old dominion and in his anxiety to participate in establishing a model form of government for his "country", he then decided to send to pendleton, president of the assembly, the draft of a proposed constitution for virginia, or rather, as he termed it, "a bill for new modelling the form of government and for establishing the fundamental principles of our future constitution."[42] this is a capital document for the history of jefferson's political thought. for the first time he had the opportunity to develop fully his views on society and government. how clear in his mind were the theories of which he later became the advocate will be easily perceived. the draft started with a recital of the grievances of the colony against "george guelph king of great britain", which jefferson was to utilize in the declaration of independence. it declared that "the legislative, executive, and judiciary shall be forever separate" and continued with a description of the three branches of government. for the legislative, jefferson proposed a bicameral system, consisting of a house of representatives and a senate. the house was to be elected by "all male persons of full age and sane mind having a freehold estate in (one fourth of an acre) of land in any town or in 25 acres of land in the county and all persons resident in the colony who shall have paid scot and lot to government the last two years." the senate was to be appointed by the house of representatives. the death penalty was abolished for all crimes except murder and offences in the military service; torture was abolished in all cases whatsoever. some of these provisions were incorporated later in the "bill for apportioning crimes and punishment." the administrator was to be appointed by the house of representatives, as well as the attorney-general and the privy council. judges were to be appointed by the administrator and privy council; the high sheriffs and coroners of counties were to be elected annually by the voters, but all other officers, civil and military, to be appointed by the administrator. the bill proposed that "descents shall go according to the laws of gavelkind, save only that females shall have equal rights with males."--"all persons shall have full and free liberty of religious opinion; nor shall any be compelled to support or maintain any religious institution." "printing presses shall be free except so far as by commission of private injury cause may be given of private action. there shall be no standing army but in time of actual war." the introduction of slaves into the state was forbidden. finally provisions were made for the revision of the constitution. truly most of the reforms advocated by jefferson are already contained in this document, not implicitly but explicitly: religious freedom, freedom of the press, abolition of slavery, the laws of descent and the bill to abolish entail, the "bill for proportioning crimes and punishment" are all here. it was a bold and radical proposal, and no wonder the young delegate from virginia was anxious to go home in order to defend it before his colleagues of the assembly. the delegates, after much wrangling, had come to practical agreement on the most important points. it was too late and they were too "tired" of the subject to resume the discussion. from jefferson's plan they simply borrowed the long recital of grievances which became the preamble to the virginia constitution.[43] as finally adopted, the constitution was far less liberal than the plan proposed by jefferson, and this may explain his severe criticism of it in his "notes on virginia" (query xiii). it embodied, however, some of the same essential principles; it proclaimed the separation of powers and established two chambers. it retained the name of governor, redolent of the english régime, instead of "administrator"; it made no mention of slavery, entails, descents and freedom of the press, but in some respects it was even more democratic than the jefferson plan since both houses were directly elected. in the meantime things were coming to a head in philadelphia, and on june 7 certain resolutions concerning independence being moved and adopted, it was _resolved_, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the british crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of great britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved. that it is expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign alliances. that a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective colonies for their consideration and approbation.[44] on june 10, it was _resolved_, that the consideration of the first resolution be postponed to this day, three weeks (july 1), and in the meanwhile, that no time be lost in case the congress agree thereto, that a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration to the effect of the said first resolution. the next day it was resolved, that the committee to prepare the declaration consist of five members: the members chosen, mr. [thomas] jefferson, mr. j[ohn] adams, mr. [benjamin] franklin, mr. [roger] sherman, and mr. r[obert] r. livingston.[45] jefferson's biographers have indulged in a great many discussions about the reasons which determined the selection of the committee. jefferson certainly did not seek the honor, and little did he dream at the time that it would bring him such fame. without renewing the old controversy on the participation of the other members of the committee in the drawing up of the famous document, a few facts have to be considered. first of all it was not an improvisation. the committee appointed on june 10 reported only on june 28. a written draft was submitted to adams and franklin, whose advice could not be neglected, and they suggested several modifications, additions and corrections. furthermore, jefferson was too good a harmonizer not to discuss many points with his colleagues of the committee, so as to ascertain their views before writing down the first draft. even the desirability of having a declaration was a highly controversial question, and jefferson himself, in the detailed notes he took of the preliminary discussion, indicates that when the committee was appointed "the colonies of new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware and south carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem."[46] on june 28, the committee appointed to prepare a declaration brought in a draft which was read and "_ordered_ to lie on the table." on july 2, congress resumed the consideration of the resolution agreed to by and reported from the committee of the whole; and the same being read, was agreed to as follows. _resolved_, that these united colonies are, and, of right, ought to be free and independent states; that they are absolved from allegiance to the british crown, and that all political connexion between them, and the state of great britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved. properly speaking this is, as mr. becker has remarked, the real declaration of independence. but the principle once adopted, it remained to proclaim and explain the action taken by congress not only to the people of the free and independent states, but to the world at large. congress then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, only to decide that it was too late in the day to take up such a momentous question. the discussion continued on the next day but harrison reported that the committee, not having finished, desired leave to sit again. on july 4, congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole to take into further consideration the declaration; and after some time, the president resumed the chair. "mr. (benjamin) harrison reported, that the committee of the whole congress have agreed to a declaration, which he delivered in. the declaration being again read, was agreed to." congress then ordered that the declaration be authenticated and printed, and the committee appointed to prepare the declaration "to superintend and correct the press." such is briefly told from the "journals of congress" the story of the momentous document in its external details. it has been too well related by mr. becker and mr. fitzpatrick to leave any excuse for a new account. writing many years later, john adams declared "there is not an idea in it but what had been hackneyed in congress two years before," and replying to adams' insinuations, jefferson admitted that: pickering's observations, and mr. adams' in addition, that it contained no new ideas, that it is a commonplace compilation, its sentiments hacknied in congress for two years before ... may be all true. of that i am not judge. richard h. lee charged it as copied from locke's treatise on government ... i only know that i turned to neither book nor pamphlet while writing it. i did not consider it as any part of my charge to invent new ideas altogether and to offer no sentiment which had never been expressed before. in another letter to lee, written in 1825, a year before his death, jefferson had given, as his last and final statement on the subject: not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm as to command their assent.... neither aiming at originality of principles or sentiments, nor yet copied from any particular and previous writing, it was intended to be an expression of the american mind.... all its authority rests on the harmonizing sentiments of the day, whether expressed in conversation, in letters, printed essays, on the elementary books of public right, as aristotle, cicero, locke, sidney, etc. two phrases in this letter deserve particular notice, "an expression of the american mind" and "the harmonizing sentiments of the day." this is truly what jefferson had attempted to express in his "felicitous language"--the confused yearnings, the inarticulate aspirations, the indefinite ideals of the speechless and awkward masses. he did it in words so simple that no man could fail to understand it, in sentences so well balanced and so rhythmic that no artist in style could improve upon them. the declaration of independence is not only a historical document, it is the first and to this day the most outstanding monument in american literature. it does not follow, however, that jefferson had no model. mr. becker in his masterly study has demonstrated that it was the final development of a whole current of thought, the origins of which can be traced back in history even farther than he has done. the declaration of independence is essentially of lockian origin, but it does not ensue that jefferson had memorized locke, nor even that he was conscious, when he wrote the document, that he was using a lockian phraseology. as a matter of fact, even if he remembered locke, it is more than probable that reminiscences from two other more modern expressions of the same idea haunted his mind. the first was a pamphlet of james wilson, written in 1770, published in philadelphia in 1774 and entitled "considerations on the nature and extent of the legislative authority of the british parliament." mr. becker has pointed out the similarity between a passage in wilson and the preamble. since then i have found that, in his "commonplace book", jefferson copied passages from wilson's pamphlet, although for reasons which i could not determine he omitted the very passage which presents the most striking resemblance: all men are, by nature, equal and free: no one has a right to any authority over another without his consent: all lawful government is founded on the consent of those who are subject to it: such consent was given with a view to ensure and to increase the happiness of the governed above what they could enjoy in an independent and unconnected state of nature. the consequence is, that the happiness of the society is the first law of every government. a lockian theory to be sure, but wilson in the footnote to this paragraph quoted burlamaqui to the effect that "this right of sovereignty is that of commanding finally but in order to procure real felicity; for if this end is not obtained, sovereignty ceases to be legitimate authority." but this is not all! the declaration of rights of 1774 ("journal of congress", i, 373) stated in somewhat similar terms the rights of the inhabitants of the english colonies. finally the "virginia bill of rights" written by george mason, adopted by the virginia assembly on june 12 and necessarily forwarded to the delegates in congress, contained articles resembling more closely those of the declaration of independence: i. that all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety. ii. that all power is vested in, and consequently derived from the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them. iii. that government is or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection and security of the people, nation, or community; of all the various modes and forms of government, that is best, which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of mal-administration; and that when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community has the undubitable, unalienable right, to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.[47] this time it is no longer a question of analogy, or similarity of thought--the very words are identical, "unalienable rights" is the expression which finally replaced "undeniable" in the final form--and "pursuing and obtaining happiness" has become the well-known "pursuit of happiness." does it mean that jefferson should be accused of plagiarism? not in the least, since, as the french author said, "_l'arrangement est nouveau_", and, in a work of art, "_l'arrangement_" constitutes true originality, according to the formula of the classical school. furthermore, it was clearly jefferson's rôle and duty as a delegate from virginia to incorporate in the declaration as much as he could of the "bill of rights" recently adopted by his native dominion. the only fault that could be found is that he did not more clearly acknowledge his indebtedness to george mason. but his contemporaries, and particularly the virginians, could not fail to recognize in the national document the spirit and expression of the state document. jefferson had expressed the american mind but he had above all expressed the mind of his fellow virginians. whether the doctrine enunciated in the declaration of independence is founded in fact and is beyond question "undeniable", is a problem which cannot even be touched upon here. we cannot dismiss it, however, without mentioning a feature which seems to have escaped most american students of political philosophy, probably because it has become such an integral part of american life that it is not even noticed. i do not believe that any other state paper in any nation had ever proclaimed so emphatically and with such finality that one of the essential functions of government is to make man happy, or that one of his essential natural rights is "the pursuit of happiness." this was more than a new principle of government, it was a new principle of life which was thus proposed and officially indorsed. the most that could be asked from governments of the old world was to promote virtue and to maintain justice; honor, "_amor patriae_" and fear were the essential principles on which rested the governments described by montesquieu. but in spite of the eternal and unquenchable thirst for happiness in the heart of every man, what european, what frenchman particularly, could openly and officially maintain that the "pursuit of happiness" was a right, and that happiness could be reached and truly enjoyed. this quest of happiness had been the main preoccupation of french philosophers during the eighteenth century, but in spite of their philosophical optimism, they were too thoroughly imbued with pessimism ever to think that it was possible to be happy; the most they could hope for was to become less unhappy. the whole christian civilization had been built on the idea that happiness is neither desirable nor obtainable in this vale of tears and affliction, but as a compensation christianity offered eternal life and eternal bliss. the declaration of independence, on the contrary, placed human life on a new axis by maintaining that happiness is a natural right of the individual and the whole end of government. to be sure, the idea was not original with jefferson, it had been mentioned more than once in official or semi-official documents, it was in james wilson, as in the bill of rights, but i cannot quite conceive that such a formula could have originated in new england. i cannot conceive either that it could have been proclaimed at that date anywhere except in a new country where the pioneer spirit dominated, where men felt that they could live without being crowded or hampered by fierce competition, traditions, and iron-bound social laws. in his plan for a _déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen_, lafayette some twelve years later included "_la recherche du bonheur_", in memory of the american declaration of independence, but "_la recherche du bonheur_" disappeared in the committee and was never mentioned again in any of the three declarations of the french revolution. the nearest approach to it is found in the first article of the declaration of june 23, 1793; but it simply states that the aim of society is common happiness--and this is quite a different idea. whether it was right or not, jefferson, when he reproduced the terms used by george mason in the virginia bill of rights, gave currency to an expression which was to influence deeply and even to mold american life. in that sense, it may be said that the declaration of independence represents the highest achievement of eighteenth-century philosophy, but of one aspect of that philosophy that could not develop fully in europe. trees that are transplanted sometimes thrive better under new skies than in their native habitat and may reach proportions wholly unforeseen. thus the declaration of independence written to express the sentiments of the day probably shaped the american mind in an unexpected manner. it was essentially a popular document planned to impress the masses, to place before the young nation at its birth a certain ideal and a certain political faith, but it was also a legal and judicial document intended to make more precise the reasons why the united american colonies had finally resolved to separate from the mother country. for this part of the declaration jefferson drew largely from the "constitution" he had drafted for virginia and sent to randolph by mr. wythe. he was his own source--the more so as he substantially repeated many of the grievances enumerated two years earlier in the "rights of british america." but here again he markedly improved the first version, which was a monotonous recital of dry facts, starting with a legal "whereas" and beginning each article with a clumsy participle. "by denying his governor permission:... by refusing to pass certain other laws ... by dissolving legislative assemblies," became in the declaration the dramatic presentation of facts by a prosecuting attorney and not the summing-up of a case by a judge. but the final renunciation of the mother country has an unsurpassed dignity, a finality more terrible in its lofty and dispassionate tone than any curse: "we must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends." there again one is reminded of the well-known french formula: "_beau comme l'antique_." twice in its history the supposedly young and uncultured people had the rare fortune to find spokesmen who, without effort and laborious preparation, reached the utmost heights. the declaration of independence, with its solemn renunciation of ties of consanguinity, reminds one of the tone of the greek tragedy; while the only parallel to the gettysburg address is the oration pronounced by pericles over the warriors who had laid down their lives during the first war of peloponnesus. such heights can only be reached if the author is moved to his innermost depths. singularly unimaginative in ordinary circumstances, for once in his life jefferson was superior to himself: the student of greece, the refined virginian, became truly the voice of the people. but great effects often have small causes. we may wonder if he would have spoken with that same suppressed emotion, fiercely burning and yet controlled, if at that very time he had not been laboring under an emotional stress that never recurred in his life. while he was in philadelphia, writing the first draft in which he opened to the people of america "the road to glory and happiness", he could well wonder whether his personal happiness was not about to be destroyed.--his mother had recently died, he had just lost a child and had left in monticello a beloved companion dangerously ill. "every letter brings me such an account of the state of her health, that it is with great pain i can stay here," he wrote to page (july 20, 1776), and for those who knew how reserved he was in the expression of personal feelings, the restraint in his expression hardly conceals the anxiety and distress by which he was torn. there were also other reasons for his desiring to go home. jefferson had always understood that as a delegate to congress his duty was not so much to make a record for himself as to voice the _sentiments of the people he represented and to carry out their instructions_.[48] he was much worried about his standing with the virginia convention and suspected that some members were trying to knife him in the back. the convention had just proceeded to elect delegates for the next congress. harrison and braxton had failed to be reappointed, and jefferson was "next to the lag."--"it is a painful situation," he wrote to william fleming, on july first, "to be 300 miles from one's county, and thereby opened to secret assassination without a possibility of self-defence."[49] a week later, he wrote to edmund pendleton to decline his new appointment as a delegate to congress: i am sorry that the situation of my domestic affairs, renders it indispensably necessary that i should solicit the substitution of some other person here in my room. the delicacy of the house will not require me to enter minutely into the private causes which render this necessary. i trust they will be satisfied. i would not urge it again, were it not unavoidable.[50] on july 8 he announced to r. h. lee that he would return to virginia after the eleventh of august. it was not until september 2 that, his successor having arrived, he considered himself as free to go. his final reason, possibly not the least important, is given by jefferson himself in his "autobiography": our delegation had been renewed for the ensuing year, commencing august 11; but the new government was now organized, a meeting of the legislature was to be held in october, and i had been elected a member by my county. i knew that our legislation, under the regal government, had many vicious points which urgently required reformation, and i thought i could be of more use in forwarding that work. i therefore retired from my seat in congress on the 2d of september, resigned it and took my place in the legislature of my state, on the 7th of october. "my state," wrote jefferson in 1818, but in his letters to william fleming he was speaking of virginia as his "country", and at that time constantly referred to the colonies and not the united states. the necessity of some sort of a union or confederacy had been keenly realized for a long time, but the ways and means were far from receiving unanimous support. as a matter of fact, union had been obtained just on the point of secession, or as jefferson had it "avulsion from great britain"; but the consciousness of solidarity, the community of ideals and interests which constitute an essential part of patriotism hardly existed at that date. thus the man who had just been the voice of america probably felt himself more of a virginian than of an american, for local patriotism was very strong, while national patriotism was still in a larval stage. curiously enough the independence of the _united states_ had been proclaimed before the articles of confederation, which really constituted the united states, had been adopted or even reported. when they were drafted the name "colonies" was used and this was not changed to "states" until the second printing.[51] the only official bond that united the colonies was loyalty to the crown. that bond once severed, each of them became a separate unit and returned to a sort of "state of nature." for a student of government this was the most fascinating situation that could be devised, since he was going to witness the actual formation of a new society and the signing of a social compact. jefferson attended all the meetings of congress in which the articles of confederation were discussed, without actively participating in the debates. he took copious notes and inserted them in his "autobiography" but for reasons presently to be seen, he refrained from expressing his own opinion on the matter. only when he was back in virginia could he collect his ideas and formulate to his own satisfaction a theory on the formation of society. he then sat at his table and sent to a friend his reflections on the debates he had just attended. i had the good fortune to discover this document in the library of congress. it is of such importance that it must be given here in full. [illustration: a page of jefferson's reflections on the articles of confederation _from the manuscript in the possession of the library of congress_] after i got home, being alone and wanting amusement i sat down to explain to myself (for there is such a thing) my ideas of natural and civil rights and the distinction between them--i send them to you to see how nearly we agree. suppose 20 persons, strangers to each other, to meet in a country not before inhabited. each would be a sovereign in his own natural right. his will would be his law,--but his power, in many cases, inadequate to his right, and the consequence would be that each might be exposed, not only to each other but to the other nineteen. it would then occur to them that their condition would be much improved, if a way could be devised to exchange that quantity of danger into so much protection, so that each individual should possess the strength of the whole number. as all their rights, in the first case are natural rights, and the exercise of those rights supported only by their own natural individual power, they would begin by distinguishing between these rights they could individually exercise fully and perfectly and those they could not. of the first kind are the rights of thinking, speaking, forming and giving opinions, and perhaps all those which can be fully exercised by the individual without the aid of exterior assistance--or in other words, rights of personal competency--of the second kind are those of personal protection of acquiring and possessing property, in the exercise of which the individual natural power is less than the natural right. having drawn this line they agree to retain individually the first class of rights or those of personal competency; and to detach from their personal possession the second class, or those of defective power and to accept in lieu thereof a right to the whole power produced by a condensation of all the parts. these i conceive to be civil rights or rights of compact, and are distinguishable from natural rights, because in the one we act wholly in our own person, in the other we agree not to do so, but act under the guarantee of society. it therefore follows that the more of those imperfect natural rights, or rights of imperfect power we give up and thus exchange the more securely we possess, and as the word liberty is often mistakenly put for security m^r wilson has confused his argument by confounding the terms. but it does not follow that the more natural rights of _every kind_ we resign the more securely we possess,--because if we resign those of the first class we may suffer much by the exchange, for where the right and the power are equal with each other in the individual naturally they ought to rest there. m^r wilson must have some allusion to this distinction or his position would be subject to the inference you draw from it. i consider the individual sovereignty of the states retained under the act of confederation to be of the second class of rights. it becomes dangerous because it is defective in the power necessary to support it. it answers the pride and purpose of a few men in each state--but the state collectively is injured by it. unless i am much mistaken we have here the key to the whole democratic system of government evolved by jefferson and the solution of the apparent contradictions often pointed out in his system. starting from the hypothesis of hobbes that in a state of nature men are free agents and have no other law but their own will, jefferson attributes to the surrounding dangers the urge to form some sort of a society, a theory also found in locke. but what follows is more original: in forming a social compact, men do not abdicate all their sovereignty as in the hypothesis of rousseau; they do not even abdicate a certain portion of all their rights. on the contrary, they reserve entire a certain class of rights, all those they can exercise fully without the aid of exterior assistance, and they exchange for more security those they cannot exercise themselves. thus the social compact is no longer a _pactum subjectionis_. it is no longer a question of deciding whether in a society the individual or the society are sovereign, since both are sovereign in their respective domains. how far jefferson was from being a demagogue is clearly indicated by the sentence in which he refers to james wilson. liberty, except liberty of speech and thought, cannot be unlimited and unrestricted in any society; it is a matter of bargain and exchange. thus jefferson proposed a definition of liberty entirely different from the french conception as found in rousseau and reproduced in the "déclaration des droits de l'homme" of may 29, 1793: "_la liberté consiste à pouvoir faire tout ce qui ne nuit pas à autrui._" with him, on the contrary, liberty consists in the free enjoyment of our will except in certain specific cases, to be enumerated at the time we form a social compact. hence the necessity of a bill of rights, in which the individual accepts certain limitations in order to obtain a corresponding amount of security, and specifically denominates those of his natural rights he means to keep integrally and wholly. this explains clearly why jefferson, who is represented as the champion of state rights, not only accepted the abridgment of state sovereignty but declared that the retention by the states of certain rights was dangerous and illogical. one of the first cases arises when dealing with foreign nations. here the individual state is clearly unable to protect itself against foreign aggressions and foreign encroachments, and foreign policies must properly be placed in the hands of the federal government. this applies not only to questions of protection, but to questions of commerce, and for two reasons, both of them practical and not theoretical. commerce is one of the great causes of war. in order to protect the confederation the government has the right to levy taxes, and the most convenient form is that of imposts or taxes on importations. secondly, the federal government is evidently in a better situation than the individual states for obtaining favorable treatment of their commerce by foreign nations. hence the insistence of jefferson throughout his life on the prerogatives of the federal government in all matters referring to foreign policies, and his reiterated declarations in favor of state rights. incidentally, this document explains two otherwise unexplainable incidents in jefferson's career. the declaration on violation of rights adopted by the first continental congress had specified the rights of the inhabitants of the british colonies: "_resolved_, that they are entitled to life, liberty, & property, and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of either without their consent."[52] the virginia bill of rights had similarly declared that among the inherent natural rights was the means of acquiring and possessing property. now, in the preamble to the declaration of independence, which follows so closely the bill of rights, the word "property" does not appear, while the other rights are reasserted. nor was this an unintentional omission, for when lafayette submitted to jefferson his "déclaration des droits de l'homme", jefferson put in brackets the words "droit à la propriété", thus suggesting their elimination from the list of natural rights. yet he was not in any way a communist, and it would be a serious error to see in that systematic omission the influence of rousseau's "discours sur l'origine de l'inégalité." the fact is that, with his mind accustomed to draw fine legal distinctions, he had come to the conclusion that the right of possessing and acquiring property had to be protected by society in order to be enjoyed securely. it is one of those rights which are at the same time abridged and made more secure by society, since in any society it may be found necessary to levy taxes on the property of any citizen and even to condemn his property in the interests of the community. such a philosophy of natural rights had never before been expressed by any political philosopher i have been able to refer to, with one possible exception. while locke had said that one divests oneself of his liberty in assuming the bonds of civil society--while rousseau had declared that man sacrifices all his natural rights on the altar of society--a scottish jurist had maintained that "mutual defence against a more powerful neighbor being in early times the chief, or sole motive for joining in society, individuals never thought of surrendering any of their natural rights which could be retained consistently with their great aim of mutual defence." not only had jefferson read kames, but he had copied extensively from his "historical law" tracts in his "commonplace book", where this very passage is to be found. he had also seen in the tract on history of property the fine distinction established by kames between possession and property, the two terms being coextensive among savages, while in more refined society the relation of property was gradually evolved and disjoined from possession.[53] thus if jefferson borrowed from any one the main principles of his philosophy, it was not from any of the eloquent and famous thinkers of france and england. locke he had certainly read, he had abstracted montesquieu, he may have known rousseau's theory, although this is doubtful, but he had read and summarized the tracts of a scottish jurist whom he had probably discovered through doctor small. his conception of the social compact is not the conception of a philosopher; it is essentially the conception of a jurist and a lawyer. the social compact is not a metaphysical hypothesis, nebulous and lost in the night of ages, it is a very specific and very precise convention to be entered into or to be denounced by men who retain their "rights inherent and unalienable", who remain free and yet agree to submit themselves to certain rules and a certain discipline in order to obtain more security. and thus was evolved and defined by jefferson a combination of liberty and order, individualism and discipline which lies at the basis of american civilization, an object of wonder to most foreigners, often discussed but never so satisfactorily elucidated as in the document written by jefferson when, "wanting amusement", he sat down to explain to himself his ideas of natural and civil rights and the distinction between them. chapter ii the revision of the laws of virginia at the meeting of july 4, 1776, congress, after adopting the declaration of independence, "_resolved_, that dr. franklin, mr. j. adams and mr. jefferson, be a committee, to bring in a device for a seal for the united states of america."[54] among the several suggestions made in the committee, the one proposed by jefferson, according to john adams, deserves particular attention: "mr. jefferson proposed, the children of israel in the wilderness led by a cloud by day, and a pillar by night--and on the other side, hengist and horsa, the saxon chiefs, from whom we claim the honor of being descended, and whose political principles and form of government we have assumed." none of the suggestions made by the committee, or their final report, was ever adopted, but the device proposed by jefferson is a significant indication that his thoughts were still running in the same channel. "the children of israel" would remind one of the favorite contention of the settlers, piously preserved by their descendants to this day, that they were a chosen people; but the other side of the seal reminds one that jefferson's great ambition at that time was to promote a renaissance of anglo-saxon primitive institutions on the new continent. thus presented, the american revolution was nothing but the reclamation of the anglo-saxon birthright of which the colonists had been deprived by "a long trend of abuses." nor does it appear that there was anything in this theory which surprised or shocked his contemporaries; adams apparently did not disapprove of it, and it would be easy to bring in many similar expressions of the same idea in documents of the time. the principle once established, there remained to put it into effect, and to make a beginning in virginia. this was the thought uppermost in jefferson's mind when he went back to the old dominion. "are we not the better for what we have hitherto abolished of the feudal system," he wrote to edmund pendleton. "has not every restitution of the ancient saxon laws had happy effects? is it not better now that we return at once into that happy system of our ancestors, the wisest and most perfect ever yet devised by the wit of man, as it stood before the 8th century?"[55] this is the true foundation of jefferson's political philosophy. no greater mistake could be made than to look for his sources in locke, montesquieu, or rousseau. the jeffersonian democracy was born under the sign of hengist and horsa, not of the goddess reason. on september 26, 1776, congress proceeded to the election of commissioners to the court of france, and the ballots being taken, mr. benjamin franklin, mr. silas deane, and mr. thomas jefferson were chosen. this was a signal recognition of the prestige of the young author of the declaration of independence. an express was sent at once to jefferson to inform him of his appointment. for the first time he was offered an opportunity to visit the old world. his desire to go was so strong that he remained undecided for three days before he made up his mind to decline the nomination and to send his refusal to hancock. in the letter he then wrote, he alleged that "circumstances very peculiar in the situation of my family, such as neither permit me to leave nor to carry it compel me to ask leave to decline a service so honorable and at the same time so important to the american cause."[56] his biographer randall observes on this occasion that "the private causes" were the precarious situation of his wife's health. the family record contains the following entry: "a son born may 28th, 1777, 10 h. p.m."[57] the true reason, however, is to be found in the "autobiography", as given before. the very day jefferson answered hancock, he was put on several committees, and the next day he obtained leave to bring in a bill "to enable tenants in taille to convey their land in fee simple." the bill to abolish entails was reported on october 14, and after discussion and amendments passed by the house on october 23, and approved by the senate on november first. the bill was no improvisation and jefferson intended by it "to strike at the very root of feudalism in virginia." on august 13, 1776, he had already written to an anonymous correspondent, probably edmund pendleton: the opinion that our lands were allodial possessions is one which i have very long held, and had in my eye during a pretty considerable part of my law reading which i found always strengthened it.... this opinion i have thought and still think to prove if ever i should have time to look into books again.... was not the separation of the property from the perpetual use of lands a mere fiction? is not it's history well known, and the purposes for which it was introduced, to wit, the establishment of a military system of defense? was it not afterwards made an engine of immense oppression?... has it not been the practice of all other nations to hold their lands as their personal estate in absolute dominion? are we not the better for what we have hitherto abolished of the feudal system?[58] it was the first great blow at the landed hereditary aristocracy of virginia. the abolition of patrimonial estates, rendering them subject to all the obligations of personal property "susceptible to be sold, conveyed, seized, exchanged and willed" as ordinary property, meant the rapid abolition of that refined class of virginia planters which constituted such a distinguished feature of colonial life. it was a bold step to take, since it meant the antagonism of a powerful class, the beginning of hatred that pursued jefferson during his whole life and long after his death. yet he had the courage to do it and was no little proud of it.[59] he was opposed by both mr. pendleton and patrick henry, "but the bill passed finally for entire abolition." with the bill to abolish entails jefferson introduced another bill on the naturalization of foreigners, containing an expressed recognition of the right of expatriation already defended in the "summary view" of 1774,--another remarkable instance of jefferson's persistency and relentless efforts to win his point by legal means. simultaneously a committee on religion had been appointed "to meet and adjourn from day to day, and to take into their consideration all matters and things relating to religion and religious morality." besides jefferson, there were seventeen members on the committee, including fleming, page, and nicholas. being in a minority, jefferson began the struggle which was to end in the famous bill for religious freedom,--a long hard fight of which more will be said later. for the time being, however, jefferson had to be satisfied with a partial success: we prevailed so far only, as to repeal the laws which rendered criminal the maintenance of any religious opinions, the forbearance of repairing to church, or the exercise of any mode of worship; and further, to exempt dissenters from contributing to the support of the established church; and to suspend, only until next session, levies on the members of that church for the salaries of their own incumbents.[60] yet this was a very significant victory since, from the days of sir walter raleigh, there had been an express proviso that the laws of the colony "should not be against the true christian faith, now professed in the church of england." dissenters as well as members of the established church were assessed for the support of the anglican ministers, and although other denominations, particularly presbyterians, had succeeded in gaining more than a foothold in some parishes, a majority of dissenters were still obliged to pay for the support of the minority. but important as they were, these constituted only minor points. the whole structure of laws had to be remodelled to fit new conditions; a new legal monument had to be erected. jefferson's practice of law had convinced him of the obscurities, contradictions, absurdities, and iniquities of the assemblage of english laws on top of which had been superimposed local regulations. the bill for a general revision of the laws passed october 26. the fifth of november five revisors were appointed by ballot in the following order: thomas jefferson, edmund pendleton, george wythe, george mason, thomas ludwell lee. as this is a more important contribution of jefferson, we may omit here the part he played on many committees of the house, drafting and reporting on "declaring what shall be treason"; bills "for raising six additional battalions of infantry", "for establishing a court of appeals", "for establishing a high court of chancery", "for establishing a general court and courts of assize", "for establishing a court of admiralty", "for better regulating the proceedings of the county courts." he plunged into the work of the complete reorganization of the state judicial machinery, with all the enthusiastic zeal of a born jurist, and his capacity for precise, minute work was once more brought into play. the committee of revisors met at fredericksburg to determine on a manner of procedure and to distribute the work between the five members. first of all a question of methods had to be settled: "it had to be determined whether we should propose to abolish the whole existing system of laws, and prepare a new and complete institute, or preserve the general system, and only modify it to the present state of things." pendleton and lee stood for the former methods, wythe, mason, and jefferson for the latter, and this was the procedure finally adopted. rather than the account given by jefferson in his "autobiography" we shall follow the contemporary account drawn up at the time by george mason. plan settled by the committee of revisors in fredericksburg, january, 1777. (1) the common law not to be meddled with, except where alterations are necessary. the statutes to be revised and digested, alterations proper for us to be made; the diction where obsolete or redundant, to be reformed; but otherwise to undergo as few changes as possible. the acts of the english commonwealth to be examined. the statutes to be divided into periods; the acts of assembly made on the same subject to be incorporated into them. the laws of other colonies to be examined, and any good ones to be adopted. in the margin is here written: general rules in drawing provisions &c., which would do only what the law would do without them, to be omitted. bills to be short; not to include matters of different natures; not to insert an unnecessary word; nor omit a useful one. laws to be made on the spur of the present occasion, and all innovating laws to be limited in their duration.[61] truly an admirable plan! not the scheme of rash reformers, of _a priori_-minded legislators, deriving a code of laws from a certain number of abstract principles. it was not their purpose to make a _tabula rasa_ of the old structure which had slowly grown stone by stone, statute by statute and to rebuild entirely on new plans. the old house resting on solid anglo-saxon foundations was still substantial and safe and it could serve its purpose if only a few partitions were torn down, a few useless annexes demolished, and better ventilation provided. nothing was farther from the mind of the committee than to erect in virginia a greek or roman temple of themis. the statutes were divided into five parts. jefferson was to take "the first period in the division of statutes to end with 25th, h. 8th"; pendleton the second period "to end at the revolution"; wythe the third "to come to the present day"; g. mason the fourth, "to consist of the residuary part of the virginia laws to which is added the criminal law and land law." the fifth, attributed to lee, "to be the regulation of property in slaves, and their condition; and also the examination of the laws of the other colonies."[62] mason soon retired, "being no lawyer", and lee having died, the work was redistributed which explains the somewhat different allotment indicated by jefferson in the "autobiography." on the other hand, he seems to have claimed for himself in the "autobiography" an honor and an attitude that really belonged to the committee: i thought it would be useful, also, in new draughts to reform the style of the later british statutes, and of our own arts of assembly; which, from their verbosity, their endless tautologies, their involution of case within case, and parenthesis within parenthesis, and their multiplied efforts at certainty, by _saids_ and _aforesaids_, by _ors_ and by _ands_, to make them more plain, are really rendered more perplexed and incomprehensible, not only to common readers, but to the lawyers themselves. the notes taken by g. mason leave no doubt that this was also the attitude of the committee and their definite policy. it was a slow, painstaking, meticulous task, requiring common sense, good judgment, a good sense for words and erudition. to make laws intelligible and clear is no small achievement. but certainly it was not the sort of work that an _a priori_ philosopher, fond of generalizations and universal principles, would have relished, or would have been willing to submit himself to for more than two years. if in some political matters jefferson differed from mr. pendleton, he admired him and later paid him a handsome tribute in the "autobiography." pendleton--cool, smooth and persuasive, quick, acute and resourceful--was a remarkable debater. george mason, a man of the first order of wisdom, of expansive mind, profound judgment, cogent in argument, learned in the lore of our former constitution, and earnest for the republican change on democratic principles ... his virtue was of the purest tint; his integrity inflexible, and his justice exact; of warm patriotism, and, devoted as he was to liberty, and to the natural and equal rights of man, he might truly be called the cato of his country without the avarice of the roman.[63] when the preliminary work was done, the reviewers met at williamsburg in february, 1779, and "day by day" they examined critically their several parts, sentence by sentence, scrutinizing and amending, "until they had agreed on the whole." "the revised laws", comprehending one hundred and twenty-six bills, were reported to the general assembly june 18, 1779; bills were taken out occasionally from time to time, and because of madison's efforts fifty-six out of the one hundred and twenty-six were after amendments made laws at the sessions of 1785, 1786. among the bills reworded or initiated by jefferson several stood out conspicuously. the bill for proportioning crimes and punishments is a particularly good example of the methods used by jefferson in rewriting the old legislation. on sending it to george wythe he wrote: i wished to exhibit a sample of reformation in the barbarous style into which our modern statutes have degenerated from their ancient simplicity. in its style, i have aimed at accuracy, brevity, simplicity, preserving however the words of the established law, wherever their meaning had been sanctioned by judicial decision, as rendered technical by usage.[64] the transformation undergone by the old statutes can more easily be observed because jefferson was careful to indicate in footnotes his authorities from the old texts, in latin, and even in french and anglo-saxon. but the very title of the bill indicates that jefferson's purpose went farther than a mere codification of the old law. he could not be entirely satisfied with the scale of punishments determined by the committee; he regretted particularly the maintainance of the _lex talionis_, "an eye for an eye and a hand for a hand" (section xv), and he attempted to restrict the penalty of death to a few limited cases, for it was "the last melancholy resource against those whose existence is become inconsistent with the safety of their fellow citizens." his preamble reflects to a large extent the views of montesquieu and beccaria which he copied in the "commonplace book." but it could hardly be called humanitarian in the modern and sometimes derogatory sense of the word. the provisions of the code itself are far from showing any weakness or sentimentality: the death penalty is provided for treason against the commonwealth and for whomsoever committeth murder by way of duel; manslaughter, previously "punishable at law by burning in the hands, and forfeiture of chattels", is punished by hard labor for seven years in the public works, and the murderer "shall forfeit one half of his lands and goods to the next of kin of the person slain, the other half to be sequestered during such times, in the hands, and to the use, of the commonwealth." rape, polygamy, or sodomy "shall be punished if a man by castration, if a woman by boring through the cartilage of her nose a hole of one half inch in diameter at least." witchcraft, conjuration, or sorcery "shall be punished by ducking and whipping, at the discretion of a jury, not exceeding fifteen stripes", and, most extraordinary for modern readers, "whenever sentences of death shall be pronounced against any person for treason or murder, execution thereof shall be done on the next day but one, after such sentence, unless it be sunday, and then on monday following" (section xiii). truly enough the law of nature is once mentioned in a footnote to the effect that if a prisoner tries to escape from prison he shall not be considered as a capital offender. "the law of nature impels every one to escape from confinement; he should not therefore be subjected to punishment. let the legislature restrain his criminal by walls, not by parchment." if there is "philosophy" in this statement it is common sense and certainly not sentimentality. the bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge is far more philosophical in its terms. there for the first time will be found a picture of democracy as jefferson pictured it to himself at that date. the general statement at the beginning may be an echo from montesquieu; but while the french philosopher had not indicated any remedy for such a situation, jefferson was interested in it only in so far as it could be amended. experience has shewn, that even under the best forms, those entrusted with power have, in time, and by slow operations, perverted it into tyranny; and it is believed that the most effectual means of preventing this would be, to illuminate, as far as practicable, the minds of the people at large, and more especially to give them knowledge of those facts, which history exhibiteth,... and whereas it is generally true that people will be happiest whose laws are best, and are best administered, and that laws will be wisely formed, and honestly administered, in proportion as those who form and administer them are wise and honest; whence it becomes expedient for promoting the publick happiness that those persons, whom nature hath endowed with genius and virtue, should be rendered by liberal education worthy to receive, and able to guard the sacred deposit of the rights and liberties of their fellow citizens, and that they should be called to that charge without regard to wealth, birth or other accidental condition or circumstance; but the indigence of the greater number disabling them from so educating, at their own expence, those of their children whom nature hath fitly formed and disposed to become useful instruments for the public, it is better that such should be sought for and educated at the common expence of all, than that the happiness of all should be confined to the weak or wicked. is this a democratic view in the modern sense of the word? at any rate it is not the democratic phraseology of a modern politician. there is no protest at all in the name of immanent justice against the unequality of conditions, there is no desire to give every boy a fair chance in life, no indication that men being born equal, all children should have equal opportunities. we are perfectly free to believe that jefferson entertained such sentiments at that date. historically, however, there is no evidence that he did so. all we have here is a hard-headed proposition with the corrective that, under the new system, a child of genius or great talent was to be given an opportunity to develop his native qualities, for it was both the duty and the interest of society to prevent such a waste of intellectual potentialities. furthermore, jefferson was manifestly of the opinion that no man could properly participate in the government of society unless he had been rendered worthy to receive and able to guard the _sacred_ deposit of the rights and liberties of his fellow citizens. neither wealth, birth, nor accidental circumstances should determine who is fit for public office, but education should be the criterion. as he was doing his utmost to abolish the last privileges and prestige of the landed hereditary aristocracy of virginia, jefferson was striving to constitute and to get recognition for another aristocracy, an aristocracy of learning and intelligence, a true ruling class, or more exactly a governing and legislative class; for he was persuaded that the business of the legislator cannot be learned in a day, that it requires, besides native qualities of mind, a certain expert knowledge of the subject. the provisions of the bill are most extraordinary for the time. jefferson provided for the division of the state into a certain number of districts or hundreds; in each hundred a schoolhouse was to be built and so located that all the children within it might daily attend the school. in each of the schools shall be taught reading, writing, and common arithmetick, and the books which shall be used therein for instructing the children to read shall be such as will at the same time make them acquainted with graecian, roman, english and american history. at these schools all the free children, male and female, resident within the respective hundred, shall be entitled to receive tuition gratis for the term of three years. in addition, the bill provided that a certain number of grammar schools would be erected, "their situation to be as central as possible for the inhabitants of the said counties, the schools to be furnished with good water, convenient to plentiful supplies of provision and fuel and above all things that it be healthy." in all of these grammar schools, which shall receive boarders shall be taught the latin and greek languages, english grammar, geography, and the higher part of numerical arithmetick, to wit., vulgar and decimal fractions, and the extrication of the square and cube roots. in order to provide proper facilities for children of particular ability, the overseer of the hundred schools (one for ten schools) shall appoint from among the boys who shall have been two years at the least at some one of the schools under his superintendance and whose parents are too poor to give them farther education some one of the best and most promising genius and dispositions to proceed to the grammar schools. at the end of the first year one third of the boys shall be discontinued as public foundations after examination; "all shall be discontinued at the end of two years save one only, the best in genius and disposition, who shall be at liberty to continue there four years longer on the public foundation, and shall thence forward be deemed a senior." finally, "the visitors will select one among the said seniors of the best learning and most hopeful genius and disposition who shall be authorized by them to proceed to william and mary college; there to be educated, boarded, and clothed three years: the expense of which shall be paid by the treasurer." this rigorous selective process looks very familiar to any one acquainted with the modern french system of free elementary schools, boarding _colléges_ and _lycèes_, and the system of competitive scholarships and fellowships of the french. but it was not fully developed in france before the third republic and it was not even dreamed of before the revolution. many times the french have been criticized for the undemocratic features of an educational system which reserves secondary education to those who are able to pay and to the small number of children who win scholarships. there is no possibility that this scheme was ever borrowed by jefferson from any french theorician, and there is, on the contrary, some reason to believe that in france it owes its beginning to the publication of jefferson's plan in the "notes on virginia" printed in paris and in french in 1786. the educational structure of the state would not have been complete if jefferson had not provided for a reorganization of william and mary college. such is the purpose of the next bill (bill lxxx) in the report of the committee of revisors. there he was more ruthless and more radical. after a first section which recounts the foundation of the college and its history, jefferson concluded that "the said college, thus amply endowed by the public has not answered their expectation, and there is reason to hope, that it would become more useful, if certain articles in its constitution were altered and amended." by one stroke of the pen, jefferson abolished the school of theology, took the administration out of the hands of the former trustees to place it in the hands of visitors appointed by the legislature and "not to be restrained in their legislation by the royal prerogatives, or the laws of the kingdom of england, or the canons of the constitution of the english church, as enjoined in the charter." the president and faculty were to be dismissed, and six professorships created; to wit, one of moral law and police; one of history, civil and ecclesiastical; one of anatomy and medicine; one of natural philosophy and natural history; one of the ancient languages oriental and northern; and one of modern languages.- a missionary will be appointed to the several tribes of the indians, whose business will be to investigate their laws, customs, religion, traditions, and more particularly their languages, constructing grammar thereof, as well as may be, and copious vocabularies, and on oath to communicate, from time to time, to the said president and professors the material he collects. thus the college was to become the training school in which "those who are to be the future guardians of the rights and liberties of their country may be endowed with science and virtue, to watch and preserve the sacred deposit." it was not a democratic institution, but the finishing school of the future legislators and experts in the science of government. as to disinterested "researches of the learned and curious", they were to be encouraged by the establishment at richmond of a free public library with yearly appropriation of two thousand pounds for the purchase of books and maps. one may state here without any fear of contradiction that no system so complete, so logically constructed and so well articulated had ever been proposed in any country in the world. it already embodied the ideas for which jefferson stood during all his life, it preceded by more than fifteen years the plans of the french convention. as the first charter of american public education it is an astonishing document and deserves more attention than it has hitherto received. the bill for establishing religious freedom in jefferson's opinion ranked in importance with the declaration of independence. it was not intended to be a revolutionary document, but simply a common-sense adjustment of the situation brought about by the repeal of several provisions of the old virginia laws. jefferson took care to explain the true purpose of the bill in the "notes on virginia" (query xvii). the virginia bill of rights had proclaimed "it to be a truth, and a natural right that the exercise of religion should be free." on the other hand, no mention of it had been made in the convention and no measure had been adopted to protect religious freedom. the assembly, however, had repealed, in 1776, "all _acts_ of parliament which had rendered criminal the maintaining any opinion in matters of religion", and suspended the laws giving salaries to the clergy. this suspension was made perpetual in october, 1779. but religious matters still remained subject to common law and to acts passed by the assembly. at common law, heresy was a capital offence, punishable by burning, according to the writ _de haeretico comburando_. furthermore, by an act of the assembly of 1705, "if a person brought up in the christian religion denies the being of a god, or the trinity, or asserts there are more gods than one, or denies the christian religion to be true, or the scriptures to be of divine authority, he is punishable on the first offence by incapacity to hold any office or employment ecclesiastical, civil, or military: on the second by disability to sue, to take any gift or legacy, to be guardian, executor, or administrator, and by three years' imprisonment without bail."[65] this being the situation, the article of the bill of rights concerning religious freedom remained a dead letter until provisions could be made to take religious matters out of the jurisdiction of the common law. historians seem to have been somewhat misled both by the lofty and philosophical tone of the bill for religious freedom and the comments made by jefferson in the "notes on virginia", specially written by him, as we always must remember, for a group of french philosophers and the french public. a philosopher he was, but before all he was a purist and a historian of law. for him the main question was first to determine whether the jurisdiction of the common law in matters of religion was founded in law. he had already studied minutely the history of common law and made copious extracts in his "commonplace book"; he had noticed in houard's "coutumes anglo-normandes" that some pious copyist had prefixed to the laws of alfred four chapters of jewish law. "this awkward monkish fabrication makes the preface to alfred's genuine laws stand in the body of the work; and the very words of alfred himself form the frauds, for he declares in that preface that he has collected these laws from those of ina, of offa, ethelbert, and his ancestors, saying nothing of any of them being taken from the scripture." consequently the pretended laws of alfred were a forgery. yet, palpable as it must be to a lawyer, our judges have piously avoided lifting the veil under which it was shrouded. in truth, the alliance between church and state in england, has ever made their judges accomplices in the frauds of the clergy; and even bolder than they are: for, instead of being contented with these four surreptitious chapters of _exodus_, they have taken the whole leap, and declared at once, that the whole bible and testament, in a lump, make part, of the common law.... finally in answer to fortescue aland's question why the common law of england should not now be a part of the common law of england? we may say that they are not, because they never were made so by legislative authority; the document which imposed that doubt on him being a manifest forgery.[66] [illustration: a page from jefferson's "commonplace book" _from the manuscript in the possession of the library of congress_] bolstered up with his texts, references, and authorities, jefferson could now, if need be, confute the redoubtable mr. pendleton in the committee of revisors, but such a legal technical presentation of the facts would evidently not appeal either to the assembly at large or to the public. these had to be approached in an entirely different way; for to speak of frauds, forgeries, and monkish fabrication would not do at all in a public document and, on the contrary, might create a revulsion of feeling. it became necessary to present the reform in an entirely different light and jefferson did so in the first section of the bill. the phrasing of these lofty principles is well known; still it may not be out of place to reproduce them once more: well aware that the opinions of belief of men depend not on their own will, but follow involuntarily the evidence proposed to their minds; that almighty god hath created the mind free, and manifested his supreme will that free it shall remain by making it altogether susceptible of restraint; that all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments, or burthens, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness ... to compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves and abhors, is sinful and tyrannical;... that our civil rights have no dependance on our religious opinions, any more than our opinions in physics or geometry;... that the opinions of men are not the object of civil government. in section ii, after that preamble, the religious independence of the individual was proclaimed: we the general assembly of virginia do enact that no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, or shall otherwise suffer, on account of his religious opinions or beliefs; but that all men shall be free to profess and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion, and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities. furthermore, in the first section, jefferson gave the first and final expression of his understanding of freedom of thought: that it is time enough for the rightful purposes of civil government for its offices to interfere when principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order; and finally, that truth is great and will prevail if left to herself; that she is the proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons, free argument and debate; errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted freely to contradict them. it is not surprising that the bill was savagely attacked in the assembly and did not pass until 1786. it simply shows that the church of england had more supporters than jefferson led us to believe, when he wrote in the "notes on virginia" that "two-thirds of the people had become dissenters at the commencement of the present revolution." the remaining third, if such was the proportion, were at least well organized and offered a strong resistance. this bill marked the beginning of the accusations of impiety and infidelity so often launched at jefferson. whatever his private sentiments on the matter may have been, he was not the man to discriminate against any one because of religious beliefs; and at the very time when he was engaged in preparing his bill, he took the initiative of starting a subscription towards the support of the reverend mr. charles clay of williamsburg. the document, never before published, is entirely written in his hand and is of such importance that i may be permitted to reproduce it here: whereas, by an act of general assembly, freedom of religious opinion and worship is restored to all, and it is left to the members of each religious society to employ such teachers they think fit for their own spiritual comfort and instruction and to maintain the same by their free and voluntary contributions. we the subscribers (professing the most catholic affection for other religious sectaries who happen to differ from us in points of conscience,) yet desirous of encouraging and supporting (a church in our opinion so truly apostolick as) the protestant episcopalian church, and of deriving to ourselves, through the ministry of it's teachers, the benefits of gospel-knowledge and religious improvement, and at the same time of supporting those, who, having been at considerable expence in qualifying themselves by regular education for explaining the holy scriptures, have dedicated their time and labor to the service of the said church (and moreover approving highly the conduct of the rev^d charles clay, who early rejecting the tyrant and tyranny of britain, proved his religion genuine by its harmony with the liberties of mankind and conforming his public prayers to the spirit and the injured rights of his country, addressed the god of battles for victory to our arms, while others impiously prayed that our enemies might vainquish and overcome us) do hereby oblige ourselves our heirs executors and administrators on or before the 25th day of december in this present year 1777, and likewise on or before the 25th day of december in every year following until we shall withdraw our subscription in open vestry, or until the legislature shall make other provision for the support of the said clergy, to pay to the (reverend) said charles clay of albemarle his executor or administrators the several sums affixed to our respective names: in consideration whereof we expect that the said charles clay shall perform divine service and preach a sermon in the town of charlottesville on every fourth sunday, or oftener, if a regular rotation with the other churches that shall have put themselves under his care will admit a more frequent attendence. and we further mutually agree with each other that we will meet at charlottesville on the 1^{st} day of march in the present year, and on the second thursday in ---in every year following so long as we continue our subscriptions and there make choice by ballot of three wardens to collect our said subscriptions, to take care of such books and vestments as shall be provided for the use of our church, to call meetings of our congregation when necessary, and to transact such other business relating to our congregation as we shall hereafter confide to them. th. jefferson, six pounds; jno harvie, four pounds; randolph jefferson, two pounds ten schillings; thos. garth, fifteen schillings; philip mazzei, sixteen schillings eight pence.[67] far more important than the local reception of the revised laws, since most of them were adopted only years later, and thanks to the efforts of madison, during the sessions of 1785 and 1786, is the fact that jefferson had already formulated at that time for himself and his fellow citizens the most essential principles of his doctrine. he was not unaware of this, and stated it himself in his "autobiography" when he declared: "i considered four of these bills, passed or reported as forming a system by which every fibre would be eradicated of ancient or future aristocracy; and a foundation laid for a government truly republican."[68] the ideal government he had in mind at the time could perhaps be described as a democracy, but he did not use the word himself, not even many years later in his "autobiography" where he simply spoke of "a government truly republican." he was much opposed to the perpetuation of an hereditary landed gentry, but i do not see that he would have approved or even conceived the possibility of a government placed entirely under the control of unenlightened men. the bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge makes clear that only through a liberal education can men be "rendered worthy to receive and able to guard the sacred deposit of the rights and liberties of their fellow citizens", and the bill for amending the charter of william and mary proclaims even more emphatically that the old college must "become the seminary, in which those who are to be the future guardians of the rights of liberty of their country may be endowed with science and virtue, to watch and preserve the sacred deposit." jefferson was a friend of the people, but no admirer and no flatterer of the "plain people", nor did he entertain any illusion about their participation in all the forms of government. for the present it was enough, as he wrote in the "autobiography", if they were qualified through elementary education "to exercise with intelligence _their_ parts in self-government." if he rebelled against aristocracy of wealth, he would have reacted with equal vehemence against mob tyranny. neither was he radical enough to admit _propagandistes par le fait_ and to forbid society the right to intervene "when principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order." (bill for religious freedom.) for freedom of speech does not entail freedom of action: and the civil rights or rights of compacts are necessarily subject to civil regulations. it is easily seen now that jefferson so far remained perfectly consistent, and followed in practice the distinction between natural rights and rights of compact he had established in order to clarify his own mind, in the meditation quoted at the end of the preceding chapter. if this theory is accepted, it is evident that society being founded upon a legal compact, the ideal form of government is one in which both parties, the individual on the one hand and society on the other, scrupulously live up to its terms. a breach of contract can no more be condoned in the individual than in society. on the other hand, natural rights remain always truly "inalienable" and apart from civil rights. when any individual comes to the conclusion that the sacrifice he has made of certain rights in order to enjoy more security is not compensated for by sufficient advantages, he has the right to denounce the compact: hence the right of expatriation always so energetically maintained by jefferson. this is the very reason why jefferson could not and did not blame john randolph for going to england in august, 1775, since "the situation of the country had rendered it not eligible to him to remain longer in it." thus the conflict seen by so many political philosophers between man and society disappears entirely. the individual cannot stand against society when he is free to break the social bond at any time--nor can society oppress the individual without endangering its very existence. such a theory was more than a "philosophical construction." it was largely based upon facts and observation; it expressed the current political philosophy of the colonies. it was eminently the juridistic explanation of the pioneer spirit. granting what is undoubtedly true, that jefferson aroused antagonism and enmities in the assembly, he certainly had also his admirers and followers. if the prophet had preached in the desert, he would not have gained the prompt recognition that came to him when he was chosen governor of virginia, the first of june, 1779, to succeed patrick henry. he was then thirty-six years old. chapter iii governor of virginia--the "notes on virginia" jefferson served two years as governor of the commonwealth and when he wrote his "autobiography" he gave only a short paragraph to this episode of his eventful career, referring for more details to girardin's continuation of burk's "history of virginia." the student of law, the erudite jurist, and classical scholar was by the choice of the assembly entrusted with the duties and responsibilities of a war chief, and it cannot be said that jefferson enjoyed the experience. the duties of governor were not only exacting but almost impossible to fulfill satisfactorily. for more than two years, virginia, without money, with a poorly equipped militia reënforced with an inadequate number of federal troops, had been overrun by the enemy and had known all the atrocities of the war. the governor had to honor the continuous requests of the general in chief for more ammunition, more equipment and provision, and at the same time had to keep under arms, and as much as possible in fighting condition, militiamen anxious to go back to their farms for the harvest or the plowing, so as to protect the territory of the state against the raids of the invader and prevent indian uprisings on the western border. last, but not least, he had to take into consideration the general attitude of the people of the state and the measures adopted by the legislature. jefferson's correspondence with lafayette during the first months of 1781 is most illuminating in this respect. when, after arnold's treason, lafayette was sent by washington to apprehend the traitor and give some assistance to the old dominion, he found that there were neither boats, wagons, nor horses to carry his equipment from head of elk to the siege of operations. the treasury was empty, the assembly most chary in granting impressment warrants, and practically all the governor could offer in the way of help was his unlimited good will. lafayette had to use oxen for his artillery and to mount cannon on barges; but even after powers of impressment were granted to the marquis, jefferson had to remind him of the necessity of not impressing stallions or brood mares, so as not to kill the "goose with the golden eggs."[69] jefferson's attitude in these critical circumstances reveal his true character to a degree, and without entering into a detailed account of the campaign, a few illustrations may be included here. it may be remembered that four thousand british troops, taken prisoners at the battle of saratoga, had been ordered by congress to charlottesville. the problem of housing and feeding them soon became acute, and jefferson was called upon to assist in finding a proper solution. the life imposed upon the captive soldiers was comparatively mild. barracks were erected, while the officers, well provided with money, rented houses in the vicinity of the camp and bought some of the finest horses in virginia. for most of them the charlottesville captivity was a very pleasant _villégiature_. on the other hand, some of the inhabitants did not view without alarm this sudden increase in the population of the county, and application was made to governor patrick henry to have at least part of the prisoners removed to another section of the state. this, according to jefferson, would have been a breach of faith, since the articles of capitulation provided that the officers should not be separated from their men. on this occasion he wrote a very vehement letter to the governor, march 27, 1779, protesting that such a measure "would suppose a possibility that humanity was kicked out of doors in america, and interest only attended to." yet the governor could not entirely neglect interested consideration, and jefferson once more revealed that curious mixture of high principles and hard, practical common sense, to which we already called attention. he was aware that the circulation of money was increased by the presence of these troops "at the rate of $30,000 a week at least." the rich planters, "being more generally sellers than buyers", were greatly benefited by these unexpected customers, although the poor people were much displeased by inroads made by them upon the amount of supplies and provisions available in the county. never were prisoners better treated or made more welcome, and if jefferson reflected the feelings of his neighbors there was no animosity against the soldiers in the field: the great cause which divides our countries is not to be decided by individual animosities. the harmony of private societies cannot weaken national efforts. to contribute by neighbourly intercourse and attention to make others happy is the shortest and surest way of being happy ourselves. as these sentiments seem to have directed your conduct, we should be as unwise as illiberal, were we not to preserve the same temper of mind.[70] truly this was a war of philosophers and gentlemen, and the courtly generals of louis xv would not have expressed more elegantly their consideration for the enemy. jefferson's declaration was no mere gesture, for he struck up lasting friendships with several of the prisoners. he was particularly interested in a young german officer, louis de unger, who showed a remarkable talent for philosophy, in baron de geismer with whom he kept up a correspondence for more than ten years,[71] and in major general baron de riedesel who, with his wife, was a frequent guest at monticello. to many of them jefferson opened his house, his library, and his dining room. he discussed philosophy and agriculture with them, played duets on his violin, and sincerely regretted the loss of that pleasant society when he had to leave after his appointment as governor.[72] yet a sterner trait in his character was soon to be revealed. while the british prisoners were described as "having thus found the art of rendering captivity itself comfortable, and carried to execution, at their own great expense and labor, their spirits sustained by the prospect of gratifications rising before their eyes", the american prisoners and noncombatants were receiving harsher treatment at the hands of the british. war had become particularly atrocious after indian tribes had been encouraged to attack the insurgents, and this was an offense that jefferson could not condone. when governor hamilton of kaskakias, with his two lieutenants, dejean and lamothe, who had distinguished themselves by their harsh policy, surrendered to clark and were brought to virginia, jefferson ordered them confined in the dungeon of the public jail, put in irons and kept incommunicado. on general philips' protest jefferson wrote to washington to ask him for advice, but added that in his opinion these prisoners were common criminals and that he could "find nothing in books usually recurred to as testimonials of the laws and usages of nature and nations which convicts the opinion i have above expressed of error."[73] to guy carleton, governor of canada, he answered that "we think ourselves justified in governor hamilton's strick confinement on the general principle of national retaliation", and no punishment was too severe for a man who had employed "indian savages whose known rule of warfare is an indiscriminate butchery of men, women and children."[74] when a few weeks later, upon washington's request, the irons were taken from the prisoners and a parole offered to them, jefferson obeyed very reluctantly and informed the general that "they objected to that part of it which restrained them from _saying_ anything to the prejudice of the united states" and insisted on "freedom of speech"; they were in consequence remanded to their confinement in the jail, "which must be considered as a voluntary one until they can determine with themselves to be inoffensive in words as well as deeds."[75] even when the prisoners were freed, jefferson wrote again to washington: i shall give immediate orders for having in readiness every engine which the enemy have contrived for the destruction of our unhappy citizens captivated by them. the presentiment of these operations is shocking beyond expression. i pray heaven to avert them: but nothing in this world will do it but a proper conduct in the enemy. in every event i shall resign myself to the hard necessity under which i shall act.[76] writing the same day to colonel george mathews, jefferson defined with more precision what he understood by these "operations" when he declared that "iron will be retaliated by iron, prison ships by prison ships, and like for like in general."[77] the faults of his own people did not find him any weaker, for he declared: "i would use any powers i have for the punishment of any officer of our own who should be guilty of excesses injustifiable under the usages of civilized nations." he was not slow either in punishing mutineers, in having the ringleaders seized in their beds "singly and without noise" and in recommending cavalry, "as men on horseback have been found the most certain instrument of public punishment."[78] this trait of jefferson's character, hardly ever noticed, was no passing mood. it was little apparent in ordinary circumstances, but it was to reappear with the same stern inflexibility during the prosecution of aaron burr twenty-five years later. the dreamer, the theorist, the "philosopher" does not appear in the letters written by jefferson during his governorship. he was punctual, attentive to details and careful to abide by the measures taken by the legislature. yet he was subjected to bitter criticism and a sort of legend grew up about his lack of efficiency. he was approaching the end of his second term, which expired on june 2, 1781, and the legislature, feeling that the present danger required desperate action, was thinking of appointing a temporary dictator. although most decidedly opposed to the creation of such an office, jefferson believed that the appointment of a military leader was highly desirable (letter to washington, may 28), and according to his wishes general nelson in command of the state troops was elected in his place. but before the assembly could come to a decision an unexpected incident happened. it has been related at great length, and i am afraid with some embellishments, by randall, who reconstructed it from jefferson's papers and from the family traditions. virginia was literally overrun by the enemy, and the raids of the british cavalry were a common occurrence. during one of these raids tarleton attempted to capture the legislature and almost succeeded in taking the governor. the account of the incident, as i found it written by jefferson, is far less picturesque, but probably more reliable than the highly colored narration of the biographer: this was the state of things when, his office having expired on the 2^d june, & his successor not yet in place, col. tarlton, with his regiment of horse, was detached by l. cornwallis, to surprise him (supposed to be still governor) & the legislature now sitting in charlottesville, the speakers of the two houses, & some other members of the legislature, were lodging with him at monticello. tarleton, early in the morning of june 4. when within 10 miles of that place, detached a company of horse to secure him & his guests, & proceeded himself rapidly with his main body to charlottesville, where he hoped to find the legislature unapprised of his movement. notice of it however had been brought both to monticello & charlottesville about sunrise, by a mr jouett from louisa, who seeing them pass his father's house in the evening of the 3.^d and riding through the night along by-ways, brought the notice. the speakers, with their colleagues returned to charlottesville, & with the other members of the legislature, had barely time to get out of the way.[79] a few days later jefferson left amherst and returned to monticello which he found practically undamaged; it was then that, riding to poplar forest, he was thrown from his horse and so seriously hurt that he could not ride horseback for several months. shortly afterwards he learned that some members of the legislature, probably irked by the humiliation of having fled before the british raiders, not once, but several times, were not unwilling to accuse the governor of having neglected to take proper measures of defense. as i have found nowhere any indication to contradict jefferson's account of the incident, it had better be given here in his simple words: i returned to monticello july 26. & learning some time after that mr george nicholas, than a young man, just entered into the legislature proposed to institute some enquiry into my conduct before the legislature, a member from my county vacated his seat, & the county elected me, in his room, that i might vindicate myself on the floor of the house. thro' the intervention of a friend, i obtained from mr. nicholas a written note of the charges he proposed to bring forward & i furnished him in return the heads of the answers i should make. on the day appointed for hearing his charges he withdrew from the house; & no other undertaking to bring them forward, i did it myself in my place, from his paper, answering them verbatim to the house. the members had been witnesses themselves to all the material facts, and passed an unanimous vote of approbation, which may be seen on their journals. mr. nicholas was an honest and honorable man, & took a conspicuous occasion, many years after, of his own free will, & when the matter was entirely at rest, to retract publicly the erroneous opinions he had been led into on that occasion, and to make just reparation by a candid acknowledgment of them.[80] this unfortunate incident revealed another fundamental trait of jefferson's character,--his total incapacity to accept public criticism with equanimity. it was not until december 19, 1781, that he had the opportunity of presenting his case before the legislature and of receiving the vote of thanks intended "to obviate and remove all unmerited censure." in the meantime, and because he did not wish to leave a free field to his enemies, he had to decline a new appointment from congress, when on the fifteenth of june he was designated to join the four american plenipotentiaries already in europe. the letter was transmitted through lafayette, and to lafayette alone jefferson confided his deep mortification at having to lose an opportunity, the only one i ever had and perhaps ever shall have, of combining public service with public gratification, of seeing countries whose improvements in science, in arts and civilization it has been my fortune to admire at a distance but never to see and at the same time of lending further aid to a cause which has been handed on from it's first organization to its present stage by every effort of which my poor faculties were capable. these however have not been such as to give satisfaction to some of my countrymen & it has become necessary for me to remain in the state till a later period, in the present year than is consistent with an acceptance of what has been offered me.[81] a letter written to edmund randolph hints at other considerations which "that one being removed, might prevent my acceptance." the family record shows that mrs. jefferson was then expecting a child who was born on november, 1781, and died in april of the following year. jefferson himself was far from being well and had not yet recovered from his accident; but there is little doubt that he would have gladly seized the opportunity to fulfill one of his earliest dreams and to visit europe, had he been free to go. however this may be, it was on this occasion that he reiterated once more, but not for the last time, his wish to return entirely and definitively to private life: were it possible for me to determine again to enter into public business there is no appointment whatever which would have been so agreeable to me. but i have taken my final leave of everything of that nature. i have retired to my farm, my family and books from which i think nothing will evermore separate me. a desire to leave public office with a reputation not more blotted than it deserved will oblige me to emerge at the next session of our assembly & perhaps to accept of a seat in it, but as i go with a single object, i shall withdraw when that has been accomplished.[82] i must confess that jefferson's determination can scarcely be understood or excused. he was not yet forty and, for a man of that age, his achievements were unusual and many, but he had by no means outlived his usefulness or fulfilled the tasks he had mapped out for himself. even supposing he had done enough for the united states and did not feel any ambition to return to congress, there was much to be done in virginia. for one thing the war was not over and the situation of his native state, his "country", as he still called it, was as precarious as ever. even supposing the war to be of short duration and destined to end in victory, the work of reconstruction loomed considerable upon the horizon. not only had plantations been burned, houses destroyed, cattle killed off, negroes decimated in many places, but the financial resources of virginia were nil, the currency depreciated and valueless. above all, republican institutions were far from secure, jefferson was not at all satisfied with the constitution as adopted, there remained many bills on the revised laws to be presented, defended, and approved. the laws adopted so far might have laid the foundations of true republican government, but the task was still enormous. was jefferson irritated and despondent at the ingratitude of his fellow citizens who had not rejected at once the charges made by nicholas? was he so alarmed by the health of his wife that he did not feel that he could leave her even for a few days? was he not rather a victim of overwork and overexertion? he had been severely shaken by his accident and seems to have suffered at the time a sort of nervous breakdown, for on october 28, 1781, when writing to washington to congratulate him on cornwallis' capitulation at yorktown he deplores the "state of perpetual decrepitude" to which he is unfortunately reduced and which prevents him from greeting washington personally. several of his best friends were unable to understand or condone his retirement. madison himself wrote to edmund randolph:[83] great as my partiality is to mr. jefferson, the mode in which he seems determined to revenge the wrong received from his country does not appear to me to be dictated either by philosophy or patriotism. it argues, indeed, a keen sensibility and strong consciousness of rectitude. but his sensibility ought to be as great towards the relenting as the misdoings of the legislature, not to mention the injustice of visiting the faults of this body on their innocent constituents. monroe, ardent friend and admirer of jefferson's, was even more direct when writing to acquaint his "master" with the criticism aroused by his retirement. to which jefferson answered with a letter in which he poured out the bitterness of his heart. he first recited all his different reasons for making his choice; the fact that after scrutinizing his heart he had found that every fiber of political ambition had been eradicated; that he had the right to withdraw after having been engaged thirteen years in public service; that his family required his attention; that he had to attend to his private affairs. but the true reasons came only in the next paragraph: that however i might have comforted myself under the disapprobation of the well-meaning but uninformed people, yet that of their representatives was a shock on which i had not calculated.... i felt that these injuries, for such they have been since acknowledged, had inflicted a wound on my spirit which only will be cured by the all-healing grave. the man who wrote these lines had an epidermis far too sensitive to permit him to engage in politics and least of all in local politics. jefferson in these particular circumstances forgot the lesson of his old friends the greek and latin philosophers--truly he was no roman. yet we cannot regret very deeply jefferson's determination to retire from public life at that time, since to his retirement we owe his most extensive literary composition, one of the first masterpieces of american literature. during the spring of 1781 he had received from the secretary of the french legation, barbé-marbois, a long questionnaire on the present conditions of virginia. during his forced inactivity, he drew up a first draft which was sent to marbois, but extensively corrected and enlarged during the following winter. a few manuscript copies were distributed to close friends, but the "notes on virginia" were not published until 1787 and after they had been rather poorly translated into french by abbé morellet.[84] no other document is so valuable for a complete conspectus of jefferson's mind and theories at that time. but two important observations must be made at the very outset. first of all the "notes" were not intended for publication, and as late as 1785 jefferson wrote to chastellux that: the strictures on slavery and on the constitution of virginia ... are the parts i do not wish to have made public, at least till i know whether their publication would do most harm or good. it is possible that in my own country these strictures might produce an irritation which would indispose the people towards the two great objects i have in view, that is the emancipation of their slaves & the settlement of their constitution on a firmer and more permanent basis.[85] the second point is that the "notes" were written for the use of a foreigner of distinction, in answer to certain queries proposed by him. jefferson, therefore, is not responsible either for the plan of the work, or the distribution into chapters, and he necessarily had to go into more details than if he had written solely for his fellow countrymen. the twenty-three queries cover such an enormous range of information and contain such a mass of facts that it would have been physically impossible for any one to complete the work in so short a time, if it had been an impromptu investigation. we can accept without hesitation the statement of the "autobiography" on the methods of composition employed in the "notes": i had always made a practice whenever an opportunity occurred of obtaining any information of our country, which might be of use in any station public or private to commit it to writing. these memoranda were on loose papers, bundled up without order, and difficult of recurrence when i had occasion for a particular one. i thought this a good occasion to embody their substance, which i did in the order of mr. marbois' queries, so as to answer his wish and to arrange them for my own use. the book was printed in france, in england, in germany, and went through many editions in america. it probably did more than any other publication to propagate the doctrine of americanism, for, in his retreat of monticello, jefferson formulated the creed and gave final expression to the hopes, aspirations, and feelings that were to govern his country for several generations. it also gives a complete picture of the mind of jefferson at that date, when he thought he had accomplished the task assigned to him and felt he could stop to take stock, not merely of his native "country", but of the whole united states of america. unimaginative, unpoetical, unwilling to express personal emotions as he was, he had always been deeply moved by certain natural scenes. his description of the natural bridge, the site of which he owned, is well remembered. you involuntarily fall on your hands and feet, creep to the parapet, and peep over it. looking down from this height about a minute, gave me a violent head ache. if the view from the top be painful and intolerable, that from below is delightful in an equal extreme. it is impossible for the emotions arising from the sublime to be felt beyond what they are here; so beautiful an arch, so elevated, so light, and springing as it were up to heaven, the rapture of the spectator is really indescribable! the "passage of the patowmac through the blue ridge" is even more famous, and the broad, peaceful, almost infinite scene is painted by the hand of a master: it is a true contrast to the foreground. it is as placid and delightful as that is wild and tremendous. for the mountain being cloven asunder, she presents to your eye, through the cleft, a small catch of small blue horizon, at an infinite distance in the plain country, inviting you, as it were, from the riot and tumult roaring around, to pass through the breach to the calm below. only bartram a few years later, and chateaubriand at the beginning of the next century, with much longer and more elaborate descriptions, could equal or surpass these few strokes of description. jefferson was truly the first to discover and depict to europeans the beauty of american natural scenery, and to proclaim with genuine american pride that "this scene is worth a voyage across the atlantic--and is perhaps one of the most stupendous in nature." it matters little that he followed voltaire in the origin of fossils, to decide timidly in 1787 that we must be contented to acknowledge that "this great phenomenon is as yet unsolved." i shall not even remark on the completeness and exactness of his list of plants, "medicinal, esculent, ornamental or useful for fabrication", of which he gives the popular names as well as the _linnæan_, "as the latter might not convey precise information to a foreigner", or on his list "of the quadrupeds of north america"; nor shall i mention his long dissertation on "the bones of mamoths" found on the north american continent and his refutation of buffon. far more interesting is his protest against the assertion of the great french naturalist that "the animals common both to the old and new world are smaller in the latter, that those peculiar to the new are in a smaller scale, that those which have been domesticated in both have degenerated in america." he composed with much tabulation a complete refutation of buffon's error, and demonstrated that plants as well as animals reached a development hitherto unknown under the new conditions and the favorable circumstances of the american climate. when it came to the aborigines, he had little to say of the south american indians, but of north american indians he could speak "somewhat from his own knowledge" as well as from the observations of others better acquainted with them and on whose truth and judgment he could rely. not only they are well formed in body and in mind as the _homo sapiens europaeus_, but from what we know of their eloquence it is of a superior lustre.... i may challenge the whole orations of demosthenes and cicero, and of many more prominent orators, if europe has furnished any more eminent, to produce a single passage, superior to the speech of logan, a mingo chief, to lord dunmore when governor of this state. but his temper was thoroughly aroused when he discovered that abbé raynal had undertaken to apply the theory of buffon to the white men who had settled in america. if this were true and if climateric conditions were such as to prevent mental and physical growth there would be little hope for the newly constituted country to ever become a great nation. nature itself pronouncing against the americans what chance could they have to be able to ever come up to the level of the older nations. sentenced to remain forever an inferior race, this struggle to conquer independence would have proved futile, and sooner or later, they would fall the prey of superior people. never before had jefferson been so deeply stirred and moved, never before had he felt so thoroughly american as in his spirited answer to raynal, when he claimed for the new-born country not only unlimited potentialities, but actual superiority over the mother country: "america has not yet produced one good poet." when we shall have existed as a people as long as the greeks did before they produced a homer, the romans a virgil, the french a racine and voltaire, the english a shakespeare and milton, should this reproach be still true, we will inquire from what unfriendly causes it has proceeded, that the other countries of europe and quarters of the earth shall not have inscribed any name in the roll of poet. but neither has america produced "one able mathematician, one man of genius in a single art or science." in war we have produced a washington, whose memory will be adored while liberty shall have votaries, whose name will triumph over time, and will in future ages assume its just station among the most celebrated worthies of the world, when that wretched philosophy shall be forgotten which would have arranged him among the degeneracies of nature. in physics we have produced a franklin, than whom no one of the present age has made more important discoveries, nor has enriched philosophy with more, or more ingenious solutions of the phaenomena of nature.... as in philosophy and war, so in government, in oratory, in painting, in the plastic arts, we might show that america, though but a child of yesterday, has already given hopeful proofs of genius, as well as of the nobler kinds, which arouse the best feelings of man, which call him into action, which substantiate his freedom, and conduct him to happiness, as of the subordinate, which serve to amuse him only. we therefore suppose that this reproach is as unjust as it is unkind: and that, of the geniuses which adorn the present age, america contributes her full share.... the present war having so long cut off all communications with great britain, we are not able to make a fair estimate of the state of science in the country. the spirit in which she wages war, is the only sample before our eyes, and that does not seem the legitimate offspring either of science or civilization. the sun of her glory is fast descending to the horizon. her philosophy has crossed her channel, her freedom the atlantic, and herself seems passing to that awful dissolution whose issue is not given human foresight to scan. this is the fullest and most complete expression of national consciousness and national pride yet uttered by jefferson. the american eagle was spreading her wing and preparing to fly by herself. the american transcended the virginian and looked confidently at the future. in query viii, we come again to a question of national importance. the country being what it is, it would take at least one hundred years for virginia to reach the present square-mile population of great britain. the question then arises whether a larger population being desirable, the state should not encourage foreigners to settle in as large numbers as possible. to unrestricted immigration, jefferson, fearful for the integrity of the racial stock, fearful also for the maintenance of institutions so hardly won and yet so precariously established, was unequivocally opposed. in a most remarkable passage he stated the very reasons that after him were to be put forth again and again, until a policy of selective and restrictive immigration was finally adopted. i would not say that he was a hundred and fifty years ahead of his time, but a hundred and fifty years ago he formulated with his usual "felicity of expression", feelings and forebodings which existed more or less confusedly in many minds. when he spoke thus he was more of a spokesman than a prophet of america: every species of government has its specific principles. ours perhaps are more peculiar than those of any other in the universe. it is a composition of the freest principles of the english constitution, with others derived from natural right and natural reason. to these nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies. yet from such we are to expect the greatest number of immigrants. they will bring with them the principles of the governments they leave, imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from one extreme to another. it would be a miracle were they to stop precisely at the point of temperate liberty. these principles, with their language, they will transmit to their children. in proportion to their numbers, they will share with us the legislation. they will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its directions, and render it a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass.... is it not safer to wait with patience 27 years and three months longer for the attainment of any degree of population desired or expected? may not our government be more homogeneous, more peaceable, more durable? suppose 20 millions of republican americans [were] thrown all of a sudden into france, what would be the condition of that kingdom? if it would be more turbulent, less happy, less strong, we may believe that the addition of half a million of foreigners to our present numbers would produce a similar effect here.... i mean not that these doubts should be extended to the importation of useful artificers.... spare no expence in obtaining them. they will after a time go to the plough and to the hoe; but in the mean time they will teach us something we do not know. everything is there! that america is essentially and should remain an anglo-saxon civilization; the fear that unassimilated immigration may corrupt the institutions of the country and bring into it uneradicable germs of absolutism; the admission even that america needs a certain class of immigrants, of specialists to develop new arts and new industries. in 1781, jefferson was not only an american, but a hundred per cent. american, and the sentiments he expressed then were to reëcho in the halls of congress through the following generations whenever the question was discussed. the government as it was presently organized was far from perfect--it even had "very capital defects in it." first of all, it was not a truly representative government since, owing to the representation by counties, it happened that fourteen thousand men living in one part of the country gave law to upwards of thirty thousand living in another; in spite of the theoretical separation of powers, all the powers of government, legislature, executive, and judiciary, were vested in the legislative body. "the concentrating these in the same hands is precisely the definition of despotic government." assuming that the present legislators of virginia were perfectly honest and disinterested, it would not be very long before a change might come, for "mankind soon learn to make interested uses of every right and power which they possess, or may assume." "with money we will get men," said caesar, "and with men we will get money." ... they should look forward to a time, and that not a distant one, when a corruption in this, as in the country from which we derive our origin, will have seized the heads of the government, and be spread by them through the body of the people; when they will purchase the voices of the people, and make them pay the price. human nature is the same in every side of the atlantic and will be alike influenced by the same causes. the time to guard against corruptions and tyranny, is before they shall have gotten hold of us. before proceeding any further, it may be well to pause, in order to analyze more carefully these statements of jefferson's. it will soon appear that they do not form a perfectly logical construction and are not part of an _a priori_ system. he had proclaimed his faith in the ultimate recognition of truth, but he did not believe that unaided truth should necessarily prevail, for human nature being very imperfect, very narrow and very selfish, the best institutions have a permanent tendency to degenerate. jefferson had already clearly in mind the famous maxim "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." it is this curious combination of unshakable faith in the ultimate triumph of truth and healthy pessimism as to the present possibilities, that distinguishes jefferson from the "closet politicians" and theoretical philosophers. it is an alliance of the contraries which seems absurd to many frenchmen, but is often found in english statesmen, and is probably more common in america than in any other nation. in this respect as in many others jefferson was typically american. his criticism of the legislature came clearly from two different motives. he attempted first of all to demonstrate to himself that the assembly that had listened to charges against him was not a truly representative body, not only because the attribution of two delegates to each county, irrespective of the population, was iniquitous, but also because, owing to emergencies, the assembly had come to decide themselves what number would constitute a quorum. thus an oligarchy or even a monarchy could finally be substituted for a regular assembly by almost imperceptible transitions. "_omnia mala exempla a bonis orta sunt; sed ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos fertur._" this is nothing but a re-affirmation of the aristocratic doctrine of the "literary bible." once more, the aristocrat of mind revolts, for "when power is placed in the hands of men who are ignorant or not so good, it may be taken from those who are deserving and truly noble to be transferred to unworthy and ignoble men." this is the constant undercurrent which runs through jefferson's political theories and unexpectedly reappears at the surface from time to time. a government of the best minds, elected by a populace sufficiently enlightened to select the best minds,--such is at that time jefferson's ideal of government. on the other hand his attitude towards dictatorship, as it appears in the "notes on virginia", is no less significant for a true estimate of his character. unless the views expressed there are carefully considered and kept well in mind, we might fall into the common error of attributing to some mysterious influence of the french revolution and the french philosophers the opinions expressed by jefferson on presidential tenure, during the debate on the constitution and his famous quarrel with hamilton. as a matter of fact, he had expressed the very same views already and even more emphatically on a previous occasion, when george nicholas had proposed in the assembly "that a dictator be appointed in this commonwealth who should have the power of disposing of the lives and fortunes of the citizens thereof without being subject to account"; the motion seconded by patrick henry "been lost only by a few votes."[86] one may even wonder if the accusation of inefficiency against jefferson had not been introduced by the same george nicholas, in order to clear the way for the appointment of a dictator. hence the impassioned tone of jefferson's refutation. deeply stirred and deeply hurt in his _amour-propre_, jefferson incorporated in the "notes on virginia" the speech he would have made on the occasion had he been an orator. how must we find our efforts and sacrifices abused and baffled, if we may still, by a single vote, be laid prostrate at the feet of one man. in god's name, from whence have they derived this power? is it from any principle in our new constitution expressed or implied? every lineament of that expressed or implied, is in full opposition to it.... necessities which dissolve a government, do not convey its authority to an oligarchy or monarchy. they throw back into the hands of the people the powers they had delegated, and leave them as individuals to shift for themselves. a leader may offer, but not impose himself, nor be imposed on them. much less can their necks be submitted to his sword, their breath be held at his will or caprice.... the very thought alone was treason against the people; was treason against mankind in general; as rivetting forever the chains which bow down their necks, by giving to their oppressors a proof which they would have trumpetted through the universe, of the imbecillity of republican government, in times of pressing danger, to shield them from harm. those who assume the right of giving away the reins of government in any case, must be sure that the herd, whom they hand on to the rods and hatchet of the dictator, will lay their necks on the block when he shall nod to them. but if our assemblies supposed such a resignation in the people, i hope they mistook their character.... searching for the foundations of this proposition, i can find none which may pretend a colour of right or reason, but the defect before developed, that there is no barrier between the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments.... our situation is indeed perilous, and i hope my countrymen will be sensible of it, and will apply, at a proper season, the proper remedy; which is a convention to fix the constitution, to amend its defects, to bind up the several branches of government by certain laws, which, when they transgress, their acts shall become nullities; to render unnecessary an appeal to the people, or in other words a rebellion, on every infraction of their rights, on the peril that their acquiescence shall be construed into an intention to surrender those rights. this is much more than an occasional outburst written under a strong emotional stress. jefferson had discovered in his own country the existence of a group of men stanchly opposed to the republican form of government, ready in an emergency to go beyond the powers that had been delegated to them--not necessarily dishonest men, but dangerous because they did not have a correct conception of their rights and duties. all the controversy with the federalists already exists in germ, in this declaration, and jefferson from the very first had taken his position. the immediate effect was to sever the last bonds which still tied him to the aristocratic spirit of the social class to which he belonged by birth, and to make him raise a protest against the fact that, "the majority of men in the state, who pay and fight for its support are unrepresented in the legislature, the roll of freeholders entitled to vote, not including generally the half of those on the roll of militia, or of the tax gatherers." "it has been thought that corruption is restrained by confining the right of suffrage to a few of the wealthier people"; but experience has shown, irrespective of any consideration of justice or right, that a truly republican form of government is not safe in their hands. what will be the conclusion? that suffrage must be extended so as to become universal. the people themselves are the only safe depositories of government. "if every individual which composes this mass participates of the ultimate authority, the government will be safe; because the corruption of the whole mass will exceed any private resources of wealth." but if the people are the ultimate guardians of their liberties, they must also be rendered the safe guardians of it. hence the necessity of providing for them an education adapted to the years, the capacity, and the conditions of every one, and directed toward their freedom and happiness. on this occasion jefferson reproduced the view already expressed in the bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge, as well as the tenor of the first section of the bill for religious freedom, but with new considerations which could scarcely be incorporated in a statute. then comes a conclusion unexpected and revealing, a sort of pessimism little in accordance with the supposed democratic faith of the writer; there is no inherent superior wisdom in the people, but it happens that under stress they so rise as to be superior to themselves, and it is for those who direct the course of the state to make the best of this fugitive opportunity: the spirit of the times may alter, will alter. our rulers will become corrupt, our people careless. a single zealot may commence persecutions, and better men be his victims. it can never be too often repeated, that the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis is while our rulers are honest, and ourselves united. from the conclusion of this war we shall go down hill. it will not then be necessary to resort every moment to the people for support. they will be forgotten therefore and their rights disregarded. they will forget themselves, but in the sole faculty of making money, and will never think of uniting to effect a due respect for their rights. the shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of this war, will remain on us long, will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shall revive or expire in a convulsion. is this a dreamer, a philosopher, a mere theorician, or a very alert and keen politician with a high ideal and an exact realization of the people's limitations? this pessimistic view of human nature and human society did not make jefferson entirely cynical, since he kept his faith in his ideal and never questioned the eminent superiority of the republican form of government. but he knew men too well to have faith in their collective intelligence and disinterestedness, the naïve faith of so many french philosophers. if in this passage jefferson reminds one of any french writers, it is not rousseau, nor helvétius, nor even montesquieu, but of montaigne, the mayor of bordeaux, who after the pestilence retired to his "library" and composed his famous "essais." one may well understand why jefferson took such care to recommend his friends not to let the "notes" out of their hands, and not to permit it to be published in any circumstances. the french like to say "_toutes les vérités ne sont pas bonnes à dire_"--these were truths that should not be permitted to leak out and to circulate broadcast among the people: at most they were good only to be disclosed to this élite who had at heart the gradual betterment of the "plain people." jefferson's opposition to slavery rests on the same calculating motives. the existence of slavery is as degrading for the master as for the slave; it is destructive of the morals of the people, and of industry. and can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of god? that they are not to be violated but with his wrath?... it is impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history natural and civil. but it does not ensue that negroes should ever be placed on a footing of equality with the whites. to pronounce that they are decidedly inferior would require long observation, and we must hesitate to degrade a whole race of men from the work in the scale of beings which their creator may _perhaps_ have given them.... i advance it therefore, as a suspicion only, that the blacks, whether originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstance, are inferior to the whites in the endowment both of body and mind. it is not against experience to suppose that different species of the same genus, or varieties of the same species, may possess different qualifications. will not a lover of natural history then, one who views the gradations in all the races of animals with the eye of philosophy, excuse an effort to keep those in the department of man as distinct as nature has formed them. however the case may be, the blacks cannot be incorporated into the state, and the only solution after they are emancipated and educated is to "colonize them to such places as the circumstances of the time shall render most proper, sending them out with arms, implements of household and of the handicraft arts, seeds, pairs of the useful animals, etc., to declare them a free and independent people, and extend to them our alliance and protection, till they shall have acquired strength." but the freed slave "is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture", and the purity of the white stock must be preserved. throughout the book jefferson untiringly harps on the fact that american civilization is different from any other that has developed in europe, and that principles of "economy" which apply to european nations should not be transferred "without calculating the difference of circumstance which should often produce a difference of results." the main difference lies in the fact that while in europe "the lands are already cultivated, or locked up against the cultivator, we have an immensity of land courting the industry of the husbandman." america is essentially agricultural, and agricultural it must remain: those who labour in the earth are the chosen people of god, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue. it is the focus in which he keeps alive that sacred fire, which otherwise might escape from the face of the earth. corruption of morals in the mass of cultivators is a phaenomenon of which no age nor nation has furnished an example.... while we have land to labour then, let us never wish to see our citizens occupied at a work-bench, or twirling a distaff. carpenters, masons, smiths, are wanting in husbandry: but, for the general operations of manufacture, let our work-shops remain in europe. it is better to carry provisions and materials to work men there, than bring them to the provisions and materials, and with them their manners and principles. this vision of an american entirely given to agricultural pursuits may look utopian in the extreme, and would be utopian if jefferson had really believed that it was susceptible of becoming an actual fact. but, in practice, this ideal was on the contrary subject to many adjustments and modifications. jefferson's relativism is even more clearly marked in the last chapter, which forms the real conclusion of the book. it outlines the future policy of the united states with regard to foreign nations; it formulates a peaceful ideal which has remained on the whole the ideal of america. once more it illustrates that curious balancing of two contrary principles so characteristic of the philosopher of americanism as well as of the country itself. young as we are, and with such a country before us to fill with people and with happiness, we should point in that direction the whole generative force of nature, wasting none of it in efforts of mutual destruction. it should be our endeavour to cultivate the peace and friendship of every nation, even of that which has injured us most, when we shall have carried our point against her. our interest will be to open the doors of commerce, and to knock off all its shackles, giving perfect freedom to all persons for the want of whatever they may choose to bring into our ports, and asking the same in theirs. never was so much false arithmetic employed on any subject, as that which has been employed to persuade nations that it is their interest to go to war. were the money which it has cost to gain, at the close of a long war, a little town, or a little territory, the right to cut wood here, to catch fish there, expended in improving what we already possess, in making roads, opening rivers, building ports, improving the arts and finding employment for their idle poor, it would render them much stronger, much wealthier and happier. "this," adds jefferson, "i hope will be our wisdom." but it is only a hope and circumstances which cannot be changed by pious hopes exist and have to be confronted. in order to avoid every cause of conflict it would be necessary to abandon the ocean altogether, and "to leave to others to bring what we shall want, and to carry what we shall spare." this unfortunately is impossible, since a large portion of the american people are attached to commerce and insist on following the sea. what then is the answer?--preparedness.--"wars then must sometimes be our lot; and all the wise can do, will be to avoid that half of them which would be produced by our own follies, and our own acts of injustice; and to make for the other half the best preparations one can." one would not have to search long in the speeches of woodrow wilson to find the same idea expressed in almost identical terms. even a republican president such as mr. coolidge did not speak differently, when he simultaneously proposed conferences of disarmament and recommended that appropriation for the navy be enormously increased. this combination of will to peace, these reiterations of the pacific policies of the united states have been since the early days combined with the fixed determination to maintain a naval force adequate to cope with any attacking force. for such is the policy advocated by jefferson. one should not be deceived by his very modest statement, "the sea is the field on which we should meet an european enemy. on that element it is necessary that we should possess some power." what he proposes is simply the building in one year of a fleet of thirty ships, eighteen of which might be ships of the line, and twelve frigates, with eighteen hundred guns. and he significantly adds, "i state this only as one year's possible exertion, without deciding whether more or less than a year should be thus applied." but, so as not to leave any potential aggressor in doubt as to the resources of america, he mentions that this naval force should by no means be "so great as we are able to make it." after stating categorically his principles, jefferson did not object to minor modifications when it came to practice. as early as the winter of 1781 he had found and determined the main tenets of his political philosophy. it was essentially american and practical. the idea never entered his mind that in order to establish an american government it was necessary to make a _tabula rasa_ of what existed before. as a matter of fact, americans had certain vested rights through several charters enumerated by jefferson in answer to query xiii; they had revolted in defense of these rights, but the principles of their government, "perhaps more peculiar than those of any other in the universe", were simply "a composition of the freest principles of the english constitution, with others derived from natural right and natural reason." essentially "founded in common law as well as common right", it was not necessarily the best possible form of government or the only one imaginable, "for every species of government has its specific principle." but despite its imperfections, it was better adapted to american conditions than any other that could be devised. at that time, at least, jefferson did not seem to suspect that it could be taken as a model by any other nations, or that its main principles would prove so "contagious." the situation of america was unique. unlimited agricultural lands extended to the west, and one could estimate that it would take at least a century to reach a density of population comparable to that of the british isles. for a long time america would remain mainly agricultural, with a population scattered in farms instead of being concentrated in large cities, and would keep many of the virtues inherent in country life. in addition, the country would be practically free from any attack by land, as she had no powerful neighbors. she was geographically isolated from the rest of the world, and even if she were attacked by sea, it would be by a fleet operating far from its base and therefore at a disadvantage. no permanent army had to be maintained and a comparatively small fleet would suffice for protection. free from the ordinary "sores" of civilization, not yet wealthy but prosperous, for, says jefferson "i never saw a native american begging in the streets or highways", a country peaceful and with hatred towards none, not even to "that nation which has injured us most",--such is the ideal picture of america drawn by jefferson for himself and his french correspondent during the winter of 1781-1782. whatever faults existed would be corrected in time. if slavery could be abolished and the last vestiges of an hereditary aristocracy eradicated, little would be left to be desired. yet it would not be a complete arcadia, for jefferson did not believe that a state of perfection once reached could be maintained without effort. several dangers would always threaten america. the influx of foreigners might alter the character of her institutions. in spite of her peaceful ideals, dangers from the outside might threaten her prosperity. but on the whole, the country, even in its "infant state", was in no wise inferior to any european nation. in all the sciences it gave promise of extraordinary achievements. in architecture, to be sure, it seemed that "a genius has shed its malediction over this land", but artists and artisans could be induced to come, and even if america never reached the artistic proficiency of some european nations, it was and would remain more simple, more frugal, more virtuous than nations whose population congregate in large cities. such, briefly told, is the conception of americanism reached by jefferson when he wrote the "notes on virginia." he had not had any direct contact with europe, but he had read enormously and he had come to the conclusion that, reasonably secure against foreign aggressions, keeping her commerce at a minimum, america could develop along her own lines and, reviving on a new land the old anglo-saxon principles thwarted by kingly usurpations and church fabrications, bring about an anglo-saxon millennium which no other country might ever dream of reaching. it now remains to see to what extent and under what influences jefferson came to modify certain of his conclusions, following his prolonged contact with europe. chapter iv a statesman's apprenticeship the year 1782 was for jefferson a year of trial and suffering. a child was born to mrs. jefferson on may 8; she never recovered fully and soon it appeared that she was irrevocably doomed. this tragic, touching story had better be told in the simple words of his daughter martha, then nine years of age: as a nurse no female had ever more tenderness nor anxiety. he nursed my poor mother in turn with aunt carr and her own sister--sitting up with her and administering her medicines and drink to the last. for four months that she lingered he was never out of calling; when not at her bed-side, he was writing in a small room which opened immediately at the head of her bed. a moment before the closing scene, he was led from the room in a state of insensibility by his sister, mrs. carr, who with great difficulty, got him into the library, where he fainted, and remained so long insensible that they feared he never would revive. the scene that followed i did not witness, but the violence of his emotion, when, almost by stealth, i entered his room by night, to this day i dare not describe to myself. he kept his room three weeks, and i was never a moment from his side. he walked almost incessantly night and day, only lying down occasionally, when nature was completely exhausted, on a pallet that had been brought in during his long fainting fit. my aunts remained constantly with him for some weeks--i do not remember how many. when at last he left his room, he rode out, and from that time he was incessantly on horseback, rambling about the mountain, in the least frequented roads, and just as often through the woods. in those melancholy rambles i was his constant companion--a solitary witness to many a burst of grief, the remembrance of which has consecrated particular scenes of that lost home beyond the power to obliterate. in jefferson's prayer book is found this simple entry: "martha wayles jefferson died september 6, 1782, at 11 o'clock 45 minutes a.m." she was buried in the little enclosure in which rested already three of her children; on a simple slab of white marble her husband had the following inscription engraved: to the memory of martha jefferson, daughter of john wayles: born october 19th, 1748 o.s. intermarried with thomas jefferson january 1st 1772; torn from him by death september 6th 1782 this monument of his love is inscribed [greek: ei de thanontôn per katalêthont' ein haidao, autar egô kakeithi philou memnêsom' hetairou.][87] if in the house of hades men forget their dead yet will i even there remember my dear companion. whether, as tucker thought, jefferson selected a greek quotation so as not to make any display of his feelings to the casual passer-by, or whether greek had so really become his own habit of thought that he could not think of any better way to express his grief, is a matter of conjecture. he was not the man to speak of himself and his sorrows, even to his closest friends. but it was probably at this time that he wrote these lines found after his death in his pocketbook: "there is a time in human suffering when exceeding sorrows are but like snow falling on an iceberg", and in latin, "_heu quanto minus est cum reliquis versari quam tui meminisse._" at thirty-nine he was left a widower with a house full of children. martha, born in 1772, mary born in 1778, lucy elizabeth, the baby just born, who was to die two years later, and in addition the children of his friend and brother-in-law carr, whom he had adopted at the death of their father. as soon as he had recovered from the first shock, jefferson went with the children to the house of colonel archibald cary, at ampthill, in chesterfield county, where he had them inoculated for the smallpox. "while engaged as their chief nurse on the occasion, he received notice of his appointment by congress as plenipotentiary to europe, to be associated with dr. franklin and mr. adams in negotiating peace (november 13,1782)."[88] he was just emerging from the stupor of mind which had rendered him "as dead to the world as she whose loss occasioned it."[89] it appeared to him that "public interest and the state of his mind concurred in recommending the change of scene proposed; and he accepted the appointment."[90] the next three months were spent in preparing for the journey. he made arrangements for his children and wrote a very touching letter to washington, evincing once more that reluctance to express affectionate feeling so often found in americans, a result of early education and training as much as of the national temperament: "were i to indulge myself in those warm effusions which this subject forever prompts, they would wear an appearance of adulation very foreign to my nature; for such is the prostitution of language, that sincerity has no longer distinct terms in which to express her own truths."[91] the ship that was to carry him to france was caught in the ice at the entrance of the chesapeake, with no prospect of sailing before the beginning of march. when news came early in february that the negotiations were making satisfactory progress, he felt some doubts about the desirability of a voyage which entailed so much expense, and placed the matter in the hands of congress. it was not until april 1, however, that he was informed that the object of his appointment was "so far advanced as to render [it] unnecessary for him to pursue his voyage." he left for virginia a few days afterwards. for the third time his plans for visiting europe had been thwarted, but he does not seem to have resented it so deeply as previously. the wounds inflicted to his _amour-propre_ by the virginia assembly were healing. he had renewed his contact with public affairs, and when, on june 6, he was chosen as delegate to congress, with samuel hardy, john f. mercer, arthur lee, and james monroe, he accepted without hesitation. the two years which were to elapse between june, 1782, and july 5, 1784, the date of his final departure from france on the _ceres_, are not the most eventful or the most picturesque of jefferson's career. in many respects, however, they are the fullest and the most important for a true understanding of his mind and character. in the absence of franklin and adams he stood out in congress, head and shoulders above his colleagues; he was placed on most of the important committees, he completed his acquaintance with the internal and foreign policies of the united states, he reported on measures of vital importance and crystallized his opinion on fundamental problems. before being chosen as a delegate to congress, jefferson had already decided "to lend a hand to the laboring oar" and to participate in the affairs of his state, if not as a legislator at least as an adviser and counsellor. from the conversation he had held in richmond with "as many members" of the assembly "as he could",[92] he had concluded that virginia was ready to call a convention to revise the constitution of 1776. on june 17 he wrote again to madison, inclosing his ideas on the "amendments necessary." no convention was called at that time, but jefferson's memorandum was printed in pamphlet form later in paris, and he added it to his "notes on virginia." first of all he reassured that the constitution of 1776 had no legal permanent value, being simply the result of the deliberation of a general assembly, in no way different from the succeeding assemblies. a power superior to that of the ordinary legislature could alone have authority to decide on a constitution. this could only be done by recommending "the good people of the state" to choose delegates "with powers to form a constitution of government for them, and to declare those fundamentals to which all our laws present and future shall be subordinate." many of the provisions of the proposed constitution were not original and, as indicated by jefferson himself in his letter to madison, had been tried in other states. the document, however, may serve to illustrate the progress accomplished by jefferson in the science of government since he had written his first state paper, and to show how far he still remained from his reputed views on democracy. although still a free state, virginia was no longer completely independent, since she had entered a society of states, and it was acknowledged that: "the confederation is made a part of this constitution, subject to such future alterations as shall be agreed to by the legislature of this state, and by all the other confederating states." almost universal suffrage was granted, the vote being given to "all free male citizens of full age, and sane mind, who for one year before shall have been resident in the country, or shall through the whole of that time have possessed therein real property to the value of ----, or shall for the same time have been enrolled in the militia." this was an immediate consequence of the contractual concept of society and it is not without some interest to remark that this principle stood in direct contradiction to the physiocratic doctrine; for it was the contention of the physiocrats that, society resting essentially on real property, those who own the land can alone participate in the government of the country. if, on the contrary, society is considered as an association of men who agree to live together in order to secure fuller enjoyment of their fundamental rights, all the signatories to the compact must have the same rights as well as the same obligations in the government of the association thus formed.[93] yet it remained understood that the voters were not to be intrusted with all the details of government, and jefferson thought it desirable to establish certain safeguards against the possible lack of knowledge of the electors. they chose delegates and senators, but the governor was to be appointed by joint ballot of both houses of the assembly, and the same procedure was to be followed in choosing a council of state to advise the governor, the judges of the high court of chancery, the general court and court of admiralty, while the judges of inferior courts were to be appointed by the governor on recommendation of the council of state. the powers of the governor were to be strictly limited and it was made clear that although the old english title was preserved, the chief executive of the state had "none of the powers exercised under our former government by the crown": "we give him those powers only which are necessary to execute the laws (and administer the government), and which are not in their nature either legislative or judiciary." the governor had a sort of suspensive veto. the military was to be subordinate to the civil power, and the printing press to be subject to no other restraint but liability to legal prosecution for false facts printed and published. the plan provided also for the gradual abolition of slavery after the year 1800. the most remarkable feature of this scheme was the strict imitation of popular participation in the government. the only power recognized as belonging to the people was that of selecting delegates to both houses, and of appointing delegates to a constitutional convention whenever "any of the three branches of the government, concurring in opinion each by the voice of two-thirds of their existing number, decided that such a convention is necessary for amending the constitution." we are very far from government by referendum and even by periodic elections, since none of the state officials were directly appointed by the people. jefferson had not at that time departed from his fundamental idea that government must be placed in the hands of well-qualified experts, carefully selected and appointed. the "constitution of virginia" was a "true form of republican government", but by no means demagogical or even truly democratic. curiously enough, and through mere coincidence, the essential features of the present constitution of france closely resemble the general outline of the plan proposed by jefferson. this alone should suffice to demonstrate how far he was at that time from accepting and propounding some of the main tenets of the so-called jeffersonian democracy. but virginia was not yet ready for a change; the constitutional convention was not called, and nothing had been done when jefferson left the state late in november, arriving at annapolis on the twenty-fourth. much to his disgust, he found that, after a fortnight, the delegates from only six states had appeared and that it was impossible to transact any serious business. the treaty of commerce had been received and was referred to a committee of which jefferson was chairman, but a bare quorum was not assembled until december 13, and on the twenty-third, according to the "autobiography", it was necessary to send to several governors a letter "stating the receipt of the definitive treaty; that seven states only were in attendance, while nine were necessary to its ratification." in the meantime washington had come to annapolis to resign his commission, in circumstances which can scarcely have been as impressive as is generally related, since the whole program carefully laid out by jefferson took place before a bare majority of congress. the rest of the month was spent in discussing whether the treaty could be ratified by less than nine states. it soon appeared that "there now remained but scanty sixty-seven days for the ratification, for its passage across the atlantic and its exchange. there was no hope of our soon having nine states present; in fact that this was the ultimate point of time to which we could venture to wait; that if the ratification was not in paris by the time stipulated, the treaty would become void...."--on january 13, delegates from connecticut attended, and the next day a delegate from carolina having arrived, "the treaty was ratified without a dissenting vote." this was for jefferson a most profitable experience. as chairman of the committee, he had to familiarize himself with questions of foreign policies and foreign commerce. he had also to put aside whatever remnants of sectionalism and provincialism he unconsciously retained and he realized that "those united states being by their constitution consolidated into one federal republic, they be considered in all such treaties & in every case arising under them as one nation under the principles of the federal constitution."[94] the same principle is reasserted more strongly in the "draft for proclamation announcing ratification of definitive treaties", in which all the good citizens of the united states are enjoined to reverence "those stipulations entered into on their behalf under the authority of that federal (moral, political and legal bond) whereby they are called, by which their existence as an independent people is bound up together, and is known and acknowledged by the nations of the world."[95] on january 16, jefferson wrote to governor harrison enumerating the important objects before congress: 1. authorizing our foreign minister to enter into treaties of alliance and commerce with the several nations who have deserved it; 2. arranging the domestic administration; 3. establishing arsenals & ports on our frontiers; 4. disposing of western territory; 5. treaties of peace and purchase with the indians; 6. money. a full program, requiring for the adoption of any measure the concurrence of nine states, while barely nine were present, seven of which were represented only by two members each; "any of these fourteen gentlemen differing from the rest would stay the proceedings", and it seemed very doubtful whether anything could be achieved during the session. this brought home to jefferson the fact that the concentration of the executive functions in congress was an obstacle to carrying out effectively the business of the confederation, and he thought it his duty to point out this defect in his "draft of the report on a committee of the states", january 30, 1784. it was a lengthy report, not very accurately summed up in the "autobiography", authorizing a permanent committee of the states to act as executive during the recess of congress, and enumerating very minutely the powers that such a committee might exercise and those from which it would be excluded. the plan as adopted was somewhat different and it was resolved: "that the committee should possess all the powers which may be exercised by the seven states in congress assembled", except concerning foreign relations. jefferson recalled in the "autobiography" that during the following recess the committee quarrelled, split into two parties, "abandoned their posts, and left the government without any visible head, until the next meeting of congress." he significantly added: "we have since seen the same thing take place in the directory of france; and i believe it will forever take place in any executive consisting of a plurality. our plan,--best, i believe,--combines wisdom and practicality; by providing a plurality of counsellors, but a single arbiter for ultimate decision." this conclusion was already reached in 1784, not following a logical reasoning, or because of an innate need of unity, but as a result of experience. very early in his life jefferson became convinced that the country could not be properly administered unless the executive powers were concentrated in one responsible person, with powers strictly defined, but left free to act and to act rapidly within that field. this explains, among other things, not only jefferson's approval of the powers granted to the executive under the constitution, but also his conduct during his two terms as president. he soon had an opportunity to study the financial problems of the confederation, when a "grand committee of congress" was appointed to take up the federal expenses for the current year, inclusive of articles of interest on the public debts foreign and domestic.[96] he presented on march 22 a "report on the arrears of interest", in which were carefully tabulated not only the interest on sums due on account of the national debts but an estimate of the expenses for the year 1784,--in other words a budget. an outgrowth of the work assigned to the committee was the _establishment of a money unit, and of a coinage for the united states_. the report of jefferson retained some of the essential provisions of the proposal drawn up by the "financier of the u.s." (robert morris, assisted by governor morris), and jefferson himself did not claim so much originality for it as has been given him by some of his biographers. the report of the financier proposed that the new coins "should be in decimal proportions to one another", and this was retained. on the other hand, morris had proposed as a unit "the 1440th part of a dollar", after taking into consideration the old currencies, "all of which this unit measures without leaving a fraction." jefferson pointed out that, although theoretically perfect, the unit was much too complicated and too small, and he maintained that the unit should be the spanish dollar "a known coin, and the most familiar of all to the minds of the people." ... "it is already adopted from south to north," he added, "has identified our currency, and therefore happily offers itself as a unit already introduced." in spite of the financier's opposition, the plan as amended by jefferson was finally adopted and still constitutes the essential foundation of the american monetary system. to the student of psychology this incident affords another illustration of jefferson's practical-mindedness. having to choose between two solutions, one mathematically perfect, and another one simply regulating and organizing what already existed, he did not hesitate a minute and practical considerations prevailed at once in his mind. in the meantime he was working on one of his most important state papers. randall called attention to it and p. l. ford maintained that "next to the declaration of independence (if indeed standing second to that) this document ranks in historical importance of all those drawn by jefferson; and, but for its being superseded by the 'ordinance of 1787', would rank among all american state papers immediately after the national constitution."[97] yet it does not seem that its value is generally recognized and it is but seldom listed as one of the outstanding achievements of jefferson. for reasons that will shortly appear, jefferson himself neglected to mention it in his "autobiography." it is a capital document by which to understand the growth of the jeffersonian doctrine. first of all, it resolved that "so much of the territory ceded or to be ceded by individual states to the united states as is already purchased or shall be purchased of the indian inhabitants & offered for sale by congress, shall be divided into distinct states." which simply meant that the westward growth of the country, instead of being left to the initiative of the individual states, was placed under the ægis of the confederation and thus became a matter of national importance and significance. it provided for a practically unlimited expansion of the united states by the establishment of states analogous to the already existing confederacy. it also insisted strongly that all such territory be connected as closely as possible with the already existing union. settlers in any of the territories thus organized, had authority to establish a temporary government, adopting with due modification the constitution and laws of any of the original states. a permanent government was to be established in any state as soon as it should have acquired a population of twenty thousand free inhabitants, provided, and here we probably have the most important provisions: 1. that they shall forever remain a part of this confederacy of the united states of america. 2. that in their persons, property and territory they shall be subject to the government of the united states in congress assembled & to the articles of confederation.... 4. that their respective governments shall be in republican forms and shall admit no person to be a citizen who holds any hereditary title. 5. that after the year 1800 of the christian aera, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the said states. finally, "whenever any of the said states shall have, of free inhabitants, as many as shall then be in any one of the least numerous, of the thirteen original states, such state will be admitted by it's delegates into the congress of the united states on an equal footing with the said united states." this report, submitted march 1, recommitted to the committee march 17, was considered again by congress on april 19, 21, 23, and adopted after amendment by every state except one. but the amendment took the teeth out of the report, since the clause referring to slavery was struck out, as well as that concerning the admission of persons holding hereditary titles. other provisions concerning the names to be given to the new states were also eliminated. the scholar reappeared in these suggestions. if jefferson's original motion had been accepted, the present state of michigan would wear the name of _chersonesus_ and on the map of the united states would appear such designations as _metropotamia_, _polypotamia_, and _pilisipia_.[98] finally jefferson intended to complete the organization and expansion of the united states with "an ordinance establishing a land office" for the united states "to give sure title to the settlers and determine the division and subdivision into lots" which was defeated, an entirely new ordinance being adopted april 26, 1785.[99] the most striking feature of all these bills was the eagerness of jefferson to consolidate the union and to strengthen federal bonds. with a common monetary unit, common interest in a large territory just acquired by cession from virginia, one more thing remained to be settled: the organization of permanent relations with foreign nations, that is to say, the conclusion of commercial treaties. it had appeared very soon to jefferson that if such treaties were to be concluded it was desirable to adopt a working policy outlined in his "resolves on european treaties."[100] to have foreign plenipotentiaries come to the united states, discuss with the badly organized body called the continental congress, whose members would have to report to their legislatures and after interminable delays accept or reject the proposal, was an impossible procedure. this distrust of congress was amply justified at the time, and one may wonder whether satisfactory treaties could ever have been concluded under the supervision of congress; jefferson therefore proposed that ministers be sent to europe to negotiate with the old and established nations, who could not be expected to cross the atlantic. on may 7, congress agreed on _instructions to the ministers plenipotentiary appointed to negotiate treaties of commerce with the european nations_. once more it was proclaimed: "that these united sates be considered in all such treaties, and in every case arising under them, as one nation, upon the principle of the federal constitution." it was also deemed "advantageous that treaties be concluded with russia, the court of vienna, prussia, denmark, saxony, hamburg, great britain, spain, portugal, genoa, tuscany, rome, naples, venice, sardinia and the ottoman porte. that treaties of amity and commerce be entered into with morocco, and the regencies of algiers, tunis and tripoli. to have supplementary treaties with france, the united netherlands and sweden in order to incorporate the new policies of the united states." the plan of treaties contained some remarkable provisions; they were clear departures, not from the theory of international law and _droit des gens_, as jefferson had found it in the authorities consulted, but from the actual policy of the european nations. thus it was proposed that in case of war between the two contracting parties, the merchants of either country, then residing in the other shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debts and settle their affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects, without molestation or hinderance, and all fishermen, all cultivators of the earth, and all artisans or manufacturers, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages or places, who labor for the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, and peaceably follow their respective employments, shall be allowed to continue the same. that "neither of the contracting powers shall grant or issue any commission to any private armed vessels, empowering them to take or destroy such trading ships, or interrupt such commerce." in case of war with another nation, "no merchandize heretofore called contraband, such as arms, ammunition and military stores of all kinds,... shall, on any account, be deemed contraband, so as to induce confiscation, and a loss of property to individuals." the right to detain vessels carrying such goods a reasonable length of time was granted, as well as the right not to seize, but "to purchase" military stores with a reasonable compensation to the proprietors; in all cases the owners of the ships delayed were to receive a compensation. but all vessels not carrying contraband were to be entirely free, adding that a blockade in order to be recognized had to be effectual, but even in that case "no vessel of the party who is not engaged in the said war, shall be stopped without a material and well-grounded cause." besides these general provisions, it was recommended that "each party shall have a right to carry their own produce, manufactures, and merchandise in their own bottoms to the ports of the others, and thence the produce and merchandise of the other, paying, in both cases, such duties only as are paid by the most favored nations." a paragraph was intended specially for the commerce with the west indies, "desiring that a direct and similar intercourse be admitted between the united states and possessions of the nations holding territorial possessions in america." finally, as jefferson as well as his contemporaries were already fearful of seeing any influx of foreigners settle in their country and dominate the infant government, it was stipulated that no right be accorded to aliens to hold real property within these states, this being "utterly inadmissible by their several laws and policy." from the european point of view many things were inadmissible in the plan of treaties. to request the nations of the old world not only to abandon privateering, but to relinquish their definitions of contraband and their commercial monopolies with their own colonies, was something which must have appeared as the wild dream of a people unexperienced in the handling of foreign relations. as a matter of fact, the treaties were never signed. but if the principles formulated by jefferson were not accepted by the european powers, they remained nevertheless an essential part of the foreign policy of the united states. on the very day the "instructions" were adopted, jefferson was appointed minister plenipotentiary to "negotiate treaties of commerce with foreign nations in conjunction with mr. john adams and dr. franklin." no man in congress was better qualified for such a mission. his work for two years on several important committees had acquainted him with the main problems of the union. he had demonstrated his ability to present clear reports on the most intricate questions. he had completed his apprenticeship of men and things; but it may be wondered whether the delegates who recommended his appointment were not impelled by ulterior motives. the stand taken by jefferson on slavery had made him decidedly unpopular with the southern delegates. he had opposed the original statutes of the order of cincinnati, in which he saw the beginnings of a new aristocracy. he had made enemies as well as friends and could write to washington that an experience of twenty years had taught him "that few friendships stand this test, & that public assemblies, where everyone is free to act & to speak, are the most powerful looseners of private friendship." the petty discussions in congress, the long speeches he had to listen to, the quibbling, lack of initiative and lack of national spirit of the delegates had thoroughly disgusted him. before receiving his appointment he had already repented of his return to public life and had signified his intention of going back to his beloved monticello. i have determined--he wrote to washington--to take no active part in this or anything else, which may lead to altercation, or disturb that quiet & tranquillity of mind to which i consign the remaining portion of my life. i have been thrown back by events on a stage where i had never more thought to appear. it is but for a time, however, & as a day laborer, free to withdraw, or be withdrawn at will.[101] he seized with eagerness the opportunity of visiting older civilizations and enjoying a change of scenes. having hastily cancelled his order for printing a few copies of the "notes on virginia", he at once made preparations for his departure. the new plenipotentiary decided to take with him his older daughter martha, then in philadelphia at mrs. hopkinson's, and to leave the two younger ones with their maternal aunt, mrs. eppes, in virginia. william short, his "_élève_" and friend, accompanied him as private secretary and colonel david humphreys as secretary of the legation.[102] from philadelphia he went to boston, visiting connecticut, rhode island, and the principal towns on his way, in order to acquire "what knowledge he could of their commerce and other circumstances." he sailed from boston on the _ceres_, captain sainte-barbe, bound to cowes. jefferson was then forty-one years old. he knew life and men and had no illusions; he had experienced happiness and sorrow; he had had moments of exaltation, of hot patriotic fever; he had occupied the front of the stage in several circumstances never to be forgotten; he had aroused enmities and made devoted and faithful friends, among them monroe, madison, and short whom he was taking along with him. but neither his disappointments nor his sorrows had made him a misanthrope. not an orator, he liked to talk, and he could not live without society. the tall spare man in black was no longer able to feel his heart moved by the early emotions of his youth. next to washington, who remained in america, and to doctor franklin, a debonair patriarch, he was the most famous national figure of america. none was better qualified by his former life and studies to represent america and to speak for his country. whatever sectionalism he may have had in him had disappeared in these last two years of congress, when he had striven so strenuously to make the union an actual fact and to consolidate the loose federal fabric, for only there could men "see the affairs of the confederacy from a high ground; they learn the importance of the union & befriend federal measures when they return. those who never come here, see our affairs insulated, pursue a system of jealousy and self interest, and distract the union as much as they can." of europe he knew little, except what he had been able to absorb from books. it was a country of great artistic productivity, of enviable social life. towards england he was not particularly attracted; towards france he felt much more favorably inclined. he had met many frenchmen; some of them already had become his close friends, two particularly, the chevalier de chastellux and especially the youthful, impulsive, and charming lafayette, who in a parting note had asked him to consider his house as his and to take the little motherless girl to madame de lafayette. he knew he would not be without friends, without society, that he would have an unique chance to meet the best minds of europe. this practical american, so little given to the "_joie de vivre_" and without _abandon_, wanted primarily to increase his knowledge, to gather facts, to make comparisons. he had retained the taste for society, the good breeding, the polite manners, the artistic tendencies of the virginian, but in him the american was already fully grown. he felt also that he had a certain mission and intended to fulfill it: it was to convey to the european statesmen whose wiles he distrusted the impression that the united states existed as a country, that they did not form a loose and temporary confederation of states, but a nation to be reckoned with and respected. his country was no longer his native virginia alone: he was thinking nationally and not sectionally. for the french jefferson was already a great american figure; he was going to embody the best there was in the newly constituted union. book three _an american view of europe_ chapter i society and travel the _ceres_ reached portsmouth nineteen days after leaving boston, a remarkably swift passage, without incident, except for three days spent in fishing on the banks of newfoundland, while the ship was becalmed. jefferson and his companions were delayed a week in portsmouth by martha's slight illness, and then went directly to paris, where he arrived on august 6, 1784. jefferson was to remain in france till the fall of 1789--five years crowded with pleasures, social duties, political duties, and hard work. his activities were so varied and his interests so diversified that it is no longer possible to follow any chronological order; we must establish arbitrary divisions, though jefferson passed at all times from one subject to another and was incessantly busy with undertakings and plans truly encyclopedic. first of all, he had to find quarters. he had put up at the hôtel d'orléans, rue des petits augustins, then he had rented "hôtel tête-bout, cul-de-sac tête-bout", and a year later moved to a house belonging to m. le comte de l'avongeac "at the corner of the grande route des champs elysées and rue neuve de berry", where he continued to live as long as he remained in paris. his secretary short and colonel humphreys, secretary to the legation, lived with him. it was "a very elegant house, even for paris, with an extensive garden, court and outbuildings, in the handsomest style." of jefferson's first impressions after landing in france we unfortunately know nothing. not until a full year had elapsed did he express his personal views in writing. although he deplored the wretched condition of the larger mass of the people, he had already come to the conclusion, probably correct, that life in paris was more pleasant than anywhere else on earth: "the roughnesses of the human mind are so thoroughly rubbed off with them, that it seems as if one might glide through a whole life without a jostle."[103] it was some time, however, before he felt entirely at home in parisian society. he was somewhat handicapped and humiliated at first because of lack of means at the disposal of the minister of the united states for maintaining his rank. in his report on the reduction of the civil list (march 5, 1784), jefferson, animated with a fine republican zeal, had fixed the compensation of american representatives abroad at ten thousand dollars. now that he was in paris he found the allowance very inadequate. a proud virginian, accustomed to entertain generously, he considered hospitality an imperious duty as well as a pleasure, and his letters to congress are filled with complaints on the niggardliness of his resources. however, he procured a good french cook in the person of the worthy petit, who became quite attached to him, and wrote for him recipes for "_poulet en casserole_" and "_café à la française_." he informed himself concerning the best french wines, some of which he already knew, and made a thorough and scientific study of the different vintages, recording the result of his observations in unpublished notes. nor was he so selfish as to keep all his knowledge to himself. adams and washington used his good offices to keep their cellars well stocked in champagne and sauternes. for them and for madison he subscribed to "l'encyclopédie méthodique", he bought new french books, engravings, plaster casts, and medals, and his willingness to oblige his friends and to go shopping for them was so well known that mrs. adams asked him to buy for her daughter "two pairs of corsets", much to his distress, since she had omitted to send him the measure. for mrs. bingham he filled boxes with "caps and bonnets"; for madison he bought a pocket telescope, a walking stick, a chemical box, for poor little polly who had remained with her aunt at eppington "sashes" and parisian dolls. through franklin, jefferson was introduced to madame d'houdetot, who had unlimited admiration for a man who not only was an american and a philosopher, but who also knew the names of american plants and trees much more thoroughly than her dear doctor. he obtained for her seeds, bulbs, and trees to be planted in the park of sannois.[104] through franklin also he met madame helvétius and her two abbés, who always wrote jointly to jefferson.[105] at her house, he saw cabanis, then a very young man, destutt de tracy and abbé morellet. he attended concerts at madame d'houdetot's brother's house, but above all he was attracted by lafayette's family and friends. it was large enough for a man of more leisure and more worldly tendencies. there was the marquis himself and his charming wife, who befriended martha and wrote jefferson several notes filled with that delightful eighteenth-century "_sensibilité_" and amiability of which we have lost the secret. there was also madame de tessé, lafayette's cousin, who was, however, considerably older than the marquis and whom he called "aunt." jefferson saw her in paris and visited her often at chaville, where short stayed for weeks at a time, perfecting himself in the french language and the ways of french society. she loved trees, good paintings, fine buildings, statues, and music, and did much to educate jefferson's taste in these matters. not mentioned by his biographers, madame de corny played a not inconsiderable part in jefferson's sentimental life. young, pretty, witty, and married to a husband much older than herself, she enjoyed jefferson's company, took with him many walks in the bois de boulogne and perhaps, secretly, found him too scrupulously polite and too respectful.[106] there were also several other women, madame de tott, a distinguished painter, the vivacious and charming lucy paradise, comtesse barziza, a real "_enfant terrible_", irresponsible, outspoken, who in her letters to jefferson listed all the scandals of the days.[107] and one must not forget among jefferson's feminine acquaintances the old comtesse de la rochefoucauld, dignified, sarcastic, a terrible bore at times, whom on many occasions he vainly tried to avoid. but when all is told, it does not appear that the circle of jefferson's friends was ever very large. during his first year in paris he did his best to keep in the background. to franklin he owed deference, because of his age and the position of the doctor as the only accredited representative to the court of versailles. adams, the other plenipotentiary, was older than jefferson, who on every occasion insisted that his colleagues should have precedence over him. a good listener, he was much more reserved than franklin and always remained somewhat self-conscious when he spoke or wrote french. if the doctor spoke french as badly as he wrote it, his conversation must have been an extraordinary jargon; but jefferson was too sensitive and had too much _amour-propre_ to venture upon long discussions and conversations with people he did not know intimately. most of his french letters were written by short, who became rapidly a master of the language, and we may presume that jefferson never really felt at home in a purely french circle. this was true at least of his first year in paris. he had many fits of despondency and wondered at times whether he was not too old to accustom himself to strange people and to strange manners. he often experienced the usual longing of the traveler for his native land: "i am now of an age which does not easily accommodate itself to new modes of living and new manners," he wrote to baron geismer, the former prisoner of charlottesville; "and i am savage enough to prefer the woods, the wilds and independence of monticello, to all the brilliant pleasures of this gay capital. i shall therefore, rejoin myself to my native country with new attachments and exaggerated esteem for its advantages."[108] it was probably on these occasions that he took refuge in the most silent of all places, a carthusian monastery, a very strange abode for one who has been accused of being a fierce anti-clerical: he also had rooms in the carthusian monastery on mount calvary; the boarders, of whom i think there were forty, carried their own servants, and took their breakfasts in their own rooms. they assembled to dinner only. they had the privilege of walking in the gardens, but as it was a hermitage, it was against the rules of the house for any voices to be heard outside of their own rooms, hence the most profound silence. the author of "anarcharsis" was a boarder at the time, and many others who had reasons for a temporary retirement from the world. whenever he had a press of business, he was in the habit of taking his papers and going to the hermitage, where he spent sometimes a week or more till he had finished his work. the hermits visited him occasionally in paris, and the superior made him a present of an ivory broom that was turned by one of the brothers.[109] from time to time this same mood recurred: i am burning the candle of life without present pleasure or future object--he wrote to mrs. trist in 1786.--a dozen or twenty years ago this scene would have amused me; but i am past the age for changing habits. i take all the fault on myself, as it is impossible to be among a people who wish more to make one happy--a people of the very best character it is possible for one to have. we have no idea in america of the real french character.[110] not foreign to this despondency was the bad news that came from america. his youngest daughter lucy died in the fall of 1784 and he was not satisfied until he had his remaining daughter near him in paris, and mary, familiarly called polly, had joined her sister in the best convent of the french capital. between social duties and pleasures, dinners at the house of lafayette, meetings of the committees of commerce, interviews with vergennes, preparation of long letters to be sent home to keep his government informed of the situation in europe, correction of the proofs of the "notes on virginia", interviews with former french volunteers clamoring for their back pay, visits to shops and factories, jefferson was a very busy man indeed. but exacting as his occupations were, he found time to escape from paris on three different occasions to see something of france and europe. in 1786 he journeyed to england, traveled in france and italy in the spring of the following year, and visited holland and the rhine shortly before leaving for home. the diaries he kept during these trips are both revealing and disappointing. they demonstrate how little of european culture had penetrated his american mind, how carefully he preserved himself from the contamination of european manners and ways of thinking. in some respects it must be confessed that jefferson remained very narrow and provincial, and almost a philistine in his outlook. the most damning document is the outline he made for rutledge and shippen on june 3, 1788, though in some respects it shows good judgment, as when jefferson recommends "not to judge of the manners of the people from the people you will naturally see the most of: tavern keepers, _valets de place_, and postillions."--"these are the hackneyed rascals of every country. of course they must never be considered when we calculate the national character." he manifested the same good sense in recommending always to ask for the _vin du pays_ when traveling. but the worst comes in his enumeration of the "objects of attention for an american." it has to be read to be believed and should be transcribed here almost in full: 1. agriculture. everything belonging to this art, and whatever has a near relation to it.... 2. mechanical arts, so far as they respect things necessary in america, and inconvenient to be transported thither ready-made, such as forges, stone quarries, boat bridges, etc. 3. lighter mechanical arts, and manufactures. some of these will be worth a superficial view; but circumstances rendering it impossible that america should become a manufacturing country during the time of any man now living, it would be a waste of attention to examine these minutely. 4. gardens peculiarly worth the attention of an american, because it is the country of all others where the noblest gardens may be made without expense.... 5. architecture worth a great attention. as we double our numbers every twenty years, we must double our houses.... it is, then, among the most important arts; it is desirable to introduce taste into an art which shows so much. 6. painting, statuary. too expensive for the state of wealth among us. it would be useless, therefore, and preposterous, for us to make ourselves connoisseurs in those arts. they are worth seeing, but not studying. 7. politics of each country, well worth studying so far as respects internal affairs. examine their influence on the happiness of the people. take every possible occasion for entering into the houses of the laborers, and especially at the moment of their repast; see what they eat, how they are clothed, whether they are obliged to work too hard.... 8. courts. to be seen as you would see the tower of london or menagerie of versailles with their lions, tigers, hyenas, and other beasts of prey, standing in the same relation to their fellows.... their manners, could you ape them, would not make you beloved in your own country, nor would they improve it could you introduce them there to the exclusion of that honest simplicity now prevailing in america, and worthy of being cherished. the man who wrote these lines was certainly not denationalized; the emancipated virginian had unconsciously retained a puritanical distrust of purely æsthetic enjoyments. he seems to have taken a sort of wicked pleasure in denying himself the disinterested joys of the artist and philosopher and his travels in europe were no "sentimental journey." it cannot even be maintained that the views expressed in the letter to shippen were a paradox and that he felt free to enjoy the pleasures from which he strove to protect his fellow countrymen. most revealing in this respect is the following passage from a letter written to lafayette, when he was traveling along the riviera: in the great cities i go to see, what travellers think alone worthy of being seen; but i make a job of it, and generally gulp it all down in a day. on the other hand, i am never satisfied with rambling through the fields and farms, examining the culture and cultivators, with a degree of curiosity which makes some take me to be a fool, and others to be much wiser than i am.[111] he seems to have been dominated by the same utilitarian preoccupations during his english journey. there he noted carefully all the peculiarities of english gardens, visiting all the show places with whateley's book on gardening in his pocket: "my inquiries," he himself said, "were directed chiefly to such practical things as might enable me to estimate the expense of making and maintaining a garden in that style." this is why the only thing worth noticing at kew was an archimedes screw for raising water, of which he made a sketch. his conclusions were summed up in a letter to john page after he came back to paris. england had totally disappointed him. the "pleasure gardens", to be sure, went far beyond his ideas, but the city of london, though handsomer than paris, was not so handsome as philadelphia: "their architecture is in the most wretched style i ever saw, not meaning to except america, where it is bad, not even virginia, where it is worse than in any other part of america which i have seen." on the other hand, the mechanical arts were carried to a wonderful perfection, but he took no joy in visiting manufactures and shops, since the view reminded him that the frivolity of his fellow countrymen made them import many articles from london and thus pay tribute to a foreign nation.[112] when he left paris for the south of france he was in no more amiable mood. it was his first real contact with the french countryside and he was shocked beyond words at the sight of the first villages he passed through from sens to vermanton. he could not understand why the french peasants insisted on living close together in villages instead of building their houses on the grounds they cultivated. he racked his brains for an explanation and could find no better one than to suppose that they were "collected by that dogma of their religion which makes them believe, that to keep the creator in good humor with his own works, they must mumble a mass every day." the people were illy clothed; the sight of women and children carrying heavy burdens and laboring with the hoe made the virginian slave-owner conclude that "in a civilized country, men never expose their wives and children to labor above their force and sex, as long as their own labor can protect them from it." but he nowhere expressed any emotional distress nor heartfelt sympathy for these poor wretches and concluded that if there were no beggars it was probably an effect of the police.[113] on the other hand, he noted every detail of the fabrication of burgundy wine, enumerated the different vintages, the cost of casks, bottles, methods of transportation and marketing, the price of "_vin ordinaire_", of oil, butter, cattle, the cultivation of olive trees and fig trees and capers. monuments are described with a mathematical eye, many small points noted, columns described, ornaments studied, but the only personal impression elicited by arles is that "the principal monument here, is an amphitheatre, the external portico of which is tolerably complete." what is true of france is even more true of italy. at milan the cathedral is not even mentioned, but "the salon of the casa belgiosa is superior to anything i have ever seen." and he adds immediately, "the mixture called scaiola, of which they make their walls and floors, is so like the finest marble as to be scarcely distinguishable from it." pages are given to the fabrication of parmesan cheese. once, however, in walking along the shore from louano to alberga, he could not resist the enchantment of the landscape. there he noted the remarkable coloration of the mediterranean and was puzzled by it, but he also added, let it be marked to his credit: if any person wished to retire from his acquaintances, to live absolutely unknown, and yet in the midst of physical enjoyments, it should be in some of the little villages of this coast, where air, water and earth concur to offer what each has most precious. here are nightingales, beccaficas, ortolans, pheasants, partridges, quails, a superb climate, and the power of changing it from summer to winter at any moment, by ascending the mountains. the earth furnishes wine, oil, figs, oranges, and every production of the garden, in every season. the sea yields lobsters, crabs, oysters, thunny, sardines, anchovies etc. ortolans sell at this time at thirty sous, equal to one shilling sterling, the dozen. a queer mixture of suppressed artistic emotions and avowed culinary preoccupations. shades of rousseau and wordsworth, to mention the nightingale and the ortolans in one breath! but one thing at least we must be thankful for is his lack of pretence and conventional admiration. it is, after all, refreshing to find a traveler who does not copy from his guidebook and does not fall into raptures and worked-up ecstasies. he came back through "luc, brignolles, avignon, vaucluse", simply noting that "there are fine trout in the stream of vaucluse and the valley abounds particularly with nightingales." he saw nîmes, montpellier, frontignan, where he discussed the manufacture and price of wine; he passed through carcassonne and was much interested in the canal and "the carp caught there", but did not mention the walls; he stayed several days at bordeaux, measured the remains of a roman amphitheater and made a thorough study of the wines; "chateau margau, la tour de ségur, hautbrion, chateau de la fite, pontac, sauternes, barsac." he visited nantes, rennes, angers, tours, and ascertained the truth of the allegations of the famous "growth of shells unconnected with animal bodies" mentioned by voltaire and discussed in the "notes on virginia." he saw chanteloup and heard a nightingale there, but was far more interested in "an ingenious contrivance to hide the projecting steps of a stair-case." the same utilitarian preoccupation reappears most conspicuously in his "memorandums on a tour from paris to amsterdam, strasburg, and back to paris" (march, 1788). at amsterdam he studied the dutch wheelbarrow, the canal to raise ships over the pampus, joists of houses, the aviary of mr. ameshoff near harlem; he made a sketch of the hope's house "of a capricious appearance yet a pleasant one"--an architectural atrocity if ever there was one. at düsseldorf "the gallery of paintings is sublime", but equally interesting is the hog of this country (westphalia) "of which the celebrated ham is made which sells at eight and a half pence sterling the pound." if he saw the cathedral at cologne he forbore to mention it, but at coblenz he had his first taste of the moselle wine. it would be cruel to reproduce his description of the "clever ruin at hanau, with the hermitage in which is a good figure of a hermit in plaster, colored to the life, with a table and a book before him, in the attitude of contemplation." and yet, when the worst is told, one may wonder whether there would not be some unfairness in judging jefferson merely from these memoranda. there he noted information for which he foresaw some further use, interesting knowledge which could be utilized at monticello or for the benefit of his fellow countrymen. how to plant and prune the vines and the olive trees; how to make cheese and oil; how to introduce the "st. foin", new vegetables, new crops such as rice, new industries such as the silkworm and mulberry tree; how to build a house; all this required exactness and precision and could scarcely be trusted to memory. pleasant impressions of travel, on the contrary, could always be evoked through the imagination and would lose very little of their charm and value with time. furthermore to put down these impressions in black and white would have required a certain process of analysis entirely foreign to puritan consciousness, and a puritan jefferson had remained in his speech and manners far more than he himself believed. there was in these purely æsthetic pleasures something really too personal to be indulged in, at least in writing. once, however, he did away with all the restraint imposed upon him by education and the "habits of his country"; it is in the well-known letter written from nîmes to madame de tessé. parts of it at least, in all fairness to jefferson, have to be quoted here as a contrast to the dryness and objectiveness of the notes on travel.... here i am, madam, gazing whole hours at the maison quarrée, like a lover at his mistress.... this is the second time i have been in love since i left paris. the first was with a diana at the château de laye-epinaye in beaujolais, a delicious morsel of sculpture, by m. a. slodtz. this, you will say, was in rule, to fall in love with a female beauty; but with a house, it is out of all precedent. no, madam, it is not without a precedent in my own history. while in paris, i was violently smitten with the hôtel de salm, and used to go to the tuileries almost daily to look at it. the loueuse des chaises--inattentive to my passion--never had the complaisance to place a chair there, so that sitting on the parapet, and twisting my neck around to see the object of my admiration, i generally left with a torti-colli. from lyons to nismes i have been nourished with the remains of roman grandeur. they have always brought you to my mind, because i know your affection for whatever is roman and noble. at vienna i thought of you. but i am glad you were not here; for you would have seen me more angry than, i hope, you will ever see me. the praetorian palace, as it is called--comparable, for its fine proportions, to the maison quarrée--defaced by the barbarians who have converted it to its present purpose, its beautiful fluted corinthian columns cut out, in parts, to make space for gothic windows, and hewed down, in the residue, to the plane of the buildings, was enough, you must admit, to disturb my composure. at orange too, i thought of you. i was sure you had seen with pleasure the sublime triumphal arch of marius at the entrance of the city. i went then to the arenae. would you believe, madam, that in this eighteenth century, in france, under the reign of louis xvi, they are at this moment pulling down the circular wall of this superb remain, to pave a road? and that too, from a hill which is itself en entire mass of stone, just as fit, and more accessible.[114] this is indeed a charming letter; but why did he not write more often in this vein? why did he send to martha moralizing and edifying letters when he was traveling in southern france and italy? his latent puritanism, as already shown, may partly account for this reticence, but this came from a deeper feeling. he had already protested in his "notes on virginia" against the claim made by europe to intellectual supremacy. he realized, however, how powerful was the attraction of the great centers of european culture on young america, and was afraid that the introduction of foreign arts, foreign literature, foreign customs, and "mode" might corrupt the very springs of american life. this blind admiration of everything european constituted one of the greatest dangers if america wished to develop on her own soil a civilization of her own. friends in virginia had to be convinced that an american youth, brought up on a strictly american diet, would in nowise be inferior to most europeans. if one insisted upon sending a young man to europe, the chances were that he would learn nothing essential, that on the contrary he would lose many of his native qualities and at any rate his native innocence and purity of mind. this appears most conspicuously in a letter written to j. b. bannister, junior, who had manifested the intention of sending his son to europe. there jefferson proceeded to denounce the features of european civilization as vehemently as any puritan preacher and with the same frankness of expression. to enumerate the disadvantages of sending a youth to europe "would require a volume", so he had to select a few. england is shortly disposed of: "if he goes to england, he learns drinking, horse racing, and boxing," for those are the peculiarities of english education. if he goes to the continent he will acquire a fondness for luxury and dissipation, he will contract a partiality for aristocracy and monarchy; he will soon be led to consider "fidelity to the marriage bed as an ungentlemanly practice." he will become denationalized and recollecting "the voluptuary dress and arts of the european women, will pity and despise the chaste affections and simplicity of those of his own country." he will return to america "a foreigner", speaking and writing his own tongue "like a foreigner", and therefore unqualified to obtain those distinctions, which eloquence of the pen and tongue ensures in a free country. there can be only one conclusion after such a fierce denunciation of europe: it appears to me, then, that an american, coming to europe for education, loses in his knowledge, in his morals, in his health, in his habits, and in his happiness. i had entertained only doubts on this head before i came to europe: what i see and hear, since i came here proves more than i had expected. cast your eye over america: who are the men of most learning, of most eloquence, most beloved by their countrymen and most trusted and promoted by them? they are those who have been educated among them, and whose manners, morals, and habits, are perfectly homogeneous with those of the country.[115] very bold indeed would have been the american father who, with such a frightful picture before his eyes, would have sent his son to europe. thus we are led to a very unexpected conclusion. there is little doubt that jefferson's democratic theories were confirmed and clarified by his prolonged stay in europe. but this was not due to the lessons he received from the french philosophers. he had gone to france under the misapprehension that he would be considered there as a "savage from the mountains of america"; he had been dazzled at first by the splendor of the old world, but he had soon overcome his admiration and arrived at the conclusion that the game was not worth the candle. life in paris was very pleasant, but some one had to foot the bill, and the general fate of humanity was most deplorable in europe. such are the general impressions he sent to his friend bellini one year after arriving in paris: it is a true picture of that country to which they say we shall pass hereafter; and where we are to see god and his angels in splendor, and crowds of the damned trampled under their feet. the great mass of the people suffer under physical and moral oppression; but the condition of the great if more closely observed cannot compare with the degree of happiness which is enjoyed in america. among them there is no family life, no conjugal love, no domestic happiness; intrigues of love occupy the young and those of ambition, the elder part of the great. much, very much inferior, this, to the tranquil, permanent felicity with which domestic society in america blesses most of its inhabitants; leaving them to follow steadily those pursuits which health and reason approve, and rendering truly delicious the intervals of those pursuits! if one looks to another field, the situation is very similar. "in science, the mass of the people are two centuries behind ours; their literature half a dozen years before us." but that is no serious inconvenience; books which are really good acquire a reputation in that lapse of time and then pass over to america, while poor books, controversial and uncertain knowledge are naturally weeded out, so that america is not bothered with that "swarm of nonsensical publications which issue daily from a thousand presses, and perishes almost in issuing." on some points, however, europeans have a decided superiority over the americans: they have more amiable manners, they are more polite, more temperate, "they do not terminate the most sociable meals by transforming themselves into brutes. i have never seen a man drunk in france, even among the lowest of the people." finally in the arts there is no possible comparison: were i to proceed to tell you how much i enjoy their architecture, sculpture, painting, music, i should want words. it is in these arts they shine. the last of them particularly, is an enjoyment the deprivation of which with us, cannot be calculated. i am almost ready to say, it is the only thing which from my heart i envy them, and which, in spite of all the authority of the decalogue, i do covet.[116] nor are we to believe that in jefferson's opinion this was a small achievement. had he been more poetically inclined he might have repeated the apostrophe of the old poet: "france mother of all the arts." but when all is told, the fact remained that europe had more to learn from america than she could possibly give to the new nation, and thereupon jefferson started to "boost" his own country. protesting against a pseudo-discovery of an english wheelwright, he declared that the idea had been stolen from doctor franklin who had observed it in pennsylvania, delaware and jersey, and the jersey farmers might have borrowed it from homer, "for ours are the only farmers who can read homer."[117] against the architectural feats of the europeans it is not unfair to claim the superiority of american scenery, particularly of the virginia marvels, such as the natural bridge, for "that kind of pleasure surpasses much in my estimation, whatever i find on this side of the atlantic."[118] at the end of his journey in france and italy he conceded that there are indeed in these countries "things worth our imitation." but he immediately added, "the accounts from our country give me to believe that we are not in a condition to hope of the imitation of anything good."[119] in the meantime it is better for the americans to stay at home, for "travelling makes men wiser, but less happy"; and he wrote to peter carr, whose education he had undertaken to direct: "there is no place where your pursuit of knowledge will be so little obstructed by foreign objects, as your own country, nor any, wherein the virtues of the heart will be less exposed to be weakened."[120] chapter ii gallo-american commerce and the debt question after franklin's departure from paris, jefferson was left officially in charge of the diplomatic relations of the united states with the french court. adams was in london and carmichael in madrid, and with them he exchanged extensive communications. but the paris legation was really the headquarters of american diplomacy, and the problems that came up taxed the ingenuity and all the intellectual resources jefferson could command. summing up his activities in paris, he declared with too much modesty in his "autobiography": my duties, at paris, were confined to a few objects; the receipts of our whale oils, salted fish, and salt meat, on favorable terms; the admission of our rice on equal terms with that of piedmont, egypt and the levant; a mitigation of the monopolies of our tobacco by the farmers-general, and a free admission of our productions into their islands, were the principal commercial objects which required attention; and on these occasions, i was powerfully aided by all the influence and the energies of the marquis de lafayette, who proved himself equally zealous for the friendship and welfare of both nations. as a matter of fact, jefferson's duties extended to many other subjects, of which the most important and at any rate the most perplexing may have been the settlement of the debt question. this problem, as we shall presently see, haunted jefferson's mind and was never separated by him from the purely commercial questions. in many respects the situation then existing between the united states and france was very similar to the present situation and certainly not easier to solve. an estimate of jefferson's career that would leave out this particular side of his activities when in france, would necessarily be incomplete, if not misleading. a large part of the minister's time was devoted, not to philosophical conversations with helvétius' friends but to obstinate, patient, and harassing endeavor to obtain for his country commercial rights and even privileges that would enable her to pay off her debt to europe. in spite of his affected scorn for figures and statistics, the "philosopher" demonstrated an unusual business ability. the tobacco trade in which the southern states and particularly virginia were vitally interested was at that time entirely in the hands of the farmers-general, whose monopoly was not administered to the best interests of either the american growers or the french consumers. being closely allied with some of the prominent economists and entirely in sympathy with their views, lafayette was naturally against the farming of taxes on tobacco. but as he realized that there was very little hope of doing away entirely with the system, he contented himself at first with employing his best efforts to facilitate the direct importation of tobacco into france. as early as may, 1785, he managed to obtain a copy of a document indicating that some london dealers were offering to the farmers-general large quantities of virginia tobacco. he communicated the document at once to jefferson, and suggested that it was important for both countries to eliminate the london middlemen. direct commercial relations should be established between france and america, not only as a matter of patriotism, but also as a matter of interest.[121] this proposed change in the traditional policy of the farmers-general, who were accustomed to deal with british intermediaries, met with a strong opposition from the farmers-general. for reasons which they did not state openly, they refused either to deal with independent american growers, or to buy from a new and strictly american company planned by jefferson.[122] unable to overcome the resistance of the farmers-general, jefferson decided that the next step would be to fight the monopoly and to persuade the court to do away with it. it was a logical more than a truly diplomatic procedure, since jefferson took upon himself to meddle in the internal affairs of the government to which he was accredited. but jefferson, without being the originator of the famous "shirt-sleeve" diplomacy, was not the man to let diplomatic proprieties stand in the way of the best interests of his country. furthermore, he was quite sincere in his belief that he was acting to the greatest advantage of both france and america. he therefore wrote to vergennes a long letter, in which he stated the advantages which would accrue to the royal treasury from the abolition of the tobacco monopoly.[123] there is no indication that vergennes resented in any way jefferson's suggestion; but there is no evidence either that he paid any attention to it. things remained in the same condition to the end of the year. up to that date, lafayette had fought as a free lance the commercial battle of the united states, using his personal influence and family connections to undermine the prestige of the farmers-general. at the beginning of 1786, calonne, yielding to his solicitations, formed the comité du commerce composed of farmers-general, inspectors of commerce, and members of the council, in order to study the future of the commercial relations between france and the united states. lafayette was appointed to the committee on february 9, 1786. he had very little training in economics and had never displayed any particular aptitude for financial problems. but back of him was jefferson, and on the committee lafayette was nothing but the spokesman of the american plenipotentiary. the account of his speeches before the committee, given by brissot, and reprinted in a note to the "memoirs of general lafayette", is simply the résumé of a letter sent by jefferson to vergennes six months earlier. jefferson prompted him, furnished him with figures and statistics, and in a letter written at the eleventh hour urged him to expose the fundamental dishonesty of the farmers-general. since, according to their own figures, said jefferson, they lose annually over four million livres by the farming of tobacco "the king, in favor to them, should discontinue the bail; and they cannot ask its continuance without acknowledging they have given in a false state of quantities and sums."[124] standing alone in the committee against a strong combination of skilled financiers, lafayette was fighting for a lost cause without any profit to himself or any visible hope of success.[125] both lafayette and jefferson were outmaneuvered by the financiers. they professed that they were willing to denounce their contracts with the london merchants, and thus seemed to accomplish a grand patriotic gesture, but they granted to the american financier, robert morris, the exclusive privilege of buying tobacco for them and thus defeated the main purpose of jefferson. the minister had to confess that he was beaten, although he had spared no pains to strike at the root of the monopoly. "the persons interested in it are too powerful to be opposed, even by the interest of the whole country."[126] but it was not in his character ever to give up; he soon renewed the attack at another point. first he succeeded in postponing for six months the effect of the new lease to morris, and thus permitted american importers who had accumulated stocks in lorient to sell them directly to the farmers-general. some time later he partially nullified the concession to morris by obtaining an order from the council "obliging the farmers-general to purchase from such other merchants as shall offer fifteen thousand hogshead of tobacco", and to grant to the sellers in other respects the same terms as they had granted robert morris. thus, indirectly but very effectively, jefferson finally achieved his purpose: to undermine an odious monopoly which caused a great loss to the planters of his country; to enable the american consumers to buy directly from france manufactured products, or at least those "commodities which it is more advantageous to us to buy here than in england, or elsewhere"; finally "to reinforce the motives for a friendship from this country towards ours.--this friendship we ought to cultivate closely, considering the present dispositions of england towards us."[127] in addition, he flattered himself that he had taught the french some sound economic principles: i have been for some time occupied in endeavouring to destroy the root of the evils which the tobacco trade encounters in this country, by making the ministers sensible that merchants will not bring a commodity to a market, where but one person is allowed to buy it; and that so long as that single purchaser is obliged to go to foreign markets for it, he must pay for it in coin and not in commodities. these truths have made their way to the mind of the ministry insomuch, as to have delayed the execution of the new lease of the farms, six months. it is renewed, however, for three years, but so as not to render impossible a reformation of the great evil. they are sensible to the evil, but it is so interwoven with their fiscal system, that they find it hazardous to disentangle. the temporary distress, too, of the revenue, they are not prepared to meet. my hopes, therefore, are weak, though not quite desperate.[128] one might well wonder to what extent these "truths" were as new to the french as jefferson seemed to believe, and to what extent he was operative in strengthening the opposition to the farmers-general, already very strong in france. however that may be, the american minister learned from the french example as much as he taught the members of the committee. the tobacco monopoly was to him another object lesson on the danger of farming taxes, and he did not forget it. even greater obstacles were encountered by jefferson and lafayette in their effort to develop commercial transactions with new england. the negotiations extended over three years and would be worth relating in detail.[129] jefferson, bent on breaking customs barriers and obtaining free entrance for the products of new england fisheries, brought forward every possible argument to fight the doctrine of commercialism and summed up his case in a letter sent to lafayette, but evidently intended for the committee. there for the first time he pointed out the necessary connection existing between the tariff question and the repayment of the french debt. the problem of "transfers" is not a new one, and jefferson's reasoning sounds strangely familiar to all those who have paid any attention to our present problems of debt settlement, reparations, and tariff. the following passage seems particularly worth quoting: on running over the catalogue of american imports, france will naturally mark out those articles which she could supply us to advantage; and she may safely calculate, that, after a little time shall have enabled us to get rid of our present incumbrances, and some remains of attachment to the particular forms of manufacture to which we have been habituated, we shall take those articles which she can furnish, on as good terms as other nations, to whatever extent she will enable us to pay for them. it is her interest therefore, as well as ours, to multiply the means of payment. these must be found in the catalogue of our exports, and among these will be seen neither gold nor silver. we have no mines of either of those metals. produce therefore is all we can offer.[130] the conclusion was that it was imperative to obtain such abatement of duties and even such exemptions as the importance of the article might justify, in the hope that his country would be enabled to build up a commercial credit of about 275,000 louis, which would provide for the service and amortization of the american debt to france. thanks to the unrelenting efforts of lafayette and also to the sympathetic attitude of the committee, a series of _arrêts du conseil_ listed in a letter to monroe was finally obtained.[131] there was little hope at first that they would be countersigned, but in october of the same year jefferson, with evident satisfaction, was able to inform jay of the new regulations granting free ports to america, abolishing export taxes on brandies, and for a year the tax on whale oil and spermaceti, on potash, furs, leather, timber, trees, and shrubbery, brought either in american or french bottoms. every effort had been made not only to place the united states on the footing of the most favored nation, but to encourage her infant industries and manufactures. the new regulations approved by calonne did much to free america from her commercial subservience to great britain and also reinforce, according to jefferson's wishes, the motives for a "friendship from france towards america." this was by no means the end of all difficulties; the abatement on whale oil was only temporary and jefferson was never able to obtain entire satisfaction in respect to the tobacco trade, but there is no doubt that the situation had greatly improved. even during the last months of his stay in france he never overlooked an opportunity to further the commercial interests of the united states. his fear to see his fellow countrymen "over-trade themselves and embark into the ocean of speculation" had not abated. he still believed that "we have no occasion for more commerce than to take off our superfluous produce", and tobacco was clearly in that class.[132] but at that time there arose an opportunity both to develop commercial relations and to be of distinct service to france. the years that immediately precede the french revolution were marked by a very distressing food shortage in france and particularly in the capital. this was one of the most disquieting problems confronting the committee of commerce and the city syndics. jefferson, because of his connections with lafayette, du pont de nemours, and mr. ethis de corny, was particularly well informed on the situation and he turned his best efforts to induce the government to remedy it through the importation of american products. he thought that besides the salt fish from new england, salt meat and corn beef would constitute a desirable addition to the french diet and he undertook a campaign to convert the french to the idea. one of his last letters to necker, on september 26, 1789, was to recommend the importation of salted provisions from the united states, appraising the quality of american salt meat, for "the experience of a great part of america, which is fed almost entirely on it, proves it to be as wholesome as fresh meat."[133] in spite of all the obstacles to the development of the gallo-american commerce because of the deep-rooted french horror of innovations and changes, the efforts of jefferson and his friends were not wholly unavailing. according to mr. woolery, in 1789 importations from the united states amounted to 140,959 barrels of flour, 3,664,576 bushels of wheat and 12,340,000 pounds of rice. vessels coming from the united states to french ports in this year included thirteen french, forty-three english and one hundred and sixty-three american; the tonnage of american vessels was 19,173 in 1788 and 24,173 in 1789. exports to france in 1788 were valued at $1,384,246; to french possessions in america $3,284,656; and from them, $155,136 and $1,913,212 respectively. in this trade the american tonnage engaged was approximately ten times that of the french. the philosopher had proved himself a first-class commercial agent. he had built up trade relations which would have consolidated the friendship between the two countries if the revolution had not intervened. but no real friendship can exist between creditor and debtor; the debt problem was no less important than the commercial problem, and jefferson displayed on this occasion an ingenuity and a diplomatic skill no less worthy of commendation. when he took charge of the legation at paris the finances of the united states were in a deplorable condition. loans made by the farmers-general, by beaumarchais, by the king of france, and loans contracted in holland and in spain, constituted the most important outstanding liabilities of the american government. in 1783 the situation as reported to congress was as follows: to the farmers-general of france, livres 1,000,000 to beaumarchais 3,000,000 to king of france, to the end of 1782 28,000,000 to same for 1783 6,000,000 to this total was to be added a loan from holland for $671,200, and $150,000 borrowed from spain by jay. interest was coming in at the rate of four per cent. on the french loan, making it a total of approximately $7,885,000. the domestic situation was far worse; the states had plunged into issues of paper money: $241,552,780 had been issued in bills of credit by congress, and $209,524,776 by the states. if it is remembered that private investors had bought american paper rather recklessly, that important sums were due to england, and that the united states could not even meet the interest on the debts without further borrowing, it is small wonder that european creditors began to wonder whether they would ever be repaid. the first task confronting the new minister plenipotentiary was to convince them that the united states as then organized had a sufficient stability to allay all fears. jefferson undertook at once to clarify the situation. in a letter to the dutch bankers, n. and j. van staphorst, he asserted that no man in america had ever entertained any doubt that "our foreign debt is to be paid fully." he significantly added: "were i the holder of any of them, i should not have the least fear of their full payment." but he had to call the attention of the bankers to the fact that some international notes were issued for paper money debts, and those of course would be subject to a certain depreciation, to be settled by congress according to carefully worked out tables. the safer thing, therefore, for european investors was to beware of and to avoid any speculation on american bills and "foreigners should be sure that they are well advised, before they meddle with them, or they may suffer."[134] he repeated the same advice on october 25: "it is a science which bids defiance to the powers of reason." with the particulars of the different loans obtained by jefferson while he was in france, and with the transactions that took place in holland, we cannot deal here. it would be a study well worth undertaking separately, and one for which there is abundant material not yet utilized in the jefferson papers, particularly in his correspondence with dumas, the agent at the hague. we shall restrict ourselves, however, to the political aspect of the debt settlement during jefferson's mission. the french were at first very polite about it; without insisting in any way on the question of payment, vergennes simply asked jefferson whether "the condition of american finances was improving." the french minister did not even mention the possibilities of the united states paying the arrears of the interest; but jefferson suffered and irked, thinking that he was probably expected to mention it first, while he could not do so without instructions and there were "no visible means to pay anything for the present."[135] curiously enough, the matter came to a head with england during the trip made by jefferson in the spring of 1786. he held several conferences with the british merchants and tried to obtain with them a sort of compromise by which american merchants would repay in full the capital of debts contracted before and after the war, but withdrawing payment of the interest for the period of the war. it was then that jefferson put forth the principle he was to maintain persistently with the french,--namely that the matter of commerce and the question of the debts could not be separated, "were it only as a means of enabling our country to pay its debts."[136] the chief fault of jefferson's solution, however, was that there was very little america could sell to england, while the americans themselves were eagerly buying goods manufactured in england. there was great danger of seeing that economic vassalage perpetuated, for "instead of a proper equilibrium, everything at present lies all in the british scale."[137] importations being permitted, fashion and folly requiring english products, the country was sinking deeper and deeper into poverty, and all the news on the matter received by jefferson "filled him with despair." however, something had to be done at once in the case of the french debt, as jefferson knew that the french minister of finance was "at his wit's end to raise supplies for the ensuing year."[138] it does not appear that the french court had made any representation on the debt to the american plenipotentiary, but jefferson fully realized that he was placed in a position of inferiority as long as the vexing question remained unsettled and payments on the interest were overdue. this was the more deplorable, as france was the only european nation with which the united states could hope to develop really satisfactory relations. it was at this juncture that a very interesting proposition was made through dumas by the dutch bankers. the french debt's most objectionable feature was that it placed the american government under direct obligation to the french; in other words, as we would say now, it was a political debt, but means might be found to change it into a purely commercial debt. if a company of bankers were formed to pay off france at once, the american government would be able to treat with them on a business basis, the greatest advantage being that in case of delayed payments, no political pressure could be exerted or political advantage claimed. the only objection to such a combination was that it could not be made without the consent of both the french and american governments, and negotiations to that effect would necessarily take a long time. to provide for the most pressing needs, jefferson proposed to raise directly in holland the four and twenty millions due to france as accrued interest. this would make a beginning and create a precedent. in the meantime adams was urged to go to holland to acquaint himself with the situation, so as to be able to present a definite solution to congress on his return to america.[139] the french court remained very considerate and did not make any formal representations; but very harsh criticism of the failure of america to meet her obligations were heard during the assemblée des notables. the funds were so low that the american government could not even pay its debts to the french officers who, because of their influence with the court, should have received special consideration. yet congress did not seem to realize how pressing the matter was, and jefferson could only repeat with real despair and disgust: "would to heaven they would authorize you to take measures for transferring the debt of this country to holland before you leave europe."[140] on their side, the french court did their best to reassure the french creditors, and when the written report of the assemblées des notables appeared it had been considerably toned down, simply stating that: ... the interest of the claims of his majesty on the united states of america, cannot be drawn out for the present, except as a document. the recovery of these claims, as well as principal as perhaps even interest, although they appear to rest on the most solid security, may, nevertheless, be long delayed, and should not consequently, be taken into account in estimating the annual revenue. but even that mention seemed to jefferson a reflection on the national honor of his country. he was harassed by french claimants; beaumarchais had just placed in his hands a memorial to congress; french officers were writing to him and calling on him, threatening to sell their claims to a single creditor, or to ask the court to intervene in their favor. but all the unfortunate american minister could answer was that congress "would do in that business, what justice would require, and their means enable them."[141] at the end of the same year he learned that congress had rejected the proposition of the dutch bankers, and he could not help expressing deep disappointment. one hope was left however: the sale of western lands then going on which would provide congress with important liquid assets. i turn to this precious resource--he wrote to a friend--as that which will, in every event, liberate us from our domestic debt, and perhaps too, from our foreign one; and this much sooner than i had expected. i do not think anything could have been done with them in europe. individual speculators and sharpers had duped so many with their unlocated land-warrants, that every offer would be suspected.[142] in the meantime something had to be done to reassure the creditors of the united states, and jefferson pressed dumas to publish a series of articles in the _gazette of leyden_ to demonstrate the financial stability of his country. the situation had to be presented as follows: two sales of five million and two million acres respectively had been made, another for four million was in process and jefferson considered that these sales had absorbed seven million dollars of the domestic federal debt. the states had absorbed by taxation and otherwise about ten million dollars, so "that the debt stands now at about ten millions of dollars, and will probably be all absorbed in the course of next year. there will remain then our foreign debt, between ten and twelve millions, including interest. the sale of land will then go on for payment of this."[143] but in spite of this official optimism the commissioners of the treasury had informed willincks and van staphorsts that they should "not be able to remit one shilling till the new government gets into action" and that consequently they were not to pay anything towards the interest of the dutch loan except out of the proceeds of the last loan. to which the dutch bankers had answered that "there was not much prospect to raise as much on that new loan as would cover the next june interest and that the credit of the united states was in danger of being wiped off."[144] as adams was about to leave for america, jefferson, at the request of the dutch bankers, met him at amsterdam and for several days the two american envoys did their best to convince close-fisted financiers, who had speculated in american bonds and refused to do anything until paid for the interest on the domestic bonds they held. they finally yielded, but to avoid further embarrassment jefferson and adams decided to provide at one stroke for the years 1789 and 1790 by signing new bonds for a million florins, subject to approval of congress.[145] the real danger, as both adams and jefferson saw it, came from unwise speculation in american domestic bonds, since the bankers had tried to use these bonds as a sort of lever; consequently the transfer of domestic bonds to europe was to be discouraged by every possible means. "if the transfer of these debts to europe, meet with any encouragement from us, we can no more borrow money here, let our necessities be what they will."[146] how desperate the situation was at that date appears in two letters written to general washington may 2, 1788, and to james madison, may 3, 1788.[147] jefferson's visit at amsterdam had convinced him that the credit of the united states was at its lowest ebb and in great danger of being reduced to nil. the nation with the highest credit was great britain, because the english never asked for a loan without providing by new taxes for the repayment of it. he indicated that no doubt was entertained by any one in holland about the ultimate repayment of the capital, but that repeated failures to pay the interest on the old loans had stopped any further borrowing. as to the french debt, the court had carefully avoided any public mention of it, "the government here, saying nothing about it, the public have supposed they wished to leave us at our ease as to the payment. it is now seen that they call for it, and they will publish annually the effect of that call." the most pressing need was an order from the treasury to pay the arrears for the last three years to the french officers. with much difficulty jefferson had prevented them from holding a meeting to agree on concerted action on the matter, and when he came back he prevented them from taking "desperate measures" till july. but a solution could not be deferred much longer. the necessary sum was comparatively small: twenty thousand florins a year would have sufficed "to suppress these clamors", and through diplomacy he finally succeeded in staying the address they intended to send to congress and to the king, asking him to intervene on their behalf.[148] fortunately the loan launched in holland to meet the payment of the june interest had succeeded and had been finally ratified by congress.[149] it was a beginning that brought some respite to jefferson, but he insisted again that the next step to take was the funding of the foreign debt, for the french government expected "a very satisfactory provision for the payment of their debt, from the first session of the new congress."[150] he was enclosing two tables "showing what fund will suffice to discharge the principal and interest, as it shall become due aided by occasional loans, which the same fund will repay." this very detailed and technical proposal now preserved in the jefferson papers of the library of congress would repay careful study. during the spring of the same year, however, jefferson made a startling discovery which added to his distress. the international bankers of amsterdam were not as politically disinterested as he had thought at first. he even suspected that, by careful manipulations, they intended to keep control of the credit of the united states. i have observed--wrote jefferson--that as soon as a sum of interest is becoming due, they are able to borrow just that, and no more; or, at least, only so much more as may pay our salaries and keep us quiet.... i think it possible, they may choose to support our credit to a certain point, and let it go no further, but at their will; to keep it poised, as that it may be at their mercy. by this, they may be sure to keep us in their own hands.[151] this had to be remedied at once; energetic representations were sent to the bankers and an order of the treasury was obtained deciding that "money for the captives and foreign affairs was to be furnished before any other payment of interest."[152] in spite of these tremendous handicaps, due to the apathy of congress, to the "stagnation" of american affairs, jefferson succeeded, through sheer persistency and hard work, in gaining at least a few points. the history of his negotiations concerning the debt and the commerce of the united states may not be so dramatic and picturesque as some other episodes of his long career; but it cannot be neglected without doing injustice to his sense of duty, to his industry and above all to his political vision and understanding of international psychology. the application to the present situation is so obvious that it needs not to be elaborated upon. more fortunate than many recent negotiators, jefferson had been able to obtain a settlement of the debt question satisfactory to both parties, and succeeded in eliminating the political factor from the situation; the debt to france was no longer an obstacle to the maintenance of friendly relations between the two countries. he was not the man to boast of his achievements but the legitimate pride he felt at having done his work to the best of his ability appears in the letter he wrote to john jay shortly before his departure from france: i am well informed that our credit is now the first at that exchange (amsterdam), (england not borrowing at present). our five per cent. bonds have risen to ninety-seven and ninety-nine. they have been heretofore at ninety-three. there are, at this time, several companies and individuals here, in england and holland, negotiating to sell large parcels of our _liquidated debt_. a bargain was concluded by one of these the other day, for six hundred thousand dollars. in the present state of our credit, every dollar of this debt will probably be transferred to europe within a short time.[153] chapter iii union and isolation even an incomplete survey of jefferson's activities in paris would convince any one that at all times the preoccupation uppermost in his mind was to defend and further the interests of the united states. he shared practically without any reservation the commonly accepted theory of his time that self-interest is the most powerful motive of human actions, and that enlightened self-interest is the true foundation of morality. never a sentimentalist, he felt it his duty to put all the questions he had to discuss on a purely practical basis, neglecting every other consideration. he had been welcomed enthusiastically and would have been lionized if he had permitted it. but in the midst of the adulation showered upon him by madame d'houdetot, madame de tessé and the friends of liberty, he endeavored to keep a cool head; and at the end of his first year in france, he summed up as follows his views of the situation: the body of the people of this country love us cordially. but ministers and merchants love nobody. the merchants here, are endeavoring to exclude us from their islands, the ministers will be governed in it by their political motives, and will do it or not do it, as these shall appear to dictate, without love or hatred to anybody. it were to be wished that they were able to combine better, the various circumstances which prove, beyond a doubt, that all the advantages of their colonies result in the end, to the mother country.[154] representing a country hardly organized, without any diplomatic traditions, and inexperienced in dealing with foreign affairs, jefferson had no easy task. one of his first duties was to convince the diplomats he was dealing with that america was a country to be trusted, in which existed a certain permanency and some sort of responsible organization with which it was possible to deal. this preoccupation influenced to such an extent his views on the american constitution that they can be considered to a large extent a result of his experiences in europe. as chairman of the committee on the ratification of the peace treaties, as plenipotentiary entrusted with the negotiations of the treaties of commerce, jefferson had more than once felt how insufficient were the articles of confederation. he had repeatedly proclaimed that to all intents and purposes the united states were to be regarded as one nation; but as long as treaties with foreign powers had to be ratified not only by congress but by the different states, as long as delegates had to refer constantly to the particular states they represented, the federal organization remained a very clumsy, inefficient piece of machinery, and business could not be transacted. he never thought for an instant that it was possible or desirable for the former colonies to remain completely independent; they had at least to form a society of nations in order to insure their very existence and their development. his first months in europe could only confirm him in these views, and he wrote to madison at the end of 1786: "to make us one nation as to foreign concerns, and keep us distinct in domestic ones, gives the outlines of the proper division of powers between the general and particular governments. but to enable the federal head to exercise the powers given it to best advantage, it should be organized as the particular ones are, into legislative, executive and judiciary." at that date, however, he had not admitted the desirability of appointing a single executive and came back to all his proposals of vesting the executive powers in a committee of the states, leaving to congress the legislative authority. to adams, who saw in congress "not a legislative but a diplomatic assembly", he protested that it was an opinion not entirely correct and not likely to do good. as a matter of fact, in forming a confederation, the individual states yielded some parts of their sovereignty to congress, and these parts were both legislative and executive. the confederation was part of the law of the land, and "superior in authority to the ordinary laws, because it cannot be altered by the legislature of any one state." it is not without piquancy to remark here that the man who was to become the champion of state rights and decentralization was advocating a strong federal bond, while the future federalist was in favor of a very loose association of states, truly a sort of league of nations. in jefferson's view, on the contrary, the united states as such were endowed with a sort of super-power, while the independent states retained only those rights which they were able to exercise fully.[155] on the other hand, congress should have absolutely no authority over acts which do not concern the confederacy. in case of conflict an appeal could be made "from a state judicature to a federal court", in other words to a supreme court, and there again jefferson takes the position which his enemies were fifteen years later to defend against him, namely that there ought to be some power above congress to restrain it. it will be said that this court may encroach over the jurisdiction of the state courts. it may. but there will be a power, to wit, congress, to watch and restrain them. but place the same authority in congress itself, and there will be no power above them, to perform the same office. they will restrain within due bounds a jurisdiction exercised by others, much more rigourously than if exercised by themselves.[156] in a letter to edward carrington he summed up his views even more clearly. reforms are necessary, although with all its defects the present government of the united states is so far superior to any monarchy that its defects must be viewed with indulgence. if any change is to be made, the general principle ought to be to make the states one as to everything connected with foreign nations, and several as to everything purely domestic. then to separate the executive from the legislative in order to avoid the terrible delays which are bound to happen with a large assembly and to have the most important propositions hanging over, from week to week and month to month, till the occasions have passed them, and the things never done.[157] even if originally jefferson had been of another opinion, the situation in europe would have rapidly brought him to the same conclusion. for the credit of the united states could only be maintained on the condition that the newly formed confederation gave guarantees of permanency and stability. in his letters to foreign correspondents, such as dumas, financial agent of the united states in holland, he consequently affected more confidence in the wisdom of the convention than he perhaps felt at heart: no trouble of any sort is to be anticipated. happily for us that when we find our constitutions defective and insufficient, to secure the happiness of our people, we can assemble with all the coolness of philosophers, and set it to rights, while every other nation on earth must have recourse to arms to amend or restore their constitutions.[158] the main principle to observe is a separation of powers into "legislative, executive and judiciary" as complete as possible, and the rest will follow of itself. yet as the convention approached, he favored less than ever the possibility of trusting any individual with the executive power for an indefinite length of time. "there are things in it which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an assembly has proposed," he wrote to adams. his chief objection to the constitution was the appointment of a president who would be a sort of polish king. if they wanted a president they could have it, provided they should make him ineligible at the end of four years. he even came to wonder whether too much ado was not made by the convention, for all the good that was in the new constitution "could have been couched in three or four new articles added to the old articles of confederation." far from being a radical and one of these reformers who first think of destroying the old order of things in order to build anew, jefferson proposed to keep as much as possible "the good old and venerable fabric which should have been preserved, even as a religious relic."[159] at that time jefferson had not yet received the text of the constitution and had only vaguely heard of the discussion in the convention. when the newspapers brought him more details, he acquainted carmichael with his views on the situation. this time his objection to the proposed scheme was more specific. it bore not only on the presidency but on the absence of a bill of rights; the thirteen states could not be melted into one government without guarantees to the people, and particularly without the recognition of the freedom of the press. the subordination of the laws of the states to federal legislation was equally objectionable and he predicted that many states, among them virginia, would reject several articles, making it necessary to assemble another convention to reach a better agreement.[160] but it was reserved for madison finally to become his confident on this question, and jefferson's letter to him is both a capital document for the history of jeffersonian democracy and a discussion of the first rank on the science of government. the good things jefferson saw in the constitution were many: the division of powers; the election of a greater house by the people directly; the negative given to the executive by a third of either houses, and many others of less moment. but the absence of a bill of rights could not be condoned, for it was a sacred palladium of liberty, nor the abandonment of rotation in office, particularly in the case of the president. he did not despair of the commonwealth, but he foresaw the necessity of calling another convention to agree on an explicit bill of rights and to change the objectionable features of the convention. in a postscript, he made one of those curious proposals which would be disconcerting if it were not remembered that his faith in democracy and representative government was tempered with a great deal of common sense. the people are right most of the time, the people are right in most cases, but the people are not right in all cases: they are apt to be swayed by temporary interests and considerations and they are apt also to pass contradictory laws from day to day. in order to remedy this instability of legislation, jefferson did not hesitate to recommend that there should always be "a twelvemonth between the engrossing a bill and passing it", adding that if circumstances required a speedier passage, it should take "two thirds of both houses instead of a bare majority."[161] having thus defined his position with regard to the constitution, he thought it necessary to qualify it. despite its imperfections, it contained many excellent points; and if it were felt that insistence on a bill of rights, or on the principle of rotation for the presidency should cause dissensions between the states, jefferson declared himself ready "to swallow the two bitter pills" in order to avoid a schism in the union. for that would be "the incurable evil" because near friends, falling out, never re-united cordially; "whereas, all of us going together, we shall be sure to cure the evils of our new constitution before they do great harm."[162] the unlimited confidence he had in the ultimate wisdom of the people convinced him that if they went wrong for a time they would soon admit their mistakes, for there was in america a "good sense and a free spirit" which was the safest guarantee that things will right themselves in time. first ratify and amend afterwards, such was therefore the best procedure to follow, and he prayed heartily that a sufficient number of states would ratify, even virgina and obstinate little rhode island! for after all there was no immediate danger, and the character of washington was such that nobody could suspect him of coveting a life tenure for himself.[163] following anxiously and almost day by day the progress of the ratification, he declared himself perfectly satisfied with the successful result obtained in august, 1788, and was confident that the two main defects would be remedied, the first one, the lack of a bill of rights, very soon, the other as soon as general washington should retire from office. jefferson had come gradually to this stand, to a large extent under the influence of the _federalist_, which had "rectified him on several points" and which he considered the "best commentary on the principles of government ever written."[164] the most complete expression of jefferson's views at that time is found in a letter to francis hopkinson, written at the beginning of 1789. he had been informed that both his friends and his enemies were trying to put a definite label on him and protested on that occasion that he was not a federalist, because, he said, "i never submitted the whole system of my opinions to the creed of any party whatever, in religion, in politics, or in anything else, where i was capable of thinking for myself. if i could not go to heaven but with a party, i would not be there at all." but he added at once, "i am even farther from the anti-federalists." neither a federalist, nor an anti-federalist, nor "a trimmer between parties", he absolutely refused at that date to take sides, for he would have been sure to draw criticism from the other side and to see his name in the papers. this was to be avoided at any cost, for "the pain of a little censure, even when it is unfounded, is more acute than the pleasure of much praise." as a matter of fact, jefferson was already preparing to become the leader of a new party whose program would combine elements borrowed from the federalists as well as from their opponents, but which would rest essentially upon principles apparently overlooked by both sides. these principles had already been enunciated in the document written by jefferson concerning the articles of confederation; they are really the key to his political philosophy. in forming a society of states, as well as in forming a society of men, there are rights "which it is useless to surrender to the government, and which governments have yet always been found to invade." these rights which cannot be abridged or alienated are "the rights of thinking and publishing our thoughts by speaking or writing; the right of free commerce; the right of personal freedom." in a similar way, there are some instruments of government which are so trustworthy that they ought to be placed beyond the power of any legislature to alter; the most important of these is probably trial by jury. scarcely less essential to the permanency of a free government is the absence of a standing army, for such a body of men whether placed at the disposal of the executive or of the legislative power, may always become an instrument of oppression. hence the necessity of a separate instrument, a bill of rights, to secure and protect these fundamental principles of free government. on the whole, jefferson declared himself well pleased with the constitution "unquestionably the wisest ever yet presented to men"; its obvious defects would be remedied in the near future, and in the meantime it had effected its main object, the consolidation of the thirteen states into a union.[165] whether jefferson would have reached that lofty and disinterested attitude if he had remained in america is quite another question. he was placed in a situation entirely different from that of his countrymen who could not help being influenced by party politics and sectionalism. but it is a fact worth remembering that before the constitution was adopted, the only men who constantly had to think of the united states as one nation were the american ministers abroad. the very fact that jefferson was in paris not only put him above all parties, but brought home to him the fact that the united states could not hope to face successfully external dangers or even survive unless they gave up some of their liberty for more security, while reserving some of their unalienable rights. in his views on the constitution, jefferson remained perfectly consistent and followed very closely the principles he had formulated in 1776. on the other hand, he had found in europe an opportunity to test his principles by facts and direct observation. he was opposed to monarchy on general grounds, but he had seen in france monarchy and absolutism at their worst. a well-meaning king, not by any means a tyrant, unable to prevent the dissolution of the nation, a corrupt hereditary aristocracy, in the main narrow and selfish, a state religion, monopolies, a standing army, "_lettres de cachet_", no freedom of the press, everywhere ignorance and misery; such was the picture of france that presented itself to his eyes; and conditions were such that they could not be remedied effectively except through a bloody revolution, a last and desperate resort, to be dreaded as much as monarchical oppression. in many respects the same situation prevailed all over europe, demonstrating beyond the possibility of a doubt that absolutism does not pay, that it fails to procure the maximum of happiness to the largest number of inhabitants, that it is wasteful, inefficient and leads nations to follies, ruin, and war. america was free from all these evils, but every precaution had to be used lest they should take root there. this task naturally required constant vigilance, for everywhere men in power have a tendency to continue in power, and to extend the limits of their attributions; some safeguards against these encroachments could be provided, the greatest safeguard being the pressure of public opinion. public opinion could be misled temporarily; but after a time, in a country where the citizens were reasonably educated, and knowledge more diffused than in any other country, the chances were that in most cases the citizens would see where their true interest lay and correct such evils. this could be achieved only if the citizens were in a position to collect information on the true state of affairs, to discuss freely with their neighbors, and communicate their opinion so as to make that pressure felt. a free press, therefore, was one of the most essential features of a republican government, for one might conceive a modern nation existing without a legislature, but it was impossible even to think of a free government existing without the control of the men who had subscribed to the social compact. public opinion and a free press were not a fourth estate, they were the true source of all three powers, and superior to all. thus, after more than fifteen years of personal reflection aided by direct observation, jefferson came to formulate very clearly in his own mind a certain number of principles founded on reason and verified by facts. whether he was at that time under the influence of any particular philosopher cannot be proved satisfactorily. it may even be said that it is very improbable, for he was not a man "to submit the whole system of his opinions to the creed of any party of men whatever." elements of different origins can be recognized in his political philosophy: the theory of natural rights was perhaps lockian in its principle, but it had been developed by many philosophers, incorporated in the virginia bill of rights and thus naturalized as american even before the declaration of independence. the theory of the social compact, too, may have come from locke; certainly it did not come from rousseau; but jefferson introduced into it a fundamental modification when he distinguished between real natural rights and the civil rights guaranteed by society but limited in order to provide for more safety. at any rate, jefferson's conception of the social compact was far more rigorous, precise, and specific than any that had been proposed before. a man who had been trained as a lawyer knew exactly what a contract was, and how necessary it is, in such an instrument, to write clauses safeguarding both parties. the bill of rights was to serve that very purpose: it was nothing but a document enumerating, defining, and recognizing once for all a certain number of rights that every individual specifically reserved in joining a new society. the constitution on the contrary was purely an instrument of government, susceptible of all sorts of amendments from time to time, and certainly from generation to generation. public opinion was set up as a court of last resort in all cases; for public opinion, not necessarily right in all cases, is always right ultimately in a nation where people have received a minimum of education and are kept informed by a free press. such were the essential lines of jefferson's political philosophy on the eve of his departure from france. it does not appear that there was in it anything particularly english or particularly french, although the remote source of some ideas may be traced to english and french political thinkers. his principles, as a matter of fact, belonged to the common fund of political thought drawn upon by all the liberal thinkers of the eighteenth century, and jefferson, calling no man his master, simply reflected the general trend of his time. but whatever may have been the primary origin of some of his ideas, he was fully convinced that they corresponded to conditions existing in america and nowhere else on earth, that in america alone were they susceptible of immediate application and extensive development. these views on the uniqueness of america's position among the nations of the world contributed to the crystallization of certain principles which jefferson enunciated when he was sent to paris and endeavored to apply when secretary of state and president. they were to exert a tremendous influence upon the destiny of the nation and to a certain extent are still to-day the directing principles of america's foreign policy. if jefferson had ever believed that it was possible for the united states to coöperate effectively and satisfactorily with europe in any common undertaking, after his failure to organize a confederacy of the european states against the barbary pirates, he soon came to the conclusion that such a hope was chimerical. the question of the navigation of the mediterranean was not the least complicated of the puzzles that confronted the american minister in paris. after long hesitations the european powers had finally adopted a _modus vivendi_ with the barbary pirates--a solution far from satisfactory, since it meant the paying of a regular tribute to the dey of algiers, the regency of tunis, and the sultan of morocco. was the young republic of the united states to follow in their steps and accept such a humiliating compromise? if they refused, their commerce with the near east was placed on a very precarious foundation. on the other hand, they could hardly maintain a sufficient fleet in the mediterranean to insure the safety of their merchantmen. to pay tribute, or to give efficient protection to the merchant marine entailing expenditure of sums easily as large as the tribute, or else to give up the mediterranean trade, were the only solutions to be considered.[166] [illustration: lafayette _after a lithograph from the portrait by grevedon_] the first solution was absolutely repugnant to jefferson. "when this idea comes across my mind, my faculties are absolutely suspended between indignation and impatience."[167] he therefore approached vergennes to sound him on his intention and to determine whether it would not be possible to establish a permanent blockade of algiers. although admiral d'estaing was in favor of the plan and thought it perfectly feasible, the prudent diplomat did not give jefferson much encouragement. but in spite of the instructions sent by his government and the pressure exerted by adams, who thought it cheaper to buy peace, jefferson's preference for war remained entire. with his characteristic obstinacy, he tried another approach and thought it possible to organize a confederation of all the nations interested in the mediterranean trade, in order to maintain an international blockade before the ports of the pirates and thus paralyze their operations. he explained his plan in detail to adams and even drew up the articles of confederation.[168] at this juncture he took lafayette into his confidence as he had already done so many times, and discussed the situation with him. the marquis saw at once another opportunity to be of service to america. he had hardly left jefferson's house before the idea came to his mind that he could offer his services as chief of the operations against the barbary pirates, and he wrote at once to jefferson to that effect.[169] that the project did not come to completion was due to many causes and to a large extent to adams' opposition, as may be inferred from a letter written by lafayette to his "dear general" during the fall of 1786,[170] but most of all to lack of coöperation between the european powers; and during the rest of his mission jefferson had to restrict himself to making arrangements in order to obtain the release of the american captives. on the other hand, if it was evident that europe was unwilling to coöperate with america in the mediterranean, it was not so certain that france, england, and spain had given up their ambitious designs on the new world, and jefferson considered it his duty to forestall any attempt of theirs to develop or reëstablish colonies on the american continent. as far as france was concerned, she had given up all claims to her former colonies by the treaty of alliance signed on february 6, 1778, but there always remained the possibility that she might attempt to settle on the western coast of the american continent and thus take possession of the back door of the country. the preparations made for "la peyrouse's voyage to the south seas" aroused strong suspicions in jefferson's mind. he could not be persuaded that the french were in a position to spend so much money "merely for the improvement of the geography of that part of the globe." they certainly had some ulterior aims, at least that of establishing fur-trading stations on the western coast, as a first step towards regular colonization; and "if they should desire a colony on the western side of america, i should not be quite satisfied that they would refuse one which should offer itself on the eastern side," wrote jefferson to jay. so, to ascertain the true nature of the expedition, he commissioned paul jones to go to brest "to satisfy himself of the nature of the expedition; conducting himself so as to excite no suspicion."[171] this was not a very important incident in itself, but it is not impossible that it attracted jefferson's attention to the western coast fifteen years before he sent out the lewis and clarke expedition; and his unwillingness to permit france to obtain a footing even in a very remote part of the continent is quite significant. his fears of the colonizing designs of france were soon allayed, but there remained england to consider, and england still constituted the greatest potential danger for the united states. while in america, jefferson never manifested any strong animosity against the british as a people, and even expressed the hope that a reconciliation would follow the victory of american arms. soon after coming to europe, however, he had to admit that the commercial policy of great britain was so obnoxious that the american hatred "against great britain having lately received from that nation new cause and new aliment, had taken a new spring."[172] thus, added jefferson, "in spite of treaties, england is still our enemy. her hatred is deep rooted and cordial, and nothing is wanting with her but the power to wipe us, and the land which we live on out of existence." the only hope of avoiding a new war was to make great britain realize that her true interest lay in some compromise, and that america had more energy than she suspected. but all told it was "a conflict of dirty passions."[173] unfortunately the british were absolutely unrelenting in their hostility: ... they keep a standing army of newswriters formally engaged in war against america. they dwell very much on american bankruptcies--and thus worked to such good effect that by destroying america's credit they checked her disposition to luxury; and forcing our merchants to buy no more than they have ready money to pay for, they force them to go to those markets where that money will buy most.[174] jefferson's tour in england only confirmed him in his views, for that nation hate us, their ministers hate us, and their king more than all other men. they have the impudence to avow this, though they acknowledge our trade important to them.... they say they will pocket our carrying trade as well as their own. our overtures of commercial arrangements have been treated with a derision, which shows their firm persuasion, that we shall never unite to suppress their commerce, or even to impede it. i think their hostility towards us is much more deeply rooted at present than during the war.[175] to dumas, the financial agent at the hague, he reiterated his views that "the english are still our enemies." he even predicted war, a war which would renew the scenes of rome and carthage: "peace and friendship with all mankind is our wisest policy; and i wish we may be permitted to pursue it. but the temper and folly of our enemies may not leave this in our choice."[176] finally the spanish colonies in america constituted another source of danger. jefferson was confident that spain would never be in a position to conduct a war of aggression against the united states; but being a weak country and embroiled in european affairs, her colonies might be used at any time as mere pawns in the unscrupulous game of european politics. in these circumstances the attitude the united states should observe in their relations with the spanish colonies was to be seriously considered. a curious illustration of the fears and schemes which passed at that time through jefferson's mind is found in an episode of his southern journey during the preceding year. the gist of his conversation with a brazilian he met at montpellier was that an important group of colonists were ready to follow the example of the united states and proclaim their independence of the mother country. but as portugal was certain to join forces with spain in repressing such a revolution, the brazilian patriots had decided not to undertake anything before securing the assistance of some other country. the thinking part of the population had naturally thought of the united states. "they would want cannons, ammunition, ships, sailors, soldiers and officers, for which they are disposed to look to the united states, it being always understood that every service and furniture will be well paid." the answer of jefferson to that alluring proposition, contains more than one interesting point: i took care to impress on him, through the whole of our conversation, that i had neither instructions nor authority to say a word to anybody on this subject, and that i could only give him my own ideas, as a single individual; which were, that we were not in a condition at present to meddle nationally in any war; that we wished particularly to cultivate the friendship of portugal, with whom we have an advantageous commerce. that yet a successful revolution in brazil could not be uninteresting to us. that prospects of lucre might possibly draw numbers of individuals to their aid, and purer motives our officers, among whom are many excellent. that our citizens being free to leave their own country individually, without the consent of their governments, are equally free to go to any other.[177] amusingly enough, jefferson evidently believed that he had displayed a remarkable caution during the whole conversation. it is doubtful that such would have been the opinion of the portuguese government had his letter to jay been intercepted, and one may wonder what he would have said if he had really intended to encourage a revolution in the portuguese colonies. with a mexican who made a similar inquiry he was somewhat more reserved. he had observed that the gentleman was "intimate at the spanish ambassador's" and suspected that he might be a spy. he was therefore "still more cautious with him than with the brazilian"; mentioning simply that "a successful revolution was still at a distance with them": that he feared "they must begin by enlightening and emancipating the minds of their people." he finally recalled that the british papers had mentioned during the late war an insurrection in peru "which had cost two hundred thousand lives, on both sides!"--a figure not to be taken too literally. during the course of a year, however, jefferson's views underwent a remarkable change. in may, 1788, he mentioned to carmichael his suspicions that a spanish squadron had been sent to south america in order to quell an incipient revolt started at the instigation of the british. this placed the situation in an entirely different light. the united states would have very little to gain if a weak neighbor were displaced by a powerful and treacherous nation. he consequently requested his colleagues to reassure the spanish court that the united states would not favor in any way a revolt of the spanish colonies in the new world, for "those who look into futurity farther than the present moment or age, and who combine well what is, with what is to be, must see that our interests, well understood, and our wishes are, that spain shall (not forever, but) very long retain her possessions in that quarter; and that her views and ours must, in a good degree, and for a long time concur."[178] this is the more important as it already defines the position taken by jefferson twelve years later during the negotiations concerning the louisiana purchase. it is also a reiteration of that desire of isolation which constituted the cardinal principle of american foreign policies and which had been enunciated in the treaty of alliance concluded with france in 1778. jefferson had not originated the principle, since this article of the treaty of alliance was due to adams, but his direct and prolonged contact with european affairs had strengthened in him the instinctive conviction that it was the only wise course for america to follow. if he had felt free to indulge in his own theory, he would have gone even further than any of his contemporaries for, as he wrote in 1785, "i should wish the united states to practice neither commerce, nor navigation, but to stand, with respect to europe, precisely on the footing of china." unfortunately, this was only a theory and the servants of the country were not at liberty to follow it, since "americans have a decided taste for navigation and commerce." being on a mission to protect and further the commerce of his fellow countrymen, jefferson consequently thought it his duty to forget for the time being his personal preferences. in a similar way, although he strongly believed in free trade and would have seen no objection to "throwing open all the doors of commerce, and knocking its shackles", he realized that such an ideal condition could not be reached unless the european powers granted similar treatment to american goods. he therefore came to the conclusion that, "as this cannot be done for others, unless they will do it for us, and there is no great probability that europe will do this, we shall be obliged to adopt a system which may shackle them in our ports, as they do in theirs."[179] we have here another striking instance of the close partitioning established by jefferson between theory and practice, between his wishes as a political philosopher, and his conception of his duties as a public servant. far from being a single-track mind, his was decidedly a double-track intellect, with two lines of thought running parallel without any apparent contradiction, for theory never seemed to have interfered with his practice. when a month later he wrote to w. w. seward about the future of commercial relations between ireland and america, he excellently defined his position by saying that "the system into which the united states wishes to go, was that of freeing commerce from every shackle. a contrary conduct in great britain will occasion them to adopt a contrary system, at least as to that island."[180] there is probably nothing in this to astonish the man in the street, either in washington or in london, for it seems to be a curious quality of the anglo-saxon mind to be able to pursue a very practical and hard-headed policy, while keeping its belief in disinterested and idealistic principles. yet it may not be out of place to mention that this is the very reason why both england and america have so often been accused of hypocrisy by european public opinion. without attempting to justify all the foreign policies of the united states on that score, it may be said that in this particular case there was no hypocrisy. jefferson made no attempt whatever to conceal the difference that existed between his theory and his practice; he even called attention to it. he did not attempt to color unpleasant reality with idealistic camouflage, and gave the european nations a chance to choose between two entirely different courses. he would rather have chosen to follow the more liberal system, but he gave due notice that if it came to playing the game of real politics, america could be just as practical and firm in insisting upon her rights as any nation of the old world. the millennium had not yet arrived; and america, in spite of her peaceful attitude, might be caught at any time in european "commotions." while maintaining a policy of strict aloofness, it would have been foolish and ostrich-like for her to ignore that danger, and it became the strict duty of those in power to keep close watch on political developments in the old world. such is the conclusion reached by jefferson as a result of his observations, and in a letter to e. carrington he outlined a policy of watchful waiting to which woodrow wilson himself would have subscribed: i often doubt whether i should trouble congress or my friends with these details of european politics. i know they do not excite that interest in america, of which it is impossible for one to divest himself here. i know, too, that it is a maxim with us, and i think it is a wise one, not to entangle ourselves with the affairs of europe. still i think, we should know them. the turks have practiced the same maxim of not meddling in the complicated wrangles of this continent. but they have unwisely chosen to be ignorant of them also, and it is this total ignorance of europe, its combinations and its movements, which exposes them to that annihilation possibly about to take place. while there are powers in europe which fear our views, or have views on us, we should keep an eye on them, their connections and opposition, that in a moment of need, we may avail ourselves of their weakness with respect to others as well as ourselves, and calculate their designs and movements, on all the circumstances under which they exist. though i am persuaded, therefore, that these details are read by many with great indifference, yet i think it my duty to enter into them, and to run the risk of giving too much, rather than too little information.[181] watchful waiting, no political entanglements, unofficial observers--everything is here and this page could have been written ten years ago or yesterday. it is sometimes said that america, being a young and inexperienced nation, has had no time to develop traditions, but it may be wondered whether any other nation could be found which, after defining so clearly the essentials of a policy, has adhered to them so persistently for a century and a half. there is no doubt, at any rate, that once again jefferson, although he did not originate the theory, formulated it with his usual felicity of expression, and thus contributed toward giving america what descartes would have called her "maxims of action." chapter iv jefferson and the french revolution jefferson has often been represented, both by his enemies and friends, as the american exponent of the theories of the french revolution. the possible influence exerted upon the development of his political philosophy by french thought has been the subject of lengthy discussions and probably will never be determined with any degree of exactness. it is very difficult to see how a man of his character could have remained in paris for more than five years without participating in some manner in the great battle of theories which preceded the french revolution. he associated with lafayette and his group of "republicans", exchanged some correspondence with condorcet, frequently saw abbé morellet, was introduced by benjamin franklin to madame helvétius and her coterie; he worked with du pont de nemours on commercial questions, subscribed to papers and gazettes and to the "encyclopédie méthodique", a continuation and systematization of diderot's "encyclopédie." but when all is said, the most careful scrutiny of the letters he wrote during that period fails to reveal any enthusiasm or even any endorsement of the many and somewhat contradictory political doctrines which were preached in france at the time. i do not even see that his prolonged sojourn in france modified to any extent the conclusions he had already reached independently in the "notes on virginia." when he arrived in paris he was over forty and had been in public life for almost fifteen years; he had written not only the declaration of independence but many reports on vital questions; he had participated actively and for several years in the deliberations of the virginia assembly and of the congress of the united states and he had been chief executive of his native state. such a man was not a student coming to paris to sit at the feet of french masters; he was considered by the french themselves, not only as a master but as the apostle of the religion of liberty.[182] they looked up to him for advice and help, for he had over them the great superiority of having been more than a simple theorizer; he had contributed to a great movement of liberation; he was the promoter of the bill for religious freedom; he had proposed a complete plan of public education and he had proclaimed in a national document the inviolable rights of man. they had much to learn from jefferson and he was not reluctant to teach them, but he never felt that his french friends could repay him in kind. on the other hand, it cannot be denied that he was very happy to find enunciated in a very clear and logical way some of his favorite ideas; it is equally certain that france was to him a living demonstration and a sort of horrible example of all the evils caused by aristocratic, monarchical, and ecclesiastical oppressions. his sojourn in france had at least the effect of making him more intensely, more proudly american than he was before sailing, and more convinced than ever of the unsurpassed superiority of the civilization which had already developed on the northern continent of the new world. this sentiment appears even during the first year of his stay in paris in a letter to mrs. trist: it is difficult to conceive how so good a people, with so good a king, so well-disposed rulers in general, so genial a climate, so fertile a soil, should be rendered so ineffectual for producing human happiness by one single curse--that of a bad form of government. but it is a fact in spite of the mildness of their governors, the people are ground to powder by the vices of the form of government. of twenty millions of people supposed to be in france, i am of opinion there are nineteen millions more wretched, more accursed, in every circumstance of human existence, than the most conspicuously wretched individual of the whole united states.... nourish peace with their persons, but war against their manners. every step we take towards the adoption of their manners is a step to perfect misery.[183] this was no passing mood: a few weeks earlier he had written much more vehemently to his friend and "_élève_", james monroe, engaging him to come to france in order to see for himself the extraordinary superiority of america over europe and particularly france. it will make you adore your own country, it's soil, it's climate, it's equality, liberty, laws, people & manners. my god! how little do my country men know what precious blessings they are in possession of, and which no other people on earth enjoy. i confess i had no idea of it myself. while we shall see multiplied instances of europeans going to live in america, i will venture to say no man now living will ever see an instance of an american removing to settle in europe & continuing there.[184] but unhappy as they are, the french are lovable, for he loved them with all his heart and thought that, "with a better religion, a better form of government and their present governors, their condition and country would be most enviable." at any rate they were to be preferred to the "rich, proud, hectoring, swearing, squibbling, carnivorous animals who lived on the other side of the channel."[185] at the beginning of his stay, jefferson paid little attention to the internal affairs of the country; the only incident worth comment during his first year in paris was the imprisonment of the chief editor of the _journal de paris_ who was sent to the bastille, perhaps to end his days there: thus--wrote he--you see the value of energy in government for such a measure, which would have been wrapt in the flames of war and desolation in america, ends without creating the slightest disturbance. every attempt to criticize even mildly the government is followed immediately by stern measures, suppressing the london papers, suppressing the _leyden gazette_, imprisoning beaumarchais, and imprisoning the editor of the _journal_, the author of the _mercure_, etc.[186] it is not until february, 1786, that he gave hints, quite incidentally, that the situation might become critical and that serious disturbances might be feared for the future. but he did not see anywhere any immediate danger of a political commotion and during that year he continued to repeat in his letters that "europe was very quiet for the present." as a matter of fact, he had come to the conclusion that the case of the old world was hopeless; they were past redemption and, "if the almighty had begotten a thousand sons, instead of one, they would not have sufficed for this task. if all the sovereigns of europe undertook to emancipate the minds of their subjects, a thousand years would not place them on that high ground on which our common people are now setting out." france has become a horrible example to place constantly before the eyes of america, to remind her that the most important factor for the happiness of the people is the diffusion of common knowledge that will enable them to preserve themselves from kings, nobles, and priests, for it is impossible to imagine a people of more pleasant dispositions, more made for happiness, surrounded by so many blessings of nature, and yet "loaded with misery by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone."[187] never before had jefferson been so vehement in his denunciations of kingly and priestly usurpations, never had he been so positive of the necessity of preserving american civilization from any foreign influences. but again this is not with him an _a priori_ view, it is the result of his observations more than of his theories. he was confirmed in his hatred of the french régime by his conversations with latude, who "comes sometimes to take family soup with me, & entertains me with anecdotes of his five & thirty years imprisonment, all of which for having written four lines on madame de pompadour."[188] in a letter to washington already quoted, but capital for the history of his mind, he remarked that before coming to europe he had not even begun to suspect the evils of monarchical government; what he saw there brought home to him the conviction that "as long as a single fibre of it would remain in america, the scourge that is rendering existence a scourge to 24 out of 25 parts of the inhabitants of this country might break out."[189] as late as 1787 he was still persuaded that under pretence of governing, the ruling classes have divided the nations into two classes, wolves and sheep: "but what can the sheep do against the wolves except to submit, to suffer without any hope of ever changing the established order."[190] his first mention of the possibility of introducing some modification in the existing order does not occur before he heard of the convocation of the assembly of the notables "which had not been done for one hundred and sixty years"; but this interests him only mildly at the beginning, as nothing certain could be known about the program of the assembly.[191] a few days later he admitted to colonel edward carrington that "this event which will hardly excite any attention in america is deemed here the most important one which has taken place in their civil life during the present century." but his only real interest in it was that lafayette had finally been put on the list and was the youngest of the notables but one.[192] he felt that it was his duty to attend the first meeting of the notables, and still more to pay his call to the new minister montmorin--the only thing that detained him in paris, and when he wrote to john adams and jay to describe the inaugural session opened by the king, he restricted himself to a dry recital of facts. with a prince of the blood at the head of each committee, he did not expect great results from the convocation and was skeptical about the efficiency of the members.[193] just as he was leaving paris for his long extensive trip to the south of france, he thought, however, of sending a last word of advice to lafayette whose republican ideas he evidently feared. it was a counsel of prudence. whatever may have been his sympathies for the republicans, in his opinion france was not ready for a complete change in her system of government. least of all was she ready for a democratic experiment. consequently jefferson, the american patriot, the enemy of england, the alleged hater of aristocracies, advised his friend "to proceed step by step, towards a good constitution, keeping the good model of your neighboring country before your eyes. though that model is not perfect, yet, as it would unite more suffrages than any new one which could be proposed, it is better to make that the object. "you see how we republicans are apt to preach", he said in conclusion; but his letter was more than a sermon; it contained also the advice of a shrewd and very practical politician who recommended that every possible effort be made to give the king what he wanted in the way of personal expenses. "if every advance is to be purchased by filling the royal coffers with gold, it will be gold well employed. the king who means so well, should be encouraged to repeat those assemblies."[194] that was all he could say, and even so he had probably said too much, for it was a risky thing for a diplomat to write about or to discuss at all. jefferson was certainly guilty of trespassing on a province that constituted an essential part of the internal politics of the kingdom. and yet the charge of plotting against the existing government cannot be laid at his door. as long as he remained in france, and i believe, even after he came back to america, he carefully refrained from giving any encouragement to those of his french friends who held radical views. he was caught in the torrent and, as we shall see later, did not always observe the reticence of an old-fashioned diplomat; but whatever influence he exerted was exerted in order to maintain rather than to overthrow the existing order of things. during his trip he observed the condition of the peasants and, much to his surprise, found among them a smaller degree of poverty than he had expected; but if he made observations and entered many minute facts in his diary, he did not come to any conclusion nor did he seem to have been interested by the state of mind of the people. he had judged them once for all, he knew that they were priest-ridden and lord-ridden and did not see how any real reform might originate from them. once, however, but only once, did he indicate that he had paid serious attention to the work before the assembly. writing to lafayette's aunt, madame de tessé, in the evident expectation that she would communicate his ideas to the proper persons, he drew up an almost complete plan of administrative reforms: to have frequent meetings of the assembly of notables; the assembly to be divided into two houses--the noblesse and the commons; the commons to be taken from those chosen by the people for provincial administrations; the number of deputies for the nobility to be reduced. these two houses so elected "would make the king great and the people happy." and the next sentence expresses very cleverly, too cleverly perhaps, that this innocuous reform would in fact be a sort of revolution, the name of which would be avoided. "they would thus put themselves in the track of the best guide they can follow (the king); they would soon overtake it, become its guide in turn, and lead to the wholesome modifications wanting in that model, and necessary to constitute a rational government." what he had in mind at the time was a sort of government following very closely the lines of the british, not as an ideal but as a temporary measure; for before the eyes of his friends he held another prospect. but for the present that was the maximum they could wisely expect; "should they attempt more than the established habits of the people are ripe for, they may lose all, and retard indefinitely the ultimate object of their aim."[195] commerce more than politics absorbed all his attention when he came back from his trip. he found time, however, to send to madison his first estimate of the king and queen, a most unflattering portrait of poor louis xvi. the king loves business, economy, order, and justice, and wishes sincerely the good of his people; but he is irascible and rude, very limited in his understanding, and religious, bordering on bigotry. he has no mistress, loves his queen, and is too much governed by her. she is capricious like her brother, and governed by him: devoted to pleasure and expense; and not remarkable for any other vices or virtues. unhappily the king shows a propensity for the pleasures of the table. that for drink has increased lately, or, at least, it has become more known.[196] it was not until august that he summed up in a letter to monroe the great improvements in the constitution of the french effected by the assemblées des notables. he was surprised at the great explosion of joy, which he thought unwarranted; for after all, even the unexampled boldness of the enemies of the régime was nothing but the "follies of nations in their dotage."[197] yet writing to john jay the next day he took a more serious view of things and declared "it is evident, i think, that a spirit of this country is advancing towards a revolution in their constitution. there are not wanting persons at the helm, friends to the progress of this spirit. the provincial assemblies will be the most probable instrument of effecting it."[198] but it is primarily from the american point of view that he continues to be interested, and he becomes more and more convinced that, "with all its defects, and with all those of our particular governments, the inconveniences resulting from them, are so light in comparison with those existing in every other government on earth that our citizens may certainly be considered as in the happiest political situation which exists."[199] with more intimate friends he was far more violent and outspoken, as in the letter he wrote the same day to colonel humphreys. it is seldom he indulges in these outbursts of passionate invective, so seldom that it may be wondered whether his expression is not stronger than his thought: from these events, our young republic may learn useful lessons, never to call on foreign powers to settle their differences, to guard against hereditary magistrates, to prevent their citizens from becoming so established in wealth and power, as to be thought worthy of alliance ... in short to besiege the throne of heaven with eternal prayers, to extirpate from creation this class of human lions, tigers, and mammoths called kings; from whom, let him perish who does not say, "good lord deliver us!"[200] he had caught something of the general fever, and he drew a vivid picture of paris with crowds surrounding the "parliament house", stopping carriages in the queen's livery, indulging in _bons mots_, caricatures, "collecting in mobs, and yet the king, long in the habit of drowning his cares in wine, plunges deeper and deeper. the queen cries, but sins on", and the only practical result one can see is that "all tongues in paris and in france have been let loose."[201] the same note is given six weeks later in a letter to john jay. "the king goes for nothing. he hunts one half of the day, is drunk the other, and signs whatever he is bid."[202] even the reforms, the most important from the point of view of the french, seem to him insignificant, and when the edict on the protestants appears, it is cruelly analyzed by the american minister: it is an acknowledgement that protestants can beget children, and that they can die, and be offensive unless buried. it does not give them permission to think, to speak, or to worship.... what are we to think of the condition of the human mind in a country, where such a wretched thing as this throws the state into convulsions, and how must we bless our own situation in a country, the most illiterate peasant of which is a solon, compared with the authors of this law.[203] when he wrote his "autobiography", jefferson used very extensively not only the notes he had taken when in paris but the press copies of his correspondence, and on the whole gave an accurate picture of the events that immediately preceded the french revolution--those he had witnessed before his departure from paris, in october, 1789. but, true as the picture may be, it is not progressive, and here we aim not to trace again the main episodes of the french revolution, but the development of jefferson's mind, his reaction towards the events. most of all we must seek to find out from contemporary evidence whether the old accusation launched by gouverneur morris, seized upon eagerly by jefferson's enemies, and since repeated again and again, is in any way justified. we have already seen that, with a corrupted court, a weak king, a selfish and ignorant queen, the only remedy he recommended at first was for the french not to reconquer their liberties by force and by a revolution, but gradually to buy them from the king. yet he foresaw that the nobility would make a sort of alliance with the people, that is to say the _tiers état_, in order to get money from them, and he held the rather cynical view that "courtiers had rather give up power than pleasures; they will barter, therefore, the usurped prerogatives of the king, for the money of the people. this is the agent by which modern nations will recover their rights."[204] this is written, not to jay in a confidential letter, but to a french liberal of his acquaintance, and that practical piece of advice cannot be called philosophical. altogether the results reached by the assemblée des notables were small and the king terribly slow to see the light. so for a long time jefferson refused not only to encourage but even to admit that he was witnessing the beginnings of a true revolution. writing to rutledge in july, 1788, he declared "that the struggle in this country is, as yet, of doubtful issue. it is, in fact, between the monarchy and the parliaments. the nation is no otherwise concerned, but as both parties may be induced to let go some of its abuses, to court the public favor. the danger, is that the people deceived by a false cry of liberty, may be led to take sides with one party, and thus give the other a pretext for crushing them still more."[205] writing to cutting a few days later he was more optimistic. most of the late innovations had been much for the better; a convocation of the states-general could not be avoided; "it will produce a national assembly meeting at certain epochs, possessing at first a negative on the laws, but which will grow into the right of original legislation. much could be hoped from the states-general and it was also to be hoped that all this will be effected without convulsion."[206] such was his confident expectation. he foresaw "that within two or three years this country will be in the enjoyment of a tolerably free constitution, and that without its having cost them a drop of blood."[207] to carmichael he described his own attitude as that of a bystander, not otherwise interested, but entertaining a sincere love for the nation in general and a wish to see their happiness promoted, "keeping myself clear of the particular views and passions of individuals."[208] had he felt differently he would not have taken into his confidence a man for whom he felt no particular friendship; but, at that date at least, he could make that statement without departing from the exact truth. as far as contemporary evidence is concerned, it does not seem that he ever urged his friends forward, but on the contrary he always advised them to play a waiting game, and to keep from having recourse to violence. about the middle of that year, 1788, he toned down his severe estimate of the king, to whom he attributed "no foible which will enlist him against the good of his people."[209] calonne had been removed and necker called in as director general of finance; things were looking decidedly better, a convocation of the states-general had been decided upon; the issue depended largely on three possible solutions: whether the three orders would meet separately; whether the clergy and the nobility would form a house and the commons a second one; or finally whether the three orders would meet in one house which would give the majority to the commons. the choice was really thought incumbent upon the king, who thus had the power to place the people on his side if he was wise enough to prefer to have on his side twenty-three millions and a half instead of the other half million.[210] at the end of 1788, with the convocation of the states-general announced for the beginning of the following year, he was still very optimistic, but he had not departed from his cautious and reserved recommendations. the states could not succeed if they asked too much, for the commons would frighten and shock the court and even alarm the public mind. if any durable progress was to be accomplished, it would have to be by degrees and successive improvements. such probably would be the course followed, unless an influence unaccountable, impossible to measure, and yet powerful entirely changed the situation: "the fact that women visit alone persons in office, solicit in defiance of laws and regulations, is an extraordinary obstacle to the betterment of things, unbelieveable as it may be to the inhabitant of a country where the sex does not endeavour to extend itself beyond the domestic line."[211] he did not even believe that any real reform could be accomplished beyond fixing periodical meetings of the states-general and giving them the right to participate in the legislation and to decide on taxes. they did not seem to be unanimously in favor of the _habeas corpus_; as for the freedom of the press,--"i hardly think the nation itself ripe to accept it."[212] this was his prophecy at the beginning of 1789, and during the first month of the year he had no occasion to express new views, since everybody was in the provinces "electioneering, choosing or being chosen." with his experience of assemblies, however, he could not help wondering how any result could be accomplished with a body which was to include some twelve hundred persons and moreover to consist of frenchmen, among whom are always more speakers than listeners.[213] in a letter to thomas paine we find the first intimation that jefferson began to be influenced by the political thinkers of france or rather to discover in them a certain quality of thought and presentation that make their work of some use for the american people. they were at any rate much preferable to the englishman, who "slumbering under a kind of half reformation in politics and religion, is not excited by anything he sees or feels, to question the remains of prejudice. the writers of this country, now taking the field freely and unrestrained, or rather involved by prejudice, will rouse us all from the errors in which we have been hitherto rocked."[214] taken in itself and without the context this sentence would tend to indicate in jefferson an almost unreserved approval of the doctrines of the radical reformers and of the very spirit of the french revolution, but as is so often the case with him, the real meaning is hidden in the last part. it was not so much in their theoretical views he was interested as in the fact that "their logical presentation, might be used in america to overcome the last resistance to the establishment of a true republican régime free from any vestige of monarchical order." but that he hoped that such radical reforms could succeed in france is not indicated. his complete thought is far better expressed in the letter written the next day to humphreys: the writings published on this occasion are, some of them, very valuable; because, unfettered by the prejudices under which englishmen labor, they give a full scope to reason, and strike out truths, as yet unperceived and unacknowledged on the other side of the channel.... in fine, i believe this nation will, in the course of the present year, have as full a portion of liberality dealt out to them, as the nation can bear at present, considering how uninformed the mass of their people is.[215] on the other hand, to believe that they would be able to establish a truly representative and free government was certainly inconceivable to him at this date. to the last moment he hoped that some sort of an agreement would be possible between the nobility and the commons, for he had decided very early that no confidence should be placed in the clergy. he was looking forward to a close coöperation between the younger part of the nobility and the commons, who, working together with the king, would seek the support of the people and accomplish important reforms. no fundamental change however could be expected, since the french refused to show any interest in the most vital question of trial by jury. but as soon as the states-general were opened he realized that he had been too optimistic. since the "_noblesse_" would not yield and wanted their delegates to do their dirty work for them, the only manly stand to take for a man like lafayette, who although of liberal opinion had solicited and obtained a mandate from the nobility, was to go over wholly to the _tiers état_. the opening of the states-general was as imposing as an opera but it was poor business,[216] and even at that time jefferson placed his confidence in the king who grew astonishingly in his estimation during this year: "happy that he is an honest, unambitious man who desires neither money nor power for himself; and that his most operative minister (necker), though he has appeared to trim a little, is still, in the main, a friend to public liberty."[217] as the deadlock continued, the three orders sitting separately without being able to settle the "great parliamentary question whether they would vote by orders or by persons", jefferson favored more and more the only solution which, in his opinion, could prevent complete failure,--a triumph of despotism or a sort of civil war: this third hypothesis which i shall develop, because i like it, and wish it, and hope it, is that as soon as it shall be manifest that the committees of conciliation, now appointed by the three chambers, shall be able to agree in nothing, the tiers will invite the other two orders to come and take their seats in the common chamber. a majority of the clergy will come, and the minority of the noblesse. the chamber thus composed, will declare that the states general are now constituted, will notify it to the king, and propose to do business.[218] at this juncture, jefferson, in his anxiety to effect a satisfactory compromise, broke all diplomatic precedence; he could not and did not wish to write a french declaration of independence; but he could at least propose some form of government which would recognize the fundamental rights of the french citizen while preserving the appearance of the old monarchy. he therefore drew up a "charter of rights for the king and nation" and sent it, not only to lafayette, but also to rabaud de saint etienne, a prominent defender of the newly reinstated protestants. in view of the developments that took place later, jefferson's proposal does not seem revolutionary. at that time, however (june 3, 1789), it went much farther than the court was willing to go. no appeal to abstract principle and no mention of rights was made. the main provisions consisted of an annual meeting of the states-general, which alone had the right to levy taxes and to appropriate money; the abolishment of all privileges, a sort of _habeas corpus_, the subordination of the military to the civil authority and liberty of the press. in order to induce the king to accept these new charters, all debts already contracted by him became the debts of the nation, and he was to receive a sum of eighty million livres to be raised by a loan. thus jefferson was attempting to put into effect the advice he had several times given his french friends: to buy their liberty from the king rather than bring about a revolution. i leave it to others to judge of the morality of the expedient. certainly it was not in accord with the old battle cry of patrick henry. but once more jefferson was consistent in so much as he had always maintained that what was good for america was not necessarily good for france. moreover, he knew there was no need to stir up the spirit of the assembly by inflammatory declarations. more than any incitement to take radical steps they needed a dose of cool common sense. unfortunately the man at the helm (necker) "had neither skill nor courage; ambition was his first passion, virtue his second, his judgement was not of the first order not even of the second", and the ship continued to drift in the storm. on june 18, 1789, jefferson wrote a long letter to madison, to indicate the situation of the different parties after the commons had proclaimed themselves the national assembly on the fifteenth. his characterization even to-day seems remarkably clear and disinterested. he sided decidedly with the commons who had in their chamber almost all the talents of the nation; they are firm, bold, yet moderate. there is, indeed, among them, a number of very hot-headed members; but those of most influence are cool, temperate and sagacious.... the noblesse on the contrary, are absolutely out of their senses. they are so furious, they can seldom debate at all.... the clergy are waiting to profit by every incident, to secure themselves, and have no other object in view. jefferson, however, paid tribute to the _curés_ who, throughout the kingdom, formed the mass of the clergy: "they are the only part favorably known to the people, because solely charged with the duties of baptism, burials, confession, visitation of the sick, instruction of the children, and aiding the poor, they are themselves of the people, and united with them."[219] the letter to jay of june 24 is a day-by-day recital of the succession of events, the suspension of the meetings of the national assembly, the _serment_ of jeu de paume on the twentieth, the _séance royale_ of june 23 and the refusal of the _tiers état_ to deliberate separately. jefferson could not help admiring the tenacity of the assemblée nationale, but at the same time estimated that they were going too far and had formed projects that were decidedly too ambitious. "instead of being dismayed with what has passed, they seem to rise in their demands, and some of them to consider the erasing of every vestige of a difference of order as indispensable to the establishment and preservation of a good constitution. i apprehend there is more courage than calculation in this project."[220] a letter of lafayette to jefferson dated versailles, july 4, contains an interesting postscriptum: "will you send me the bill of rights with your notes." a subsequent letter is even more pressing: "to-morrow i propose my bill of rights about the middle of the sitting; be pleased to consider it again and make your observations." as lafayette introduced his "déclaration européenne des droits de l'homme et du citoyen" on july 11, 1789, the latter may be dated july 10. i had the good fortune to find in the jefferson papers not one text but two of the declaration. one of the versions probably antedated by several months the meeting of the national assembly. jefferson had it in his hands as early as the beginning of 1799 and he even sent a copy of it to madison on january 12.[221] the second text, far more important, was annotated by jefferson in pencil. although the handwriting is faint, it is perfectly legible. the emendations and corrections he suggested are quite characteristic, and are studied more in detail in the text i have published elsewhere.[222] some of the modifications suggested by jefferson do not require any comment; they are mere verbal changes such as the substitution of "_tels sont_" for "_tels que_". but as lafayette had enumerated among the essential rights of man "_le soin de son honneur_" and "_la propriété_", jefferson put both terms in brackets, thus indicating that they should be taken out. the elimination of the first term is probably due to the fact that montesquieu had indicated that "_honneur_" is the main principle on which rests monarchical government and is easily understandable. the elimination of the "_droit de propriété_" can only be explained if we refer to the document in which jefferson had "explained to himself" his theory of natural rights, and established a distinction between the natural rights and the civil rights. lafayette accepted the first correction but not the second; he was too much under the influence of his physiocratic friends even to understand the much more advanced theory of jefferson. the project he submitted to the assembly, as well as the three "déclarations des droits de l'homme", consequently followed on this point the virginia bill of rights rather than the declaration of independence. in a similar way, lafayette had listed the powers constituting the government in the following order: "_exécutif, législatif et judiciaire_", and refused to follow the order suggested by jefferson's "_législatif, exécutif, judiciaire_". this was more than a mere question of arrangement; there was evidently in the minds of both jefferson and his french friend a question of hierarchy and almost subordination; if it is a mere nuance, the nuance was very significant. the last paragraph deserves even more careful consideration. in the january version it read: "_et comme le progrès des lumières, et l'introduction des abus nécessitent de temps en temps une revision de la constitution_...." the second edition annotated by jefferson expressed the same idea in much more definite terms: "_et comme le progrès des lumières, l'introduction des abus et le droit des générations qui se succèdent nécessitent la révision de tout établissement humain, il doit être indiqué des moyens constitutionnels qui assurent dans certain cas une convocation extraordinaire de représentants dont le seul objet soit d'examiner et modifier, s'il le faut, la forme du gouvernement_." this mention of the "_droit des générations qui se succèdent_" seems a typically jeffersonian idea. the same theory will be found fully developed in a letter to samuel kercheval written in 1816 and dealing with the revision of the constitution of virginia. it was expressed originally in a letter to james madison, written from paris on september 9, 1789. curiously enough, jefferson declared then that this theory had never been proposed before: "the question whether one generation of men has a right to bind another, seems never to have been started on this or on our side of the water. yet it is a question of such consequence as not only to merit decision, but places also the fundamental principles of every government."[223] it is true that this special point was not retained in the "déclaration des droits de l'homme" as finally adopted by the assemblée nationale in its sessions of august, 1789, although it was proposed by montmorency and reappeared as the last article of the "déclaration" of the convention nationale of may 29, 1793. but one may wonder how jefferson could overlook the fact that the same principle was embodied in lafayette's "declaration." it is very unlikely that he would have claimed credit for the idea if it had been originated by his friend. a more acceptable explanation would be to admit that having suggested to lafayette a theory which was not retained by the committee, he felt perfectly free to state that "the question had never been started." the american plenipotentiary was not an eye-witness of the famous scenes of the fourteenth of july, or as he calls it "the tumult of paris", but he learned about it fully from m. de corny, and wrote to jay a long and interesting account (july 19) of the capture of la bastille, the return of the king to paris and the presentation of the national cockade.[224] in the meantime he was placed in a very embarrassing situation by his french admirers. the prestige of the author of the declaration of independence was such that the committee in charge of a plan of constitution thought they could do no better than to call into consultation the minister of the united states. champion de cicé, archbishop of bordeaux and chairman of the committee, sent him an urgent appeal to attend one of the first meetings, so that they might profit by the light of his reason and experience.[225] jefferson, after mentioning the invitation, relates the incident in his "autobiography" as follows: "i excused myself on the obvious considerations that my mission was to the king, as chief magistrate of the nation, that my duties were limited to the concerns of my own country, and forbade me to intermeddle with the internal transactions of that, in which i had been received under a specific charter." this may be the sense he wished to convey to champion de cicé but the actual letter is far less categorical. contrary to his custom he wrote it himself, although it is in french, alleging that the dispatches for america took all his time and adding that the committee would lay themselves open to criticism if they invited to their deliberations a foreigner accredited to the head of the nation, when the very question under discussion was a modification and abridgement of his powers. but he assured the archbishop of his most sincere and most passionate wishes for the complete success of the undertaking, which was certainly stretching diplomatic proprieties to the limit. the deliberations of the committee went on without jefferson's official assistance; but shortly after the project of the constitution was presented, the deputies came to a deadlock on the veto power to be given to the king. after some stormy meetings, lafayette conceived the idea that the house of the minister of the united states was the only place near versailles where some tranquillity could be obtained. he consequently invited eight of his friends to take dinner at the house of jefferson, and having no time to consult him on the matter, scribbled a note in great hurry to ask jefferson to make the necessary preparations for the unexpected guests: "those gentlemen wish to consult with you and me; they will dine to-morrow at your house, as mine is always full."[226] jefferson has given a somewhat embellished account of the memorable dinner in his "autobiography." the mention of it in a letter to john jay a few weeks later is less florid and probably more accurate.[227] the members of the committee discussed together their points of difference for six hours, and in the course of the discussion agreed on mutual sacrifices. writing from memory, at the age of seventy-seven, jefferson added: "i was a silent witness to a coolness and candor of argument, unusual in the conflicts of political opinion; to a logical reasoning, and chaste eloquence, disfigured by no gaudy tinsel of rhetoric or declamation, and truly worthy of being placed in parallel with the finest dialogues of antiquity, as handed to us by xenophon, by plato and cicero."[228] whether jefferson remained a silent witness during these six hours is not so improbable as it would seem. it may well be doubted whether his knowledge of french was sufficient to enable him to participate in an animated discussion with eight frenchmen. under the circumstances silence was as much a necessity as a virtue. but when the american minister woke up the next morning he realized that it was impossible to keep the thing secret and that the french government had every right to blame him for lending his house for a discussion of french internal politics. unpleasant as it was, the only thing to do was to make a clean breast of it. he went at once to montmorin to tell him "with truth and candor how it happened that my house had been made the scene of conferences of such a character."--"he told me," jefferson continued, "that he already knew everything which had passed," which is the stock answer of the professional diplomat, whether he wishes to appear well-informed or wants to draw some further information from his interlocutor. jefferson opened his heart, and if montmorin did not know everything before giving audience to the american minister, there was little he did not know after hearing his account of the dinner. with this curious incident, jefferson ends his account of the french revolution. during the year, he had complained on several occasions that his french friends seemed unable to realize the importance of insisting on trial by jury in criminal cases. he finally persuaded one of the "abbés" to study the question thoroughly and on that occasion indicated exactly how he stood in matters of government. all told, his views had not changed much, and at that time he would not have accepted without reservations and qualifications the famous principle of "government by the people." there was still in his mind, if not in all his formulas, a tacit admission that all the people could not unreservedly participate in all branches of government. nothing could be clearer than the distinctions he established and nothing could be less demagogical. "we think, in america, that it is necessary to introduce the people into every department of government, as far as they are capable of exercising it; and that this is the only way to insure a long-continued and honest administration of its power." then he proceeded to define, point by point, the extent to which the people could safely be allowed to participate in the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches of the government. 1. they are not qualified to exercise themselves the executive department, but they are qualified to name the person who shall exercise it. with us, therefore, they choose this officer every four years. 2. they are not qualified to legislate. with us therefore, they only choose the legislators. 3. they are not qualified to _judge_ questions of _law_, but they are very capable of judging questions of _fact_. in the form of juries, therefore, they determine all matters of fact, leaving to the permanent judges to decide the law resulting from those facts.[229] thus spoke the champion of democracy at the beginning of the french revolution, after spending five years in paris and supposedly permeating his mind with the wild theories of the french philosophers. and what he said of the people on this occasion did not apply to the french people alone, for he made it clear that it was the political theory applied "in america." it was essentially the theory of government by experts which he already had in mind when he proposed the reorganization of the college of william and mary. in 1778, as well as in 1789, jefferson did not hesitate to proclaim that if the source of all power was in the people, the people could not exercise their power in all circumstances, that they had to delegate their authority to men really qualified, retaining only the right to select them. this may not be the common acceptation of the term "jeffersonian democracy", but i have a strong suspicion that on the whole jefferson never changed much in this respect. he certainly never stood for mob rule, nor for direct government by the masses, and he knew too much about the delicate and complicated wheels of government to believe that the running of such a tremendous machine could be intrusted to untrained hands. as for the french, he trusted them even less, and never believed, as long as he remained in france, that they were prepared for self-government. he refused to consider that a real revolution had started before his eyes or was even in sight. "upon the whole," he wrote to madison shortly before his departure from paris, "i do not see yet probable that any actual commotion will take place; and if it does take place, i have strong confidence that the patriotic party will hold together, and their party in the nation be what i have ascribed it." up to the last moment he held the belief that the king, "the substantial people of the whole country, the army, and the influential part of the clergy, formed a firm phalanx which must prevail."[230] the analysis of the situation sent to jay just as he was about to leave paris does not indicate even the possibility of establishing a republic, since the only parties he distinguished were: ... the aristocrats, comprehending the higher members of the clergy, military, nobility, and the parliaments of the whole kingdom; the moderate royalists who wish for a constitution nearly similar to that of england; the republicans who are willing to let their first magistracy be hereditary, but to make it very subordinate to the legislature, and to have that legislature consist of a single chamber.[231] jefferson was not the man to indulge in effusions even when he was deeply moved and throughout his mission in france he deliberately refrained from any expression of personal feelings. but the love and friendship of the french for the united states was so general and so genuine, it formed such a contrast with the cold and tenacious enmity of great britain, that the american minister was won and conquered by it and had to come to the conclusion that "nothing should be spared to attach this country to us. it is the only one on which we can rely for support, under every event. its inhabitants love us more, i think, than they do any other nation on earth. this is very much the effect of the good dispositions with which the french officers returned."[232] everybody is familiar with the closing lines of jefferson's account of his mission to france: "so, ask the traveller inhabitant of any nation, in what country would you rather live?--certainly, in my own, where are all my friends, my relations, and the earliest and sweetest affections and recollections of my life. which would be your second choice? france." these lines were written at the twilight of his life, when his memory took him back to the wonderful days he had lived in paris, while the old régime was shedding the last rays of its evanescent glory. less known, but far more revealing of his true feelings at the time, is a passage in one of his letters to james madison. it is one of the very few times, and as a matter of fact, the first time when he declared that the nations of the world had to abandon their old code of selfishness and that a new principle of international life had to be recognized. for there is only one standard of morality, one code of conduct between nations as between individuals. it is impossible--he wrote--to desire better dispositions towards us than prevail in this assembly. our proceedings have been viewed as a model for them on every occasion; and though in the heat of debate, men are generally disposed to contradict every authority urged by their opponents, ours has been treated like that of the bible, open to explanation, but not to question. i am sorry that in the moment of such a disposition, anything should come from us to check it. the placing them on a mere footing with the english, will have this effect. when of two nations, the one has engaged herself in a ruinous war for us, has spent her blood and money to save us, has opened her bosom to us in peace, and received us almost on the footing of her own citizens, while the other has moved heaven, earth, and hell to exterminate us in war, has insulted us in all her councils in peace, shut her doors to us in every part where her interests would admit it, libelled us in foreign nations, endeavoured to poison them against the reception of our most precious commodities; to place these two nations on a footing, is to give a great deal more to one than to the other, if the maxim be true, that to make unequal quantities equal, you must add more to one than the other. to say, in excuse, that gratitude is never to enter into the motives of national conduct, is to revive a principle which has been buried for centuries with its kindred principles of the lawfulness of assassination, poison, perjury, etc. all of these were legitimate principles in the dark ages which intervened between ancient and modern civilization, but exploded and held in just horror in the eighteenth century. i know but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly or collectively.... let us hope that our government will take some other occasions to show, that they proscribe no virtue from the canons of their conduct with other nations.[233] book four _monocrats and republicans_ chapter i the quarrel with hamilton for more than two years jefferson had repeatedly expressed the wish to be allowed to return to his native country, at least for a short visit. when he finally received official notification that his request had been granted, he departed from paris rather abruptly and even without taking leave of his best friends. "adieus are painful," he wrote to madame de corny, "therefore i left paris without bidding one to you."[234] this is a naïve and quite significant confession of the difficulty he experienced in maintaining his puritanical restraint and impassibility at that time. he went with his two daughters from le havre to cowes, and waited there till october 14 for favorable winds. after a rapid crossing on the _montgomery_ they sighted the "capes" on november 13, and barely escaped being shipwrecked in the bay. although damaged by fire and stripped of part of her rigging, the ship was able to reach norfolk, and jefferson promptly set out for richmond and monticello, stopping however on the way at eppington with the eppes. it was there that he received two letters from president washington, one dated october 13, the other november 30, asking him to accept the post of secretary of state in the newly formed cabinet. the president's letters were most flattering and indicated that he had been "determined, as well by motives of private regard, as a conviction of public propriety" to nominate him for the office. jefferson at first experienced the natural repugnance of a man who had put his heart into an important undertaking and was asked suddenly to abandon it. he was better acquainted with the situation in paris than any man he could think of: it had taken him several years of constant work and patient efforts to bring the french officials over to his views. his best friends were in the new government and would help him to obtain for the united states better commercial terms and a more satisfactory debt settlement. let us add that for a philosophical observer france offered the most fascinating spectacle, and jefferson did not feel that life in philadelphia could bring him the same social and intellectual pleasures as paris. quite significantly he wrote to washington: "as far as my fears, my hopes, or my inclination enter into this question, i confess that they would not lead me to prefer a change." on the other hand, he did not make a categorical refusal, in case he should be "drafted", and the president formally nominated him. nothing else was done in the matter until madison visited him at monticello and acquainted him with the situation. but even madison could not win his consent,[235] and the president had to assure jefferson that the duties of his office would probably not be quite so complicated and hard to execute as he might have been led at the first moment to imagine.[236] it was not a command, but while the president left him free to decide he expressed a strong hope and wish that jefferson would accept. so, on february 14 he sent his letter of acceptance. in the meantime he had married martha to thomas mann randolph, junior, "a young gentleman of genius, science, and honorable mind", who afterwards filled "a dignified station in the general government, and the most dignified in his own state."[237] although jefferson had wished for such a marriage, he had left martha free to make her own choice, as he explained in a letter to madame de corny: "tho' his talents, disposition, connections, fortune, were such as would have made him my first choice, yet according to the usage of my country, i scrupulously suppressed my wishes, that my daughter might indulge in her own sentiments freely."[238] the marriage took place on april 2, 1790, and on the next day jefferson set out for new york to take his place in the cabinet. he reached philadelphia on the twelfth. there he stopped to pay his respects to the man "he has succeeded but not replaced", old doctor franklin then on the sick bed from which he never arose. "my recent return from a country in which he had left so many friends, and the perilous convulsions to which they had been exposed, revived all his anxieties to know what part they had taken, what had been their course, and what their fate. he went over all in succession with a rapidity and animation almost too much for his strength." it was on this occasion that franklin put in his hands a paper containing an account of his negotiations with lord howe to prevent a war between the colonies and their mother country, papers which, unfortunately, jefferson entrusted later to william temple franklin, who "delayed the publication for more than twenty years."[239] jefferson arrived in new york on the twenty-first, took his lodgings at the city tavern, and finally rented a small house in maiden lane. congress was in session and business had accumulated on the desk of the new secretary: he plunged at once into work. all his colleagues had already taken charge of their respective departments: colonel alexander hamilton was in charge of the treasury, general henry knox of the war department, edmund randolph, attorney-general. those were the only departments thus far created and among them the four secretaries divided all the different attributions of the executive power. with them he was to sit in cabinet meetings presided over by washington until his retirement from office, in december, 1793. the distinction usually established between domestic and foreign politics is obviously an arbitrary one and does not correspond to reality. this was particularly true of an age when the attributes of the secretary of state were far less specialized than in our day. even if he had been inclined to neglect the questions of internal administration--to give himself entirely to foreign affairs--jefferson would have been constantly reminded of the existence of many other problems of equal importance to the future of the nation by his colleagues and the president himself. in addition, it was washington's ordinary practice not only to discuss all important measures in a cabinet council, but often to request each member of his official family to give his opinion in writing on these questions. such documents as have been preserved constitute a most precious source of information for the history of the period; they are usefully supplemented by the notes that jefferson took at the time and transcribed "twenty five years or more" afterwards for the use of posterity. the three volumes "bound in marbled paper" in which jefferson copied these notes, taken on loose scraps of paper, are the famous "anas" which he collected to justify himself against the accusations that biographers of washington--such as marshall--had already launched against him. although there is no reason to believe that jefferson deliberately altered the old records, it is certain that they were edited, that many scraps of papers were discarded, although not destroyed, and that a "critical" edition of the "anas" would not be without interest. they are preceded by an introduction in which, more than twenty-five years later, jefferson gave an estimate of his former opponents, hamilton and john adams. this final judgment can in no way be used in discussing events that took place between 1790 and 1793, and it contains no indication worth retaining about jefferson's attitude at that time towards his colleagues and the vice president. the man who wrote this introduction in february, 1818, was really another jefferson. he may tell us that he arrived in the midst of a bitter contest, "but a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors on it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, and as yet unaware of its object, i took no concern in it."[240] it must be admitted at the outset that such is not the impression one can gather from the correspondence. that the financial structure of the continental congress had collapsed and that immediate remedies were necessary jefferson knew as well and probably better than any other member of the cabinet. he had not the expert knowledge of hamilton, but more than once he had had to deal with financial questions, and when in paris had displayed considerable skill in dealing with the members of the committee of commerce. he had prepared schedules for the payment of the french and dutch loans and discussed finances with dutch bankers in amsterdam. furthermore, his governorship of virginia during the war had acquainted him with the question of state debts. if he could be tricked and made to hold the candle, as he said, there was no man who could resist the superior genius and machiavellism of the arch financier of the united states. as a matter of fact, if he was hoodwinked, he was not at the beginning, at least, a blind or an unwilling victim. following the financial reorganization defined by the constitution and the appointment of a secretary of the treasury, according to the act of 1789, hamilton prepared for the period under consideration four documents: report on public credit, january 9, 1790; report on a national bank, december 5, 1790; report on the establishment of a mint, may 1, 1791; report on manufactures, december 5, 1791. the first subject for consideration was the national debt. the foreign debt was unquestionably a matter of national honor and had to be paid in full, according to the terms of contract: with the arrears of interest it amounted to $11,710,000. the domestic debt was estimated at $27,383,000 for the principal, $13,030,000 for accrued interest and $2,000,000 for unliquidated debt. after some opposition it was finally decided that holders of certificates would receive their face value with interest. but there remained the question of states debts which was hopelessly confused and destined to lead to a bitter controversy. the reorganization plan proposed that repayment could be made in a more orderly way through some sort of a central organization rather than through the states, and outlined the famous "assumption" by which the federal government would "assume", with a discount to be determined, the debts incurred by the several states during the course of the war. it naturally meant that additional revenue had to be raised by federal measures and consequently distributed between all the states, whose debts varied in nature and amount from state to state, some of which having already proceeded to a semi-reorganization, while others, having not suffered from the war, were financially in good condition. the opposition came naturally from the southern states, whose population was smaller in comparison with the northern states. the opponents of the measure objected very strenuously at first, arguing that it would give an unfair advantage to those that had contracted debts too freely during the war, and would penalize those who had already set their financial house in order; and also that it would be a usurpation of powers not conferred by the constitution to the federal government. first defeated in congress, the "assumption" was finally adopted under circumstances now to be related. jefferson's unofficial representative in congress, madison, had already strenuously opposed the measure proposed by the secretary of the treasury. when jefferson arrived in new york to take possession of his office, the battle had been going on for some time, and four days later he wrote to t. m. randolph that "congress is principally occupied with the treasury report. the assumption of the state debts has been voted affirmatively in the first instance, but it is not certain that it will hold its ground through all the changes of the bill when it shall be brought in."[241] there is little doubt that madison had already acquainted him with his views of the situation, but it is also probable that jefferson paid small heed to them for the time being. he suffered for several weeks from severe headaches, he had to write many letters of farewell to his french friends, and the accumulation of reports and papers he found on his desk required all his attention. in june, however, he expressed to george mason his doubts that the "assumption" would be finally adopted. but, far from siding with the out-and-out opponents of the measure, he thought it would be wiser to compromise, so he added, "my duties preventing me from mingling in these questions, i do not pretend to be very competent to their decision. in general, i think it necessary to give as well as take in a government like ours."[242] as a matter of fact, it was already patent that an almost irreconcilable difference of opinion on the matter existed between hamilton and the virginians, and, a week later, jefferson himself invited the secretary of the treasury to take dinner at his house with a few friends in order to hold an informal conference; for he thought it impossible that "reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion to form a compromise which was to save the union." jefferson has related the scene in the "anas", but a somewhat different account is given in his letter to james monroe, written june 20, 1790, from new york, in which he outlined the compromise. he mentioned that two considerations had impelled him to discuss it; first the fact that if some funding bill were not agreed to, the credit of the united states at amsterdam would collapse and vanish and each state be left alone to take care of itself. although he was not enthusiastic about the means to be employed and foresaw that the united states would have difficulties in raising the necessary money by federal taxation instead of letting the states raise it themselves, he accepted the solution with open eyes: "in the present instance, i see the necessity of yielding to cries of the creditors in certain parts of the union; for the sake of the union, and to save us from the greatest of all calamities, the total extinction of our credit in europe." more than any member of the cabinet he was aware of the imminence of this danger. on the other hand, and in order to give some satisfaction to the southern states, it would be agreed that congress would be transferred to philadelphia for a period of twelve to fifteen years, and thereafter, without further declaration, to georgetown. this was clearly a "deal", and jefferson knew it so well that he denied that it was one. "the pennsylvania and virginia delegates have conducted themselves honorably, on the question of residence. without descending to talk about bargains, they have seen that their true interests lay in not listening to the insidious propositions made, to divide and defect them, and we have seen them at times voting against their respective wishes rather than separate." whether the word bargain had been used or not is immaterial. gentlemen sitting around a table after the cloth has been removed and the punch bowl brought in can come to an understanding "_à demi mot_."[243] nothing official had been done yet, but writing to dumas, the financial agent at amsterdam, jefferson, in order to maintain the credit of the country, put his best foot forward and solemnly declared "that there is not one single individual in the united states, whether in or out of office, who supposes they can ever do anything which might impair their foreign contracts." with respect to domestic paper, dumas could rest assured that "justice would be done" and, although the question was terribly complicated, it was "possible that modifications may be proposed which may bring the measure, yet into an acceptable form."[244] with gilmer, he was more frank and indicated clearly that among the possible ways in which the conflict in congress might yet terminate, the best probably would be "a _bargain_ between the eastern members who have it so much at heart, and the middle members who are indifferent about it, to adopt these debts without modification, on condition of removing the seat of government to philadelphia or baltimore." the third solution, which jefferson preferred, would have proposed to divide the total sum between all the states in proportion to their census, and to establish the national capital first and temporarily at philadelphia, then, and permanently at georgetown.[245] this was not an ideal solution; it was a compromise which would at least present the advantage of giving new life to the agriculture and commerce of the south. the main objection, however, still remained, for the federal government would have to raise the imposts and overburden that source of revenue, but it seemed that "some sacrifice was necessary for the sake of peace."[246] once again, but not for the last time, jefferson saw himself in a dilemma. he was too far-sighted not to understand that the individual states would have to abandon some of their rights and a portion of their sovereignty in order to acquire more financial stability, and that more power would be concentrated in the hands of the federal government. on the other hand, he was no less firmly convinced that a secession would unavoidably result from a rejection of the "assumption", and he was ready to sacrifice his most cherished preferences on the altar of the union. on august 14, jefferson could announce to randolph that congress had separated the day before yesterday, having reacquired the harmony which always distinguished their proceedings before the two disagreeable questions of assumption and residence were introduced.... it is not foreseen that anything so generative of dissention can arise again, and therefore the friends of the government hope that this difficulty once surmounted in the states, everything will work well. i am principally afraid that commerce will be over loaded by the assumption, believing that it would be better that property should be duly taxed. he discussed for the first time the exact ways and means in a letter to gouverneur morris on november 26, 1790, and indicated that additional funds would be provided by a tax on spirituous liquors, foreign and homemade, that the whole interest would be raised by taxes on consumption.... "add to this what may be done by throwing in the aid of western lands and other articles as a sinking fund, and our prospect is really a bright one."[247] it is perfectly true that the letter to morris was to a great extent for publicity purposes, yet we do not find in it the slightest mark of disapproval of the tax itself, nor do we find it in a letter written to de moustier[248] in which, on the contrary, jefferson mentioned the advantages of duties on consumption, which fall principally on the rich; for it is "a general desire to make them contribute the whole money we want, if possible." it was not until february that doubts began to percolate into his mind, and he inquired from colonel mason "what was said in our country (virginia), of the fiscal arrangements now going on." but he did not yet take the question really to heart: whether these measures be right or wrong abstractedly, more attention should be paid to the general opinion. however, all will pass,--the excise will pass--the bank will pass. the only corrective of what is corrupt in our present form of government will be the augmentation of the numbers in the lower house, so as to get more agricultural representation, which may put that interest above that of the stock-jobbers.[249] this is the first indication of a rift between jefferson and hamilton. yet jefferson was willing to yield more ground in order to avoid an open break. the bank bill of hamilton had passed the senate without difficulty; in the house it had been opposed on constitutional grounds by madison but had finally obtained a majority. when the bill was sent to the president, washington, unwilling to do anything unconstitutional, asked both the attorney-general randolph and jefferson to give their opinion on the matter in writing. the report written on this occasion by the secretary of state is a psychological document both interesting and revealing. jefferson started out by enumerating the different measures included in the bank bill, pointing out _en passant_ that they were intended to break down the most ancient and fundamental laws of several states, such as those against mortmain, the laws of alienage, the rules of descent, the acts of distribution, the laws of escheat and forfeiture, the laws of monopoly. he then demonstrated to his own satisfaction that power to establish such an institution was neither specifically declared nor implied in any article of the constitution. the only general statement that could be construed as authorizing it was a mention "to make all laws _necessary_ and proper for carrying into execution the enumerated powers." finally he undertook to prove that the bank might be convenient but was in nowise necessary. the conclusion was obvious after these very closely knitted pieces of legal reasoning: "nothing but a necessity inevitable by any other means can justify such a prostitution of laws, which constitute the pillars of our whole system of jurisprudence." the president's veto could clearly be used in that case, since that was the buckler provided by the constitution to protect it against the invasions of the legislature. [illustration: alexander hamilton _from the painting by john trumbull in the possession of the essex institute, salem, mass._] jefferson could and perhaps should have stopped there. but he was far from certain that hamilton's views would not prevail, and in that case he would have committed himself irrevocably. this he did not wish to do. he consequently provided at the end a way of escape for himself as well as for the president: it must be added, however, that unless the president's mind on a view of everything which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthorized by the constitution; if the pro and the con hang so even as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of the legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion. it is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition, or interest, that the constitution has placed a check in the negative of the president. this was very adroit, almost too adroit. it was the answer of a master politician. whether it was absolutely straightforward is a very different question. jefferson, who so often accused others of being "trimmers", was undoubtedly open to such an accusation himself. with the opinion of randolph and jefferson before him, the president asked hamilton, as sponsor of the bill, to present his rejoinder in writing. on the twenty-third he submitted his famous "opinion as to the constitutionality of the bank of the united states" in which he developed the doctrine of "implied powers." now it appears--said hamilton--to the secretary of the treasury that this general principle is inherent in the very definition of government and essential to every step of the progress to be made by that of the united states, namely: that every power vested in a government is in its nature sovereign, and includes, by force of the term, a right to employ all the means requisite and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power, and which are not precluded by restrictions and exceptions specified in the constitutions, or not immoral, or not contrary to the essential ends of political society. as a matter of fact, the question at the bottom of the controversy was the question of state rights; but, curiously enough, it is indicated only incidentally in jefferson's opinion. he was not ready to join issues on that question, much more clearly brought forward by madison in his speeches before the house, when he said: i consider the foundation of the constitution as laid on this ground: that all powers not delegated to the united states, by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the united states, are reserved to the states or to the people (xiith amendment). to take a single step beyond the boundaries thus specifically drawn around the power of congress, is to take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of definition.[250] this was exactly the question, for to accept hamilton's theory was to open the way to countless encroachments of the federal government on state rights. washington's administration had come to its most momentous decision for the future of the government of the united states. this was really the parting of the ways. jefferson knew it and saw it; it was obvious that, with a centralized financial organization, a central political organization would develop. all sorts of practical considerations may be brought in and nice legal points drawn, but the fact remains that when the representatives of the different states not only permitted but were eager to see the federal government assume the responsibility of state debts, they sold their birthright for the not unconsiderable sum of $21,500,000. perhaps it was the only possible solution at the time. perhaps jefferson showed wisdom and political sense in not getting up and fighting to the last ditch. he registered as strong a protest as he could without burning his bridges. he knew from the temper of the house that there was no hope of making them accept any other solution. he knew that against the strongly organized federalists he could not muster any well-disciplined troops. he feared the immediate dissolution of the union and temporized; but all the rest of his life was to be spent in trying to recover the ground lost on that day. jefferson was soon to realize how poorly equipped and seconded he was when he had to take up the battle practically single-handed. in the spring of 1791 madison had loaned him a copy of thomas paine's pamphlet, "the rights of man", written in answer to burke's denunciation of the french revolution. when the owner of the pamphlet requested that it be returned, for it was the only copy at his disposal and he intended to have it reprinted in philadelphia, jefferson courteously returned it, and added a short note in which he expressed his satisfaction that such a valuable work would appear in america: "i am extremely pleased to find it will be reprinted here, and that something is at length to be publicly said against the political heresies which have sprung up among us. i have no doubt our citizens will rally a second time round the standard of 'common sense.'" there is no indication whatever that jefferson intended the note for publication, but the printer thought it would help the success of the pamphlet if jefferson's letter were printed as a preface. all the peaceful intentions of the secretary of state had come to naught. the word heresies could apply only to the federalists, and among the federalists to john adams, whose "discourse on davila" had been appearing in fenno's paper. jefferson could declare that nothing was further from his intentions than to appear as a contradictor of mr. adams in public; very few men would believe it and jefferson himself realized it so well that he wrote at once to washington to explain his position: mr. adams will unquestionably take to himself the charge of political heresy, as conscious of his own views of drawing the present government to the form of the english constitution, and, i fear, will consider me as meaning to injure him in the public eye. i learnt that some anglomen have, censured it in another point of view, as a sanction of paine's principles tend to give offence to the british government. their real fear, however, is that this popular and republican pamphlet, taking wonderfully, is likely at a single stroke, to wipe out all the unconstitutional doctrines which their bell wether davila has been preaching for a twelvemonth. i certainly never made a secret of my being anti-monarchical, and anti-aristocratical; but i am sincerely mortified to be thus brought forward on the public stage, where to remain, to advance or to retire, will be equally against my love of silence and quiet and my abhorrence of dispute.[251] his abhorrence of dispute was so real that, at this juncture, he decided to leave philadelphia for a trip north, staying two days in new york, visiting the battlefield of saratoga, lake george, lake champlain, and coming back through the connecticut valley. madison accompanied him on the trip, and mr. bowers has advanced the hypothesis that it was during the long conversations the two friends had during a whole month alone together that the plans were formulated for establishing a separate party to defend the republican ideals. this may have been the result of the journey, but i doubt very much that such was the purpose of jefferson when he set out from philadelphia. a more simple explanation is that, having written his letter to washington and made, as he thought, his position clear, he hoped that the president would not fail to communicate its contents to adams if any unpleasant situation should develop; and he simply withdrew from the battlefield in order not to enter into a public controversy. but he counted without adams' temper. the vice president considered jefferson's short sentence as a challenge and proceeded promptly to have it answered. a series of articles signed "publicola" began to appear in the _centinel_, denouncing not only paine, but jefferson himself. "brutus" took up the cudgels in favor of jefferson and the newspaper battle was on. the public, always eager to identify anonymous writers, did not fail to attribute to adams the articles signed "publicola", while to jefferson were attributed the answers written by agricola, brutus, and philodemus. when jefferson came back from his trip the controversy was raging, and soon he began to enjoy the conflict. on july 10 he sent to colonel monroe a bundle of papers showing "what a dust paine's pamphlet has kicked up here", and he reiterated his approval of the book: a writer under the name of publicola, in attacking paine's principles, is very desirous of involving me in the same censure with the author. i certainly merit the same, for i profess the same principles; but it is equally certain i never meant to have entered as a volunteer into the cause. my occupations do not permit it. some persons here are insinuating that i am brutus, that i am agricola, that i am philodemus, etc., etc. i am none of them, being decided not to write a word on the subject, unless any printed imputation should call for a printed disavowal, to which i should put my name. on the other hand he refused to take seriously the denial that adams "has no more concern in the publication of the writings of publicola, than the author of the 'rights of man' himself." but he saw with satisfaction that hamilton had taxed adams with imprudence in stirring up the question and agreed that "his business was done." what was far more serious was the fury of gambling that had arisen at the opening of the bank: "the land office, the federal town, certain schemes of manufactures, are likely to be converted into aliment for that rage."[252] in a last effort to placate adams, however, and chiefly in order to avoid having his name dragged into a public controversy, he wrote to the vice president "from the conviction that truth, between candid minds can never do harm." he assured him that he had not written "a line for the newspapers." he declared "with truth in the presence of the almighty that nothing was further from his intention or his expectations than to have either his own or adams' name brought before the public on this occasion." this was perfectly true, but at the same time he was proposing to appoint paine postmaster, and on july 29 he wrote to congratulate him, for, thanks to his little book, the general opinion seemed to rally against a sect high in name but small in number. "they are checked at least by your pamphlet, and the people confirmed in their good old faith."[253] the fact that adams accepted jefferson's explanation more gracefully than was to be expected did not prevent the fight from going on. it had already been taken out of the hands of the leaders and the controversy was raging in the papers. at this juncture jefferson realized that the republicans were very poorly armed in the capital and that they had no paper in which their views could be expressed so as to counteract the pernicious propaganda of fenno's paper. thus the result brought about was the foundation of the _national gazette_, philip freneau's paper, in which jefferson had a great part. the story has never been told completely and deserves more than passing attention, since jefferson was soon to be attacked by his enemies for the interest he took in the _gazette_. several documents heretofore neglected allow us to reconstruct exactly the part played by jefferson in the undertaking, and particularly to settle a few questions of chronology which are not without importance. it does not appear that jefferson had any ulterior motives when, on february 28, 1791, he offered to freneau, then living miserably in new york, the clerkship for foreign languages in the department of state. "the salary indeed is very low," he wrote, "being but two hundred and fifty dollars a year; but also it gives so little to do, as not to interfere with any other calling the person may choose.... i was told a few days ago that it might perhaps be convenient to you to accept it. if so, it is at your service." freneau answered promptly, on march 5, that, having been for some time engaged in endeavouring to establish a weekly gazette in monmouth county and having at present a prospect of succeeding in a tolerable subscription, he found himself under the necessity of declining the acceptance of this "generous unsolicited proposal." on may 15, 1791, jefferson, writing to t. m. randolph, expressed his discontent at the attitude of the two leading papers of philadelphia and added: we have been trying to get another weekly or half weekly paper set up excluding advertisements so that it might go through the states and furnish a right vehicle of intelligence. we hoped at one time to have persuaded freneau to set up here, but failed--in the meantime bache's paper, the principles of which were always republican improve it's matter. not until august 4 did freneau write to jefferson that, after discussing the matter with madison and colonel lee, he had succeeded in making arrangements with a printer in philadelphia and would submit proposals for the publication of a newspaper. freneau moved to philadelphia, was appointed clerk for foreign languages on august 16, and took oath of office the next day. there is consequently no doubt that freneau was induced to leave new york by the double prospect of working in jefferson's office and at the same time establishing a republican newspaper. on november 20, jefferson sent some sample copies to randolph and wrote again on january 22 to ask his son-in-law to find subscribers to the _gazette_. he sent to freneau a list of subscribers from charlottesville (march 23, 1792) and wrote to his friends that it was the best paper ever published in america. on november 16, 1792, he announced to randolph that freneau's paper was getting into massachusetts under the patronage of "hancock, sam. adams, mr. ames, the colossus of the monocrats and paper men will either be left out or hard run. the people of that state are republican; but hitherto they have heard nothing but the hymns and lauds chaunted by fenno." when freneau was vehemently accused by hamilton of attacking members of the government while in the pay of the government, jefferson took up his defense and wrote to the speaker of the house to point out that freneau received a nominal salary and had even "to pay himself special translators for languages with which he was unacquainted."[254] finally, on october 11, freneau sent in his resignation to date from october 1, 1793. such are the bare facts and as freneau's paper was to play an important part in the quarrel with hamilton, it is important to state them exactly. the battle did not begin in earnest until the first months of 1792. but jefferson's distaste for the financial structure erected by hamilton increased during the summer and fall of that year. to carmichael he grudgingly admitted that the domestic debt "funded at six per cent., is twelve and a half per cent. above par." "but," he added, "a spirit of gambling, in our public paper has seized too many of our citizens, and we fear it will check our commerce, arts, manufactures, and agriculture unless stopped."[255] to gouverneur morris he declared that the fever of gambling on government funds has seized everybody, "has laid up our ships at the wharves, as too slow instruments of profit, and has even disarmed the hand of the tailor of his needle and thimble. they say the evil will cure itself. i wish it may; but i have rarely seen a gamester cured, even by the disasters of his vocation."[256] one may wonder at this point what course of conduct was open to jefferson. he might have placed his views of the situation before washington and tried to open his eyes to the danger of the republic. he might have broken completely with hamilton and declared to the president that he had to decide between the secretary of the treasury and the secretary of state, but as a matter of fact his hands were tied since he had accepted the "assumption" and had not dared categorically to decide against the bank bill. apparently he had reached an impasse. but it was not in jefferson's temperament to try to overcome insuperable obstacles or stay very long in a blind alley. since experience had shown that the general government "tended to monarchy" and this tendency strengthened itself from day to day, the only remedy was for the states to erect "such barriers at the constitutional line as cannot be surmounted either by themselves or by the general government."[257] an opportunity presented itself to experiment with the idea in a proposed convocation of a convention in virginia to amend the constitution. jefferson, consulted on this occasion, sent to archibald stuart his ideas on the modifications desirable; to lengthen the term of the representatives and diminish their number; to strengthen the executive by making it more independent of the legislature. responsibility is a tremendous engine in a free government. let him feel the whole weight of it then, by taking away the shelter of his executive council. experience both ways has already established the superiority of this measure. render the judiciary respectable by every possible means, to wit, firm tenure in office, competent salaries, and reduction of their numbers. this was quite characteristic of jefferson and of his extraordinary tenacity. it was also very good strategy. since the strengthening of the federal government could not be avoided, the only way to avoid a rapid absorption of local government by the federal machine was to strengthen in a parallel way the state governments. it was an unexpected application of montesquieu's theory of checks and balances.[258] soon afterwards, however, in february, 1792, jefferson found a favorable opportunity to reveal his ideas to washington. the occasion that offered itself was the post-office, just reorganized as an independent and self-supporting branch of the government, thus removing it from the tutelage of the treasury department. jefferson at once claimed it for the department of state, not out of any appetite for power, "his real wish" being to avail the public of every occasion, during the residue of the president's period, to place things on a safe footing. by this he meant that the usurpations of the treasury department should be brought to a stop. in a long conversation the next morning after breakfast jefferson opened his heart, indicating that he would resign before long, to which washington answered that he could not resign when there were certain signs of dissatisfaction among the public, and that none could foresee what too great a change in the administration might bring about. this was the opening awaited by jefferson. no wonder the public was dissatisfied, but whose fault was it! there was only one source of discontent, the department of the treasury. then he launched forth on a passionate indictment of the system developed by hamilton, contrived for deluging the states with paper money instead of gold and silver, "for withdrawing our citizens from the pursuits of commerce, manufactures, buildings, and other branches of useful industry, to occupy themselves and their capitals in a species of gambling, destructive of morality, and which had introduced its poison in the government itself." he indicated that members of congress had been gambling in stocks and consequently could no longer be depended upon to vote in a disinterested way, for they had "feathered their nests with paper." finally jefferson let the cat out of the bag and told the president that the public were awaiting with anxiety his decision with respect to a certain proposition, to find out whether they lived under a limited or an unlimited government. the report on manufactures which had not heretofore drawn particular attention meant to establish the doctrine that the power given by the constitution to collect taxes to provide for the "_general welfare_ of the united states, permitted congress to take everything under their management which _they_ should deem _public welfare_, and which is susceptible of the application of money." he added that his decision was therefore expected with far greater anxiety than that felt over the proposed establishment of the bank of the united states.[259] on may 23, jefferson had found it impossible to have again a heart-to-heart talk with the president, and we may well imagine that washington rather avoided giving him another opportunity to express himself again so freely with reference to the policy of the treasury department. the object of the letter he wrote on that day was twofold; first of all it was to persuade washington that in spite of his so often manifested intention to retire at the end of his first term, it was his imperious duty to the nation to remain in office. there existed, in jefferson's opinion, a real emergency and he pointed out at length the dissatisfaction of the south, the separatist tendencies appearing in that quarter, upon seeing what they considered an unfair share of the federal taxes placed on their shoulders, not only in order to pay the national debt, but also to encourage the northern industries with bounties. rumors were circulating everywhere that new measures were on foot to increase the mass of the debts; industry was encouraged at the expense of agriculture; the legislature itself had been corrupted. the only hope of salvation lay in the coming election and in an increase in the number of representatives following the census. but everything would be in question if the president did not run. "the confidence of the whole union is centered in you. your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument which can be used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter, into violence and secession. north and south will hang together if they have you to hang on." this incidentally does not sound like a man who was trying to organize a strong political party for his own benefit, and i cannot believe that jefferson was as deep a politician as mr. bowers has made him. he was quite sincere in his desire to retire from office "after the first periodical renovation of the government." he was tired and sick at heart, and his one inclination was "bent irresistibly on the tranquil enjoyment of his family, his farm and his books."[260] on the other hand, he was firmly convinced that the coming elections might change favorably the majority in congress. they had no chance to be held fairly, however, unless the people had an opportunity to select as president a man who would be above all suspicion, a really national figure enjoying the confidence of every man in every section of the country, such as was washington alone. had washington followed his inclination at that time; had he withdrawn at the end of his first term and left the field free to other candidates, there is no way of surmising what the issue of the campaign of 1792 would have been. truly jefferson was right: the fate of the republic was at stake. shortly after, hamilton, who had not yet attacked jefferson personally, led an offensive against freneau who was accused by the _gazette of the united states_ of using his salary for publications, "the design of which is to villify those to whom the voice of the people has committed the administration of our public affairs." but freneau, in hamilton's opinion, was only the puppet whose strings were pulled by an arch plotter, and soon the _gazette_ started direct attacks against jefferson, asserting that while a member of the cabinet he had undertaken to undermine the government. freneau, in an affidavit, denied that jefferson had any connection with his paper or had dictated or written a single line in it, and at the same time hinted that, on the contrary, the authorship of many articles published in fenno's _gazette_ could clearly be attributed to hamilton. this denial had precisely the value of any such statement issued during political campaigns. it was literally true that jefferson had never written a line in freneau's paper, but he had an opportunity to see freneau every day, since "clerk for foreign languages" had to report to him. he was requesting all his friends to subscribe to freneau's papers, he was following anxiously the progress of the _gazette_ in all parts of the union, and one word from him would have stopped all attacks against hamilton. in fact, freneau's paper was just as much jefferson's paper as if the secretary of state had written all the articles in it and had owned all the stock. hamilton's attacks, however, had a very important and unexpected result. whether jefferson had serious political ambitions or not, he was not the man to come out in the open and proclaim himself the leader of a new party. of a retiring disposition, fearful of public criticism although thirsty for public praise, he was not ready at that time to assume the part and the duties of a political chief. but the savage attacks of the federalists attracted public attention to him, he was represented so often by them as the champion of republicanism, that discontented republicans began to rally round him and jefferson was thus invested with the leadership of the new party as much by his enemies as by his friends. during the summer of 1792, when he was at monticello, he received from washington a letter in which the president expressed his distress at the dissensions that had taken place within the government, and once more attempted to bring about a reconciliation between the two secretaries (august 23). jefferson answered in a long letter. this time his temper had been thoroughly aroused. he had seen articles signed "an american" in fenno's _gazette_, accusing him on three counts: "with having written letters to his friends in europe to oppose the present constitution; with a desire of repudiating the public debt; with setting up a paper to decry and slander the government." jefferson had no difficulty in proving the first two accusations absolutely untrue. on the third charge he admitted and even boasted of having given a poet a miserable appointment at a salary of $250 a year, while hamilton had filled the administration with his creatures. he protested in the name of heaven that "i never did, by myself, or any other, directly or indirectly, write, dictate, or procure any one sentence of sentiment to be inserted in _his_, or any other gazette, to which my name was not affixed or that of my office." he confessed, however, that he had always taken it for granted, from his knowledge of freneau's character, "that he would give free place to pieces written against the aristocratical and monarchical principles these papers had inculcated." he again protested against hamilton's insinuation that freneau had received his salary before removing to philadelphia, and on this point he is supported by the evidence published above. in a very dignified way he assured washington that he would refrain from engaging in any controversy while in office and that he wished to concentrate all his efforts on the last of his official tasks. he added, however, that he reserved the right to answer later, for, he said: "i will not suffer my retirement to be clouded by the slanders of a man whose history, from the moment at which history can stoop to notice him, is a tissue of machinations against the liberty of the country which has not only received and given him bread, but heaped honors on his head." jefferson has sometimes been reproached for having attacked in the "anas" a dead enemy, but this was no posthumous attack. in one sentence he had expressed not only condemnation of hamilton's policies but all the scorn of a virginian, of the old stock, for the immigrant of doubtful birth, who was almost an alien. he knew full well the weight that such a consideration might have on the mind of washington; it was a subtle but potent appeal to the solidarity of the old americans against the newcomer. truly, jefferson was no mean adversary, and the rapier may be more deadly than the battle-ax. having thus parried and thrust, he expressed the pious wish that the coming elections would probably vindicate his point of view and that it would not be necessary to make a further appeal to public opinion. he was tired and wished to retire from office at the earliest opportunity, and certainly no clique would receive any support from him during the short space he had to remain in philadelphia. monticello was calling him and his most earnest hope was that he would be permitted to forget all political strife in a bucolic retirement.[261] on his way back to philadelphia he stopped at mount vernon (october 1, 1792) and found washington still undecided whether he would be a candidate for a second term. the general was not certain that the emergency was such that he must sacrifice his personal preferences. he had consulted lear about opinion in the north; jefferson could tell him something about the south. when he was assured that he alone could save the republic, it was his turn to argue that jefferson ought to remain in office as long as he himself would be president. washington said that until very recently he had been unaware that such personal differences existed between the secretary of state and the secretary of the treasury. the old general gently reminded jefferson that the best way to counteract the action of hamilton was to remain in office, in order "to keep things in their proper channel, and prevent them from going too far." finally the president refused to accept wholly the pessimistic forecasts of jefferson and declared: "that as to the idea of transforming this government into a monarchy, he did not believe there were ten men in the united states whose opinions were worth attention, who entertained such a thought." he refused to take seriously jefferson's accusation that hamilton would have said that "this constitution was a shilly-shally thing, of mere milk and water, which could not last, and was only good as a step to something better." that as far as corruption in the legislature was concerned, the term was probably too severe; it was simply a manifestation of "interested spirit"; it was what could not be avoided in any government, unless we were to exclude from all office particular descriptions of men, such as the holders of the funds. "for the rest he only knew that before the funding operations he had seen our affairs desperate and our credit lost, and that this was in a sudden and extraordinary degree raised to the highest pitch." with the common sense and poise that were his outstanding qualities, washington refused to inquire into the ultimate motives of hamilton. the secretary of the treasury had rescued the finances of the country from bankruptcy; he was a good, efficient, and personally honest administrator, and it was washington's hope that he would be able to keep with him two useful collaborators whom he could not easily replace. shall i confess that, in my humble opinion, and in spite of the contrary judgment of several american historians, washington was probably right. the quarrel between hamilton and jefferson is undoubtedly of considerable importance in the history of political parties in the united states. i am not so certain that it exerted so tremendous an influence on the destinies of the nation. whatever may have been the ambitious schemes of hamilton, the theoretical preferences of john adams, it is difficult to see how any one could have succeeded at that time in establishing overnight an hereditary monarchy in the united states. such a _"coup d'état"_ is always a possibility in the old countries of europe, all of them more or less centralized and controlled from a national capital; but in 1793 there was no national capital in america, loyalty to the federal government was scarcely nascent, citizens had not been accustomed to look to congress for bounties, assistance, and subsidies. the vastness of the country would have offered insuperable obstacles, even to the genius of a bonaparte. no real danger existed because, as montesquieu would have said, a monarchy was not in the nature of things, and both hamilton and jefferson would have realized it, if they had not been caught in the maelstrom of political and personal passions. when jefferson left mount vernon, washington was still undecided whether he would accept a second term, but jefferson had determined that he would not stay in office any longer than he could help; and on november 8, he wrote to humphreys to send all further communications not to him personally, but to the secretary of state, by title and not by name. news of election was coming slowly, winter had already begun in the northern states. but the news that did arrive was reassuring and jefferson was able to write on november 16, "the event has been generally in favor of republican, and against the aristocratical candidates." by the beginning of december, the reëlection of washington being conceded, it appeared that the election of the vice president "had been seized as a proper one for expressing the public sense on the doctrine of the monocrats." it was already apparent that adams would be reëlected in spite of a strong vote against him, but jefferson discounted the significance of the election and attributed it to "the strength of his personal worth and his services, rather than to the merits of his political creed."[262] it seemed that the anti-federalists had gained control of the lower house and this was a most significant victory. then as more news of the election came, telling of the victory of the republicans or, as they were called by derision, the jacobins, other news arrived from france. the army of the duke of brunswick had been forced to retreat and had failed in crushing the republican army of france. "this news," wrote jefferson, "has given wry faces to our monocrats here, but sincere joy to the great body of the citizens. it arrived only in the afternoon of yesterday, and the bells were rung and some illuminations took place in the evening."[263] four days later the conviction that a disaster had overcome brunswick had made great progress, although no other news had been received, and jefferson had anxiously awaited the arrival of ships from france. but the tide had turned and he wrote to mercer: "the monocrats here still affect to disbelieve all this, while the republicans are rejoicing and taking to themselves the name of jacobins which two months ago was fixed on them by way of stigma."[264] the first victory of the republicans coincided with the first victory of the revolution against the coalition of kings. the french revolution itself had become a domestic issue and was to inject more passion into the strife between the monocrats and the republicans. chapter ii jacobin or american? one of the first duties of jefferson in taking charge of foreign affairs was to explain to his french friends, who on the other side of the atlantic had been accustomed to look up to him as a guide and counsellor, the reasons which had determined his choice to remain in america. to madame de corny, the duchesse danville, the duc de la rochefoucauld, madame d'houdetot, he wrote gracefully worded notes, in the best style of the society of the time. in france, among other things, he had learned how to turn a charming compliment. more official but still very graceful is the letter he sent to montmorin to take formal leave of the french court and at the same time introduce himself in his new capacity. but besides the compliments, there appears in the letter a reaffirmation that the best foundation for international friendship lay in satisfactory commercial relations. "may this union of interests forever be the patriotic creed of both countries."[265] the new secretary of state had not forgotten that the most important questions relative to gallo-american commerce had not yet been settled, and that it would be no negligible part of his duties to carry out the principles he had always defended when in paris. to lafayette, closer to his heart than any other frenchman, he explained more fully his view of the situation and stated once more the principles which would direct him in his policy towards france: wherever i am, or ever shall be, i shall be sincere in my friendship to you and to your nation. i think with others, that nations are to be governed with regard to their own interests, but i am convinced that it is their interests, in the long run, to be grateful, faithful to their engagements, even in the worst of circumstances, and honorable and generous always. if i had not known that the head of our government was in these sentiments, and that his national and private ethics were the same, i would never have been where i am.[266] this was more than a banal compliment. to the homely wisdom of doctor franklin that honesty is the best policy, jefferson had added a new element. he had combined in one formula two principles which often seem contradictory and which at any rate are difficult to reconcile. not a mere idealist, nor simply a practical politician, he was, during the rest of his political life, to make persistent efforts to propagate that gospel of practical idealism which remains to this day one of the fundamental tenets of americanism. in that respect, party lines count little, and lincoln was quite as much a disciple and a continuator of jefferson as woodrow wilson. on the other hand, it cannot be denied that in many circumstances it would take more than superhuman virtue and intelligence rightly to operate that ideal combination and maintain an equal balance between national selfishness and philosophical idealism. when it came to practice, jefferson showed himself just as canny as any european diplomat and never neglected an opportunity to further the interests of his country. this appeared in the very first letters he sent to europe after taking charge of the foreign policies of the united states. communications were slow at the time. jefferson was kept regularly informed of developments in france by short, his former secretary, left in charge in paris, who sent him weekly letters; but they averaged eleven weeks and a half in transit, while of his answers "the quickest were of nine weeks and the longest of near eighteen weeks coming." information through the british papers took about five or six weeks to reach america but was not to be relied upon, and jefferson gave definite instructions to short for "news from europe is very interesting at this moment, when it is so doubtful whether a war will take place between our two neighbors."[267] this was indeed at the time his main preoccupation. war between spain and england seemed not only possible but probable, and jefferson saw in it an opportunity to press the claims of the united states to the navigation of the mississippi. the question was not "the claims of spain to our territory north of the thirty first degree and east of the mississippi (they never merited the respect of an answer), but the navigation of the mississippi and that was not simply to recognize the american rights on the river." navigation "cannot be practiced without a port, where the sea and river vessels may meet and exchange loads, where those employed about them may be safe and unmolested." the right to use a thing comprehends a right to the means necessary to its use, and without which it would be useless. jefferson added that he could not answer that "the forbearance of our western citizens would last indefinitely, and that a moment of impatience, hazard or other considerations might precipitate action on their part." on the other hand, the united states were in no position to antagonize openly even weak spain, and in case nothing should develop carmichael was instructed to bide his time: you will be pleased to observe, that we press these matters warmly and firmly, under this idea, that the war between spain and great britain will be begun before you receive this; and such a moment must not be lost. but should an accommodation take place, we retain, indeed, the same object and the same resolutions unalterably; but your discretion will suggest, that patience and persuasion must temper your conferences, till either of these may prevail, or some other circumstances turn up, which may enable us to use other means for the attainment of an object which we are determined, in the end, to obtain at every risk.[268] naturally this is no worse than the ordinary run of instructions sent at that time to diplomatic agents by other foreign secretaries, and jefferson's policy was no more underhanded than the policies of any other nation of the old world. it cannot be said, however, that it rested upon higher and nobler moral principles. perhaps america had no diplomatic tradition at that time, but she was not deficient in tactics, and neither jefferson nor his agents were exactly innocent tools in the hands of wily european diplomats. but this is not all. jefferson unfolded his whole plan in a letter to short written a week later. in case of a war between england and spain, france would be called into the war as an ally on the side of spain. she would have a right to insist that spain should do everything in her power to lessen the number of her potential enemies and to eliminate every cause of friction with the united states. "she cannot doubt that we shall be of that number, if she does not yield our right to common use of the mississippi, and the means of using and securing it." the point made by the united states was that "they should have a port near the mouth of the river, so well separated from the territories of spain and her jurisdiction, as not to engender daily disputes and broils between us." such a claim was not an arbitrary one, but resulted from the configuration of the land. "nature has decided what shall be the geography of that in the end, whatever it might be in the beginning, by cutting off from the adjacent countries of florida and louisiana, and enclosing between two of its channels, a long and narrow slip of land, called the island of new orleans." jefferson conceded that the idea of ceding that territory might be disagreeable to spain at first, because it constituted their principal settlement in those parts, with a population of ten thousand white inhabitants, but "reason, and events, however, may, by little and little, familiarize them to it." the idea, however, might seem excessive to montmorin, particularly as it was thought that france had not entirely given up the project of recovering the country along the mississippi. but fortunately the national assembly seemed opposed to conquest and the subject might be broached merely in general terms at the beginning. furthermore, lafayette could be used once more as an intermediary without officially compromising the united states.[269] finally gouverneur morris was told to warn england that should they entertain any design against any spanish colony, the united states would contemplate a change of neighbors with extreme uneasiness. while the united states would remain neutral if "they execute the treaty fairly and attempt no conquests adjoining us," jefferson added, "it will be proper that these ideas be conveyed in delicate and friendly terms; but that they be conveyed, if the war takes place; for it is in this case alone, and not till it be begun, that we should wish our dispositions to be known."[270] that question being disposed of satisfactorily, at least in theory, for after all, the war did not break out, jefferson abandoned temporarily his plans to obtain new orleans. how he resumed them and pushed them to a successful conclusion ten years later is too well known to need recalling here. it is not until february 4, 1791, that jefferson expressed in writing his hope to see a republican form of government established in france. this was in direct contradiction with all the advice and counsel he had given to his french friends when he was in paris, with his repeated affirmations that the french were not ready for self-government, and with the conclusions contained in his letter written to jay in the summer of 1789. none of the developments that had taken place in france was of such a character as to change jefferson's attitude on the matter. but in the meantime, he had come to the conclusion that the fate of the republican government in the united states depended largely on the failure or success of the french revolution. if it proved impossible for the french to establish a stable form of self-government, if they could not withstand the attacks of their foreign enemies, the conclusion would inevitably be drawn in america that there was an inherent defect and weakness in all republican governments. thus the french revolution had already become an international issue, for the cause of liberty could not remain secure for any length of time in america if it were crushed in europe. on that particular point jefferson himself was very explicit: i look with great anxiety for the firm establishment of the new government in france, being perfectly convinced that if it takes place there, it will spread sooner or later all over europe. on the contrary, a check there would retard the revival of liberty in other countries. i consider the establishment and success of their government as necessary to stay up our own, and to prevent it from falling back to that kind of half-way house, the english constitution. it cannot be denied that we have among us a sect who believe that to contain whatever is perfect in human institutions; that the members of this sect have, many of them, names and offices which stand high in the estimation of our countrymen. i still rely that the great mass of our community is untainted with these heresies, as is its head. on this i build my hope that we have not labored in vain, and that our experiment will still prove that men can be governed by reason.[271] on receiving the news that the national assembly of france had gone into mourning over the death of franklin, jefferson sent to its president one of those letters worded in the "felicitous style" which he had perfected in france. his feelings were sincere, he had great respect and affection for the doctor, but he knew what was expected of him, and with great skill, without promising anything, or using any expression that might be taken as a definite promise and turned against him later, he made a vague but satisfactory appeal to a sort of international friendship, praising the assembly for having set the first example and brought "into our fraternity the good and the great wherever they have lived or died." he ended with a reaffirmation of the good dispositions of his government towards france: "that these separations may disappear between us in all times and circumstances, and that the union of sentiment which mingles our sorrows on this occasion, may continue long to cement the friendship and interests of our two nations, is our constant prayer."[272] this openly declared sympathy for france and his hopes for a new form of government did not in the least obscure his views on the commercial difficulties between the two countries. the bone of contention was still the question of commerce with the west indies. the national assembly, on ratifying the consular conventions, had showed little disposition to admit the right of the united states to send consular agents to the west indies. in his opinion the word _"états du roi"_ did not mean merely france, but all colonial possessions of france as indicated in the translation "french dominions." he was not ready officially to press the matter so as to cause difficulties between the two nations and was willing to have the two agents already appointed, "skipwith at martinique and bourne at st. dominique", ask for a regular exequatur.[273] he elaborated on his policy with reference to the west indies in another letter to short, written three months later. in it will be found expressed more discreetly, but no less firmly, the philosophy outlined already with reference to spain and the mississippi. he maintained first of all that the united states had no design whatever on the west indies, for "if there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every american, it is that we should have nothing to do with conquest." this principle once established, he proceeded to examine the situation from a practical point of view. the regulations imposed by the french on their colonies are such that they cannot trade directly with their neighbors; for the supplies necessary to relieve their mutual wants have to be carried first to france in order to be exported either to the colonies or to the american continent. this is contrary to the natural order of things: "an exchange of surplusses and wants between neighbor nations, is both a right and a duty under the moral law, and measures against right should be mollified in their exercise, if it be wished to lengthen them to the greatest term possible." it seemed to jefferson that such a right ought to be recognized by any unprejudiced mind; but, unfortunately, "europeans in general have been too long in the habit of confounding force with right with respect to america." circumstances are such that these rights cannot be pressed very strongly and "can be advanced only with delicacy", but what the united states cannot do themselves, lafayette perhaps can present informally to his friends. he alone can make them understand that, while they are establishing a new régime for their colonial possessions of the west indies, "in policy, if not in justice, they should be disposed to avoid oppression, which, falling on us, as well as on their colonies, might tempt us to act together."[274] was this a veiled threat? not exactly. it was an extension of montesquieu's theory of laws to international relations, an application of the theories of the french economists on free trade. but even supposing that the theory itself had some remote french origin, to a large extent it was new and typically american. only former colonies which had won their complete independence could maintain that, in matters of trade, the colonies were completely independent of the metropolis, and that commercial and geographical considerations should outweigh political regulations. the united states were strongly inclined to use every favorable opportunity to make this principle obtain in their relations with their neighbors, and what was a far more dangerous thing, they considered this policy both "a right and a duty under the moral law." it was not political imperialism to be sure, but in our days it certainly would be called commercial imperialism under a moral disguise. at that time, it was really a theory far in advance of both the theory and practice of any european nation, and it is very doubtful whether jefferson would have found justification for it in any of the authorities on the law of nations he had consulted with reference to the navigation of the mississippi.[275] there is no doubt that jefferson fully realized all the implications of his doctrine, for he submitted it to the president before sending it to short in cipher; but he insisted that, if the contents of his letter were permitted to leak out at a favorable opportunity, "the national assembly might see the impolicy of insisting on particular conditions, which, operating as grievances on us, as well as on their colonists, might produce a concert of action."[276] the news of the flight of the king was for him another evidence of the "fruits of that form of government, which heaps importance on idiots, and which the tories of the present day are trying to preach into our favor." then he added significantly: "i still hope the french revolution will issue happily. i feel that the permanence of our own leans in some degree on that; and that a failure there would be a powerful argument to prove there would be a failure here."[277] meanwhile his actions were far more cautious than his theories would lead one to believe. when the santo domingo assembly placed their situation before the government of the united states, asking for ammunition, arms, and provisions to be charged against the money owed france by the united states, jefferson answered that although the united states had with them "some common points of union in matters of commerce" he could not do anything without the approbation of ternant. when the colonists asked him what would be the attitude of the united states in case they became independent, jefferson did not conceal the fact that they would lay themselves open to any attack by a strong nation and that their interest, as well as the interests of the united states, was to see them retain their connection with their mother country; and he finally decided to give them such small supplies from time to time "as will keep them from real distress, and to wait with patience for what would be a surplus, till m. ternant can receive instructions from france.... it would be unwise in the highest degree, that the colonists should be disgusted with either france or us."[278] he was soon to be deprived, however, of direct news from france, for short was transferred from paris to the hague and gouverneur morris appointed minister plenipotentiary to france.[279] he had to explain his policy to the new minister, which he did on march 10, 1792, this time insisting that nothing in the conduct or the views of the united states should cause any apprehension to the french government and that he should allay all fears on that score.[280] but with lafayette he still insisted that if he did not mention the point again, it was largely because he considered that it had been won: we have been less zealous in aiding them, lest your government should feel any jealousy on our account. but, in truth, we as sincerely wish their restoration and connection with you, as you do yourselves. we are satisfied that neither your justice nor their distresses will ever again permit their being forced to seek at dear and distant markets those first necessaries of life which they may have at cheaper markets, placed by nature at their door, and formed by her for their support.[281] it was not until the latter part of 1792 that reiterated letters from morris, describing the situation and asking for instructions, forced jefferson to make a very important declaration on relations that could be transacted with revolutionary governments. there again he displayed the resourcefulness of a good lawyer combined with the idealism of a political philosopher. having no hint of the form of government that the french were to adopt, he thought it necessary to lay down certain principles to direct the conduct of the american plenipotentiary in paris. they were substantially as follows: the permanent principle of the united states was to recognize any government "which is formed by the will of the nation substantially declared." if the government to be formed by the french presented such a character, there was no reason to doubt that the united states would grant recognition, and morris could proceed without further ado to transact with them "every kind of business." on the other hand, the government established might present an entirely different complexion and in that case the recognition might be more doubtful; but even then it was to be considered as a _de facto_, if not a _de jure_ government, and it was the duty of the american minister to discuss some matters with them in order to obtain concessions "reforming the unfriendly restrictions on our commerce and navigation."[282] the question as to morris' safety was left entirely to him to determine and could not very well be the object of precise instructions. two weeks later, jefferson himself had an opportunity to make a practical application of his policy. although they had received no formal authority from the national assembly, the united states were willing to contribute aids from time to time to santo domingo, and were placing at their disposal for december the sum of forty thousand dollars. but jefferson insisted that such moneys as were thus obtained were to be spent in america where supplies could be had cheapest, "and where the same sum would consequently effect the greatest measure of relief to the colony." incidentally, it was spent also for the greatest benefit of the american merchants, and strengthened the commercial connection between the islands and the american continent, a point not to be mentioned to the french envoy, but well worth keeping in mind.[283] at the beginning of 1793, jefferson was not only inclined to treat favorably the new french government but resented strongly any criticism of it. when he discovered that in several letters his friend and disciple short had censured the proceedings of the french jacobins, jefferson, fearing that he had been corrupted by aristocratic friendships, undertook to set him right on the matter. he took the following view of the situation: the contest had been between the feuillant patriots favoring a free constitution with an hereditary executive and the jacobins who thought that expunging that office was an absolute necessity. the feuillants had their day and their experiment had failed miserably. the nation was with them in opinion and had finally won. certainly in the struggle many guilty persons fell without the forms of trial and innocents with them. but altogether they are to be considered as soldiers who have fallen during a battle; their memory will be embalmed by truth and time. meanwhile the only thing to consider was that the liberty of the whole world depended on the issue of the contest: was ever such a prize won with so little innocent blood? my own affections have been deeply wounded by some of the martyrs to this cause, but rather than it should have failed i would have seen half the earth desolated; were there but an adam and an eve left in every country, and left free, it would be better than as it is now. short was then severely rebuked for having expressed in conversations sentiments offensive to the french patriots. he was reminded that there were in the united states "some characters of opposite principles hostile to france, and fondly looking to england as the staff of their hopes. their prospects have certainly not brightened.... the successes of republicanism in france have given the _coup de grace_ to their prospects, and i hope to their projects." this was to be kept in mind by short, and, as jefferson intended to retire at an early date, he called his attention to the fact that not knowing who his successor would be and into whose hands his further communications would fall, he had better be prudent and not let his "too great sensibility to the misfortunes of some dear friends obscure his republicanism."[284] in a communication to gouverneur morris, jefferson was more reserved but no less insistent upon the principle that the french government was a government _de jure_ as well as _de facto_: we surely cannot deny to any nation that right whereon our own government is founded, that every one may govern itself according to whatever form it pleases, and change these forms at its own will; and that it may transact its business with foreign nations through whatever organ it thinks proper, whether king, convention, assembly, committee, president, or anything else it may choose. the will of the nation is the only essential thing to be regarded. such being the case, the united states not only should continue to pay the installment on the debt but use their utmost endeavors to make punctual payments. urged by the strongest attachment to that country, and thinking it is even providential that moneys lent to us in distress could be repaid under like circumstances, we had no hesitation to comply with the application, and arrangements are accordingly taken, for furnishing this sum at epochs accommodated to the demands and our means of paying it. this was the doctrine of national gratitude reaffirmed and illustrated, but naturally relations could not be placed on an entirely sentimental basis. morris was instructed at the same time "to use and improve every possible opportunity which may occur in the changeable scenes which are passing, and to seize them as they occur, for placing our commerce with that nation and its dependencies, on the freest and most encouraging footing possible."[285] a week later news of the execution of the king arrived at philadelphia. for the fate of louis xvi, jefferson felt and expressed little personal regret. he never held the monarch in high esteem: furthermore, the example set by france might teach a good lesson to other autocrats and "soften the monarchical governments, by rendering monarchs amenable to punishment like other criminals, and doing away with that rage of insolence and oppression, the inviolability of the king's person."[286] here again it is evident that domestic considerations were uppermost in jefferson's mind. never could one correct too vigorously those who wished to establish a monarchy in the united states. whether he was justified or not, jefferson sincerely believed that the american republic was in danger, and his attitude at that time reflects his fear of the monocrats more than any real sympathy for the french terrorists. thus spoke jefferson, the party man, and he made no mystery of his sentiments either in his conversations or in his private letters. the secretary of state, however, could not easily afford to adopt publicly the same attitude. early in february colonel w. s. smith had brought the intelligence that the french minister ternant, whose royalist opinions shocked the french sympathizers in philadelphia, would be recalled and citizen genet would be sent in his place by the republic. it was already known that genet would bring very advantageous propositions to the united states, for he would come with full powers to give us all the privileges we can desire in their countries, and particularly in the west indies; that they even contemplate to set them free the next summer; that they proposed to emancipate south america, and will send forty-five ships of the line there next spring, and miranda at the head of the expedition; that they desire our debt to be paid them in provisions, and have authorized him to negotiate this.[287] on the other hand it was to be feared that genet would remind the american government of the existence of the treaty of 1778, by which the united states agreed to give distinct advantages to french privateers and to guarantee the integrity of the french west indies. it was not until april that it was known war had been declared between france and england. were the united states going to be dragged into the european convulsions and would they have to side openly with their former ally? acting on the information received from colonel smith, jefferson quickly wrote to carmichael and short, asking them to refrain from mentioning the louisiana question to spain, and chiefly to be very careful not to "bind us to guarantee any of the spanish colonies against their own independence, nor indeed against any other nation." jefferson believed that there was a possibility of seeing france encourage the spanish colonies to revolt and would not have objected "to the receiving those on the east side into our confederation." this was an eventuality not to be lightly dismissed, and once more jefferson's uppermost preoccupation was not to please the french revolutionists but to further the interests of his country.[288] but before deciding upon any course of action it was advisable to temporize and to find out from what quarter the wind was about to blow. the only thing to do for the present was to wait and to avoid any unpleasant complications with the powers at war; and first of all to see to it that the united states should enjoy the rights and privileges of a complete neutrality. jefferson began sending instructions to that effect to samuel shaw, consul at canton, china.[289] two days later he wrote even more explicitly to dumas: "we wish not to meddle with the internal affairs of any country, nor with the general affairs of europe. peace with all nations, and the right which that gives us with all nations are our objects. it will be necessary for all our public agents to exert themselves with vigilance for securing to our vessels all the rights of neutrality, and from preventing the vessels of other nations from usurping our flags."[290] as the cabinet met only one month later (april 18) at the request of washington to discuss the proclamation of neutrality, it is not without importance to call attention to the date and the text of that letter. winning jefferson over to the position finally adopted by the american government could not present insuperable difficulties since he had already outlined the same policy even before consulting with the president, and on his own initiative had sent instructions to the agents. when the cabinet met to consider the emergency, and the several secretaries were invited by washington to submit their opinions in writing, the course to be followed was officially agreed upon and washington issued the famous proclamation of neutrality on april 22,--the very same day the new minister from france landed at charleston. jefferson did not lose any time notifying the american agents abroad of the policy of the united states, repeating substantially the instructions already sent to dumas one month before.[291] at the same time ternant was officially notified that credits opened in favor of the west indies had to be stopped;[292] as the emergency had passed and a regular government had been established in france, money could be appropriated from the regular installments paid on the debt. [illustration: thomas jefferson _from the portrait by rembrandt peale_] according to a letter written to monroe,[293] jefferson saw with a secret pleasure, the monocrat papers publish the most furious philippics against england, and the old spirit of 1776 rekindled from charleston to boston. he expressed the pious wish that "we may be able to repress the spirit of the people within the limits of fair neutrality." but he revolted against what he considered a subservient attitude to england on the part of hamilton. it is one of the few occasions in which he departed in a letter (i do not count the "anas") from his judicial attitude: "in the meantime," he said, "hamilton is panick struck, if we refuse our breech to every kick which great britain may choose to give it. in order to preserve even a sneaking neutrality a fight is necessary in every council for our votes are generally two and a half against one and a half." jefferson's private opinion might have favored the french revolution, as it undoubtedly did. i do not see, however, that in any important circumstance he departed from the strict line of neutrality which he had traced for the country. he sent instructions to thomas pinckney[294] to the effect that, in order to avoid any violation of neutrality, passports could be issued to vessels only in american ports; that "in other lands american citizens were free to purchase and use any foreign built vessels, as those were entitled to the same protection as home built vessels." that all vessels belonging to citizens of the united states loaded with grain to the port of one of the belligerents could not be stopped by the other belligerent if going to an unblockaded port. then genet, still at charleston and before being regularly accredited, took upon himself to outfit privateers and to commission them. "the british ship _grange_, while lying at anchor in the bay of delaware, within the territory and jurisdiction of the united states, was taken possession of by the _embuscade_, a frigate of the french republic, brought to port where she was detained as a prize and the crew kept prisoners."[295] ternant was asked to detain the vessel, waiting for a decision to be taken concerning the representations of the british minister, hammond. but it will be seen in jefferson's letter to hammond[296] that he did not hesitate to grant that the capture of the _grange_ was not "warranted by the usage of nations, nor by the existing treaties between the united states and france", nor, jefferson added, "by any law of the land." on the other hand he maintained that agents of the french government were free to purchase "arms and military accoutrements" with an intent to export them to france, and that citizens of the united states could sell such articles, being duly warned, however, that they were subject to confiscation should they fall into the hands of a belligerent. indeed, it took all the calamitous blunders of genet to turn jefferson against him. from charleston, where he had landed, to philadelphia, his march had been a triumph. the citizens of philadelphia, hearing that the president might refuse to receive him, had even decided to give him an ovation and to meet him at gray's ferry. he delivered his credentials on may 18, and at once communicated the object of his mission in a style which now appears grandiloquent, but simply reflected that enthusiasm for america which was running so high in france at the time. "in short," wrote jefferson to madison, "he offers everything, and asks nothing."[297] this was too good to be true, and too wonderful to last long. less than three weeks later (june 5) jefferson had to send to genet strong representations on his attitude and pointed out several breaches of neutrality, particularly in the arming of french privateers in american ports, stating rather stiffly that it was "the _right_ of every nation to prohibit acts of sovereignty from being exercised by any other nation within its limits and the duty of a neutral nation to prohibit such as would injure one of the warring powers." but in a letter to hammond he stated that the measures could not be retrospective. in the first days of the war, french citizens, duly commissioned by the authorities of their country, had captured british vessels. it was impossible for the united states to rescue those vessels from the captors. all that could be done was to prevent the repetition of such an incident and to order the departure of all french privateers from the ports of the united states. it was fine legal reasoning, not without some of that hairsplitting for which jefferson reproached randolph. whether randolph had a hand or not in the reaching of that decision is another question. jefferson indorsed it in transmitting it both to hammond and genet. another proposition of genet did not meet with more favorable approval. the republic was hard pressed for money, and the new plenipotentiary had been requested to make every possible effort "to obtain payment in one lump sum of all the annuities coming to france, taking the debt in produce if necessary, or changing it into bonds to be sold to the public." to this jefferson was unequivocally opposed, although he referred the president to hamilton. he recommended payment in advance of the installments due for the year, but strongly objected to changing the form of the debt.[298] he wrote, furthermore, to gouverneur morris to acquaint him with the situation and to request him "to prevent any such proposition in the future from being brought forward."[299] as a matter of fact, although jefferson expressed pious and fervent wishes for the success of the french, i cannot see that he officially did much to further their cause. he was not even pleased by the agitation and propaganda in their behalf carried on in america by enthusiastic patriots. this appears very clearly in a letter to his son-in-law, thomas mann randolph, which, better than any official document, indicates his state of mind at the end of june, 1793: the french have been guilty of great errors in their conduct towards other nations, not only in insulting uselessly all crowned heads, but endeavoring to force liberty on their neighbors in their own form. they seem to be correcting themselves on the latter point; the war between them and england embarrasses our government daily and immensely. the predilection of our citizens for france renders it very difficult to suppress their attempts to cruise against the english on the ocean, and to do justice to the latter in cases where they are entitled to it.[300] monroe had sent him a long dissertation on the proclamation of neutrality which he judged both "unpolitick and unconstitutional"; for, if the president "possesses the right to say we shall be neutral, he might say we should not be."[301] to this jefferson answered that his friends' apprehensions were somewhat exaggerated, for the united states being at peace with england, the so-called proclamation of neutrality--which, by the way, did not contain the word neutrality--did nothing but maintain a _status quo_. this was a fine legal distinction, not very convincing, but very characteristic of jefferson's state of mind at that time and of his reluctance to favor the french side. had he ever wished to do it, the attitude of the french envoy would have soon forced him to adopt a different policy. the case of citizen genet is too well known to require elaborate treatment. less than six weeks after his arrival in philadelphia, jefferson had given him up as hopeless and dangerous: never in my opinion, was so calamitous an appointment made, as that of the present minister of france here. hot headed, all imagination, no judgment, passionate, disrespectful & even indecent towards the president in his written as well as verbal communications, talking of appeals from him to congress, from them to the people, urging the most unreasonable & groundless propositions, & in the most dictatorial style.[302] the case of the _little sarah_, a british prize, taken to philadelphia and refitted as a privateer by genet's orders, brought the matter to a head. genet was warned that the vessel could not sail; he refused to give definite assurances that it would not be ordered to sea. washington was away at the time, and knox and hamilton proposed mounting a battery of cannon to prevent the sailing of the vessel, a measure strongly opposed by jefferson, determined to avoid at all cost measures tantamount to a declaration of war. the _little sarah_ and the _democrat_ escaped, and washington in vehement words manifested his disapproval of the weakness shown on this occasion. the least the american government could do was to ask that genet be recalled, and it was so decided at a meeting of the cabinet on august 3. in a long letter intended for the french government, but sent to gouverneur morris and communicated to genet himself, jefferson drew up a terrible indictment of the french minister. hamilton and knox were decidedly in favor of stronger measures and of deciding then and there upon the "_renvoi_" of genet. jefferson, following his constant policy, was against a measure that could be construed as the recognition that a state of war existed between the two countries. this has been sometimes interpreted as evincing partiality to france on his part, but entries in the "anas" under august 20 and august 23 demonstrate beyond any doubt that he was also guided by his uppermost desire to promote the interests of his country. there was at least some reason to believe that genet's conduct would not receive the support of his government, and on the other hand he had brought over with him certain proposals worth considering for a treaty referring to the commerce with the west indies. although the cabinet had never considered the question formally, jefferson estimated the matter of such importance that he had taken it upon himself to discuss it with genet in several conversations. to leave the friendly overtures of the french republic without any answer would not only be insulting but highly unpolitic, since the executive might be accused "of neglecting the interests of the united states." under these circumstances some means had to be found of sparing the feelings of the french government, so as not to lose entirely the chances of concluding a treaty so advantageous to the united states. as secretary of state, jefferson had to find a satisfactory formula. this was to ask the french government to recall genet, but at the same time to appoint his successor and to renew to this successor the powers granted originally to genet. such was the tenor of his letter to morris, a very clever solution to a very difficult situation. as for genet himself, he was to be tolerated until the arrival of his successor. unfortunately the "citizen" did not know how to keep quiet or when to quit. not a dishonest man in ordinary life, not even an unintelligent man, he was the greatest bungler ever sent by a friendly nation to another. when he arrived in may, 1793, he had public opinion largely in his favor. members of congress and of the government, except possibly hamilton, were not hostile to france; the french envoy could have obtained distinct advantages for his country if he had proceeded slowly and with ordinary caution. two months later he had succeeded in turning against himself and against the country he represented the whole of public opinion, in sowing germs of distrust never to be eradicated, in fixing and crystallizing all sorts of prejudices and unfavorable generalizations about france. jefferson had made all possible efforts to keep the disaffection of the american government toward the french minister as much under cover as possible. but citizen genet threw down the gauntlet by publishing part of his official correspondence, thus forcing an appeal to the people and running the risk of arousing the "disgusts" jefferson had so much wished to avoid.[303] a week later, he had to admit to madison that genet's conduct "has given room to the enemies of france to come forward in a style of acrimony against that nation which they never dared to have done. the disapprobation of the agent mingles with the reprehension of his nation and gives a toleration to that which it never had before."[304] by a strange irony of fate, one of the last acts of jefferson as secretary of state was a final protest against genet's attitude. six months before he had been notified that he could not be received by the executive and that all communications from him had to be made in writing. deciding to appeal to congress over the head of the president, genet had copies of his instructions printed, demanding that they should be laid before both houses. a more stupid and childish step could hardly be imagined. jefferson, requested by the president to draw up an answer to genet, wrote at first a scathing denunciation of the french minister which was probably thought too strong, for it is marked "not inserted" on the manuscript:[305] the terms in which you permit yourself in this and some other of your letters to speak of the president of the u. s., and the influence and impressions you venture to ascribe to him, are calculated to excite sentiments which need no explanation. on what grounds of truth they are hazarded, how to reconcile them to decorum, to the respect due to the person and character of our chief magistrate, and to the nation over which he presides and that too from the representative of a friendly people, are questions left to your mature reflection. the letter which was finally sent, more moderate in its terms, was nevertheless a formal reminder of diplomatic proprieties: your functions as the missionary of a foreign mission here, are confined to the transactions of the affairs of your nation with the executive of the united states; that the communications, which are to pass between the executive and legislative branches, cannot be a subject for your interference, and that the president must be left to judge for himself what matters his duty or the public good may require him to propose to the deliberations of congress. i have therefore the honor of returning you the copies sent for distribution.[306] that very same day jefferson resigned his office into the hands of washington, assuring him that in his retirement he was taking with him "a lively sense of the president's goodness, and would continue gratefully to remember it."[307] chapter iii monticello--agriculture and politics when jefferson left philadelphia for what he sincerely believed would be definite retirement from the field of politics, he felt weary, tired, and already old. he had transacted all the business of his office with a minimum of clerical assistance, attending himself to all the details not only of foreign but also of domestic affairs, sometimes translating documents which he did not trust freneau with, preparing reports for the president, digging in his manuals of international law, wolfe, puffendorff, vatel, and grotius. the actual labor was enormous, the variety of subjects amazing; many times during the course of a day he had to shift from one subject to another. under fire all the time, harassed by the federalist papers, consulted by the leaders of the party which was beginning to form, he had not broken down under the strain, but was in urgent need of complete rest and agricultural quietude. he had packed books and furniture in advance and sent everything to monticello; his letter to genet written, he set out for virginia without even waiting for the justification that would result from the order to publish his correspondence with the french minister. at that time a vague idea that he could turn a new leaf and start a new life may fugitively have crossed his mind. he had respectfully but profoundly admired madame de corny when he was in paris. news from her had come through mrs. church; mr. de corny had died; madame de corny left a widow in very limited circumstances had retired to rouen.[308] it seems that he entertained the hope that she might decide to move to america and in that case he would have liked to see her at monticello: "madame de cosway is in a convent ... that she would have rather sought the mountain-top. how happy should i be that it were _mine_, that you, she, and madame de corny would seek." but he had seen too many of these brilliant french women in philadelphia to believe that a parisian could ever become accustomed to the simplicity of monticello and to its lack of entertainments, and he made the suggestion very timidly: "i know of no country where the remains of a fortune could place her so much at her ease as this, and where public esteem is so much attached to worth, regardless of wealth; our manners & the state of society here are so different from those to which her habits have been formed, that she would lose more perhaps in that scale." after all, he had not changed so much since he had declared his flame to belinda, almost in the same terms, twenty years earlier. this was the typical jeffersonian way of presenting his own wishes, of letting the others decide after he had stated the pros and cons; clearly he was not made to win personal triumphs, either in love or in politics. of politics he was utterly sick. he pictured himself spending the rest of his days in bucolic occupations. "the length of my tether is now fixed for life from monticello to richmond," he wrote to gates. "my private business can never call me elsewhere, and certainly politics will not, which i have ever hated both in theory and practice."[309] writing to mrs. church, he had gone into more details. i am to be liberated from the hated occupations of politics retire into the bosom of my family, my farm, & my books. i have my house to build, my family to form, and to watch for the happiness of those who labor for mine. i have one daughter married to a man of science, sense, virtue and competence; in whom indeed i have nothing more to wish. they live with me. if the other shall be as fortunate in the process of time, i shall imagine myself as blessed as the most blessed of the patriarchs.[310] at monticello he found martha and her husband, thomas mann randolph, and induced the young couple to stay with him. maria was now a tall girl, vivacious and witty, who would soon find a suitor. devoting himself entirely to his family and domestic cares, jefferson plunged into the reorganization of his estate left to an overseer for more than ten years, and granted so little attention to politics that he did not even subscribe to any newspaper, being quite content with those published at richmond. "i think it is montaigne who has said that ignorance is the softest pillow on which a man can rest his head," he wrote to edmund randolph. "i am sure it is true as to everything political, and shall endeavor to estrange myself to everything of that character."[311] since that time there have been in american politics many instances of politicians who left for a hunting party, or retired to their farms in order to avoid responsibility. this was not the attitude of jefferson; his was no temporary retirement while waiting for the storm to blow itself over. had he chosen to remain in philadelphia, as he had been asked to do by washington, he would have at least checked hamilton's personal influence and counterbalanced in washington's mind the advice and counsels of his enemy. his party had been reorganized and the republicans had just obtained a majority in the new congress, but his principles were far from being secure. he indicated it himself in the same letter to randolph when he wrote: i indulge myself on one political topic only, that is, in declaring to my countrymen the shameless corruption of a portion of the representatives to the first and second congresses, and their implicit devotion to the treasury. i think i do good in this, because it may produce exertions to reform the evil on the success of which the form of the government is to depend. shortly after coming back to monticello, he discovered, somewhat to his dismay, that the rank and file of the good people of the country did not pay much attention to the political battle which was still raging in philadelphia. he went to "court" at charlottesville at the beginning of february and was amazed to find that his neighbors had not heard of madison's speeches in congress or even of the recall of genet. i could not have supposed--he wrote to madison--when at philadelphia that so little of what was passing there could be known even at kentucky as is the case here. judging from this of the rest of the union, it is evident to me that the people are not in a condition either to approve or disapprove of their government, nor consequently to influence it.[312] this would tend to give confirmation to the supposition i timidly ventured in the last chapter. neither the inflammatory speeches made in congress, nor the foundation of democratic clubs, nor the newspaper battle between different editors had been able to rouse the people of the country. in america, as in every other country, the rural population, at that time the majority of the population, remained passive and took little interest in discussions that did not immediately affect their interests. then, too, as in our days, the press was able to modify and to influence to some extent public opinion, but did not express it. editors were years in advance of the slow-moving masses in their prognostications. it takes a national emergency, a violent crisis or a well-organized political machine to coalesce the great majority of a people and force them to see beyond the limited horizon of their village, their county or their state. this is so even now, and it was certainly so a century and a half ago, when the parochial and provincial spirit was still stronger than the national spirit. since this was realized by jefferson, it is difficult to understand how he did not come to the conclusion that his clear duty was to go back to philadelphia and do his utmost to educate an apathetic people. but he was not the man to enjoy strife and struggle; he was too sensitive of personal criticism and attacks, too timid also to care to exchange blows with an opponent. he was the type of man who likes to play chess by correspondence, to suggest solutions, but not the one "to knead the dough", as the french say, and to take an active part in the daily game of politics. from his retirement he found time to answer letters from madison and monroe. before leaving philadelphia, he had transmitted to the house of representatives a report on the privileges and restrictions of the commerce of the united states.[313] it was incumbent upon madison to draw from it specific recommendations. jefferson pointed out in a dispassionate way the obstacles put by great britain to the growth of american commerce, her lack of reciprocal treatment, her prohibitions and restrictions. he ended by indicating that france had, of her own accord, proposed negotiations for improving the commercial relations between the two countries by a new treaty on fair and equal principles; that her internal disturbances alone had prevented her from doing it, though the government had repeatedly manifested reassuring dispositions. on the contrary, "in spite of friendly advances and arrangements proposed to great britain, they being already on as good a footing in law, and a better in fact, than the most favored nation, they have not, as yet, discovered any disposition to have it meddled with." as a remedy, pending the conclusion of treaties, jefferson laid down five principles to protect american commerce and retaliate in so far as would not hurt the interests of the american people, although at the beginning trade might suffer from it. a storm broke out in congress, and once more jefferson became the target of the federalists. he was not uninformed of these developments, for madison and monroe sent him several letters at short intervals at the beginning of march; nor did he leave his lieutenants without directions. he still hoped that a war could be avoided; but he could not conceive that it would be possible in any event to let great britain seize the french west indies: "i have no doubt that we ought to interpose at a proper time, and declare both to france and england that these islands are to rest with france, and that we will make a common cause with the latter for that object." having thus outlined these policies, he relapsed into his ataraxy, affirming that he had not seen a philadelphia paper until he had received those inclosed by madison. the patience of monroe must have been taxed to the breaking point when, after sending to his chief a long letter full of detailed information, he received in answer an equally long letter replete with agricultural disquisitions--"on such things as you are too little of a farmer to take much interest in."[314] the supposed leader of the republicans was not more encouraging in his letters to madison when he wrote a month later: "i feel myself so thoroughly weaned from the interest i took in the proceedings there, while there, that i have never a wish to see one [a newspaper], and believe that i shall never take another paper of any sort. i find my mind totally absorbed by my rural occupation."[315] yet the old fame flared up occasionally, as when he learned that hamilton was being considered to succeed pinckney who would be recalled from england: "a more degrading measure could not have been proposed," he wrote to monroe. in regard to hamilton, he foresaw an investigation on the treasury and had wanted to withdraw before it took place.[316] but he fell back into the same detached attitude of mind, when he wrote to washington the next day: "i return to farming with an ardor which i scarcely knew in my youth, and which has got the better entirely of my love of study. instead of writing ten or twelve letters a day, which i have been in the habit of doing as a thing of course, i put off answering my letters now, farmer-like, till a rainy day." as a matter of fact, i doubt very much whether he had reached any such equanimity. for if he was unwilling to reënter public life, he was not averse to giving his opinion and advice in critical circumstances. while madison's resolutions were still before congress, news arrived in philadelphia of the seizure of american ships in the caribbean, under the order in council of november 6. indignation was running high and democratic societies held patriotic meetings throughout the country. war seemed imminent, and although jefferson preferred to contemplate the tranquil growth "of his lucern and potatoes", he still felt indignant when thinking "of these scoundrels" (the british). yet he believed that war should be avoided and wrote to that effect to tench coxe: we are alarmed here with the apprehension of war; and sincerely anxious that it may be avoided; but not at the expense either of our faith or honour.... as to myself i love peace, and i am anxious that we should give the world still another useful lesson, by showing to them other modes of punishing injuries than by war, which is as much a punishment to the punisher as to the sufferers.[317] to washington he wrote two weeks later a most amusing letter, starting with a dissertation on crop rotation and "a certain essence of dung, one pint of which would manure an acre according to lord kaims", but not forgetting, in a negligent way, to slip in at the end a piece of political advice: "to try to extricate ourselves from the event of a war; at the same time to try to rouse public opinion in great britain and the only way to do it being to distress their commerce." but he added once more, "i cherish tranquillity too much to suffer political things to enter my mind at all."[318] this was nothing but the non-intercourse policy then debated by the government and of which jefferson had evidently heard. when his letter reached the president, a solution had already been adopted and jay had sailed for england on the mission which was to end with his signing the famous or infamous treaty. the summer went on without any new letter from jefferson. a letter of the secretary of state, asking him whether he would not consider lending a hand to the president in the present emergency, found him in bed "under a paroxysm of rheumatism which had kept him for ten days in constant torment." then he emphatically added, no circumstance will evermore tempt me to engage in any thing public.... it is a great pleasure to me to retain the esteem and approbation of the president, and this forms the only ground of any reluctance at being unable to comply with every wish of his. pray convey these sentiments, and a thousand more to him, which my situation does not permit me to go into.[319] this was the very time when the whisky boys of eastern pennsylvania revolted against the excise laws of hamilton which fell on them harder than on any other part of the rural population, for they could not market their grain for lack of transportation facilities and their only means of living was distilling it into whisky. individual acts of resistance to the agents of the excise culminated in august, 1794, in an armed convention denouncing the law and defying the government on braddock field, under the leadership of the chief expert of the jeffersonians, albert gallatin. not only was the militia called but the president and hamilton went to visit the camp at carlisle. the insurrection ended without bloodshed, but the side of the insurrectionists was taken up in the large cities by the democratic societies in which the irish element was largely represented--hot-headed people, recently come from an oppressed land, who felt an ingrained spirit of revolt against soldiers and men in uniform,--until dressed in a uniform themselves. the immediate effect of the hamiltonian policy was to amalgamate rural population and urban groups of mechanics and small operatives in a hostile attitude towards the aristocratic government. hamilton thought the time had come to crush the vanguard of the jeffersonian troops, and washington, who had an inveterate hatred of anything smacking of disorder and mob rule, lent a favorable ear. he wrote a stinging denunciation of the democratic societies in his yearly message to congress. this time jefferson was aroused, although personally he had never had anything to do with tammany in new york nor any of the democratic societies in philadelphia. he fairly exploded in a letter to james madison: the denunciation of the democratic societies was "one of the extraordinary acts of boldness of which we have seen so many from the faction of monocrats." how could one condemn the democratic societies and let alone the society of the cincinnati, "a self-created one, carving out for itself hereditary distinctions, lowering over our constitution eternally." it was an inexcusable aggression. with regard to the transactions against the excise law, he refused to take seriously the "meeting of braddock field", and ridiculed the mobilizing of an army against men who were not thinking seriously of separating, "simply consulting about it."--"but to consult on a question does not amount to a determination of that question in the affirmative, still less to the acting _on such determination_," he advised. a fine legal distinction which jefferson forgot at the time of the burr conspiracy! but "the first and only cause of the whole trouble was the infernal excise law." the first error was "to admit it by the constitution"; the second, to act on that admission; the third and last will be to "make it the instrument of dismembering the union." in conclusion he advised madison to stay at his post, "to take the front of the battle" for jefferson's own security, and once again he reaffirmed that he would not give up his retirement for the empire of the universe.[320] on april 23, 1795, he wrote to james madison to refuse categorically any resumption of office high or low. that was already his firm resolution when he had left philadelphia and it was even stronger then, since his health had broken down during the last eight months: "my age requires that i should place my affairs in a clear state. the question is forever closed with me." to propose his name would only mean a division of votes in the party and that was to be avoided before everything.[321] to giles he repeated that his days "were busy with now and then a pious ejaculation for the french and dutch, returning with due despatch to my clover, potatoes, wheat, etc."[322] in the meantime jay had returned with the treaty surrendering practically all the claims of the united states, placing the country in a position of constant inferiority with reference to england, opening the mississippi to the british trade and forbidding american vessels to carry molasses, sugar, and cotton to any ports except their own. it was laid in special session before the senate on june 8, ratified on june 24, and sent to the president without the contents being known to any one. it would have remained secret if thomson mason of virginia had not taken a copy of it to bache, who published it the next day in the _aurora_. it was a most humiliating and scarcely defensible transaction: jay had been outgeneraled at every step by grenville and, in a way, betrayed by hamilton. but although it was distinctly a federalist victory, it offered good campaign material for the republicans.[323] on august 30, jefferson sent to thomas mann a sort of apologia, telling him how, "while all hands were below deck, every one at his own business and the captain in his cabin attending to the log book a rogue of a pilot had run the ship into an enemy's port." not that he wanted to express any opinion of his own but, "metaphor apart, there is much dissatisfaction with mr. jay and his treaty.... for my part, i consider myself now but as a passenger leaving the world and its government to those who are likely to live longer in it."[324] with h. tazewell he was more outspoken: a glance at the treaty had been enough to convince him that the united states would be much better without any treaty than with a treaty of that sort. "acquiescence under insult is not the way to escape war," and he could only hope that the executive's sense of public honor and spirit would be awakened. to madison he gave the benefit of his advice. there was no leader in the camp of the republicans to take advantage of the situation; rioting in the streets could not influence favorably the judgment of washington, who had not yet signed, and there was always hamilton, who had retired to be sure, but was "a host in himself"; the federalists were in a defile, but "too much security will give time to his talents and indefatigableness to extricate them." he ended with an appeal to madison: "we have had only middling performances to oppose to him. in truth, when he comes forward, there is nobody but yourself who can meet him.... for god's sake take your pen, and give a fundamental reply to curtius and camillus."[325] with real perspicacity jefferson had put his finger on the fundamental weakness of the republicans. they were only the yeomanry; they counted a number of very honest and distinguished men; some of them were even brilliant in debates and could flatter themselves that they were victorious, as long as the federalist chieftain did not appear in person on the battlefield. when he did, however, they had no outstanding man with the same capacity for work, the same ability to marshal facts, to present cogent arguments and to use biting sarcasm. jefferson alone, with his great felicity of expression and his mastery of style, could have opposed successfully the federalist leader, but, as he wrote to rutledge: "after five and twenty years' continual employment (in the service of our country), i trust it will be thought i have fulfilled my tour, like a punctual soldier and may claim my discharge."[326] that he would have been a redoubtable opponent, had he chosen to be so, appears in a letter he sent at the time to william b. giles. the treaty once ratified by the senate and signed by the president, it was thought that the house, on which fell the duty of making the necessary appropriations for the enforcement of the different articles, might possibly pass in their turn on the merits of the document. randolph had been requested by the president to give his opinion on the subject and did it in one of those written consultations which jefferson had so often been asked to prepare himself, when in the official family of washington. to giles, who was to attack the treaty in the house with gallatin and madison, jefferson sent an elaborate and cruel dissection of randolph's opinion: the fact is that he has generally given his principles to one party, and his practice to the other, the oyster to one, the shell to the other.... on the precedent now to be set will depend the future construction of our constitution, and whether the powers of legislation shall be transferred from the president, senate, and house of representatives to the president and senate, and piamingo or any other indian, algerine, or other chief.[327] clearly he was getting back into his stride and when thoroughly aroused, as he had been once or twice in his career, he could also hit back or rather pierce with rapid thrust of the rapier. and yet he was not really thinking of reëntering the arena, for at the same time he was offering to george wythe to superintend an edition of the laws of virginia, of which he had made as complete a collection as he could, "either the manuscripts crumbling into dust or printed."[328] yet he had an eye upon the budding geniuses of the democratic party. soon he realized the value of albert gallatin, who had undertaken a thorough analysis and demolition of hamilton's administration: hamilton's object from the beginning was to throw them into forms which would be utterly undecypherable.... if mr. gallatin would undertake to reduce this chaos to order, present us with a clear view of our finances, and put them in a form as simple as they will admit, he will merit an immortal honor. the accounts of the united states ought to be, and may be made as simple as those of a common farmer, and capable of being understood by common farmers.[329] with such sentences, simple and easily remembered, such felicity of expression and of thought, one can make a lasting impression on the people, without addressing directly the indians of tammany hall or participating in whisky riots. one can also throw suspicion of intentional dishonesty on one's adversaries, coin mottoes which, repeated in a political campaign, fix themselves easily in the unsophisticated minds of the common people. but it does not ensue necessarily that jefferson was an arch plotter, pulling the strings and laying plots to explode years later. he was quite sincere in his dislike of hamilton's budgets, for the simple reason that he did not understand them himself. the master financier and expert was beyond jefferson's comprehension; in many respects he was even far ahead of his own time, while jefferson, in matters of finance at least, remained all his life an eighteenth-century man. but the young swiss-american who had made his mark in the whisky insurrection must have felt himself elated at jefferson's approval. by such appropriate compliments and encouragements, great tacticians create and foster party and personal loyalty, and jefferson was a past master in this difficult art. as he had encouraged gallatin, he encouraged giles, kept in touch with him and through him sent a word of congratulation to a new republican recruit, doctor leib: "i know not when i have received greater satisfaction than on reading the speech of doctor leib in the pennsylvania assembly. he calls himself a new member. i congratulate honest republicanism on such an acquisition, and promise myself much from a career which begins on such elevated ground."[330] he reminded him that democratic societies were proscribed in england and that it would be interesting to know the terms of the bill proposed by pitt against them. gallatin again called for his commendation for a speech printed in bache's _aurora_, the sole organ of the republicans since freneau had discontinued his _gazette_: "it is worthy of being printed at the end of the _federalist_, as the only rational commentary on the part of the law to which it relates."[331] then jefferson raved over the indignities heaped upon the country by the treaty, over the point made by the federalists that the house had nothing to say in the matter, and in his fury he even went so far as to treat washington more severely than he had ever done before. "curse on his virtues," he exclaimed; "they have undone his country." this political advice was naturally buried under rural news: "mercury at twenty degrees in the morning. corn fallen at richmond to twenty shillings." but this bucolic note stopped short and the political thermometer was consulted again and indicated that "nicholas was sure of his election, r. joue and jo. monroe, in competition for the other vote of the county." three weeks later jefferson dug in his files to send madison more ammunition, showing clearly that, at least in one case, washington himself had recognized formerly the authority of the legislature, that is to say both branches of the house, when it came to ratifying the treaty with the new emperor of morocco.[332] then he wrote to his former neighbor, philip mazzei, a letter which was to cause him more difficulties than any of the previous acts of his career. he thought that he could and should give news of the country to this curious character, who had come to virginia as a vine-grower to engage in agricultural experiments but who was also the former agent of the duke of tuscany and of stanislas of poland, a grimm "_au petit pied_", a literary correspondent and a philosopher. in all fairness to jefferson a preliminary remark is here necessary. he was apt in conversation to take his cue from his interlocutors rather than to force on them any topic, and he was apt also to speak in the same tone and same diapason. in his letters he instinctively yielded to the same tendency, changing his tone and style according to his correspondent. writing to an italian he adopted a flowery, metaphoric, and emphatic manner not often found in his letters, and in his desire to flatter the tuscan ear of his friend, he overshot the mark and overemphasized what he would have stated much more moderately to an american: against us are the executive, the judiciary, two out of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the government, all who want to be officers, all timed men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty.... it would give you a fever were i to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men who were samsons in the field and solomons in the council, but who have had their heads shorn by the harlot england.... but these men had not realized the great strength of the party then coming into being: "we have only to awake and snap the lilliputian cords with which they have been entangling us during the first sleep which succeeded our labors." then came the customary mention of his health, even more mournful than usual: "i begin to feel the effects of age. my health has suddenly broken down, with symptoms which give me to believe that i shall not have much to encounter of the _tedium vitae_."[333] little did he believe when he indulged in this rhetorical outburst that mazzei would give the letter to an italian paper, that it would be translated from the italian into french, from french into english and finally appear in america. for jefferson was eager to remain on good personal terms with washington, even if he strongly disapproved of his policies, and this appeared when a few months later he denied having communicated to bache's _aurora_ the questionnaire on the _little sarah_, and he seized the occasion to assure washington once again of his affectionate sentiments. but he was already thinking of protecting himself, for in the same letter he asked the president to send him copies of the opinions presented by hamilton and randolph as "they had his opinion and he never had been able to obtain copy of theirs." and significantly he added, "though i do not know that it will ever be of the least importance to me, yet one loves to possess arms, though they hope never to have occasion for them."[334] the summer was apparently entirely occupied in agricultural and scientific pursuits. la rochefoucauld-liancourt, the former president of the national assembly, at whose house jefferson used to visit when in paris to meet the "_républicains_", was then traveling through the united states and stopped at monticello for a week. the duke has left us a most valuable description of jefferson's establishment and the country around it. he praised the house "which will deserve when completed to be ranked with the most pleasant mansions in france and in europe." he admired the view from the hill: for "mr. jefferson's house commands one of the most extensive prospects you can meet with." but his eye was that of a refined and overcivilized frenchman of the eighteenth century accustomed to limited horizons, limited forests, to a certain balance between the woods, the rivers and the lands inclosed with hedges, to a nature stamped, modified, remolded by centuries of human labor. the contrast between the "moderate french landscapes" and the unlimited vistas in which plowed fields occupied a negligible space, impressed him almost painfully. [illustration: monticello as it appears to-day _copyright harris and ewing, washington, d. c._] it was a magnificent view, but too vast; and rather than look at the scene as it presented itself, he preferred to call on fancy "to picture to us those plains and mountains such as population and culture will render them in a greater or smaller number of years." he looked with some suspicion at the numerous agricultural experiments of jefferson, who seemed "to have derived his knowledge from books." he was not alone in this opinion. in any farming country, innovations are looked upon askance and we are not surprised to learn that "his system is entirely confined to himself; it is censured by some of his neighbours, who are also employed in improving their culture with ability and skill, but he adheres to it, and thinks it founded on just observation." finally came the picture of the master himself and life at monticello, worth preserving and reproducing. in private life, mr. jefferson displays a mild, easy and obliging temper, though he is somewhat cold and reserved. his conversation is the most agreeable kind, and he possesses a stock of information not inferior to that of any other man. in europe he would hold a distinguished rank among men of letters, and as such he has already appeared there; at present he is employed with activity and perseverance in the management of his farms and buildings; and he orders, directs and pursues in the minutest detail every branch of business relative to them. i found him in the midst of the harvest, from which the scorching heat of the sun does not prevent his attendance. his negroes are clothed, and treated as well as white servants could be. as he cannot expect any assistance from the two small neighboring towns, every article is made on his farm; his negroes are cabinet-makers, carpenters, masons, bricklayers, smiths, etc. the children he employs in a nail factory, which yields already a considerable profit. the young and old negresses spin for the clothing of the rest. he animates them by rewards and distinctions; in fine, his superior mind directs the management of his domestic concerns with the same abilities, activity, and regularity which he evinced in the conduct of public affairs, and which he is calculated to display in every situation of life. in the superintendence of the household he is assisted by his two daughters, mrs. randolph and miss maria, who are handsome, modest, and amiable women. they have been educated in france. it is pleasant to have the direct testimony of a foreigner and a philosopher on the way jefferson treated his slaves. but how can we believe that a man who could supervise all the details of the agricultural and industrial life around monticello and endure the harvest sun was absolutely broken down in health? if he had ever been, jefferson certainly was picking up. it seems probable that he did not discuss politics with the noble traveler. perhaps he heard another recital of the excesses of the french revolution,--a painful subject and one that did not serve any purpose; far better was it to exchange views on crop rotation, sheep raising, dung and manure, clover and potatoes and to demonstrate the new plow he had invented with a mold board of least resistance, which was to bring him some years later the "_grande médaille_" of the agricultural society of paris.[335] the first mention of the coming presidential election occurs in a letter to monroe of july 10, 1796. the treaty had finally passed, but the party of the monocrats was shaken to its very foundation, "mr. jay and his advocates are treaty-foundered." the result was not doubtful. even if a monocrat were elected, he would be overborne by the republican sense of his constituents. "if a republican, he will, of course, give fair play to that sense and lead things into the channel of harmony between the governors and the governed. in the meantime, patience!" he mentions that in order to operate a division and to split the virginia vote, _they_ had unsuccessfully endeavored to run patrick henry for vice president and would probably fall back on pinckney, "in which they regard his southern position rather than his principles." but curiously enough the presidential nominees or preferences are not even mentioned. could monroe really believe that _hamlet_ was going to be played without hamlet, and that the election of a vice president was the only thing that mattered? this omission was far more significant than any expressed preference. if jefferson mentioned no candidates, it was simply because he already knew at that date that his faithful lieutenants in congress were thinking of him as the only logical candidate, the only one who had not participated actively in the last three years' fierce debates in congress, the only one who had not officially and openly taken a definite position, and consequently would be entirely free to make whatever concessions were necessary to reëstablish harmony in the divided camps of the voters. the result of the election was certainly in doubt; but at a time when foreign affairs were the dominant question, when in spite of the jay treaty england was multiplying almost unbearable insults, when the nation was deeply humiliated, and even the federalists resented the terms of the treaty, there were only two men of the first rank in america who had maintained the prestige of the united states before foreign nations and had shown themselves to be able negotiators: the man who with franklin had put his signature to the treaty of peace, and the man who had concluded treaties of commerce with the nations of europe; adams and jefferson. a strange campaign it was, in which the champion of the republicans seemed to remain completely silent. the middle of december came, and jefferson had not yet manifested any desire to run, nor had he made any declaration concerning his program. he had to come out however when, on the night of the sixteenth, he received a letter from madison informing him that there was no longer any doubt about the logical choice of the republicans and that madison would decline to be candidate. jefferson took up his pen at once to define his position to his friend. he hoped that adams would be elected; and in that case he would be satisfied with the second place although he would prefer the third, that is, his rejection, since he would be free to remain at home. it was desirable, however, in case of a tie, that madison be instructed to request on his behalf that mr. adams should be preferred. some of the reasons he gave were highly honorable, the best being that mr. adams was his senior and had always "ranked" him in public life, either in france or in america. other reasons he did not indicate: one was evidently that the situation had never worn so gloomy an aspect since the year 1783 and that jefferson did not believe he could steer clear of the present difficulties.[336] ten days later he wrote more at length to rutledge. no news had come from philadelphia, but he protested that he had no political ambition: "before my god, i shall from the bottom of my heart, rejoice at escaping." scrutinizing himself, he found that the unmerited abuse he had been subjected to still rankled; he was convinced that "no man will ever bring out of that office the reputation which carries him into it." the honeymoon would be as short in that case as in any other, and its moments of ecstasy would be ransomed by years of torment and hatred. frankly he had no heart for the job. nor was this a declaration of philosophical principles, but another instance of his political foresight, and a simple admission of facts, for not only had franklin been bitterly attacked after his death, but washington himself was not immune from public abuse, and such would be the fate of adams. jefferson was quite sincere when he declared: "i have no ambition to govern men; no passion which would lead me to delight to ride in a storm." in advance, he repeated the _suave mari magno_ of the old poet and hoped that he would not be elected, his only wish was that the newspapers would permit him "to plant his corn, beans, peas, etc. in hills or drills as he pleased, while our eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which is gathering over us, perhaps be shipwrecked in it! this is certainly not a moment to covet the helm." if this was not a sincere and true statement, then language certainly has been given to man to conceal his thought. if jefferson was thirsty for power at that time he was more machiavellian than machiavelli himself. but in spite of the inferences of ill-intentioned historians, i do not see that there is the slightest ground to doubt jefferson's sincerity ... except that he accepted finally the vice presidency, as he clearly hinted he would if it were offered to him.[337] he ended with a picturesque and energetic phrase and said in french what he could not say in english. he had not forgotten the words he had heard in the streets of paris and perhaps in some salons after dinner, but certainly not in the mouth of madame de tessé or madame de corny: "_au diable les bougres!_" the next day he started writing to john adams: he had not received any direct news of the election, but from his own calculations he had every reason to believe that barring a "trick worthy of your arch-friend of new york, hamilton", adams would be elected. in that eventuality he wished to send his best wishes, and had only one hope to express, that adams would be able to avoid the war. a friendly, sincere letter which adams never saw. as jefferson was going to send it, came madison's letter of the seventeenth, announcing the complete results of the election. it caused a certain amount of surprise to jefferson; the vote had come much nearer an equality than he had expected, and, as he wrote a week later to volney, "the difference between sixty-eight and seventy-one votes is little sensible." the presidency would have been decidedly distasteful to him; the vice presidency was something different and he could not in his own mind decide whether he "had rather have it or not have it." then he went into a curious piece of philosophizing which marks him as very different from eighteenth-century philosophers and eighteenth-century optimists. more of a realist in politics than he is given credit for, he showed himself once more a disciple of hobbes in his vision of society: i do not recollect in all the animal kingdom a single species but man which is eternally and systematically engaged in the destruction of its own species. what is called civilization seems to have no other effect than to teach him to pursue the principle of _bellum omnium in omnia_ on a larger scale, and in place of the little contests of tribe against tribe, to engage all quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction. when we add to this that as to the other species of animals, the lions and tigers are mere lambs compared with men alone, that nature has been able to find a sufficient barrier against the too great multiplication of other animals and of man himself, an equilibrating power against the fecundity of generation. my situation points my views chiefly to his wars in the physical world: yours perhaps exhibit him as equally warring in the moral one. we both, i believe, join in wishing to see him softened.[338] for the first time jefferson was going to occupy a position of prestige in the american government and to become president of the senate, second only to the president, the "heir apparent", as adams had termed himself during the preceding administration. far from rejoicing over the honor, he expressed his reluctance to attend elaborate ceremonies for the inauguration, and he did his best to wriggle out of them. he asked whether it would not be possible for him to be notified of his election by mail instead of being waited upon by a special delegation from the senate; then he looked up the constitution and decided that he could just as well take oath of office in charlottesville as in philadelphia, and that it was hardly worth the trouble, since congress was to adjourn at once, to undertake the long journey over muddy roads for such an ordeal. finally he set out for philadelphia. he had reëntered public life for twelve more years and little suspected that it would be so long before he could come back to dear monticello and resume his agricultural experiments. chapter iv "the dictates of reason and pure americanism" when jefferson arrived in philadelphia to attend the inauguration of the new president, he had not seen adams for four years and only insignificant communications had passed between them, since madison had thought it proper to suppress the letter written by jefferson at the end of december, not knowing "whether the rather difficult temper of mr. adams would not construe certain passages as a personal criticism."[339] with adams, however, the first impulse was often the best. at the time he felt in a very conciliating mood; he even indulged in the hope that it would be possible to announce a sort of political armistice and to bring about a union of the different parties. the two old friends had a cordial interview. both of them, years later, wrote accounts of this historical meeting; though differing in a few details they agreed as to adams' intention of burying the hatchet and beginning anew. he offered to send jefferson to paris as special envoy, insisting that he alone had the confidence of the french and would be able to bring about an arrangement. jefferson being both unwilling and unavailable, madison's name was mentioned, but nothing was decided as both knew that madison had refused such an offer when tendered by washington. in his inaugural address adams discreetly sounded a note of reconciliation. he praised the constitution, declared that it was "better adapted to the genius, character, situation and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested"; he added, much to the disgust of the federalists, that he did not think of "promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves in the course of their experience should see and feel to be necessary or expedient"; finally, he seemed to desert the federalist camp when he averred that, since he had seen the constitution for the first time, "it was not then, nor had been since, any objection to it in his mind that the executive and senate were not more permanent." not without good reason had hamilton failed to show any enthusiasm over the candidacy of adams, and the hamiltonians had some ground for declaring that the speech "was temporizing" and "was a lure for the favor of his opponents at the expense of his sincerity." two days later jefferson and adams attended a dinner offered by washington to the new administration. when they left the house they started walking home together and the name of madison being mentioned, adams declared that objections to the nomination had been raised. the president and the vice president had come to fifth street, where their roads separated; they took leave of each other and the subject was never mentioned again. it was really the parting of the ways after a timid effort toward reconciliation. adams in the meantime had called together his cabinet and the cabinet, as he himself admitted afterwards, had proposed to resign _en bloc_ if he insisted on madison's nomination. for the "incongruous portrait gallery" that constituted the cabinet inherited by adams from washington, we may refer to the vivid picture of mr. bowers: "ali baba among his forty thieves is no more deserving of sympathy than john adams shut up within the seclusion of his cabinet room with his official family of secret enemies" may seem to some a rather severe characterization. the least that can be said, however, is that it was a cabinet hand-picked by hamilton and that neither pickering, wolcott nor mchenry were the best minds adams could have chosen in his party. but there again the term party is inaccurate; if adams had, in some respect, federalist tendencies, he was not a party man or a party leader. the irritable, impulsive, patriotic, peevish old new englander was too individualistic to belong to any party; he was not the man either to rally the hesitating, to uphold the vacillating, or to encourage and educate the blind. curiously enough, he has found very few defenders. severely treated by the friends of jefferson, he has not been spared by the admirers of hamilton. he stands alone, one of the most complicated and contradictory figures in american history--a pure patriot, whose patriotic work is almost forgotten, a catholic spirit who loved to play with ideas and paradoxes, a contrary mind, but in my opinion more widely read than any of his american contemporaries, not excepting jefferson. a man who spent his life by the side of the severe and haughty "new england juno", but who had more ideas in his brain than any sultan of the arabian nights had favorites in his harem. he had taken the helm at the climax of external difficulties. complicated and delicate as were the problems of domestic administration, they were overshadowed by the difficulties with france. the misunderstandings, the incidents repeated on both sides, had accumulated with such an effect that, at the beginning of 1797, war with france seemed to be almost unavoidable. though jefferson had very little to do with it, it is not out of place to recall the main facts. genet had unfortunately his american parallel in gouverneur morris. as witty and devoid of ordinary morals and honesty as talleyrand himself, elegant, refined, and corrupt, gouverneur morris had been, since his arrival in paris, the toast of french aristocrats. his activities in favor of the king and his partisans were not unknown to the french, and when genet was sent to america he had been requested to present discreetly the situation to the american government. genet had made no official representation, but he discussed morris' attitude in a private conversation with jefferson, and washington, apprised of the facts, had seen the necessity of acting. monroe, on the contrary, had attempted to resume the jeffersonian tradition. a disciple of the former minister, a true liberal, and friendly to the french revolution, he had been enthusiastically received at once, in spite of the many difficult problems he had to present to the government. but the jay treaty had proved a bitter pill to swallow, and the directory had made strong representations to the american minister: america was accused of having violated the treaties of alliance and commerce, and when monroe was recalled, the directory not only refused to receive the successor that had been appointed but even ordered him to leave the french territory at once. without entering into the merits of the question, we may say that jefferson was still decidedly for peace, although somewhat doubtful of adams' intentions. shortly after the inauguration he analyzed his position as follows: i sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with france. war with them, and consequent alliance with great britain, will completely compass the object of the executive council, from the commencement of the war between france and england; taken up by some of them from that moment, by others more latterly. i still, however, hope it will be avoided. i do not believe mr. adams wishes war with france; nor do i believe he will truckle to england as servilely as has been done. if he assumes this front at once, and shows that he means to attend to self-respect and national dignity with both the nations, perhaps the depredations of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. i think we should begin first with those who first began with us, and, by an example on them, acquire a right to re-demand the respect from which the other party has departed. an ideal policy, but hardly enforceable with a man of adams' temperament and with the cabinet he had inherited. immediately after taking oath of office, jefferson had repaired to monticello and was getting acquainted with his duties as presiding officer of the senate; in january he asked his old master george wythe to send him all possible information on parliamentary procedure "whether in books or scraps of paper",[340] and he was working on his "parliamentary manual." early in april news of the refusal of the directory to receive pinckney arrived in philadelphia, adams proclaimed at once a day of fasting and prayer and called an extraordinary session of congress for may 15. it was to be feared that a declaration of war would be the order of the day, for "the president did not need the assistance of congress to continue in peace."[341] as soon as he reached philadelphia, jefferson studied the situation and summed it up in a letter to elbridge gerry even before the opening of congress. he had already come to the conclusion that a rapprochement between adams and himself would prove impossible. there was really no way to convince adams that jefferson had not coveted the first place and did not nourish some rancor at his alleged failure to obtain it. furthermore, it was quite certain that the hamiltonians would do everything in their power to poison the mind of the president. this was most unpleasant but of little import to politics. jefferson considered himself part of the legislative and not of the executive, and he had not even the right to be heard in consultation. it was his duty as well as his inclination to sit back, without trying to meddle in any way with the conduct of government. on the other hand, he had not given up the right of expressing an opinion as a private citizen on matters of importance to the nation, and after stating that he had no concern in the present situation, he launched out on a long _exposé_ of the political situation as he saw it on the eve of the special session. with reference to foreign relations his wish and hope was that "we should take our stand on a ground perfectly neutral and independent towards all nations." this was particularly true with respect to the english and the french, but more easily said than done, since the english, not satisfied with equal treatment, wanted special privileges. then jefferson drew up a very impressive picture of the hold on the united states maintained by great britain through her commerce. without domestic industries the united states had to go to england; she was the workshop of america. goods were largely transported in english bottoms; british merchants, some of them fictitiously naturalized, were in every american port and in all the cities and towns of the interior, occupying strategic positions. the british also were dominating american banks and american finance and, through finance, could exert a powerful influence on american political life. finally, they were accused of attempting to break the union by advocating in their subsidized press a scission between the north and the south. if difficulties came to such a point that the only way to avoid a secession was to go to war with europe, jefferson, much as he abhorred war, was willing to become embroiled with europe. he still hoped, however, that it would be possible to find some means to keep out of european quarrels and in the meantime gradually to free america from all foreign influence, "political, commercial, or in whatever form it may be attempted." one might say that this was no original point of view to develop. it was to a certain extent the policy advocated by washington in his farewell address. curiously enough, it was not absolutely remote from hamilton's theory, for these two men who, temperamentally, could never come together, held about the same view of the situation. that england had the larger share of american commerce and that english manufactures had a sort of monopoly of the american market had been repeatedly pointed out by hamilton. and on this jefferson agreed completely. if one objected to that condition, the obvious remedy according to the hamiltonian doctrine was, not to take measures to exclude english goods from the market, but to encourage american manufactures so as to enable them to compete with imported products. in this jefferson differed from hamilton, but while complaining of the situation, he did not propose any remedy, except perhaps to protect american inventors and thus stimulate them to establish new manufacturing plants. one must admit that at this point he let his "philosophy" interfere with realities. as a matter of fact, he was thoroughly opposed to the development of manufacturing plants, to the creation of large industrial cities housing thousands of salaried workers. as we have said, his vision of america was a sort of arcadia where every man would live on his own farm, off the products of his own land. in some respects it may seem perfectly absurd, and yet it was very natural and to a certain extent quite logical. it was purely and simply the extension of the monticello type of organization to the whole country. la rochefoucauld-liancourt had been struck by the fact that monticello was practically a self-supporting economic unit. jefferson was raising his own horses and just enough sheep to provide the wool spun by the women slaves to clothe the workers and sometimes the masters. on the plantation lived smiths, carpenters, cabinet makers, brick makers, and layers; some grain was sold, some nails were manufactured and sold to the neighbors. selling comparatively little, buying practically nothing, jefferson's estate came as close to being a sort of robinson crusoe island as was possible in a modern country. thus the virginia planter had come to develop a philosophy of society not unlike the ideal society described by rousseau in the "nouvelle héloise" and more feudal than he himself realized, since, after all, if serfdom had been abolished, it rested essentially on slavery. he was unequivocally against great agglomerations, although he had not visited any of the large industrial cities of england except london; but at least he knew london and paris, he had lived in philadelphia and new york, and he felt that it was not good for men to herd too closely together. work in factories was both unhealthy and immoral, for in congested centers of population there developed a spirit of discontent aggravated by the fact that industrial workers, who generally did not own a particle of land, were footloose, unattached, and free to move from one city to another at any time; they constituted a restless and dangerous element. it mattered little that, for the present, they gave their support to the republicans and had joined the democratic clubs; jefferson knew too well that they would be easily influenced in their views by a good orator, by passions of the moment, and could not be relied upon in an emergency. it would be easy to point out the close resemblance of certain features of this ideal of jefferson with the theories of the physiocrats. such a parallelism, however, can be easily exaggerated and to a great extent is very misleading. whether all riches came from the soil, or were the product of labor in any form, or both, jefferson did not know and did not care. he was no more a disciple of quesnay than of adam smith, simply because he was not an economist but a sociologist. hamilton, who was an economist of the first rank, was primarily interested in the development of production and in the circulation of wealth, and paid little attention to the social modification that an industrialization of the country would probably bring about. jefferson, on the contrary, was solely interested in protecting and preserving a certain pattern of civilization which was essentially an agricultural pattern--the only safe foundation for the political and private virtues of vital importance in a democracy. manufactures meant surplus production, which meant, in turn, the necessity of exporting. if america became a great industrial nation, she would have, sooner or later, to export her surplus production and in turn to import many products from europe. but if the country maintained extensive trade connections with europe she would be necessarily caught in the maze of international politics. her commercial interests would clash with the interests of europe, and this would ultimately result in wars or at least in a constant threat of war. it would also mean the building of a strong navy to protect american commerce, perhaps the establishment of a permanent army; at any rate, the immediate consequence would be an enormous increase in taxes, the necessity of resorting to internal taxation, the burden of which would fall on the backs of the farmers. numerous tax collectors would have to be appointed; federal employees and officials ready to act at the beck and call of the government would swarm all over the country. state rights and individual rights would be restricted and invaded, and liberty would exist only in name. on the other hand, foreign commerce was not to be entirely suppressed. commerce was a natural and desirable thing with one's neighbors. geographically the west indies had closer connections with america than with europe, and it was in that direction that the united states could develop their trade. this was a natural law and a natural right, and any obstacle put to the natural flow of trade between the islands and the american continent was unjust and to be fought persistently. such seems to have been at that time the political and social dream of jefferson. like most dreams of the sort it was perfectly logical, even if impossible to realize. but, as a matter of fact, it was far more admissible than the ideal he was to propose four years later in his inaugural address, following the lead of washington: "peace, commerce with all nations, entangling alliances with none." he was far more clear-sighted when he came to the conclusion that america could not combine political aloofness and commercial and economic relationship. this formula was a desperate and none too successful attempt to coalesce two contradictory principles and ideals, and for the last hundred and thirty years america has been striving to achieve this impossible program. such a position has always seemed most absurd and unintelligible to europeans, with the result that america has often been accused of hypocritical conduct in her foreign affairs, and more indulgent historians have repeatedly confessed their puzzlement and inability to understand her. the consequences of this incestuous union of jeffersonian political aloofness and hamiltonian industrial and commercial development are still apparent to-day. they were conspicuous in the position taken by president wilson during his first administration; they reappear again and again in all american declarations referring to the league of nations, mandates, and reparations. one of the first results was necessarily to embroil america in all european wars and to raise again and again the question of neutrality. it is doubtful however whether, even in 1797, jefferson would have consented to carry to an extreme the realization of his bucolic dreams. he knew full well that america had commercial aspirations that could not be suppressed; all one could do was not to encourage them as hamilton wanted to do and, in the meantime, to reduce political connections to a minimum. at the end of the short session of congress in which measures relative to europe had been debated, jefferson wrote to rutledge: "as to everything except commerce, we ought to divorce ourselves from them all." but this system would require "time, temper, wisdom, and occasional sacrifice of interests; and how far all of these will be ours, our children may see, but we shall not."[342] such has been the hope and the endeavor of america ever since that time; with what success it is for others to judge. adams' speech had been a warlike one. that the government of the united states had been insulted by the french directory was no "matter of doubt." pinckney, sent as successor to monroe, had not been received by the government, and monroe had been informed that the directory "would no longer recognize nor receive a minister plenipotentiary from the united states, until after a reparation of the grievances demanded of the american government, and which the french republic had a right to expect." pinckney himself had been notified that his presence in paris was illegal and that he could not stay in the country. no wonder that adams declared that: "such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince france and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character and interest." on may 23 the senate sent an address to the president, indorsing his views by a vote of seventeen to eleven. the fight was to take place in the house and in the newspapers. "foreign influence is the present and just object of public hue and cry", wrote jefferson to thomas pinckney.[343] as always happens when the cry of wolf is raised, "the most guilty and foremost and loudest in the cry", those who were denouncing french influence, were to a large extent english propagandists and not of the best type. but news from france was infrequent and slight and, at the beginning of june, jefferson waited anxiously for the daily arrival of paine and monroe from whom he expected a true account of the situation. then came the news of bonaparte's latest victories and the announcement that the preliminaries of peace were signed between france and austria. this was the only thing which could and did cool the fury of the british faction. "the victories of the rhine and italy, peace with austria, bankruptcy of england, mutiny in her fleet, and the king's writing letters recommending peace"--all that constituted a string of events nothing less than miraculous.[344] at this juncture jefferson made a momentous political move. he wrote a long letter to colonel aaron burr to take him into his confidence. the vice president was beginning to gather up the loose threads: "some general view of our situation and prospects, since you left us, may not be unacceptable. at any rate, it will give me an opportunity of recalling myself to your memory, and of evidencing my esteem for you." what could this mean in ordinary language if not that he counted on him to counterbalance hamilton's influence in new york and present the views of the chief to the leaders of the party. first of all he called his attention to the fact that the republican party was losing ground in the house as well as in the senate, and that the majority was in the hands of "five or six individuals of no fixed system at all, governed by the panic or the prowess of the moment, who flap as the breeze blows against the republican or the aristocratic bodies." for the present, the danger of going to war was less disquieting. bonaparte's victories had brought many to their senses and some were complaining that congress had been called together to do nothing. "the truth is, there is nothing to do, the idea of war being scouted by the events of europe; but this only proves that war was the object for which we were called." it had been a close call, and france might have declared war against the united states if the ancients had not pronounced against it. "thus we see two nations who love one another affectionately, brought by the ill temper of their executive administrations, to the very brink of a necessity to imbue their hands in the blood of each other." but leaving aside all sentimental considerations, jefferson undertook to demonstrate that such a war would have, as a result, the immediate occupation of louisiana by france, and with louisiana again a gallo-american colony, the danger would indeed be great. such were "some of the truths that ought to penetrate into the eastern states", and burr was no doubt intrusted with the mission to preach the true doctrine of republicanism in his district.[345] four days later jefferson announced with infinite joy to elbridge gerry that he had been appointed to go as envoy extraordinary, jointly with general pinckney and mr. marshall, to the french republic. once more he insisted upon the necessity of coming to some sort of an arrangement with europe. war against england or france could only result in civil war in america and probably secession. the fate of the united states was at stake.[346] congress was to adjourn on the twenty-eighth of june and jefferson was already looking forward to the rural quiet of monticello, where he could "exchange the roar and tumult of bulls and bears for the prattle of his grandchildren and senile rest." his quiet however was disturbed by an unexpected incident. early in august he sent an urgent call to madison to come to monticello with monroe in order to consult with them on an urgent matter. the letter written to mazzei the preceding year had come back, translated from the french, and was used as a political weapon against jefferson and the republicans. public repudiation of the letter was impossible, since he had really written it, although the translation had garbled the meaning of some important sentences. to remain silent under fire and accept as true the accusations hurled against him was equally difficult. his friends alone could help him out of the difficulty. he finally decided to ignore the whole matter as he had already been advised to do by his philadelphia friends, but the letter preyed on his mind and this was not an incident to be easily forgotten. it was during the summer and fall of that year that certain principles were definitely crystallized in his mind. deploring the fact that both factions had been incensed by political considerations and political hatred rather than by a true judgment of the situation and what he had called in a letter to rutledge "the dictates of reason and pure americanism", he then reached for himself certain conclusions which were to direct his political conduct during the rest of his career. he was thoroughly sickened by the insults passing in the press. men of his own party he could not severely condemn for this, nor could he take from their hands the weapons used to defeat the enemy, but he was also loath to approve of their tactics. in democratic societies, established in large cities, he placed very little confidence; they were fighting on his side, at least for the present, and were vociferous enough; but to a large extent they were made up of office hunters. they did not and could not constitute a trustworthy bulwark for republican institutions. fortunately events had proved that there existed in the country a large body of people sincerely attached to republican principles; these had been slumbering and their leaders had almost steered the ship into a foreign port, but they could be enlightened and made to manifest their true sentiments; for all reforms "must be brought about by the people using their elective rights with prudence and self-possession, and not suffering themselves to be duped by treacherous emissaries." "it is the sober sense of our citizens that we are safely and steadily conducting from monarchy to republicanism, and it is by the same agency alone that we can be kept from falling back."[347] as to foreign questions, the fact that their intrusion into american life had divided the nation against itself proved conclusively that the only safe course to follow was to sever the last bonds that connected america with europe and "to place our foreign connections under a new and different arrangement."[348] the time had come for america to proclaim her independence in all foreign matters, for "we owe gratitude to france, justice to england, subservience to none." it was in coining these fine political maxims that jefferson was at his best. as had happened so often during his life, he refused to be carried away by popular passions raging in philadelphia, new york, and boston. from the "mountain top" of monticello he was able to judge dispassionately the sordid struggles of party politics. he was no party boss, not even a party leader; if he had any ambition at that time, it was to become a national leader and the exponent of what he himself had called in his letter to rutledge "pure americanism." congress had been called for november 13, but the vice president felt no inclination to hurry back to philadelphia and reënter the scene of strife. he did not leave until december 4 and found, as he had expected, that congress was marking time, waiting for news from paris. madison he kept informed minutely of all the changes that had taken place during the summer, of the progress of republicanism in vermont and new york, and of all the small talk of politics, interesting only as showing how eagerly jefferson kept his finger on the pulse of the country. he had an ulterior motive in sending to madison papers and pamphlets recently published in philadelphia; it was that "the paragraphs in some of these abominable papers may draw from you now and then a squib." matters seemed to be on the mend; the latest official intelligence from paris was that the envoys "would find every disposition on the part of the government to accommodate with us."[349] the session dragged on. jefferson's melancholy statement that the senate was divided "twenty-two and ten and will probably forever be", was not helped by adams' declaration that: no republic can ever be of any duration, without a senate, and a senate deeply and strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against all popular storms and passions. the only fault in the constitution of our senate is, that their term of office is not durable enough. hitherto they have done well, but probably they will be forced to give way in time.[350] the only important proposition before congress was "the bill of foreign intercourse and the proposition to arm our foreign vessels"; but both parties seemed to be afraid to press the matter. everything was in suspense "as the ensuing month will probably be the most eventful ever yet seen in modern europe." if bonaparte's projected invasion of england succeeded the tables would turn; in the meantime the official ball given on washington's birthday offered to philadelphia society a pretext for engaging in hot controversies. business was bad and bankruptcies multiplying. congress was thinking of appropriating some money for national defense so as to furnish convoys to vessels going to europe and to provide for the protection of smaller vessels of the coast trade. adams had decided to reorganize his cabinet. wolcott would remain in office, but it seemed that mchenry was to go and pickering was very doubtful whether he would stay.[351] meanwhile dispatches from the american envoys had arrived; they were being deciphered and the president hesitated upon the advisability of communicating them in full to congress. then, on the nineteenth, came adams' message declaring that "it was incumbent on him to declare that he perceived no ground of expectation that the objects of their mission could be accomplished on terms compatible with the safety, honor, or the essential interest of the nation." on the twenty-first jefferson wrote to madison that "a great change has taken place in the appearance of our political atmosphere"; the "insane message" had had great effect but there was still a possibility that, if all members were present, the war measures would be defeated by one voice in the house. what was to be done in that case? the only possible solution was to make a bid for time and wait for the results of bonaparte's expedition against great britain. jefferson's plan therefore was to propose an adjournment of congress "in order to go home and consult their constituents on the great crisis of american affairs now existing." "to gain time is everything with us." in this letter jefferson made one of his few material errors, so strange on the part of a man in his position, and hardly to be explained unless we suppose that the wish was father to the thought. "we relied," he said, "with great security on that provision which requires two-thirds of the legislature to declare war. but this is completely eluded by a majority's taking such measures as will be sure to produce war." certainly there was no such article in the constitution, unless jefferson in his excitement interpreted the ratification of treaties by two-thirds of the senate to imply also that a declaration of war should have such a majority.[352] a week later he was convinced that "the question of war and peace depends now on a toss of cross and pile. if we could gain but one season we should be saved."[353] it was to these fabian tactics that the republicans were to bend all their efforts in order to avoid a formal declaration of war. in the meantime the dispatches of the envoys were made public and the famous x.y.z. case came to light. debate was hot in congress on the sprigg resolution declaring that "under existing conditions it is not expedient for the united states to resort to war against the french republic."[354] adams then decided to communicate the letters from paris. no more terrible blow could have been inflicted upon the friends of peace. jefferson heard the news on april 3, but as it was still undecided whether they could be made public, he refrained from discussing them with madison until the sixth. his first impressions were "very disagreeable and very confused." yet he tried, as was his wont, to see both sides of the question. with the story of the abortive negotiations was interwoven ... some base propositions on the part of talleyrand, through one of his agents, to sell his interest and influence with the directory towards soothing difficulties with them, in consideration of a large sum (fifty thousand pounds sterling); the arguments to which his agent resorted to induce compliance with this demand were unworthy of a great nation (could they be imputed to them), and calculated to excite disgust and indignation in the republicans particularly, whom they so far mistake, as to presume an attachment to france and hatred to the federal party and not to the love of their country, to be their first passion. in the papers, as communicated, adams had substituted for the names given by the envoys--hottinger, bellamy, and hauteval--the initials x. y. z., hence the name given at once to the incident. whether the french bankers really represented talleyrand is absolutely immaterial; the result on american public opinion alone is to be considered here. according to jefferson, the public's first reaction was one of astonishment;[355] furious indignation followed very quickly. sprigg's resolution was naturally discarded as not appropriate; war seemed the order of the day. the last resort left to the remaining republicans was to avoid open hostilities with the french republic and, not being able to prevent a vote of credits for armaments, to insist that they should be granted specially for internal defense and preparation.[356] a more mature consideration of the letters convinced jefferson that the door to negotiation was not absolutely closed.[357] but popular indignation was too strong; riotous scenes took place in the streets of philadelphia, addresses from all parts of the country came to adams, urging him to stand for national honor and the federalist press fanned the flames. the few faithful republicans grew discouraged and one by one drifted out of philadelphia. "giles, clopton, cabell, and nicholas have gone," wrote jefferson on april 26, "and clay goes to-morrow. parker has completely gone over to the war party. in this state of things they will carry what they please. one of the war party, in a fit of unguarded passion, declared sometime ago they would pass a citizen bill, an alien bill, and a sedition bill."[358] madison, although urged to take up his pen "for heaven's sake and not desert the public cause altogether", remained silent in virginia. jefferson felt that the first and second measures were directed against his close friend volney,[359] who had been somewhat imprudent. that the republican press would be muzzled for "the war hawks talk of septembrizing, deportation and the examples for quelling sedition set by the french executives. all the firmness of the human mind is now in a state of requisition."[360] it is remarkable, and not the smallest achievement of jefferson, that he kept a cool head in the midst of this turmoil. insulted every day in the press and in public meetings, lampooned and caricatured, he had to remain silent because of his official position and could not protest to the government. no stranger political situation could be imagined than this,--a man recognized as the head of a party opposed to the government, yet next to the president in rank, without power to defend himself and to enter into polemics, ostracized, and, as he admitted himself, "insulated in every society", forced to listen to the reading of the most detestable things such as the alien bill, and still not indulging in bitterness. a comparison of his letters with those written by adams and hamilton at the same time would constitute the most extraordinary tribute to his self-mastery. he persisted in seeing some faint hope and refused to give up the ship. first there was a possibility that when the merchants would see that actual war meant war tax, land tax, and stamp tax, these measures would constitute sedatives to cool their ardor. the present session had already cost two hundred thousand dollars and that was only a beginning. furthermore, there was also a possibility that, if an actual declaration of war could be prevented during the summer, the coming election would reënforce the republican party. volney had decided to go back to france with a few other aliens who had chartered a boat, without waiting for the enactment of the alien bill. many of them were much irritated, but volney at least was "thoroughly impressed with the importance of preventing war, whether considered with reference to the interests of the two countries, of the cause of republicanism, or of man on a broad scale."[361] isolated though he was in philadelphia, from his room in the philosophical society of which he was president, jefferson persisted in hoping against hope. one thing however was to be avoided at all cost. if the situation became such that the northern states, connecticut and massachusetts particularly, clearly dominated the situation, it was far better to submit temporarily and endure even detestable measures than to break the union. the beginning of the disaggregation could not be stopped; a realignment of states conducing to new secessions would finally be the result. men must quarrel, and "seeing, therefore, that an association of men who will not quarrel with one another is a thing which never yet existed, from the greatest confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry; seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, i had rather keep our new england associates for that purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred to others."[362] this was a most important declaration and shows to what length jefferson was willing to go in order to avoid the only irremediable catastrophe. whatever may have been his weaknesses and shortcomings, his inconsistencies and contradictions, the man who, in the hectic atmosphere of philadelphia, was able to put aside his own interests, the interests of his party, his social and political ideals to think nationally, was indeed a great american. we may even venture to say that he was at the time the only great american in the country. when marshall came back from france--much to his surprise, as a war hero and as an avenger of national honor--the republicans began to take a less pessimistic view of the situation. after all, the situation was not so desperate as they had been led to believe; gerry had remained in paris, and negotiations could be resumed. the show of honesty made by the envoys in paris was most gratifying to national honor and gave the public a feeling of triumph over the corrupt practices of european diplomacy. but with the return of marshall a new campaign broke out against jefferson. doctor logan on his own initiative had gone to europe in the interest of peace, but had gone mysteriously and without telling any one of his intentions. it was soon assumed that he had been sent on an unauthorized and unofficial but highly objectionable mission by the jacobins "to solicit an army from france, instruct them as to their landing, etc.", and jefferson was again accused of being the arch plotter. nothing could be more ridiculous, for the poor doctor was simply one of those idealistic pacifists who sometimes do more harm than good, but whose intentions are not open to suspicion. but popular passions once aroused cannot be silenced in a day and the efforts of the friends of peace were weak and inefficient. on april 14 a bill was passed on second reading by the senate, declaring the treaties with france void and nonexistent. adams made it known that he would refuse gerry's request that other envoys be sent. if congress remained in session in a city where war hysteria had reached a paroxysm, extreme measures were unavoidable. the only remedy was to adjourn as soon as possible, for "to separate congress now, will be withdrawing the fire from under a boiling pot."[363] congress did not separate, however, without authorizing the president to increase the navy, to expend two hundred fifty thousand dollars for fortifications, to purchase eight hundred thousand dollars' worth of arms and ammunition, to raise an army of ten thousand troops and to equip vessels to seize and bring to port any armed vessels which had attacked american vessels or might be found "hovering on the coast of the united states for the purpose of committing depredations on the vessels belonging to the citizens thereof." on july 6 were passed the famous alien bills, and on the fourteenth, as a sort of defiance to the principles of the french revolution, congress adopted the "sedition law", giving power to the government "to prosecute persons or to prevent the circulating or saying of any utterance against the government of the united states, or either house of the congress of the united states, or the president of the united states." chapter v political leader and strategist when jefferson went home after the adjournment of congress he remained completely silent for two months. but the newspaper war went on in philadelphia with more virulence than ever: attacks against the arch plotter and the defender of the french jacobins were multiplied, prosecutions were begun in massachusetts under the sedition act and for a time jefferson himself seems to have feared for his own safety. to samuel smith, who had sent him a clipping in which he was vehemently accused, he answered that he had "contemplated every event which the maratists of the day can perpetrate, and i am prepared to meet every one in such a way, as shall not be derogatory to the public liberty or my own personal honor." he naturally denied that he had in any way plotted with bache, the editor of the _aurora_, or doctor leib; then he went on to define once more his position. he had acted on the same principles from the year 1775 to that day, and he was convinced that these principles were those of the great body of the american people. he was for peace certainly, not only with france but also with england. he was aware that both of them "have given and are daily giving, sufficient cause of war; that in defiance of the laws of nations, they are every day trampling on the rights of the neutral powers, whenever they can thereby do the least injury, either to the other." but he still maintained that the best policy was and would have been "to bear from france for one more summer what we have been bearing from both of them these four years." with england the united states had chosen peace; with france they had chosen war; to what extent the government was supported by the majority of the people was a thing to be seen in the coming elections. he ended with a note of christian forgiveness for fenno and porcupine, who "covered him with their implacable hatred." "the only return i will ever make them, will be to do them all the good i can, in spite of their teeth."[364] this was almost too godly to be true; but if we remember that his letters were intercepted and read by adams' police, as he repeatedly complained, and that letters sent to him were opened on their way to monticello, we may wonder whether he did not write these lines for the eye of the censor, and with his tongue in his cheek. that he really believed at the time in the existence of a monarchical conspiracy appears from a letter to stephens thompson mason.[365] the alien and sedition bills were just a beginning. if the people did not revolt against them, the next step would be to persuade congress that the president should continue in office for life, reserving to another time the transfer of the succession to his heirs and the establishment of the senate for life. this was a very accurate prophecy of the course that events were to follow, not in america, but in france, and this shows at least that jefferson had an exact understanding of the gradual steps through which a republican government might become an empire. but france had bonaparte, while neither adams nor washington ever had the inclination or the power to bring about such a change in america. yet when one thinks of the military ambitions of hamilton, of his real opposition and scorn for republican government, it would perhaps be unfair to dismiss these apprehensions as absolutely groundless. whatever the case may have been, jefferson thought the time had come to erect a strong barrier against the encroachments of the federal government. towards the end of the same month, the two nicholas brothers, george and wilson c., discussed with jefferson at monticello a plan to put to work the republicans, who, finding themselves useless in congress, had retired from the field. a plan was finally adopted to arouse the state legislatures; during these meetings were drawn up the famous "resolutions" that george nicholas was to present to the legislature of kentucky, and which madison was to bring before the virginia assembly.[366] the exact authorship of the "resolutions" remained a matter of doubt until jefferson more than twenty years later acknowledged his participation in a letter to the son of george nicholas.[367] it was well for jefferson's peace of mind that he remained behind the scenes on this occasion and let madison take the responsibility of the recommendation, which he did not allow to pass without modifying the original text to a considerable degree. the kentucky resolutions have been the subject of many discussions, and madison himself used a great deal of ink and time to explain the true import of the measures he had sponsored before the virginia assembly. they will become much more intelligible when studied in the light of the theory developed by jefferson in the document in which he stated his views on the social compact, considered as a _pactum foederis_ and not a _pactum subjectionis_.[368] it was simply the reaffirmation that in forming a society neither men nor states abdicate entirely their sovereignty but reserve a specified part of their natural rights set forth in a bill of rights--an essential foundation on which to build a constitution. such is clearly the meaning of the first resolution; 1. _resolved._ that the several states composing the united states of america are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a constitution for the united states, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes--delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each state to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and is an integral party, its co-states forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the constitution, the measure of its powers; but, that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress. not only was jefferson perfectly consistent in repeating almost word for word in this resolution the doctrine of natural rights and state rights already enunciated in 1776, but the last lines foretold the theory he was to defend against marshall during his presidency. by denying that the parties to the federal compact had a common judge, he refused in advance to consider the supreme court as the guardian, interpreter, and defender of the constitution. this principle once asserted, jefferson endeavored to prove that the sedition bill, the alien bill and other measures adopted by congress at the instigation of the federalists constituted an infringement of state rights, since they did not deal with matters specifically reserved to congress and since it was provided that "the powers not delegated to the united states by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states are reserved to the states respectively or to the people." this was at the same time an attempt to prove the unconstitutionality of the recent legislation and an endeavor to define more exactly the powers of the federal government. the eighth resolution, the longest, proposed the establishment of a committee of correspondence to communicate the resolutions to the different legislatures and enunciated the doctrine of nullification, namely that the state had the right to consider as nonexistent such laws as might be passed in defiance of the constitution. naturally the law of sedition and the alien bill came under that category. strong as the language of the resolutions may have been, it was not jefferson's intention to promote a rebellion of certain states against the federal government and to provoke a secession. they contained a strong affirmation that the subscribers to the resolutions were sincerely anxious for the preservation of the union. as a matter of fact, in jefferson's intention they were a piece of political strategy and he had no desire to push the matter too far. a letter he wrote to madison on the subject is particularly significant on that score: "i think we should distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain, so as to hold to that ground in future, and leave the matter in such a train as that we may not be committed absolutely to push the matter to extremities, and yet may be free to push as far as events will render prudent."[369] in other words, it was what the french call a gesture, the act of a lawyer reserving certain points in a trial before a tribunal and the right to present conclusions. it was not the act of a revolutionist and for the time being at least, although adopted in a modified form both by kentucky and virginia, it remained a gesture and a simple protest against federalist usurpations. the end of the fall came, and jefferson relapsed once more into his cautious silence. one letter only, written from monticello to john taylor, is found in the files for that period.[370] this time jefferson was more optimistic; the ardor of the federalists for war seemed to have cooled down and the people began to realize that national pride was a very expensive article, that wars had to be paid for: "the doctor is now on his way to cure it, in the guise of the tax gatherer." at the end of the month, the vice president set out for philadelphia to attend the opening of the third session of the fifth congress. adams' address was anxiously awaited. much to the surprise and disgust of the war party, if it could not be called conciliatory, it was far less provocative than the address of the twenty-first of june preceding. he protested against the decree of the directory constituting "an unequivocal act of war" and maintained that "to invigorate measures of defence" was the true policy of the united states. but while he thus reiterated some of his previous statements, the tone was far less truculent. president adams, while frowning threateningly, held behind his back the olive branch and was ready to extend it. the conclusion was one of these milk-and-water statements, that curious balancing of two positions so often found in american state papers relating to foreign affairs: but in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war in the necessary protection of our rights and honor, we shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of peace.... an efficient preparation for war can alone insure peace. it is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly cultivated, and harmony between us and france may be restored at her option. then came the really important part: "the united states government could not think of sending another minister ... unless given positive assurances that he would be received. it must therefore be left with france (if she is indeed desirous of accommodation) to take the requisite steps." apparently an innocuous statement, but yet it was a new note; as it was known that adams had received some communications from gerry and was to make these communications known, it was supposed that a real change and a change for the better was about to take place in the relations between the two countries. therefore jefferson could mention in the speech "a moderation unlike the president", and he also knew that vans murray, the american minister at the hague, had informed his government "that the french government is sincere in their overtures for reconciliation and have agreed, if these fail, to admit the mediation offered by the british government."[371] in the meantime the fight in congress was merrily going on, with that peculiar circumstance that both leaders remained behind the scenes. to the kentucky resolutions, followed by much milder representations from other state legislatures, hamilton opposed his instructions sent to dayton, and since published in his "works." if they had fallen into jefferson's hands he would have found in them ample grounds for his fears. the federalist leader was of the opinion that his party was losing ground, and the late attempt of virginia and kentucky to unite the state legislatures in a direct resistance to certain laws of the union, could be considered in no other light than as an attempt to change the government. under the circumstances, and considering that "the enemies of the government were resolved, if it shall be practicable, to make its existence a question of force", hamilton had devised a certain plan to be executed by the federalist troops in congress. the measures came under four heads: establishments which will extend the influence and promote the popularity of the government; provision for augmenting the means and consolidating the strength of the government; arrangements for confirming and enlarging the legal powers of the government; laws for restraining and punishing incendiary and seditious practices. the detail of the recommendations showed a perfectly well-concerted plan to concentrate all powers in the hands of the federal government. one of the most remarkable proposals was perhaps the project of subdividing the larger states into several small states containing no less than a hundred thousand persons each, as these new units would be "better adapted to the purposes of local regulations and to the preservation of the republican spirit." it is not without interest here to note that the federalist leader proposed the very measures which had been adopted in france when the old provinces were divided into _départements_. in the case of the federalists, as in the case of the constituents, the purpose was the same: a concentration of all powers into the hand of a central authority and the suppression of local government. other recommendations were an extension of the judiciary with a federal judge at the head of each district; the appointment of conservators or justices of peace, who were to supervise the energetic execution of the laws and to promote "salutary patronage"; a stronger army; improvement of roads; powers given to the government to call out the militia to suppress unlawful combinations and insurrections; power given to congress to build canals through the territory of two or more states, that "all seditious writings levelled against any officers whatever of the u. s. shall be cognizable in the courts of the united states." if the administrative reorganization advocated by hamilton had been effected, it would have made the united states not far different from the france of napoleon and, such being the plans of the federalists, it cannot be said that jefferson's fear was entirely exaggerated. one of the first victories of the federalists was to pass the famous logan law (january 30) forbidding any citizen of the united states to commence or carry on any verbal or written correspondence or intercourse with any foreign government, or any officer thereof in relation to any disputes or controversies with the united states. doctor logan's intentions had been of the best. he had seen members of the french directory in paris and had brought with him "non-equivocal proofs of the pacific dispositions of the french government towards the united states" and particularly the statement of merlin that "_la liberté des états-unis nous a coûté trop de sang pour qu'elle ne nous soit pas chère._"[372] none of these activities could be called treacherous, and in normal times would not have been noticed. but behind logan, jefferson was aimed at, and he was perfectly aware, as he wrote to madison, that "the real views in the importance they have given to logan's enterprise are mistaken by nobody."[373] yet he thought he had to justify himself to his friends, and sent a long letter on the subject to gerry. far more important than his defense was a declaration of the principles he did not fear to avow. "they are unquestionably," he said, "the principles of the great body of our fellow-citizens." it was really the program of the democratic party and the most luminous exposition of the jeffersonian doctrine ever made. i do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states ... and i am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a president and senate for life, and from that to an hereditary tenure of these offices.... i am for preserving to the states the powers not yielded by them to the union, and to the legislature of the union its constitutional share in the division of powers; and i am not for transferring all the powers of the states to the general government, and all those of that government to the executive branch. i am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partisans.... i am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion ... and not for a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy, which by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. i am for free commerce with all nations; political connections with none; and little or no diplomatic establishment ... i am for freedom of religion, and against all manoeuvres to bring about a legal ascendency of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints of criticism, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents. and i am for encouraging the progress of science in all its branches; and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of philosophy....[374] jefferson ended with a paragraph in which he solemnly proclaimed the integrity of his american nationalism, although he admitted that he was a well wisher to the success of the french revolution and still hoped that it would succeed; but he added at once: "the first object of my heart is my own country. in that is embarked my family, my fortune, my own existence. i have not one farthing of interest, nor preference of any one nation to another, but in proportion as they are more or less friendly to us." the man who drew up that program in the midst of an unprecedented political strife and the riotous scenes of the streets of philadelphia was a political leader of the first rank. the letter to gerry is more than a letter from one individual to another; it transcends the circumstances of the moment. it is the result of mature reflection; the conclusions reached by jefferson after almost thirty years of political life. it is really the first program of his party and the first complete definition of government and of americanism; for it was distinctly american. i fail to perceive in it the influence of any foreign political thinker except in so far as such principles as freedom of the press, separation of the church and the state may have been ideas common to a great majority of political thinkers of the eighteenth century. even if jefferson's request to gerry to keep the communication absolutely secret was obeyed, there is little doubt that we have here the gist of the communication made orally by jefferson to his friends and to the leaders of the republicans in congress. for the moment the letter contained a strong appeal to gerry to place every evidence at his disposal before the public, since the government refused to do it, and to publish in full the report on his mission. he alone could save the situation by coming forward independently. but even if gerry acceded to this wish, some one else would have to present a brief synopsis of the evidence and draw up a judicial arraignment of the administration. at this juncture jefferson thought of his old master pendleton, at whose feet he had sat in williamsburg, and with whom he had worked in the revision of the statutes of virginia. he alone could give the "_coup de grâce_" to the ruinous principles and doctrines; he alone could recapitulate all the vexations and disgusting details of the stamp act and the direct tax. a small handbill would be printed and they could "disperse ten or twelve thousand copies under letter covers, through all the united states, by the members of congress when they return home."[375] to make pendleton's coöperation more certain, jefferson even drew up the plan of the indictment and inclosed all the necessary documents. february was for jefferson a period of hectic activity. during all the first part of the month he multiplied his entreaties to pendleton to gird up his loins and enter the fight. if he still refused to write for the press he was not averse to communicating to the editors papers written by his friends, and he begged these for expressions of opinion to be sent to the press. the engine is the press. every man must lay his purse and his pen under contribution. as to the former it is possible i may be obliged to assume something for you. as to the latter, let me pray and beseech you to set apart a certain portion of every post day to write what may be proper for the public. send it to me while here, and when i go away i will let you know to whom you may send, so that your name shall be sacredly secret.[376] the propaganda was beginning to bear its fruits. john ogden was writing from litchfield that "many publications in the _aurora_ have reached connecticut, within four weeks, which have opened the eyes of the dispassionate" and he was asking for more pamphlets.[377] but a week later ogden was arrested and to jefferson he sent a letter "from lichtfield goal (sic) at the suit of oliver wolcott esq", to affirm that "prison has no horror to the oppressed, inspired and persecuted." to aaron burr in new york jefferson wrote very affectionately and very familiarly to acquaint him with the state of public affairs.[378] to monroe he was sending pamphlets, asking him to distribute them where they would do most good, adding as usual "do not let my name be connected in the business." he never tired of repeating that the proper argument to strike the voters was the enormous increase in the budget of the united states: a loan authorized for five millions at eight per cent., another of two millions to follow and that was just a beginning. all these measures were accepted by congress in the teeth of gerry's communications with talleyrand, showing the french government willing to continue the negotiations. then on february 18 came "the event of events." while all the war measures were going on, while the government of the united states was blockading the french west indies and french vessels were captured, while there were in several instances cases of actual warfare, the president had had in his hand for several weeks letters exchanged between pichon, the french chargé at the hague, and vans murray, declaring that the french government was ready to receive "whatever plenipotentiary the government of the united states should send to france to end our differences and that he would be received with the respect due to the representative of a _free, independent, and powerful nation_." adams, almost on the eve of the adjournment of congress, had decided, as it seems, against the advice and without the knowledge of his cabinet, not only to communicate the vans murray-pichon papers, but to recommend that murray be appointed as plenipotentiary to france. the federalists in the senate were appalled and at first did not know what to do.[379] but they were not lacking in strategy; not daring to come out openly, they appointed on the president's recommendation, not only murray but oliver ellsworth and patrick henry, the last two "not to sail from america before they should receive from the french directory assurances that they should be received with the respect due to the law of nations, to their character, etc." this, as jefferson noticed at once, was a last effort to postpone the patching-up of difficulties and also a last effort to provoke the french, since they had already given such an assurance to murray.[380] "the whole artillery of the phalanx was played secretly on the p. and he was obliged himself to take a step which should parry the overture while it wears the face of acceding to it," he wrote to madison.[381] but the war party was defeated, the federalists had received a fatal blow; victory already was in sight when congress adjourned at the beginning of march. then jefferson repaired to monticello, while in the back counties assessors clashed with farmers, troopers with small-town editors, while duane was flogged in the street after being dragged from his office by militiamen. but he was not idle, although for some mysterious reason several of the letters he published during the summer have never been printed. he received many visitors, wrote to friends, proclaimed his faith in ultimate victory for "the body of the american people is substantially republican, but their virtuous feelings have been played on by some fact with more fiction. they have been the dupes of artful manoeuvres and made for a moment to be willing instruments in forging chains for themselves."[382] he encouraged bache and venable to publish a gazette, for unfortunately "the people of virginia were not incorruptible and offices there as elsewhere were acceptable", so that the situation was neither safe nor satisfactory. to william greene he wrote a truly splendid letter on "progress" in which he expressed his belief "with condorcet, that man's mind is perfectible to a degree of which we cannot as yet form any conception", and predicted limitless discoveries in the field of science. the present convulsions could only be temporary, for it was impossible, he maintained, that "the enthusiasm characterizing america should lift its parricidal hand against freedom and science. this would be such a monstrous phenomenon as i cannot place among possible things in this age and in this country." at the same time he was not unmindful of keeping in complete harmony the heterogeneous elements of the party just being formed. he strove to placate callender who, jealous of bache, was writing epileptic letters to complain of the whole universe, and asking at the same time that jefferson should send him some money, as he was short of funds.[383] john taylor, who was planning to declare void and unconstitutional laws adopted by congress, and to call together a convention to appoint a dictator, had to be told to "forbear to push on to this ultimate effort."[384] much preferable was the work undertaken by randolph in presenting a legal refutation of the federalist attitude towards the foundation of law, and the similar document on which wilson nicholas was working.[385] all this time jefferson was haunted by the fear that his letters would fall into the hands of his enemies. to the few communications he wrote during the later part of the summer, he did not even dare to put his signature, "the omission of which has been rendered almost habitual with me by the necessity of the post office; indeed the period is now approaching during which i shall discontinue writing letters as much as possible, knowing that every snare will be used to get hold of what may be perverted."[386] he came to the point that on monroe's advice he had to refuse to see madison in order to "avoid the appearance of a collusion between them."[387] at the beginning of december he was back in philadelphia for the session of congress and soon after was able to send reassuring news to monroe who had become one of his "grand electors." those who persist in thinking him a dreamy idealist must read the letters he wrote between january and may, 1800; not only did he keep his hand on the pulse of the country, but he calculated the changes of the republicans in every state and figured out to a unit the possible number of votes they would receive in the coming election. he knew the situation too well not to admit that he was the natural choice of the republicans even before any census was held, and very early in january acknowledged it to monroe: perhaps it will be thought i ought in delicacy to be silent on the subject. but you, who know me, know that my private gratification would be most indulged by that issue, which should leave me most at home. if anything supersedes this propensity, it is merely the desire to see this government brought back to its republican principles. consider this as written to mr. madison as much as yourself; and communicate it, if you think it will do any good, to those possessing our joint confidence, or any others where it may be useful and safe.[388] he was undoubtedly sincere in disclaiming any ambition, but under the circumstances he was bound to observe a certain reticence, being the president of the senate, next to adams in the government and yet adams' adversary in the next election. but in his letters he made no pretense of false modesty and frankly mentioned time and again what he called "our ticket." yet he was not the man who could ever give all his energy to a single task, and absorbing as were his political preoccupations he showed during the summer of 1800 as much versatility as ever. he took up again the transformation of william and mary college, this time to make a real university of the old institution. he wrote to priestley to send him a good plan of reorganization and a few weeks later to du pont de nemours who composed for him his "plan of a national education."[389] with colonel benjamin hawkins he discussed the desirability of studying the language and customs of the indians, while there was still time.[390] he was thinking of compiling a volume on the "morals of jesus" and discussed religion with bishop madison who intended to write a book to prove that the christian religion, "rightly understood and carried into full effect, would establish a pure democracy over the world. its main pillars are--equality, fraternity, justice, universal benevolence."[391] at the same time he was keeping close watch on the news coming from france and on political developments in congress. rumors circulated that a new revolution had taken place in paris and that bonaparte was at the head of it. this was a wonderful opportunity to test out by actual experience the disadvantage of a directory or executive committee as compared with a single executive in a republic.[392] from what he knew of the french character, he did not believe that a monarchy could be reëstablished in france, for "if bonaparte declares for royalty, either in his own person, or that of louis xviii, he has but a few days to live. in a nation of so much enthusiasm, there must be a million brutuses who will devote themselves to death to destroy him." but a few days later he had come to the conclusion that it was probably what bonaparte had done, and what had been done in france could probably be done in america when our bonaparte, surrounded by his comrades in arms, may step in to give us political salvation in his way. one thing was certain, however: bonaparte had clearly demonstrated that he had no brains, no creative and constructive mind; and, with the pride of a man who was engaged in a stupendous experiment, jefferson pitilessly criticized the napoleonic reconstruction of france: "whenever he has meddled we have seen nothing but fragments of the old roman government stuck into materials with which they can form no cohesion; we see the bigotry of an italian to the ancient splendor of his country, but nothing which bespeaks a luminous view of rational government."[393] to his friend samuel adams, who had written him at the end of january, he repeated the same judgment in less striking but perhaps even harsher terms: i fear our friends on the other side of the water, laboring in the same cause, have yet a great deal of crime and misery to wade through. my confidence has been placed in the head not in the heart of bonaparte. i hoped he would calculate truly the difference between the fame of a washington and a cromwell. whatever the views may be, he has at least transferred the destinies of the republic from the civil to the military arm. some will use this as a lesson against the practicability of republican government. i read in it a lesson against the danger of standing armies.[394] no more patent demonstration could be desired of the fact that in his judgments of the french revolution, jefferson was at all times influenced by the possible effects that european examples might have on the american crisis. the precedent established by bonaparte was a very dangerous one and might put similar ambitions into the head of an unscrupulous schemer. whether he really believed or not that there was such an immediate danger for america, and that hamilton had really such intentions, is an entirely different question. probably he did not himself know. he only felt that a permanent army would constitute a permanent temptation and consequently a permanent danger, for he had only limited faith in the virtue of individual man, although he continued to believe in the wisdom of the collectivity. domestic matters and other more immediate preoccupations were no less worthy of attention. he followed very closely every measure proposed in the house on the coming elections, on the voting procedure to be adopted, and anxiously studied the political forecasts. the situation was decidedly on the mend. this appears clearly in the attitude of the federalists towards him, not only in public but also in private. for madison he wrote a very elaborate review of the comparative strength of the two parties in all the states of the union; he saw that the key states were pennsylvania, jersey and new york, the other states being equally divided, and he concluded that "upon the whole the issue was still very doubtful." but officially one had to maintain a confident attitude.[395] when april came, he thought that it would be desirable for the republicans to come out with a public declaration, stating their program and their ideals. "as soon as it can be depended on," he said, "we must have a declaration of the principles of the constitution, in the nature of a declaration of rights, in all points in which it has been violated."[396] if the plan had been put to execution we would have had the first presidential "platform" as early as 1800, and jefferson would thus have hastened the formation of distinct political parties. but more commonplace measures were not to be neglected. discussing the situation in north carolina, still a very doubtful state, he advised that "the medicine for that state must be very mild and secretly administered. but nothing should be spared to give them true information." we would like jefferson better if he had shown more discrimination in the choice of the men selected to disseminate this true information. for at that time, at least, he was still employing callender in richmond--an amusing scoundrel not much better than cobbet, the peter porcupine of the federalists. but callender was a useful tool, who was doing his utmost to publish the second volume of the _prospect_ and to catch up with federalist propaganda. one could condone much in a man then writing: "i had entertained the romantic hope of being able to overtake the federal government in its career of iniquity. but i am now satisfied that they can _act_ much faster than i _can write_ after them."[397] fortunately he had the approval and indorsement of much more respectable characters. samuel adams had already written him; then it was john dickinson, the revolutionary hero, who wrote, when sending his thanks for a copy of the late "resolutions of the legislature of virginia": "it is an inestimable contribution to the cause of liberty.... how incredible was it once, and how astonishing is it now, that every measure and every pretense of the stupid and selfish stuarts, should be adopted by the posterity of those who fled from this madness and tyranny to the distant wilds of america."[398] such letters, the congratulations of george wythe, who urged him to publish the "manual of parliamentary practice", those of pendleton, who consented to revise the final text and to "freely cast his mite into the treasury", were indeed balm on the wounds made by the fierce attacks of the federalist press.[399] the end of the session was approaching and the most earnest desire of the federalists was to adjourn as soon as possible, for fear that the envoys to france should announce the conclusion of a treaty. their power seemed on the wane, but jefferson was still very doubtful of ultimate victory. to livingston he wrote that his knowledge of the art, industry, and resources of the other party did not permit him to be prematurely confident. the tide had turned, to be sure, and the federalists were losing ground constantly, but the main question whether "that would insure a republican victory was still undecided and it might take one or two elections more."[400] congress adjourned on may 14. during the session congressional caucuses had nominated for the federalists john adams, and general charles cotesworth pinckney of south carolina; the choice of the republicans could only be jefferson, and for candidate to the vice presidency they selected aaron burr of new york. in the course of the summer, adams and his wife moved to the new federal city laid out by major lenfant, which boasted of one tavern, the capitol, the president's house, and a few boarding houses,--a capital in the midst of the woods, in a veritable wilderness of trees, with impassable paths,--a town unable to lodge congress except at georgetown, which was connected with the new city by a clay road. jefferson, according to his custom, had hurried back to his "farm" and was apparently absorbed by his domestic occupations, his children, and grandchildren. during the whole campaign he remained almost absolutely silent, not daring to write, because his letters might have been intercepted and used against him, receiving few visitors and reading without comment the newspapers filled with the insults and abuse of the federalists. he broke his silence on few occasions, but these occasions are worth studying in some detail. in a letter to monroe, written from eppington, he discussed the best plans for assisting callender, then jailed under the sedition act, who "should be substantially defended whether privately or publicly" and whose case should be laid before the legislature.[401] these efforts did not avail since in august the publicist wrote from his richmond jail that he was in very bad health "owing to the stink of the place."[402] there is not much that can be said for callender, and jefferson might have better chosen his friends; but when one reflects on the accusations commonly circulated against jefferson at the time, the interest taken by the republican leader in the pamphleteer seems less astonishing. if callender had certainly insulted adams and hamilton, had not the reverend cotton mather smith accused jefferson of "having robbed a widow and fatherless children of an estate of which he was executor?" to gideon granger, who had called his attention to the attacks of the clergyman, jefferson easily justified himself and seized the opportunity to discuss with his friend a problem of general politics of far greater importance. it had very little to do with the details of the election and for his remarkable capacity to rise above contingencies jefferson truly deserves the title of "political philosopher." to incidents which he deemed without permanent significance he paid little attention, but when dealing with a phenomenon which seemed to him to indicate an important change in the orientation of national policies, he always tried to penetrate beyond the surface and reach the core of the question. the thing that now disturbed him more than the possible victory of adams and pinckney was the fact that political divisions seemed to correspond to a geographical division. not without reason had he written to colonel benjamin hawkins: "those who knew us only from 1775 to 1793 can form no better idea of us than of the inhabitants of the moon."[403] the north and the south had never been in complete harmony; economically they were different and had different interests, but something new had developed during the seven or eight years just passed. there was evidently a rift in the union; on several occasions talks of secession had been heard. these rumors did not correspond to any real danger, but if the elections proved that the union was formed of two solid blocks of states, if the north remained federalist and the south were republican, the very existence of the nation would be put in question. yet this seemed to be a probable eventuality. in these circumstances, a victory of the south would mean a defeat of the north, the country would be divided against itself and the union would be destroyed. this was particularly to be feared if the powers of the federal government were enlarged. leaving aside all question of principle as to the moral merit of the questions under dispute, jefferson tried to show, on the one hand, that it was impossible ever to organize a centralized form of government for the simple reason that the united states were too big and covered a territory much too large. if a centralized government were established on paper, it would be necessary to have many agents of the federal government with extensive powers distributed over all the states, and because of their very remoteness they would be beyond the possibility of continuous control. this could only mean corruption, plunder, and waste. on the other hand, since on fundamental questions it was impossible to bring into accord the north and the south, the true and only remedy was to minimize the chances of conflict and to reduce to a minimum the powers and attributes of the federal government. "the true theory of our constitution is surely the wisest and best, that the states are independent as to everything within themselves, and united as to everything respecting foreign nations." once more, therefore, he came back to the original theory of 1776 that, in forming a social compact, liberty is exchanged for security and only those rights are given up which the members of the new society have not full power to enforce. thus his theory of state rights was not only well founded in theory but proved by practice and experience. any other system would almost necessarily conduce to a secession. the man who wrote these lines in the summer of 1800, more than half a century before the civil war, was certainly not an ordinary politician; his was the clear farsightedness of a great statesman and true political philosopher. furthermore, in the controversy which had been going on since 1793, jefferson had been submitted to fierce criticism on every possible ground: as he wrote to mcgregory, "the floodgates of calumny had been opened upon him." it had been particularly distressing to him to see that the religious issue had been injected into politics. there is no doubt that his bill for religious freedom proceeded, not from hostility to religion, but from a deep and sincere conviction, reached after careful study of the evidence available that "in law" there ought to be no connection between the church and the state and that if any had ever been established, it was due to monkish fabrications and usurpations. that he had turned against himself some of the episcopalian clergy of virginia was quite natural, but before he went to france these attacks were necessarily limited and did not extend beyond the borders of the state or take the aspect of a national question. when, on the contrary, he began to be criticized for his supposed foible for the french revolution, such attacks became far more pressing. the excesses of the revolution were attributed to the infidel doctrines of the french philosophers; and, being "contaminated" by french political philosophy, jefferson was naturally accused of having brought back from france its atheism. these views received confirmation when he befriended volney and priestley, one a confirmed atheist, as priestley himself had demonstrated, the other a unitarian--which in the eyes of the orthodox clergy was possibly worse. the attacks from the pulpit became more numerous, and a clergyman of new york, a close friend of hamilton, even published a pamphlet entitled "the voice of warning to christians on ensuing election", in which jefferson was accused of having answered to a certain doctor smith, who expressed his surprise at the condition of a church: "it is good enough for him who was born in a manger." considering, on the other hand, that a large portion of the clergy were enrolled under the federalist banner, jefferson had come to the conclusion that the clergy had "a very favorite hope of obtaining an establishment of a particular form of christianity through the united states; and as every sect believes its own form the true one, every one perhaps hopes for his own, especially the episcopalians and the congregationalists." whether this was so absolutely untrue or impossible, as some historians seem to believe, is a question far too difficult to answer and one which probably cannot be solved. on the face of things it does seem that there was in it a grain of truth, for no human organization, whether ecclesiastical or civil, ever relinquishes voluntarily the smallest particle of power or prestige. one thing, however, is certain: if jefferson had said the word, the religious issue would have been injected into the campaign; and some of his friends, believing that "christianity was the strong ground of republicanism", were urging him to give his consent, for it was only necessary for "republicanism to ally itself to the christian religion, to overturn all the corrupted political and religious institutions in the world."[404] but this was for jefferson a forbidden subject. he had "sworn upon the altar of god eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man"; he had formed "a view of the subject which ought to displease neither the rational christian nor the deists and would reconcile many to a character they have too hastily rejected"; but this was not the time or the place to discuss matters that ought to be reserved for a calm and dispassionate discussion between friends, so he refused to authorize the publication of any statement referring to his religious views.[405] in the meantime the political campaign was going on and the federalists' affairs were assuming a decidedly unhealthy complexion. how this happened is a story of extraordinary intrigue and machination, already told several times and still a delight to historians fond of studying political deals. to a large extent the victory of the republicans was due to divisions in the federalist camp and it came to pass that no other man did more than hamilton to assure jefferson's success. from the beginning, the former leader of the federalists had set himself against adams, employing every effort to have pinckney receive the first place in the nomination. the first sign of a federalist defeat appeared in new york state, where burr had his headquarters and had so cleverly maneuvered things that the state went republican at the april election. this was a personal defeat for hamilton and also a terrible blow to the federalists. then adams went into one of those fits of anger which make him such a picturesque figure; he decided that he had been betrayed by his cabinet, summarily dismissed his secretary of war, mchenry, and offered pickering an opportunity to resign, which the secretary of state did not choose to take. thereupon the president informed him that he "discharged him from further service in the cabinet." he then called into the cabinet john marshall of virginia as secretary of state and samuel dexter of massachusetts as secretary of war. from that time on, the political campaign reads as if the leaders of the federalists had really lost their heads. hamilton bent all his efforts towards holding another election in new york and, failing in that, towards preventing adams from obtaining a majority. the affair culminated in the publication of a pamphlet, entitled "the true conduct and character of john adams, esq. president of the united states", pointing out the weakness of adams' character. the pamphlet was intended for private distribution, but it found its way into the hands of the republicans; aaron burr had parts of it printed in the _new london bee_ and the whole was soon to be given to the public. when the whole pamphlet came out, it added more fuel to the raging controversy. this is only one incident, but not the least significant, among the many so vividly related by mr. bowers. the electoral colleges met in each state on december 4. returns came in slowly to washington but by the thirteenth it was known, in so far as could be, that the federalists were defeated; it also appeared that there was a tie between the two republican candidates. at this juncture jefferson, who had remained perfectly silent, took the matter in hand and calmly assumed that he would be elected. to robert r. livingston, brother of edward livingston who was a member of congress from new york, jefferson wrote a letter congratulating him on his communications to the american philosophical society and discussing quite seriously the discovery "of some large bones supposed to be of the mammoth" in the vicinity of new york. then, as in an afterthought, he mentioned the political situation. the matter of the election was as good as settled: "we may, therefore, venture to hazard propositions on that hypothesis without being justly subjected to raillery or ridicule." "to put the vessel on a republican tack", they would require the entire coöperation of "men who could at once inspire the nation with perfect confidence in their honesty and talents", and jefferson asked livingston whether he would not assume the secretaryship of the navy. that in his own mind he considered the election well over appears in the sentence in which he speaks, not as a candidate but as the leader of his party, and as if no other hypothesis could enter his mind: "though i have been too honorably placed in front of those who are to enter the breach so happily made, yet the energies of every individual are necessary, and in the very place where his energies can most serve the enterprise."[406] the next day he wrote in the same vein to aaron burr to congratulate him in no uncertain terms on his election as vice president, expressing his regrets that this distinction would prevent him from availing himself of the services of burr in the cabinet. he based his conclusion on the assurance he had received that south carolina would withdraw one vote from burr, that smith of tennessee would give its second vote to gallatin. it was also surmised that the vote of georgia would not be entire. this would leave burr well ahead of adams but decidedly in the second place. jefferson indicated that several of the federalists had expressed the hope that "the two republican tickets may be equal" and in that case they expected to prevent a choice by the house and "let the government devolve on a president of the senate." then came a gently insinuating sentence: "decency required that i should be so entirely passive during the late contest that i have never once asked whether arrangements had been made to prevent so many from dropping votes intentionally, as might frustrate half the republican wish; nor did i doubt till lately that such had been made." in the last paragraph, jefferson, refusing even to consider that burr might aspire to the presidency, indicated that he considered the matter as settled and firmly put burr where he belonged: while i must congratulate you, my dear sir, on the issue of this contest, because it is more honorable, and doubtless more grateful to you than any station within the competence of the chief magistrate, yet for myself, and for the substantial service of the public, i feel most sensibly the loss we sustain of your aid in the new administration. it leaves a chasm in my arrangements, which cannot be adequately filled up. if we put things together, the letter of jefferson certainly meant first that the time had come to make some "arrangements" to thwart the schemes of the federalists; second, that a tie was almost certain, and finally that it was up to burr to declare that he was not running for the presidency. this conclusion is all the more probable because three days later, writing to john breckenridge, jefferson did not mention again georgia and tennessee, but declared that "we are brought into a dilemma by the probable equality of the two republican candidates." then he added: "the federalists in congress mean to take advantage of this, and either to prevent an election altogether, or reverse what has been understood to have been the wishes of the people, as to the president and vice-president; wishes which the constitution did not permit them specially to designate."[407] nothing could be clearer; it was to some extent the situation of 1796, but reversed as to the candidates, and jefferson expected that burr would do the right thing by him. this, however, was not so obvious to burr himself. the letter he sent in reply to jefferson must have been most disappointing in this respect. the colonel side-stepped the issue, refused to come out frankly and did not write a single line that could be constructed as an acceptance of jefferson's point of view. on december 31, jefferson wrote to tench coxe to express his opinion that an agreement between the two higher candidates was their only hope "to prevent the dissolution of the government and a danger of anarchy, by an operation, bungling indeed and imperfect, but better than letting the legislature take the nomination of the executive entirely from the people."[408] this could have been construed as a hint to burr to give up his unavowed hopes of becoming president. but burr, who was in new york, could not easily be communicated with and kept his sphinxlike silence. january passed without jefferson's finding any necessity of writing any political letters. with hugh williamson he discussed the range of temperature in louisiana and whether the turkey was a native bird:[409] with william dunbar the temperature, indian vocabularies and the origin of the rainbow. in february, however, he again wrote to burr. he had been informed that certain individuals were attempting "to sow tares between us that might divide us and our friends." he assured burr that he had never written anything that could be regarded as injurious by his running mate; the only time that he had discussed his conduct was in a letter to breckenridge written on december 18, in which he had expressed the conviction that the wishes of the people were that he and not burr be president. that was a pure statement of fact at which no man could take offense. this time, burr apparently did not answer at all, and while the house was preparing for the balloting, jefferson discussed with caspar wistar the bones found in the state of new york, "the vertebra, part of the jaw, with two grinders, the tusks, which some have called the horns, the sternum, the scapula, the tibia and fibula, the tarsus and metatarsus, and even the phalanges and innominata."[410] on the morning of the election and before going to the capitol he wrote to tench coxe: "which of the two will be elected, and whether either, i deem perfectly problematical: and my mind has long been equally made up for either of the three events." this was on a wednesday. after the result of the election had been officially announced, the house retired to proceed to the election of the president. ballots were taken, jefferson receiving eight states, burr six, nine being necessary to a choice. the house stayed in continuous session till eight o'clock the next morning, taking twenty-seven ballots without any change in the results; members of the house dozing between ballots, snatching a bit of sleep whenever they could, all of them admiring the fortitude of joseph n. nicholson who, although sick in bed, had been brought to the house and rested in a committee room, voting at each ballot. the house adjourned until eleven o'clock on friday and then took two successive ballots without being able to break the deadlock. on saturday three ballots were taken without any change in the alignment, and they adjourned until monday. in the meantime passions were raging. the federalists had been told in no equivocal terms that, should they attempt to have the government devolve to some member of the present administration, "the day such an act would pass, the middle states would arm" and that "no such usurpation would be tolerated even for a single day." on the other hand, jefferson had been approached by the more sensible heads of the federalists, and apparently by gouverneur morris, who stopped him as he was coming out from the senate chamber, and had offered to influence one member of vermont, provided he would declare: "1. that he would not turn all the federalists out of office; 2. that he would not reduce the navy; and 3. would not wipe off the public debt." to which jefferson answered that he would not become president by capitulation and would not make any declaration. then he went to see adams, who seemed ready to approve of the choice of jefferson as president and who told him that he could have himself elected by subscribing to conditions analogous to those indicated by morris. finally he was visited in his room by dwight foster, senator from massachusetts, who also reiterated the same offer. these are, undoubtedly, some of the maneuvers he mentioned on sunday, the day of rest, in a letter he wrote to monroe: "many attempts have been made to obtain terms and promises from me, i have declared to them unequivocally, that i would not receive the government on capitulation, that i would not go into it with my hands tied."[411] on sunday and monday parleyings went on, caucuses were held, and no change was yet apparent. but on tuesday morning an agreement was reached. it was described by jefferson himself as follows: "morris of vermont withdrew, which made lyon's vote that of his state. the maryland federalists put in four blanks, which made the positive ticket of their colleagues the vote of the state. south carolina and delaware put in six blanks, so there were ten states for one candidate, four for another, and two blanks." and the speaker of the house, theodore sedgwick, one of jefferson's bitterest enemies, was forced to announce his election. the letter he wrote to monroe the same day is not a pæan of triumph. the long-disputed victory, the irreducibility of a large portion of the federalists, made him fearful lest the fight would soon renew. furthermore, adams had at once started making new appointments, naturally without consulting his successor; bayard was nominated plenipotentiary to the french republic, "theophilus parsons, attorney general of the united states in the room of c. lee, who, with keith taylor _cum multis aliis_ are appointed judges under the new system. h. g. otis is nominated a district attorney."[412] on his side, jefferson wrote at once to henry dearborn to offer him the secretaryship of war in his cabinet and courteously communicated with dexter, secretary of the treasury, and stoddart, secretary of the navy, to thank them for their offer to conduct the affairs of their departments pending the arrival of their successors. to a certain major william jackson whom he did not know and who had written him to express the fear that he would discriminate against commerce, he answered that he "might appeal to evidences of his attention to the commerce and navigation of our country in different stations connected with them." this was an evident allusion to his mission to france and to the activity he had displayed in defending the commercial interests of the united states. he resented particularly the fact that he had been represented as a friend to agriculture and an enemy to commerce, "the only means of disposing of its products."[413] the true position of jefferson on this matter has already been pointed out in a preceding chapter; but the fact that the letter was written the very day he was notified of his election is proof enough that he already intended to conciliate both the agricultural and the commercial interests of the country. to the smoothing over of old differences of opinion he bent all his efforts during the three weeks that separated him from his inauguration. bayard having refused his appointment to france, he approached at once robert r. livingston, intending to give the nomination to the senate at the first opportunity. at the same time he repeated that the great body of the federalist troops was discouraged and truly repentant, or disposed to come back into the fold. those who were so inclined should be received with open arms for "if we can once more get social intercourse restored to its pristine harmony, i shall believe we have not lived in vain; and that it may, by rallying them to true republican principles, which few of them had thrown off, i sanguinely hope."[414] he resigned from the chair of the senate on the twenty-eighth, and made the necessary preparations for the inauguration. the ceremonies were to be very simple but dignified. john marshall, chief justice of the supreme court, was asked by jefferson himself to administer the oath, and on march 4, 1801, the new president was inaugurated, while john adams, who had refused to welcome his successor, was starting on his way to new england. book five _the presidency_ chapter i "all republicans, all federalists" the battle over, jefferson's first and only desire seems to have been to bring about a reunion of the former political opponents. he had hardly been elected when he declared that he was not the choice of one party, but that the analysis of the last ballot showed clearly that "the former federalists have found themselves aggregated with us and that they are in a state of mind to be aggregated with us."[415] and this, much to the surprise and disappointment of the militants who had fought the hard battle with him and for him, was the keynote of his inaugural speech. throwing overboard his former defense of the french revolution, he did not hesitate to attribute the political storm which the ship had just weathered to the baneful influence of european disturbances: during the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows would reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should divide opinions as to measures of safety. but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. we have called by different names brethren of the same principles. then came the final and definitive formula: "we are all republicans--we are all federalists." in more than one sense this was the most characteristic and the most masterly of jefferson's political utterances. the battle of capitol hill was ended, the last streamers of smoke had floated away and america had found herself: "a rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of her industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eyes." this was not written simply for effect and for the public eye. to monroe, jefferson had declared that the policy of the new administration would not be a policy of reprisals. the victory had been won partly through the repentance of former federalists who had seen their error, and during the awful suspense of the week of the eleventh to the seventeenth of february, had feared that the country would become a prey to anarchy. these he welcomed back into the fold; the leaders, of course, were irreconcilable, but the majority were to be forgiven, and few removals from office were to be made on the ground of political divergences of opinion. "some, i know, must be made. they must be as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation or inherent disqualification."[416] of the thousands of federal officers in the united states, the president estimated that not twenty would have to be removed, while in two or three instances, officers removed by mr. adams for refusing to sign addresses were to be restored. jefferson realized that by so acting and "stopping thus short in the career of removal" he would give offense to many of his friends, and he added with some melancholy: "that torrent has been pressing me heavily, and will require all my force to bear up against; but my maxim is "fiat justitia, ruat cælum."[417] all this sounds perfectly sincere and true. even the most superficial consideration of jefferson's life would convince any one that he was not a man of vindictive character. by nature a pacifier and a harmonizer, nothing would have been farther from his program than to revive the old fires and to prolong party strifes. but if it takes only one to declare war, it takes two to make peace, and the defeated party was in no peaceful mood. hamilton was removed from the scene, and the form of government was apparently definitively settled by the election of jefferson, but the federalists had not given up every hope; they were still strongly intrenched and the battle went on during all of jefferson's administration. it was not so spectacular as the fight with hamilton, for the chief protagonist, john marshall, lacked the dramatic qualities of the former leader of the federalists; but it was no less momentous and no less important for the destinies of the united states. when it came to actual removals, however, difficulties arose immediately. whether in all cases jefferson was rightly advised or inspired is open to question. the wisdom of appointing samuel bishop, a man of "sound understanding, pure integrity and unstained character", as collector of new haven may be doubted, and there was something undeniably worth considering in the protest of new haven merchants, that a man seventy-seven years old was unfit for such an office. the incident in itself was paltry, but the letter written by the president in answer to the protest put once again into light that curious mixture of theoretical idealism and practical political sense so remarkable in jefferson. after all, the federalists had begun with filling every office with their partisans and it was necessary to reëstablish a just balance, even if some individuals had to suffer. if the rights of the minority could not be ignored, the majority had its rights also and could not submit to the monopoly claimed by the federalists: "total exclusions," concluded the president, "call for prompt corrections. i shall correct the procedure; but that done, return with joy to that state of things, when only questions concerning a candidate shall be, is he honest? is he capable? is he faithful to the constitution?"[418] in other words, jefferson was not ready to proclaim the principle so frankly avowed later "to the victor belong the spoils." his principle was and remained absolutely different. but he considered that he was confronted by a situation which had to be remedied without any delay, and in his behavior he reminds one in some way of the french publicist who, although theoretically opposed to the death penalty, declared, "_que messieurs les assassins commencent_!" certainly this is not the pure and exalted morality of the political philosopher, but neither is it the cynical attitude of the political "boss", and one may wonder how many men who have occupied high offices would stand better than jefferson in this respect if documents were available and could be subjected to the same scrutiny. the fact remains, however, that during the battle from which he had come out victorious, jefferson had to employ and sometimes associate with men whose character was not absolutely spotless. the presence of aaron burr in the government was already a thorn in his side. it was also particularly unfortunate that he had given aid and assistance to callender, whose scurrilous attacks against adams went far beyond a legitimate discussion of public utterances and actions of a man at the head of the government. callender had been sentenced under the sedition act to a term in jail and liberated by jefferson with all the other victims of the act when he took office. it was even more unfortunate that the pamphlet of callender, "the prospect before us", was reprinted under a modified title as the "history of the administration of john adams" more than a year after the new administration had taken hold of things. it was also regrettable that the son of john adams should have been removed from office after the election. soon after the death of jefferson's younger daughter, mrs. adams, who had befriended the little girl when she arrived in london all alone in 1787, wrote to the bereaved father to express her sympathy. jefferson took the opportunity to reassert his personal friendship for john adams. he could not help mentioning, however, that one act of adams' administration he had to consider as personally unkind, his last appointment to office of jefferson's most ardent political enemies.[419] this letter called for an answer, and mrs. adams was not a woman to miss an opportunity to express her husband's views and her own on the removal of federal judges and particularly of john quincy. thus jefferson was led to write a final letter in which he expressed more clearly than he had done anywhere else his opinion on the judiciary and on the place it should occupy in the general scheme of government. to understand this letter fully it is necessary to go back to the beginnings of jefferson's administration. the original draft of jefferson's message to congress, december 8, 1801, contained a paragraph which, after more mature reflection, the president decided to omit "as capable of being chicaned, and furnishing something to the opposition to make a handle of."[420] in it jefferson held the theory that the three powers existing in any government had been distributed among three equal authorities, constituting each a check on one or both the others. the president asserted that each of these three branches of the government had a right "to decide on the validity of an act according to its own judgment and uncontrouled by the opinions of any other department." according to this theory, even if opposition developed among different departments, no permanent ill could ensue, since at the next election the people were at liberty to refuse to reëlect those whose interpretation seemed erroneous. jefferson's disapproval of the sedition act had been known for a long time; he had a right to assume that his election meant that the people approved of his position and to make this declaration: on mature deliberation, in the presence of the nation, and under the tie of the solemn oath which binds me to them and to my duty, i do declare that i hold that act in palpable and unqualified contradiction to the constitution, considering it then as a nullity, i have relieved from oppression under it those of my fellow citizens who were within the reach of the functions confided to me. in its final form the message was far less provocative. it simply contained the statement that "the judiciary system ... and especially that portion of it recently enacted, will, of course, present itself to the contemplation of congress." but the federalists and particularly marshall were not placated by this apparent moderation; they knew that the assault against the judiciary was about to begin. the debate between federalists and republicans had already been transferred to another ground. no better account of it can be found than the chapters written on the subject by albert j. beveridge in his "life of marshall." it must be remembered, however, that beveridge's account was necessarily colored by his own political views, as were the views of most historians of the subject.[421] one of the first episodes of the battle was the repeal of the judiciary act passed in 1801 by the federalists, in order to reorganize the supreme court and to increase the number of federal judges. this was immediately followed by the impeachment of judge pickering, the deposition of judge addison by the senate of pennsylvania, and the famous decision given by marshall on "marbury versus madison." these incidents were of unequal importance and significance. it was recognized by pickering's friends and family that the judge was half-demented and for several years had been unable to fulfill his duties. but since the act of 1801 had been repealed, no one seemed to have authority at the time to remove the judge from office. the pickering case simply provided the republicans with an opportunity to test out their favorite contention, that impeachment was unrestricted and could be enforced against any officer of the government deemed undesirable by two thirds of the senate. of far greater importance was the decision of marshall in "marbury versus madison." the senior member of the supreme court formulated on this occasion a doctrine on the powers of the court which, although never written in the constitution, was to obtain final recognition and which to this day had remained one of the many unwritten laws of the land. another most curious situation this, so disconcerting to historians and observers trained in the principles of roman law, but often recurring in american politics and administrative life. the case itself was of no importance. marbury was one of the "midnight judges" whose commission, signed by adams, had been withheld by madison, on the theory that the powers of the former president to make appointments had really expired, not on the third of march, 1801, at midnight, but on the day his successor was elected. it was maintained by the administration that the commission not having been delivered marbury had no right to take office and to sit on the bench. marbury had appealed to the supreme court, but the sessions of the court being suspended for fourteen months by congress, marshall had at first no opportunity to declare himself publicly on the matter. when he finally passed on the case, the chief justice saw at once that his hour had come, and gave his definition of the powers of the court in its relation to the executive and the legislative. curiously enough, as beveridge remarked, the matter had never before come up and would have remained undecided for a long time, if this particular juncture had not made it a question of paramount importance for the destinies of the country. briefly summed up, the theory of marshall, shorn of its legal phraseology, was this: the happiness of the american people rested on certain principles embodied in the constitution. these principles could not be altered by legislation; if, however, the legislative passed a law evidently contrary to the constitution, there must be for the individual some recourse, some means of asserting his rights. in cases where congress adopts laws contrary to the constitution, these laws must be void. on this principle jefferson and marshall were in complete agreement. but from that point on they differed widely. the next question was to determine where does the power rest to declare a law unconstitutional? with the executive and even with the states, jefferson had first declared in his draft of 1801. with the supreme court, answered marshall; for this is essentially a judicial function. under this construction, the constitution remains the supreme law of the land, but it is within the powers attributed by the constitution to the judiciary, for the supreme court to decide on the constitutionality of an act passed by the legislature. thus the court is not placed above the constitution, but its judges stand as the keepers and interpreters of the superior law of the country. jefferson did not engage directly in a controversy with marshall and held his peace. but, as he was wont, he seized another opportunity to express his views on the subject, and he did it in his letter written to mrs. adams on september 11, 1804. in this, he maintained that "nothing in the constitution has given the judges a right to decide for the executive, more than to the executive to decide for them. both magistrates are equally independent in the sphere of action assigned to them." judges believing a law to be constitutional have a right to pass sentences. but "the executive believing the law to be unconstitutional were bound to remit the execution of it; because that power has been confided to them by the constitution." what he did not say on this occasion, but repeated on many others, was that, the ultimate source of authority resting in the people, it was for the people to decide at the next election in case a conflict of interpretation should arise between any of the three branches of the government. in case of a conflict between the judiciary and the legislative, however, impeachment proceedings could be initiated and judges removed in a regular and, according to him, perfectly constitutional way. it must be recognized here that the position taken by jefferson was perfectly logical, far more logical than the interpretation given out by marshall. whether jefferson's theory would have worked out satisfactorily is quite another matter. it is only too evident that perfectly logical constructions do not always fit the complexity and contradictions of human affairs. the system of democracy which was jefferson's ideal at that time might have worked in the case of a new england town meeting; it would have been more difficult to apply to the government of a state. in the case of a large and growing federation of states, it would have injected into presidential and congressional elections constant elements of discord and bitterness. thus the cost of liberty would not have been eternal vigilance, but eternal strife and political dissensions. it may even be doubted whether jefferson would ever have entertained such an extreme theory if at that time he had not been moved by immediate considerations. he had come to see in the judiciary, as it was constituted after the appointments made by adams, an institution endangering the very life of the republic. as for marshall, who had hurled a challenge at the executive and the legislative branches of the government, it had to be ascertained whether some means could not be found to remove him from office. that such was the ultimate intent of the republican leaders was understood generally when proceedings were started to impeach judge chase of the supreme court. as in the case of pickering, the republicans had carefully selected the card they intended to play. was he not the very man who had sentenced fries to the gallows and callender to jail, who had been relentless in his application of the sedition act and in the prosecution of republicans? he had finally, and this was the immediate ground for his impeachment, bitterly criticized from the bench the repeal of the federal judiciary act, and predicted that the country would be enslaved by mob tyranny and that soon "they would all establish the worst kind of government known to man." the impeachment proceedings took place in the senate room elaborately decorated for the occasion with a display of crimson, green, and blue cloth draping the rows of benches and the sections reserved for the heads of departments, foreign ministers, members of the house, and the general public. the senate convened to hear the case on february 4, 1805, and for almost a month all other business was practically suspended. but it was far more than the fate of a single judge which was going to be decided. on the decision of the senate hung not only the future of the constitution but probably the fate of the union. for new england had already on several occasions threatened secession; the north resented what was already termed "virginia tyranny", and it was to be feared that these feelings of disaffection might be strengthened. it was also the most exciting ceremony the new capital had yet witnessed, and the formalities of the proceedings, the effort to clothe them with dignity and solemnity, presented a strange contrast with the uncouth appearance of the city itself, with its ramshackle boarding houses, its muddy streets, and surrounding wilderness. the debates provided a rare occasion for an extraordinary display of american eloquence. this is not one of the least surprises to a student of american civilization, to discover the taste of the people as a whole for oratory and the remarkable gift of american orators for long speeches, even in the early days. scarcely less surprising was the capacity of american audiences to listen patiently for long hours and with apparent interest to discussions and debates. it seems as if the gift attributed by cæsar to the gauls of old had been transferred to the new continent and to a people racially much different. oratory was to a certain extent a new art, for few occasions were offered in the colonial times for long political speeches; but even in the early days of the revolution, born orators appeared and since that time have filled the legislative halls with an inexhaustible flow of eloquence. this is said without the least irony and merely as another illustration of the danger of generalizing when discussing national characteristics. to the point these speeches were, perhaps, but they were not short by any means. a careful study of the development of the american school of oratory would certainly repay a specialist in the history of public speaking. during the session, the oratorical stars were luther martin of maryland, who spoke for chase, and john randolph, who summed up the case for the administration. it appeared, however, when the final vote was taken, that jefferson had not been able to keep his party in hand. there were thirty-four senators, of whom nine were federalists and twenty-five republicans. twenty-two votes were necessary to convict, but the administration was able to muster only sixteen for impeachment, and on one count chase was proved unanimously "not guilty." for the time being john marshall was safe, and the acquittal of chase was undoubtedly a personal defeat for the president. this wound to his _amour-propre_ was compensated by the success of the last election. jefferson had been reëlected without opposition; the strength of the federalists as a separate party had dwindled to the vanishing point, and only three days separated him from the beginning of his second term. but everybody understood that the matter at issue had not been settled and that another test would have to be made. the very day chase was acquitted, john randolph introduced a resolution proposing an amendment to the constitution, to the effect that "the judges of the supreme court, and of all other courts of the united states, shall be removed by the president on the joint addresses of both houses of congress requesting the same, anything in the constitution of the united states notwithstanding." this was referred to a committee and, as congress had only three more days to sit, it was decided by sixty-eight votes against thirty-three that the motion would be made the order of the day for the first monday in december. the assault against the judiciary constitutes one of the most striking episodes of jefferson's first administration and has received its due share at the hands of american historians. it must not be forgotten, however, that even in other respects the president had no easy sailing. the friend of priestley, thomas cooper, volney, and thomas paine continued to be represented in the press and in the public as the champion of infidelity. the president could not engage in any controversy in order to justify himself but, according to his favorite methods, he encouraged his friends to hit back, and he became more and more convinced that the intrusion of the churches into politics was one of the worst evils that could befall any country. he soon came to the conclusion that many members of the clergy were unworthy to speak in the name of the great teacher; that the christian doctrine had degenerated in their hands, and that no true religion could long exist when it was intrusted to the priests. hence the many expressions of his preference for the quakers so often found in his correspondence. the mild and simple principles of the christian philosophy would produce too much calm; too much regularity of good, to extract from its disciples a support from a numerous priesthood, were they not to sophisticate it, split it into hairs, and twist its texts till they cover the divine morality of its author with mysteries, and require the priesthood to explain them. the quakers seem to have discovered this. they have no priests, therefore no schisms. they judge of the text by the dictates of common sense and common morality.[422] the indignation of the federalists and the clergy reached a paroxysm when it was discovered that the president had not only invited paine to come to america but had even promised him passage on a public vessel. for paine was no longer remembered as the eloquent political writer who in prophetic accents had celebrated the uniqueness of america's position in the world. he was the detestable atheist who had participated in the bloody excesses of the french revolution--a wretch unworthy of being thus honored by a christian nation. once more religion was injected into politics. the president was bitterly reproved by the new england clergy for having refused to proclaim days of fasting and thanksgivings as his predecessors had done, and jefferson, who would have preferred to let sleeping dogs lie, had to come out and explain his position on an alliance between "church and state, under the authority of the constitution."[423] that jefferson, who was so restive under public criticism, suffered even more than he dared admit appears in many passages of his letters. "every word of mine," he wrote to mazzei, "which they can get hold of, however innocent, however orthodox, is twisted, tormented, perverted, and like the words of holy writ, are made to mean everything but what they were intended to mean."[424] the whole subject is not an easy one to treat and cannot be discussed here; but it would be very difficult to reach a fair estimate of internal politics during jefferson's first administration if that element of hostility were entirely left out. we can only express the hope that some day it will receive due attention. an investigation of the new england papers and church publications of the time would undoubtedly bring to light many hidden currents of hostility. but, in spite of these difficulties, the new administration went ahead with a program of political reforms of great moment. no tradition for the respective duties of the cabinet members and their relation to the president had yet been established. under washington's administration letters sent to the president were referred by him to the departments concerned to be acted upon, and letters sent to the department heads were submitted to the president with a proposed answer. generally they were sent back with his approbation; sometimes an alteration was suggested, and when the subject was particularly important it was reserved for a conference. in this manner washington always was in accurate possession of all facts and proceedings in all parts of the union. this procedure had been impossible to follow during adams' administration, owing to the long and habitual absences of the president from the seat of government, and little by little the department heads had assumed more and more responsibility, with the result that the government had four different heads "drawing sometimes in different directions." this usurpation of powers and this maladministration jefferson meant to end. in a very courteous, but very firm manner, he reminded the members of the cabinet that the president had been intrusted with a certain set of duties incumbent upon him and for which he was responsible before the public, and that he considered it necessary to return to the procedure followed by washington. what had been an informal custom was to become a regular and official routine; it entailed an enormous expenditure of time on the part of the president, a great flexibility of mind, and a necessity of adapting himself to many different problems in the course of one day. to a large extent, jefferson is responsible for placing on the shoulders of the chief executive the enormous load under which several presidents have broken down. this was not the most conspicuous reform introduced by jefferson in the plan of government, yet it was one of the most important. of no less consequence was the reform of the financial system of the united states. the privilege of the bank had still several years to run, but many other modifications could be introduced at once. hamilton had multiplied the number of internal taxes and at the same time the number of federal office-holders in order to strengthen his hold on the government. these had to be done away with, as well as the abominable excise taxes which had created so many difficulties under the preceding administrations. they were at best a temporary expedient, to be resorted to only in case of war, and the federal government had to make an effort to return to the more orthodox system of bringing its expenditures within the limits of revenue raised by taxes on importations. this was perfectly consistent with jefferson's theory of the state rights and the general functions of the federal government. to substitute economy for taxation, to reduce the debt as rapidly as possible, to keep down the expenses for the navy and the army,--such was the policy of the new administration, and in his second annual message on december 15, 1802, jefferson could point out with pleasure that "in the department of finance the receipts of external duties for the last twelve months have exceeded those of any former year." to care for the louisiana purchase, gallatin recommended a loan of $11,250,000, running for fifteen years and carrying a six per cent. interest. but in his fourth message the president declared that "the state of our finances continues to fulfill our expectations. eleven million and a half dollars received in the course of the year ending on the thirtieth of september last, have enabled us, after meeting all the ordinary expenses of the year, to pay upward of $3,600,000 of the public debt, exclusive of interest." thus it was amply demonstrated that the financial structure of the federal government had not been endangered by a departure from hamilton's policies. it is worth noting also that jefferson's party, at that time, stood for a strong tariff, while the last federalists advocated internal taxes. in that respect, at least, it is hardly possible to say that the present-day democrats continue the jeffersonian policies. this system, however, presented many advantages in the eyes of jefferson. in his first message he had made one of those many declarations, so often found in official documents of the sort, by which men in public life are wont to define their policies in almost sibylline terms, so as to express their own aspirations and satisfy the members of their party without arousing undue antagonism in an influential minority. "agriculture," he had written, "manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are the most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise." but at once he had added: "protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be reasonably interposed. if in the course of your observations or inquiries they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention." this second statement could only mean one thing, that the president was not ready to depart entirely and radically from hamilton's policy of giving encouragement to manufactures. but there is no doubt that in his opinion america was to remain essentially an agricultural nation. he still had before him the vision of a large country in which every citizen would live on his own land and from this land derive most of his subsistence instead of congregating in large cities. it was a vergilian vision magnified a million times; it was based also to a large extent on his own experience at monticello where he had proved that it was possible to manufacture tools, to bake bricks, to make furniture, and to maintain a comparatively large family on the products of the soil. he was not ready to antagonize openly those who dreamed of another future for america, and he did not believe that he had a right to do so, since his duty was to carry out the wishes of the people. jefferson was not the man to take the lead in these matters, but he was not the man either to oppose any measure to encourage manufactures and commerce that congress would deem proper to adopt. on this point he had not varied since the letter he had written from paris to hogendorp. his preference for "an agricultural condition" remained largely theoretical, sentimental, and personal. he may be considered as the leader of an agrarian party, he may have felt in sympathy with the french physiocrats, but when it came to practice he acted very much like du pont de nemours himself who, in spite of his theories, spent all he had to establish a tannery and a powder mill near wilmington, and at the end of his days proposed to the american government a "plan for the encouragement of manufactures in america." if it is true that during jefferson's administration industrial and agricultural interests clashed for the first time in america, i fail to see that the president made any effort to favor agriculture at the expense of industry. when the end of his first term approached, jefferson did not need any coercion to remain in the saddle for another period of four years. it had already been decided that aaron burr would not and could not again be a candidate, and george clinton was chosen as running mate of jefferson. never in the history of the united states was an election so little contested: jefferson obtained one hundred sixty-two electoral votes while his opponent could only muster fourteen. the republican party had really become the national party and the president had been able to achieve political unity. chapter ii protective imperialism and territorial expansion the famous inaugural message of jefferson gave more space to questions of domestic politics than to foreign problems, but it contained a clear definition of america's attitude towards europe--a short and terse statement in which the president reiterated the principles which had guided him when secretary of state. these were the same principles that underlay the foreign policies of the united states from the early days of the revolution. they had already appeared in the plan of treaties drawn up by adams in 1776; they had been solemnly proclaimed by washington in his farewell address; and they still direct to a large extent america's attitude in her dealings with foreign nations on the american continent as well as abroad. these principles were presented by jefferson as being essentially the result of natural conditions for which the americans themselves were not responsible: "kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the hundredth and thousandth generation", there was only one course for the american people to follow: "commerce and honest friendship with all nations--entangling alliances with none." thanks to the republican victory, america no longer had to pay any attention to the political convulsions which were tearing the vitals of the old world. the american experiment no longer depended on the issue of the french revolution. the argosy had weathered the storm; america had become the sole arbiter of her destinies, she had become, jefferson proclaimed, "a standing monument and example for the aim and imitation of the people of other countries; and i join with you in the hope and belief that they will see, from our example, that a free government is of all others the most energetic; that the inquiry which has been excited among the mass of mankind by our revolution and its consequences, will ameliorate the condition of man over a great portion of the globe." such a declaration should not be mistaken for a manifestation of a missionary spirit by which jefferson was never moved and which was absolutely abhorrent to his nature. america was not to engage in any crusade. she was not to preach a new gospel of liberty to the oppressed peoples of the earth. she had proclaimed no _déclaration européenne des droits de l'homme et du citoyen_, as the french revolution had ambitiously done. she was not sending overseas to the shackled nations a call to throw off the yoke and liberate themselves. such declarations would have seemed to jefferson idle and dangerous. every people had to work out their own salvation; any attempt by america to help and encourage them would only embroil her in difficulties which would retard her own development. she could best serve the cause of humanity by standing aloof and simply existing as an example which others, if they had eyes to see, could not fail sooner or later to imitate. it was essentially the doctrine which has been so often expounded by the non-interventionists every time america has been invited to coöperate with europe. this doctrine therefore was not the expression of a passing mood; it constituted one of the fundamental principles of americanism and had a permanent value, because, as montesquieu would have said, it was the result of "the nature of things", and not a deduction drawn from an _a priori_ principle. on the other hand, it contained a new and interesting affirmation of the unquestionable superiority of the american people over all the peoples of the earth, not only morally but intellectually; and this was not forgotten either, for the "high-mindedness" of jefferson was echoed and reflected more than a hundred years later in the "too proud to fight" of woodrow wilson. taken in itself, this statement was no worse than so many statements made in political speeches; all peoples like to be told and to believe that they are a chosen people. but it must be confessed that jefferson drew very dangerous conclusions from that uniqueness of america's position. one of the earliest and frankest expressions of that naïve and almost unconscious imperialism appears in an unpublished letter to doctor mitchell. after discussing every possible subject under heaven, from frosts to mammoth bones and electricity, jefferson concluded with this disquieting statement: "nor is it in physics alone that we shall be found to differ from the other hemisphere. i strongly suspect that our geographical peculiarities may call for a different code of natural law to govern relations with other nations from that which the conditions of europe have given rise to there."[425] this idea was reiterated in a letter written to short more than a year later. in it jefferson laid down the principle, the moral foundation of american imperialism--a curious mixture of common sense, practical idealism, and moralizing not to be found perhaps in any other people, but more permanently american than typically jeffersonian. to any sort of arrangement with europe he was irreducibly opposed: "we have a perfect horror at everything connecting ourselves with the politics of europe." in order to protect america from the wiles of the european diplomats, the best course was "in the meantime, to wish to let every treaty we have drop off without renewal. we call in our diplomatic missions, barely keeping up those to the most important nations. there is a strong disposition in our countrymen to discontinue even these; and very possibly it may be done." jefferson admitted that the neutral rights of the united states might suffer; they would undoubtedly suffer temporarily, and one had to accept this as an unavoidable evil. but it would be only temporary: "we feel ourselves strong and daily growing stronger ... if we can delay but for a few years the necessity of vindicating the laws of nature on the ocean, we shall be the more sure of doing it with effect. the day is within my time as well as yours; when we may say by what laws other nations shall treat us on the sea. and we will say it."[426] nor was this imperialism purely theoretical. it was susceptible of immediate applications and it manifested itself openly in a letter written to james monroe a few weeks later. the people of virginia were most anxious to get rid of a band of malefactors guilty of insurgency, conspiracy, and rebellion. had they been whites, the solution would have been easy enough, but it happened that they were colored people and they could not reasonably be sent to the northern boundary, or be provided with land in the western territory. could these undesirables be pushed into the spanish sphere of influence? to this solution jefferson was unequivocally opposed and for reasons worth considering: "however our present situation may restrain us within our own limits," he wrote to monroe, "it is impossible not to look forward to distant times, when our rapid multiplication will expand itself beyond those limits, and cover the whole northern, if not the southern continent, with a people speaking the same language, governed in similar forms, and by similar laws; nor can we contemplate either blot or mixture on that surface."[427] truly enough, jefferson said at the beginning of the letter that publication of his views might have an ill effect in more than one quarter. i shall not even advance the theory that jefferson's foreign policies constituted a systematic effort to put such a program into effect. but that such aspirations and ambitions existed in his mind and influenced him to a certain extent cannot be denied, and they should not be overlooked in any discussion of his attitude during the negotiations that led to the purchase of louisiana. many of jefferson's contemporaries, and not a few american historians, have harshly criticized him for buying louisiana from france, when no clause in the constitution authorized the acquisition of new territory. on the french side, not only historians but even bonaparte's brother considered that the cession, without the previous consultation of the chambers, of a colony recently recovered by france was an act arbitrary and unconstitutional. both principals have been condemned and praised by posterity, but there is no doubt that the full responsibility for the transaction rests not upon the peoples of france and america, but on the president of the united states and the premier consul. it was remarkable that two great minds, so divergent in their views and principles, should meet on a common ground instead of clashing. on neither side was it a triumph of idealism, but of that enlightened self-interest which, according to jefferson, directs the actions of men as well as of nations. nor were they entirely unsupported by the public opinion of their respective countries. i have already indicated in a preceding book[428] that a friendly conspiracy seems to have been organized in france in order to induce the first consul, and chiefly talleyrand, to acquiesce in the cession. at any rate, it appears from several letters of volney that the ideologists were anxious to avoid an open conflict with the united states and, at the same time, to promote a measure which, in their opinion, would insure the growth and prosperity of the republican promised land. volney, himself one of the "_voyageurs_" of the directory, had made a trip to the west and come back fully convinced that france could never hope to develop an empire in the mississippi valley. the few scattered french colonists who remained isolated in the middle west were condemned to be gradually absorbed by the influx of american pioneers and to disappear before the rising flood of american colonization. the question of the lower valley of the mississippi was different, to be sure, but if the united states were thwarted in their development, if they were hemmed in on every side by powerful neighbors, the theory of montesquieu that only small nations could adopt the republican system of government would seem vindicated. it was not only the fate of the united states which was at stake, but the fate of the doctrine of popular government, and it was the duty of all liberals to bend every effort to make more secure the prosperity of america. on the other hand, as we have already seen in previous chapters, while jefferson was satisfied to leave louisiana in the hands of spain, at least temporarily, he had always watched for a favorable opportunity to unite the spanish colonies to the main body of the united states. it was not so much desire of expansion and imperialism as the conviction that colonies were only pawns in the game of european politics; that they could change hands at any time according to the fortunes of war; that there existed consequently a permanent danger of seeing france recover some day her former colonies or, still worse, to have them fall into the hands of the british. with england, or possibly france, on the northern border, in the floridas, on the gulf, and in the valley of the mississippi, the old dream of european domination of the north american continent would revive. the united states would be placed in the same position as the old colonies with reference to france. a clash could not be avoided; the issue would have to be fought out, until one of the adversaries should remain in full and undisputed possession of the whole northern part of the new world. although the treaty of san ildefonso, by which france was to recover and occupy louisiana at the first favorable opportunity, was intended to remain secret, rumors that some deal had been concluded greatly disturbed the american government. as early as march, 1801, rufus king had been informed in london that such a cession was contemplated and learned that general collot intended to leave for louisiana with a considerable number of followers. on june 1, king called his government's attention to the fact that the cession of louisiana "might enable france to extend her influence, and perhaps her dominion, up the mississippi; and through the lakes even up to canada." the information caused great concern to the british government, and lord hawkesbury had acquainted the american minister with the rumors. at that time, king, who was evidently familiar with the views of jefferson on the matter, had answered by quoting montesquieu that "it is happy for trading powers, that god has permitted turks and spaniards to be in the world, since of all nations they are the most proper to possess a great empire with insignificance." the purport of this quotation being, he wrote, that, "we are contented that the floridas remain in the hands of spain, but should not be willing to see them transferred, except to ourselves." it was a double-edged answer, since it set at nil any hope the british might have had of occupying louisiana and the floridas; and at the same time it constituted a very accurate statement of the position maintained by jefferson when secretary of state in all his dealings pertaining to the spanish colonies. this policy was clearly defined in the general observations communicated by the president to charles pinckney, minister in madrid (june 9, 1801) and in the instructions given to livingston, hastening his departure for france (september 28, 1801). jefferson did not know yet what part of the spanish colonies was to be ceded to france and was more preoccupied with the eventuality of the cession of the floridas. the solution preferred for the present was clearly the _status quo_. should the cession have irrevocably taken place, the rights to the navigation of the mississippi were to be safeguarded, and if possible france should be induced "to make over to the united states the floridas, if included in the cession to her from spain, or at least west florida, through which several of our rivers (particularly the important river mobile) empty themselves into the sea." finally, if the cession had never been contemplated, livingston was instructed to induce france "to favor experiments on the part of the united states, for obtaining from spain the cession in view." the die was cast; for the first time the united states took the position that the time had come for them to control the territory extending between their states and the gulf of mexico, and to insure the peaceful and unquestioned rights of navigation on the mississippi. from the point of view of international law or _droit des gens_, madison reiterated the doctrine of jefferson, that it was a natural law that the states should have access to the sea; and in this particular instance he hinted at another principle--the application of which to the old territories of europe would be far-reaching--namely that the nation possessing a certain river was entitled also to the mouth of the river. but this again was probably in his opinion one of these "natural laws" which applied to america only. at the end of november, rufus king sent to madison a copy of the treaty between the prince of parma and lucien bonaparte, signed at madrid, march 31, 1801, and in december he had the opportunity of mentioning the possibility of france paying her debts by ceding louisiana back to the united states, which only brought the curt answer that "none but spendthrifts satisfy their debts by selling their lands." livingston, in a letter to rufus king, took the view that the cession would be disastrous not only to the united states but to spain and england, since the french would not fail to contract alliance with the indians and to renew relations with "the peasantry of canada", rendering the possessions of britain very precarious. he could only hope that king would do his utmost to "induce the british ministry to throw all the obstacles in their power in the way of a final settlement of this business, if it is not already too late." the british ministry refused to take the hint. unwelcome as the passing of louisiana into french hands might be considered they were not disposed to endanger the success of the negotiations shortly to be begun at amiens, and rufus king was told that the subject would not even be mentioned by lord hawkesbury.[429] evidently england never intended to draw the chestnuts out of the fire for the sole benefit of the united states, and livingston alone was left to face the situation. the letter he wrote on his own initiative, unable as he was to consult the home government, was somewhat blunt in tone. he called attention to the fact that the arrival in louisiana or florida of a large body of french troops could not fail to alarm the people of the western territory. he conceded that no protest could be made under the sixth article of the treaty of 1778, since it had been superseded by the agreement of september 30, 1800; but he maintained that even in the absence of a formal treaty the clause expressed a very desirable policy, that at least the united states wished to know exactly the boundaries of the territory ceded by spain. at the same time, he discreetly added that "the government of the united states desired to be informed how far it would be practicable to make such arrangements between their respective governments as would, at the same time, aid the financial operations of france, and remove, by a strong and natural boundary, all future causes of discontent between her and the united states." these different reports, and particularly livingston's letter to king, of december 30, created some perturbation in the mind of jefferson, and on march 16, madison wrote the american minister in paris "that too much circumspection could not be employed." the great danger was that any sort of a combination with great britain would have to be paid later in kind or in territory. while madison sent recommendations to pinckney and to livingston, the clear wish of jefferson was to keep out england as much as possible. it was at that time that the president decided to take a hand directly in the negotiations. at the beginning of april, 1802, du pont de nemours had written jefferson that political as well as commercial considerations made it imperative for him to go to france for a short visit. jefferson saw at once a possibility to use du pont as in the past he had employed lafayette, and asked him to come to washington to become acquainted "with certain matters that could not be committed to paper."[430] very significantly he added: "i believe that the destinies of great countries depend upon it, such is the crisis now existing." as du pont answered that he could not possibly see the president before sailing, jefferson decided to explain his point of view fully in a long letter and at the same time he expressed himself even more forcibly in a letter to livingston which he asked du pont to read before sealing it. the two letters complete and explain each other. first of all, jefferson rejected as a very imperfect solution the granting free access to the sea to the territories situated on the left bank of the mississippi. he bluntly declared that although america had a more natural and instinctive friendship for france than for any other nation, it was quite certain that the national characteristics of the two peoples were so divergent that they could not live peacefully side by side for any length of time. even the cession by france of the floridas and new orleans would be only a palliative which might delay but not suppress the unavoidable conflict.[431] the only solution was for france to give up entirely the rights she had acquired under the treaty of san ildefonso and to return to the _status quo_. any attempt by bonaparte to send soldiers to louisiana would be considered as a _casus belli_, and the president wrote significantly: "peace and abstinence from european interference are our objects, and so will continue while the present order of things in america remains uninterrupted." if, on the other hand, france insisted upon taking possession of louisiana, it was the declared intention of jefferson to come to an agreement with england, then to launch an expedition against new orleans, to occupy the territory claimed by france, so as to prevent any new european nation from setting foot on the continent. that this policy of non-colonization should apply to south america as well as to the northern continent was evidently in the mind of the president, since he declared that after the annihilation of the french fleet, two nations--america and great britain--would rule the sea, and the two continents would be practically "appropriated by them." the threat was so formidable that du pont refused to believe that it was seriously meant. he saw at once that if such representations were made to the first consul, even with proper diplomatic precautions, they would be looked upon by him as a challenge that could not be ignored. "give up that country, or we shall take it", is not at all persuasive. "we will defend it", is the answer that comes naturally to any man. furthermore, the old physiocrat predicted that if the united states ever followed such a policy, they would lose their prestige as a democratic and peaceful nation. jefferson would thus play into the hands of the militaristic faction which ambitioned the conquest of mexico; if, on the contrary, mexico were to be emancipated, it might become a dangerous neighbor for the united states. he consequently urged jefferson to accept what he considered as a much more sensible program, namely a compromise which would insure free access to the sea to "the territories of the cumberland, the wabash and both banks of the ohio." finally he warned the president against entering into such an alliance with england, since england would never permit the united states to become a naval power of first importance. if, however, the united states insisted on having a free hand in the south, was it not possible, in view of the impending war between france and england, to permit france to recover canada instead of louisiana, and to tell bonaparte: "give us louisiana and at the first opportunity we shall restore canada to you"? even if that were refused, if nothing could remove jefferson's objection to the establishment of a french colony on the northern continent, there was still a possibility of giving satisfaction to both parties concerned without unduly irritating the national pride of either. this was simply for america to buy from france her claim on the southern territory. true to his training and doctrine, du pont had devised a commercial solution to a political problem. the question of louisiana was to be treated as a business, with a political background to be sure, but essentially on business terms. the answer of jefferson has unfortunately disappeared and was probably destroyed by du pont; but another letter of the old physiocrat permits us to reconstruct its contents. jefferson contended that the united states had no money and could not afford to pay any important amount for such a purchase. to which du pont answered that purchasing would be infinitely more economical than going to war: the sum offered and accepted will not exclude any compensation for all or part of the sum which might be paid to you under the treaty. to agree on the price is the important thing. to arrange for the forms of payment, to charge against it legitimate reductions is only a secondary matter, which will take care of itself. all the rest of your instructions is easy to follow, and i shall follow them exactly. then proving himself to be as good a prophet as a philosopher du pont added that bonaparte would be more attracted by a frank and complete proposal than by a compromise: "i hope it will succeed because bonaparte is a man of genius, and his character is much above ordinary ideas."[432] it is not entirely to the credit of jefferson that, when he was thus declaring to du pont that the united states could not afford to negotiate on such a basis, madison, on may 1, 1802, was writing to livingston, asking him to ascertain precisely the price at which the floridas, "if included in the cession would be yielded to the united states." the whole story of the negotiations as it appears in the jefferson papers and in the documents published in the annals of congress would be worth retelling in detail. the evasions of the french minister talleyrand, the reticences of the spanish ambassador as to the true extent of the cession, the attempts of rufus king to determine the british government to throw their influence on the side of the united states, the blundering efforts of livingston to place the case of his government before the eyes of bonaparte, form one of the most complicated and fascinating diplomatic mazes in which the inexperienced and not highly skillful agents of the united states tried to find their way. livingston, who thought himself very adroit, was particularly unfelicitous in his tone. the conclusion of the memoir he wrote on august 10 and had printed for distribution to the french government may give an idea of his style: in reasoning upon this subject, i have confined myself to such observations as obviously presented themselves, without seeking any of those subtleties which may serve to mislead the judgment. i have candidly exposed the plainest facts, in the simplest language. if ever they are opposed, it will be by a contrary course. eloquence and sophistry may reply to them and may obscure them; but time and experience will evince their truth. such a language may have seemed to the american minister candid and honest, but addressed to bonaparte and talleyrand it was very undiplomatic, to say the least. one cannot help feeling, on reading the documents, that had livingston wished to break off negotiations he would not have expressed himself otherwise, and it is difficult to share the opinion of henry adams, who claimed for the american minister most of the credit for bringing the negotiations to a successful conclusion. by the end of the summer 1802, it appeared that, before going any further, france intended to take possession of louisiana, and du pont knew only too well that such a step would cause an irresistible outburst of public opinion in the united states. he kept in constant touch with livingston, giving counsels of moderation and patience. he even proposed the project of a treaty which in his opinion would give temporary satisfaction to the united states while being acceptable to france. this plan included the cession of new orleans and the floridas, reserving for french vessels the same treatment as for american shipping; france to keep all the territories on the right bank of the mississippi, but the navigation of the river to be free to both nations. finally the united states were to pay the sum of six million dollars for the territories described in the first article.[433] in the meantime things were moving fast in america. the suspension of the right of deposit by the spanish authorities was taxing the none too strong endurance of the inhabitants of the western territory, and the war party was making great progress. madison wrote on november 27, 1802, that should the spanish intendant prove as obstinate as he has been ignorant or wicked, nothing can temperate the irritation and indignation of the western country, but a persuasion that the energy of their own government will obtain from the justice of that of spain the most ample redress.[434] in his message to congress read on december 15, the president included a short paragraph pregnant with significance: the cession of the spanish province of louisiana to france, which took place in the course of the late war, if carried into effect, makes a change in the aspect of our foreign relations which will doubtless have just weight in any deliberation of the legislature connected with that subject. this sentence could have only one meaning: that if france took possession of louisiana, appropriations would be in order to prevent her from establishing herself permanently in the territory. it was a direct threat of war. the president had apparently given up any hope of reaching an agreement and was yielding to the war party. on december 17 it was, on motion of randolph: _resolved_, that the president of the united states be requested to cause to be laid before this house such papers as are in the possession of the department of state as relate to the violation on the part of spain, of the treaty of friendship, limits, and navigation, between the united states and the king of spain. jefferson complied with this request on december 22, averring that he "was aware of the obligation to maintain, in all cases, the rights of the nation, and to employ, for that purpose, those just and honorable means which belong to the character of the united states."[435] there is no doubt that the president himself had lost patience and that the united states were rapidly drifting towards overt acts that could only have war as a consequence. on january 4 it was moved in the house that the president be requested to communicate all the information at his disposal on the reported cession of louisiana. then quite unexpectedly, on january 11, jefferson sent to the senate a message recommending that james monroe be appointed special envoy to france with full powers, "jointly with mr. livingston to enter into a treaty or convention with the first consul of france, for the purpose of enlarging and more effectually securing, our rights and interests in the river mississippi, and in the territories eastward thereof." the next day, the house, on recommendation of a committee which presented a lengthy report, voted an appropriation of "two million dollars to defray the expenses which may be incurred in relation to the intercourse between the united states and foreign nations." the sudden change in jefferson's attitude can largely be attributed to the fact that, between december 15 and january 11, he had received a letter sent from paris by du pont de nemours on october 4,[436] submitting a tentative plan for a treaty and discounting the pessimistic reports of livingston. there is not the slightest doubt that the president was much impressed by du pont's letter. on january 18, madison wrote to pinckney: in order to draw the french government into the measure, a sum of money will be made part of our propositions.... from a letter received by the president from a respectable person, it is inferred, with probability that the french government is not averse to treat on those grounds; and that such a disposition must be strengthened by circumstances of the present moment.[437] finally jefferson himself wrote to du pont that his letter had been received with particular satisfaction, because while it held up terms that could not be entirely yielded, "it proposed such as a mutual spirit of accommodation and sacrifice may bring to some point of union."[438] the president indicated, however, that the action of spain in suspending the rights of deposit had rendered imperative an immediate settlement: "our circumstances are so imperious as to admit of no delay as to our course; and the use of the mississippi so indispensable, that we cannot hesitate one moment to hazard our existence for its maintainance." despite this more conciliatory tone, the president did not recede from the position he had taken previously with du pont. he repeated that the country was in no position to offer such a sum as mentioned by mr. du pont (six million dollars) in order to insure the purchase of the said territory. in this, jefferson was to some extent guilty of double-dealing with his friend, or at least of not laying all his cards on the table. the instructions given to monroe and livingston on march 2, 1803, specified that "should a greater sum (than two million dollars) be made an ultimatum on the part of france, the president has made up his mind to go as far as fifty millions of _livres tournois_, rather than to lose the main object." incidentally, this passage explains how monroe and livingston could feel authorized to accept the proposal to purchase the whole territory for sixty million francs. they were not so bold as is commonly supposed, since they were empowered by the president to go as far as fifty million for part only of louisiana. whether jefferson had the constitutional right to promise such a sum without formal approval of congress is quite another matter. it is only fair, however, to recall here that, due to the difficulty of communicating between washington and paris and the urgency of the situation, it was an absolute necessity to give considerable leeway to the plenipotentiaries and to provide for every possible emergency. but it must also be remembered that had not jefferson taken at that precise time the responsibility of engaging the resources of the united states, neither livingston nor monroe would have felt authorized to sign a transaction involving six times the sum voted by the house of representatives. the blame or praise, whatever it may be, must in final analysis fall entirely on jefferson. it is not without some interest to notice here that livingston was entirely unaware of the value of du pont de nemours' plan. unable to pin down talleyrand or lebrun, he soon came to the conclusion that it was impossible to treat and that he might as well leave paris. "i see very little use for a minister here, where there is but one will; and that will governed by no object but personal security and personal ambition; were it left to my discretion, i should bring matters to some positive issue, or leave them, which would be the only means of bringing them to an issue."[439] he maintained to the last minute that du pont de nemours had given the french government "with the best intentions, ideas that we shall find hard to eradicate, and impossible to yield to",[440] and on hearing that monroe had been appointed, following receipt of du pont's letter, he answered that he was much surprised that du pont should talk "of the designs of this court, the price, &c., because he must have derived these from his imagination only, as he had no means of seeing anybody here that could give him the least information."[441] who was the better informed of the two it is not easy to decide. but by a curious coincidence, while livingston was writing this in paris, the ink was hardly dry on the instructions to monroe which contained this striking paragraph: "it is to be added that the overtures committed to you coincide in great measure with the ideas of the person through whom the letter of the president of april 30, 1802, was conveyed to mr. livingston, and who is presumed to have gained some insight into the present sentiments of the french cabinet."[442] the very same day du pont was able to write jefferson that he had several times seen talleyrand and lebrun and that the french government had decided to give every possible satisfaction to the united states. on april 6, he added, without giving any detail, that good progress had been made; but that he had not told everything to livingston. there is little doubt that the letter of du pont made jefferson delay any strong measure in the mississippi valley affair and stayed the hand of the god of war. if negotiations had been broken off at that point, it was the intention of the british government "to send an expedition to occupy new orleans."[443] what the consequences of such an action would have been can easily be surmised. the rest of the story lies outside of our province, since jefferson had nothing to do directly with it. barbé-marbois has told the dramatic scene of easter sunday, april 10, 1803, when bonaparte called in two ministers and gave the first indication that he considered the whole colony lost and that it might be better to give it up entirely. the next morning the first consul requested marbois to act as plenipotentiary and to see livingston at once. when monroe arrived, a preliminary understanding had been reached. the treaty was concluded on may 4 and signed four days later, although it was antedated and marked april 30. the question of deciding whether jefferson had foreseen the possibility of acquiring the whole territory of louisiana and had given to monroe instructions to that effect has provided his biographers, whether friendly or unfriendly, with a nice bone to pick. it seems here that a distinction must be established between the wishes of the president and what he considered within the range of actual possibilities. from his letters to lafayette and du pont de nemours, it is easily perceived that he was unequivocally opposed to the reinstatement of france on any part of the continent. on this point he never varied. on the other hand, he had soon become convinced that france would never relinquish such an enormous territory without a compensation that the united states could not afford to pay. he limited his plans very soon to the acquisition of the two floridas, which he supposed had been made part of the transaction, so as to give the united states access to the gulf, while taking a strong position on the mississippi river. in his letter to du pont de nemours dated february 1, 1803, he reiterated that the united states wanted and needed the floridas, that "whatever power, other than ourselves, holds the country east of the mississippi, becomes our natural enemy." but further he did not go. on february 27, 1803, he wrote to governor harrison a letter which seems to settle the question: "we bend our whole views to the purchase and settlement of the country on the mississippi, from its mouth to its northern regions, that we may be able to present as strong a front on our western as on our eastern border, and plant on the mississippi itself the means of its own defence." as for the indians, they were either "to be incorporated with us as citizens of the united states, or removed beyond the mississippi." finally the letter written on july 29 to livingston and monroe is as definite a statement as can be desired and ought to set the controversy at rest: when these (your instructions and commission) were made out, the object of the most sanguine was limited to the establishment of the mississippi as our boundary. it was not presumed, that more could be sought by the united states, either with a chance of success, or perhaps without being suspected of a greedy ambition, than the island of new orleans and the two floridas.... nor was it to be supposed that in case the french government should be willing to part with more than the territory on our side of the mississippi, an arrangement with spain for restoring the territory on the other side, would not be preferred to a sale of it to the united states.... the effect of such considerations was diminished by no information, or just presumptions whatever.[444] whatever may have been jefferson's satisfaction on hearing the news, he did not write himself to the commissioners to congratulate and thank them in the name of the nation. he was not the man to make grand gestures. the virginian could be as self-restrained as any new englander, as appears from a letter to horatio gates in which the two envoys are mentioned: "i find our opposition very willing to pluck feathers from monroe, although not fond of sticking them into livingston's coat. the truth is, both have a just proportion of merit; and were it necessary or proper, it would be shown that each has rendered peculiar services and of important value."[445] more than that he did not say, and probably said very little more to monroe, his friend and "_élève_" when he came back from france. congress had been called for october 17, to ratify the treaty; but before that date, jefferson sent letters and questionnaires all around in order to gather any possible information on the limits, geography, resources and condition of the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory. in a letter to breckenridge (august 12, 1803), he expressed himself more freely than to any other correspondent. first of all he admitted that he was somewhat disappointed at having being unable to secure the floridas. but it was only a delayed opportunity; sooner or later spain would engage in some war, and the realistic politician added: "if we push them strongly with one hand, holding out a price in the other, we shall certainly obtain the floridas, and all in good time." for the present, the united states, without claiming possession of the spanish territories, would act pretty freely: "in the meantime, without waiting for permission, we shall enter into the exercise of the natural right we have always insisted on with having a right of innocent passage through them to the ocean. we shall prepare her to see us practice on this, and she will not oppose it by force." he had already heard many objections to the treaty; of all of them he disposed summarily. he did not take seriously the danger mentioned by the federalists of seeing a fringe of states, different in interest from the original states, form along the mississippi and threaten the homogeneity of the union. if it came to the worst, it would be better for the united states to have as neighbors along the western border a federation of states inhabited by a people of the same blood than a spanish or french dominion. then jefferson prophetically outlined the development of the west as he foresaw it. the inhabited part of louisiana was to become a new state as soon as possible. above pointe coupée, the best procedure was probably to move the indians across the river and to fill the vacant territories with white colonists. "when we shall be full on this side, we may lay off a range of states on the western bank from the head to the mouth, and so, range after range, advancing compactly as we multiply." as to the constitutionality of the purchase, he admitted there was no article of the constitution authorizing the holding of foreign territory, and still less contemplating the incorporation of foreign nations into the union. "the executives, in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, have done an act beyond the constitution." they were justified in doing it, however, just as much as a guardian has the right to invest money for his ward in purchasing an adjacent territory and saying to him when of age: "i did this for your good; i pretend to no right to bind you; you may disavow me, and i must get out of the scrape as i can: i thought it my duty to risk myself for you." this is another instance when jefferson the lawyer discarded what he called "metaphysical subtleties" to look squarely at the facts and to do his duty as he saw it, "as a faithful servant." the third annual message of the president was read before congress on october 17. written in simple language like all the state papers of jefferson, it contained a graceful word for "the enlightened government of france", and pointed out soberly the advantages that would accrue to the united states from the purchase: while the property and sovereignty of the mississippi and its waters secure an independent outlet for the produce of the western states, and an uncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from collision with other powers and the dangers to our peace from that source, the fertility of the country, its climate and extent, promise in due season important aids to our treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a wide-spread field for the blessings of freedom and equal laws. the president avoided any specific recommendation on the measures to be adopted to incorporate into the union the recently acquired territories, resting on the wisdom of congress to determine the "measures which may be necessary for the immediate occupation and temporary government of the country; for rendering the change of government a blessing to our newly adopted brethren; for securing to them the rights of conscience and of property; for confirming to the indian inhabitants their occupancy and self-government." the senate ratified the treaty after a two-day discussion, the members voting strictly on party lines. it came before the house on the twenty-second. the discussion was hot and more prolonged; doubts as to the french title to the purchase were raised; doubts as to the constitutionality of the measure. the treaty proper was ratified on october 25, and on november 3 acts were passed authorizing the issue of bonds in order to pay france. a letter of jefferson to livingston contains the epilogue of the negotiations. it is another very interesting instance of the way jefferson knew how to handle men. pichon, the french minister, had been instructed by his government to secure a clause to the ratification providing "against any failure in time or other circumstances of execution on the part of the united states." jefferson took the matter in hand himself and demonstrated to pichon that in case the french government insisted upon such a proviso, the united states would insert a similar clause of protestation "leaving the matter where it stood before." he insisted that it was to throw on the good faith of both nations a doubt most unpleasant to an honest man to entertain, and concluded that he had "more confidence in the word of the first consul than in all the parchment we could sign." what could the frenchman do except to bow politely and acquiesce, and "like an able and honest minister (which he is in the highest degree) he undertook to do what he knew his employers would do themselves, were they spectators of all existing circumstances, and exchange the ratifications purely and simply." "so," concluded jefferson, "this instrument goes to the world as an evidence of the candor and confidence of the nations in each other, which will have the best effects." a last point remained to be settled. it was suspected that spain had entered a formal protest against the whole transaction, "since the first consul had broken a solemn promise not to alienate the country to any nation." on that point jefferson refused to express any opinion: "we answered that these were questions between france and spain which they must settle together; that we derived our title from the first consul and did not doubt his guarantee of it." meanwhile measures were provided to take formal possession from laussat after he should have received the territory from spain. "if he is not so disposed _we_ shall take possession and it will rest with the government of france, by adopting the act as their own, then to settle the latter with spain."[446] in order to provide for any eventuality, the governor of the mississippi was ordered to move down with general wilkinson all his troops at hand to take formal possession. thus the transaction fraught with so many dangers came to what jefferson called in a letter to priestley (january 29, 1804) "a happy denouement", thanks "to a friendly and frank development of causes and effects in our part and good sense enough in bonaparte to see that the train was unavoidable and would change the face of the world." if jefferson took liberties with the constitution in the matter of the purchase, he was equally broad-minded in his construction of the treaty. one of the articles provided that the inhabitants of the territories ceded by france "will be incorporated into the union and admitted as soon as possible according to the principles of the federal constitution to the enjoyment of all the advantages and immunities of the citizens of the united states" (article iii). this was precisely what jefferson was firmly resolved not to do. theoretically, and according to his often expressed views on self-government, he should have taken steps to admit immediately the newly acquired territory into the union and to allow the inhabitants to decide on a constitution. practically, he considered that they were unfitted for self-government and, although he did not formally declare it at the time, he was convinced that self-government could not succeed with a population mainly french and spanish. the letter he wrote on the subject to du pont de nemours is almost disarming in its naïveté: we are preparing a form of government for the territory of louisiana. we shall make it as mild and free, as they are able to bear, all persons residing there concurring in the information that they were neither gratified, nor willing to exercise the rights of an elective government. the immense swarm flocking thither of americans used to that exercise, will soon prepare them to receive the necessary change.[447] it was impossible to state more clearly that representative government could not be granted to louisiana as long as the inhabitants remained essentially french. only when checked and controlled by the "immense swarm" of american pioneers and colonists spreading all over the territory could they be admitted to the immunities and advantages of american citizens. this attitude of jefferson, which seems in flagrant contradiction with his theories, can astonish only those who see in him a world prophet of the democratic faith; while his only ambition was to build an american democracy, on strictly american principles, for the sole benefit of american citizens, true heirs and continuators of the old anglo-saxon principles. but his vision of a greater america extended even beyond the limits of the louisiana purchase. in january, 1803, just one week before monroe's appointment as special envoy to paris, he had sent a message to congress to recommend that a sum of twenty-five hundred dollars be appropriated to send "an intelligent officer with a party of 10 or 12 men to explore even to the western ocean and to bring back all possible information on the indian tribes, the fauna and flora of the region." the intelligent officer was merriwether lewis, private secretary to the president, who was to engage in this "literary pursuit" in a region claimed by spain. it was calmly assumed, however, that "the expiring state of spain's interests there" would render such a voyage a matter of indifference to this nation. jefferson made the expedition his own concern; he drew up the most detailed instructions for the mission. he even wrote for lewis "a letter of general credit" in his own hand and signed with his name, by which the captain was authorized to draw on "the secretaries of state, the treasury of war, and of the navy of the united states according as he might find his draughts would be most negotiable, for the purpose of obtaining money or necessaries for himself and men."[448] practically unlimited resources were placed at the disposal of the expedition. jefferson kept his former secretary minutely informed of the new possibilities opened up by the negotiations with france, writing him on july 4, 11, 15, november 16 and january 13. on january 22, he sent new instructions: the united states had "now become sovereigns of the country" lewis was going to explore; it was no longer necessary to keep up the pretense of a "literary pursuit", and the president felt authorized in proposing to the indians the establishment of official connections, and in declaring frankly to them that "they will find in us faithful friends and protectors." so jefferson was no longer thinking of the mississippi as the ultimate frontier of the united states. he already foresaw the time when the empire would extend from the atlantic to the pacific. besides providing the united states with almost unlimited possibilities of growth, the louisiana purchase had eliminated the immediate danger of a conflict with france, and the chances of remaining at peace with europe had considerably increased. "i now see nothing which need interrupt the friendship between france and this country," wrote jefferson to cabanis. "we do not despair of being always a peaceable nation. we think that peaceable means may be devised of keeping nations in the path of justice towards us, by making justice their interest, and injuries to react on themselves. our distance enables us to pursue a course which the crowded situation of europe renders perhaps impracticable there."[449] there remained, however, a danger point in the policies of the british navy with regard to contraband. the united states had now to make a strenuous effort to bring the british to abandon their "right" to search neutral vessels on the high seas in order to impress british sailors found on those vessels, and to use american ports as cruising stations. not only was this attitude of great britain contrary to justice but it was also contrary to these natural laws on which rested jefferson's system of americanism; above all, they were most obnoxious and detrimental to american commerce, for "thornton says they watch our trade to prevent contraband. we say it is to plunder under pretext of contraband."[450] meanwhile the president was receiving the most pessimistic accounts from monroe, lost in the maze of european intrigues, and almost losing faith in the future security of the united states. one of his letters of the spring of 1804 had mentioned the possibility of a dark plot against america. france and england might forget their old differences and operate a reconciliation at the expense of the united states; they would form a combination to divide between them the north american continent, france repossessing louisiana, while england would reannex the united states to the british dominions. a mad scheme if ever there was one, and it is very much to be doubted that it was ever contemplated by any responsible frenchman. jefferson's confidence in the remoteness of the american continent was not disturbed for a minute by these alarming reports. he excused monroe on the ground that a person placed in europe was very apt to believe the old nations endowed with limitless resources and power. everything was possible, even a return of the bourbons; but "that they and england joined, could recover us to british dominion, is impossible. if things are not so, then human reason is of no aid in conjecturing the conduct of nations." still the policy of watchful waiting was more than ever in order. every point of friction was to be eliminated, one of the first measures being to accept the "louisianais" to full citizenship and thus bring to an end the patronage of france. another step was to enforce strictly the rule against british cruisers in american harbors, so that "each may see unequivocally what is unquestionably true, that we may be very possibly driven into her scale by unjust conduct in the other."[451] thus was fixed not in theory but in practice a policy of neutrality fraught with risks. the most apparent danger was that both belligerents might turn against the united states. but of that jefferson was not afraid, as an alliance between the two hereditary enemies seemed inconceivable. in the meantime proper preparations were to be made to insure the security of the american flag. the message of october 17, 1803, contained an earnest appeal to "complete neutrality." neutrality of fact the government was decided to observe, and most of all to view in a disinterested way the carnage in europe. how desirable it must be, in a government like ours, to see its citizens adopt individually the views, the interests and the conduct which their country should pursue, divesting themselves of those passions and partialities which tend to lessen useful friendships and to embarrass and embroil us in the calamitous scenes of europe. then came a passage which sounds strangely familiar to those of us who have lived through the last fourteen years: confident, fellow citizens, that you will duly estimate the importance of neutral dispositions toward the observance of neutral conduct, that you will be sensible how much it is our duty to look on the bloody arena spread before us with commiseration indeed, but with no other wish than to see it closed, i am persuaded you will cordially cherish these dispositions in all communications with your constituents. a nation neutral in speech and neutral in thought, willing to intervene only to help the victims of the war or as an arbiter between the belligerents, such was at that time the ideal of jefferson as it was to be for several years the ideal of woodrow wilson, and to a large degree the permanent ideal of the united states during their whole history. chapter iii "self-preservation is paramount to all law" when, on the fourth of march, 1805, jefferson began his second term, he had a right to review with some complacency the achievements of his first administration. to foreign affairs he scarcely granted a short paragraph, but he pointed out with great details the suppression of unnecessary offices, the reduction of taxes, the fact that the federal government was almost entirely supported by duties levied on importations, so that "it may be the pleasure and pride of an american to ask, what farmer, what mechanic, what laborer, ever sees a tax-gatherer of the united states?" the louisiana purchase had increased enormously the potential riches of the country and removed a very dangerous source of conflict. the right bank of the mississippi was to be settled by "our own brethren and children" and not by "strangers of another family." of great interest was the long passage given to indian affairs. jefferson's sympathy for the red men dated from the early days of his youth, when he had seen the chiefs stop at the house of his father on their way to williamsburg. he had handsomely stood in defense of them in the "notes on virginia." now he was regarding them with the commiseration their history began to inspire: endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population directed itself on these shores, without power to divert, or habits to contend against, they have been overwhelmed by the current, or driven before it. this was certainly a very regrettable situation, but the idea of questioning the right of an overflowing population to occupy scarcely populated territories did not for a moment enter jefferson's mind. to deny such a right would have been not only detrimental to the very existence of the united states, but also a denial of the "right" of "our saxons ancestors" to settle in england. furthermore, the president was confronted with a certain set of facts and not with a theory. the territory of which the indians had so long enjoyed undisturbed possession was growing narrower every day. with the recent acquisition of louisiana, it was to be foreseen that they would not be able to roam freely much longer in the vast territories extending west of the mississippi. they were now "reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter's state." the only thing they could do was to submit to new economic conditions, to settle down and become farmers, and it was the duty of the government "to encourage them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence, and to prepare them in time for that state of society, which to bodily comforts adds the improvement of mind and morals." the president had no patience with ... the interested and crafty individuals among them who inculcate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did, must be done through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel, in their physical, moral, or political condition, is a perilous innovation; that their duty is to remain as their creator made them. the attitude of these reactionaries among the indians gave jefferson an opportunity to hit at one stroke the medicine men and the clergymen who were attacking him fiercely. in short, my friends, among them is seen the action and counter-action of good sense and bigotry; they, too, have their anti-philosophers, who find an interest in keeping things in their present state, who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of habit over the duty of improving our reason, and obeying its mandates. the new england and new york clergymen who had stood with the federalists knew exactly where they belonged. but if the president was unwilling to let the attacks to which he had been subjected pass entirely unnoticed, he maintained at the same time that no official steps must be taken to repress in any way freedom of speech and freedom of the press. in more emphatic terms than ever before, he reasserted the fundamental doctrine he had defended against all comers for more than twenty-five years: during this course of administration, and in order to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been levelled against us, charged with whatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare. these abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science, are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness, and to sap its safety; they might, indeed, have been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved and provided by the laws of the several states against falsehood and defamation; but public duties, more urgent press on the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation. thus were the callender and the federalist pamphleteers handed over to the public to be dealt with, according to the merits of their cases. the address ended with a new appeal to harmony, with the hope that truth, reason and well-understood self-interest might enlighten the last opponents of true republicanism. it ended also with a sort of prayer which may or may not have expressed the religious beliefs of jefferson at the time: i shall need the favor of that being in whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as israel of old, from their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life; who has covered our infancy with his providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power, and to whose goodness i ask you to join me in supplications. jefferson had not forgotten that twenty years before he had proposed that the seal of the united states should represent the children of israel led by a pillar of light. as much as the puritans he was convinced that the american people was a chosen people, that they have been gifted with superior wisdom and strength, and this belief was just as much part of his creed of americanism as it was the more openly expressed doctrine of more recent presidents of the united states. with these brilliant and reassuring prospects before his eyes, jefferson entered his second term. little did he believe at that time that the four years before him were to be the most agitated and most distressing of his long career. the man whose fondest hope was to "secure peace, friendship and approbation of all nations" was to begin a series of police operations against the barbary pirates of the mediterranean and was confronted, at a time, with the possibility of a war with spain, a war with england and a war with france. his philosophical toga was torn to shreds by the thorns strewn along the tortuous paths of international relations. at home he had to use all his ingenuity and resourcefulness to keep together disaffected elements in the republican party, to withstand the attacks launched in congress by john randolph of roanoke, the impulsive, erratic and dangerous leader of the discontented republicans. the man who had framed the kentucky resolutions and had stood as the advocate of states rights was reproached with using his influence with congress to pass the embargo act, "more arbitrary, more confiscatory" than any measure ever proposed by the federalists. the man who had protested against the sedition bills had to repress the seditious attempts of the former vice president of the united states. it seemed as if an evil genius had taken a malicious pleasure in making every effort to test the president in every possible way, and to confront him with the necessity of renouncing his most cherished principles. jefferson did not come out of the ordeal without scars and deep wounds; but whatever may have been his deficiencies and his faults, whatever sins he may have committed, he kept his faith in the ultimate wisdom of public opinion and never tried to suppress by coercion the criticism to which he was subjected. as a matter of fact, the roseate view of the situation presented by jefferson in his second inaugural address was hardly warranted by facts. even before the close of the first term, randolph, who had been the standard bearer of the republicans in the house, had shown signs of discontent. he had supported the "remonstrance of the people of louisiana", protesting that one of the essential provisions had been violated and that they should be admitted at once to "all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens." on the other hand, aaron burr, even while remaining in office, had already paved the way for the dark and romantic machinations which were to culminate with his trial before marshall at richmond. the story of burr's conspiracy deserves a special place among american "_causes célèbres_." it has been told many times, and very vividly, but only the pen of alexandre dumas could do justice to it. many efforts have been made to whitewash the memory of the chief conspirator, to throw most of the odium on wilkinson and on jefferson who, according to his enemies, would have gone out of his way to obtain the condemnation of a man who could not be proved guilty of any overt act, although there is no doubt that he had originated some of the most reprehensible schemes against the safety of his country. but americans always had a foible for soldiers of fortune, for adventurers who dreamed of conquering new empires; for in them they see the magnification of the frontier spirit which for so long constituted one of the "pillars" of american civilization. by an extraordinary trick of heredity, this adventurer, who should have been a spanish conquistador, this arch plotter who had the insinuating ways of the florentine, the tortuous and complicated mind so often considered as a privilege of the europeans, was the great-grandson of jonathan edwards and of pure new england descent. he had fought bravely and enthusiastically in the revolutionary war, he was a lawyer of no mean achievement; but his thirst for popularity, applause and success was beyond imagination, and this machiavellic politician lacked in an extraordinary degree common sense and political vision. had he withdrawn from the run for the presidency in time, had he gracefully accepted the second rank in december, 1800, he would have had a great political career before him. but to the last minute he refused to say the word that was expected from him; he accepted without protest the votes of the federalists and was considered as a traitor to his party even before he took office. as early as january, 1804, he had gone to jefferson and, after complaining that the president did not show him the same friendship as before, he had offered to resign at once if he were appointed to some foreign embassy. after burr had left without obtaining any definite answer, jefferson put down on paper a complete account of the conversation and dryly concluded: i should here notice, that colonel burr must have thought that i could swallow strong things in my own favor, when he founded his acquiescence in the nomination as vice-president, to his desire of promoting my honor, the being with me; whose company and conversation had always been fascinating with him etc.[452] disappointed in this respect, aaron burr turned his eyes towards new york, where he had worked so successfully during the preceding election. the post of governor happened to be vacant, and in february burr was chosen by the discontented republicans of the state to run for governor. it seems quite certain that, if he had been elected, the movement for secession already strong in new england would have received a new impetus and that a desperate effort would have been made to shake off "the rule of virginia." when, after a savage campaign marked by invectives, brawls and riots, burr was finally defeated, he could and did rightly attribute his failure to hamilton who, from the very beginning, opposed his candidacy. a personal encounter was decided and the two adversaries met on the bank of the hudson, pistol in hand, in a duel to the death. it has always been said that hamilton did not take aim and fired first. burr fired deliberately and hamilton, fatally wounded, fell to the ground, to die the next day. found guilty of murder by a grand jury, and in fact already a fugitive from justice, burr hid at first in georgia and there concocted the most extraordinary plan to effect a separation of the western part of the united states with the help and financial assistance of england. although evidence was not procurable at the time of his trial, there is no doubt that he thought the scheme feasible; that back in washington, and when he was presiding over the impeachment proceedings of judge chase, the vice president of the united states was prudently sounding the delegates of the western states, ingratiating himself to them and that the wildest dreams of empire were haunting his feverish imagination. as soon as the session was over, colonel burr started out for a tour of the western states and, on an island of the ohio, met by chance the philosopher-planter blennerhasset, the innocent victim of his plots. leaving blennerhasset, burr went to cincinnati, frankfort, nashville. he met andrew jackson, the uncouth son of the frontier, and wilkinson, the general in charge of the western territory. after a visit to new orleans, where he was greatly elated by the discontent of the population, he went back to saint louis to discuss the situation with wilkinson. whether he still adhered to the original plan of separating the western from the eastern states is to a considerable degree doubtful. his immediate object seems rather to have been to lead an expedition of adventurers against mexico, in case the war that was threatening between the united states and spain should break out. it must be admitted that the plan in itself was not particularly objectionable to the government, but it soon appeared that this scheme too had to be given up. after vainly attempting to secure assistance from the british government, burr, changing from conqueror to farmer, undertook to buy, with blennerhasset, a grant of several hundred thousand acres on the washita river, in northern louisiana, in order to establish there a model colony. the rest of the story is well known. rumors of a conspiracy grew in the west without disturbing at first the security of the federal government. burr, summoned to appear before the district attorney of frankfort, surrendered himself, but was twice discharged and continued his preparations for the settlement of washita. jefferson did not move until he received from wilkinson a confidential message purporting to be the transcription of a ciphered letter sent by burr. the president was so alarmed that he issued at once a proclamation, warning the people that a conspiracy had been discovered and directing the arrests of the conspirators and the seizure of "all vessels, arms and military stores." wilkinson, eager to show his loyalty to the government, arrested "without warrant" several emissaries of burr. one of them was released, but two, bollman and swartwout, were sent out by sea to baltimore and thence to washington, where they were kept in the military barracks. in a special message to congress, jefferson apprised the senate and the house of the facts "touching an illegal combination of private individuals against the peace and safety of the union, and a military expedition planned by them against the territories of a power in amity with the united states, with the measures pursued for suppressing the same." (january 22, 1807) shortly after marshall, in washington, had refused to indict bollman and swartwout on the count of "levying war" against the united states, burr was finally arrested and taken under military escort to richmond, there to be delivered to the civil authorities after marshall had signed a special warrant (march 26, 1807). after long skirmishes between the prosecution and the defense, legal moves and countermoves, burr was indicted under two counts,--treason and high misdemeanor. on the first charge the jury rendered a verdict to the effect that "we of the jury say that aaron burr is not proved guilty under this indictment by any evidence submitted to us; we therefore find him not guilty." this was a most unusual and illegal form of rendering a verdict and the jury evidently intended to emphasize the fact that the evidence submitted did not warrant a conviction, although they reserved their opinion as to the real guilt of colonel burr. marshall overruled objections to the form of the verdict which threatened a reopening of the case and decided that it would be recorded as "not guilty." burr was soon recommitted on the second count and declared not guilty by a second jury. upon which a third charge was brought in by the prosecution and burr summoned to appear at the session of the circuit court of the united states to be held at chillicothe in january, 1808. he never appeared and his bond was forfeited; it is more than doubtful that he would have been convicted. a serious discussion of the merits of the case would necessitate a minute analysis of all the evidence placed before the jury and cannot be undertaken here. several attempts have been made to rehabilitate aaron burr's memory, although certain facts are so patent that they cannot be overlooked by the most indulgent biographers. it is a curious bend of the popular mind that the greatness of the conspiracy seems an excuse and attenuation of the most evident guilt. there was something apparently heroic in the ambition of that man who wanted to carve for himself an empire in the wilderness and to plunder the treasures of the mysterious southwest. then, by contrast, the obstinacy of jefferson in using every means in his power and in the power of the federal government in order to obtain a conviction, has been represented as a display of pettiness unworthy of the chief of a great nation. nor is this tendency restricted to the impulsive and emotional masses; it creeps into the accounts of the trial given by the most judicial historians, and i am not certain that it is entirely absent from beveridge's treatment of the richmond proceedings. legally speaking, it is difficult to find fault with the findings of marshall, with the definitions he gave of "treason" and "overt act", with his sifting of the evidence and, except in one or two cases, with his behavior during the trial. on the other hand, jefferson has been accused of having unduly interfered by sending detailed instructions to the district attorney, by coaching him on several occasions, and by attempting directly and indirectly to arouse public opinion against a man who was on trial for his life, but who finally could not be convicted on any count. after such an interval of time, it is easy to find fault with the conduct of the executive, and it cannot be denied that he acted in a very high-handed manner, condoned acts which were technically illegal and maintained without sufficient proofs of burr's guilt that there was not "a candid man in the united states who did not believe some one, if not all, of these overt acts to have taken place."[453] on the other hand, if we try to place ourselves in the atmosphere of the time, it is equally easy to find explanations that to a large extent justify jefferson's attitude. it must be remembered that the president was not unaware of burr's intention "to form a coalition of the five eastern states, with new york and new jersey, under the new appellation of the seven eastern states."[454] if burr's machination with the english minister to effect a separation of the western states were still unknown, there was little doubt about his plans. all of burr's ambitious schemes failed miserably, but it is perfectly natural that the government should have been seriously alarmed at the time. they did not know of wilkinson's shameful deals with spain, but they had every reason to believe that a man who had already plotted a secession of the western territory and happened to be in charge of that territory and in command of the federal army was scarcely to be depended upon in an emergency. for years the west had been very restive, new orleans was full of discontented creoles, and if war had not been officially declared with both england and spain, it was felt that it could break out at any time. none of these considerations could be brought out before the jury, but they amply warranted some action of the executive. the first step taken by jefferson was to warn the people of the existence of a conspiracy. if we remember again that aaron burr was at that time roaming at will in a part of the country sparsely settled, where he counted many friends, where communications with washington were slow and rare, it is difficult to see how the president could have done less. after the conspirators were arrested the situation changed entirely. they had been delivered to the civil authorities, they were to appear before a regular court and given trial by jury; they no longer constituted a public danger. it must be admitted that jefferson himself declared to his french friends, lafayette and du pont de nemours, that burr never had a chance to succeed and "that the man who could expect to effect this, with american material must be a fit subject for bedlam."[455] this is hard to reconcile with the statement which comes immediately after, that "the seriousness of the crime demands more serious punishment", and particularly with the instructions sent to george hay. one may suspect that jefferson saw in the trial of burr an opportunity to test the loyalty of the chief justice to the constitution and to the government and allowed himself to be carried away by political preoccupations which had nothing to do with colonel burr. this appears clearly in one of the letters to giles: if there has ever been an instance in this or the preceding administrations, of federal judges so applying principles of law as to condemn a federal or acquit a republican offender, i should have judged them in the present case with some charity. all this, however, will work well. the nation will judge both the offender and judges for themselves.[456] this was reiterated in the instructions sent to george hay after the first acquittal of burr, that no witness should be permitted to depart ... until his testimony has been committed to writing, either as delivered in court, or as taken by yourself in the presence of burr's counsel.... these whole proceedings will be laid before congress, that they may decide, whether the defect has been in the evidence of guilt, or in the law, or in the application of the law, and that they may provide the proper remedy for the past and the future. the intention to scrutinize the documents to uncover any bias of marshall and use any such evidence against the chief justice is even openly admitted: "i must pray you also to have an authentic copy of the record made out (without saying for what) and to send it to me; if the judge's opinions make out a part of it, then i must ask a copy of them, either under his hand, if he delivers one signed, or duly proved by affidavit."[457] who could deny after reading this that jefferson's intention was to push vigorously the attack against the judiciary, and to institute impeachment proceedings against marshall on the slightest justification? thus the trial of burr became a test of strength between the executive and the judiciary, between the president and the chief justice; it was fought out in the courtroom the more fiercely as the two antagonists were kinsmen and brought into it the obstinacy and animosity of southern feudists. marshall came out as the stanch and unshakable champion of legality, and jefferson did not refrain from using the arguments and reasonings resorted to by the federalists when the sedition act was passed. there was little excuse for a man of his legal training in believing that burr could be convicted and punished for his "intentions" to commit a crime, and the prosecution failed to bring in sufficient proof of aaron burr's guilt. it would have been more dignified and more consistent with jefferson's theories if, after the conspirator was made powerless, the president had remained silent. that, however, he could not do. early in october, he called back attorney-general robert smith in order to prepare a selection and digestion of the documents respecting burr's treason and, in his message to congress, on october 27, if he did not use the word treason, he still accused burr of "enterprise against the public peace." he assumed responsibility and claimed credit for the measures that had permitted "to dissipate before their explosion plots engendering on the mississippi." he laid before congress the proceedings and evidence exhibited on the arraignment of the principal offenders. finally, he concluded that burr's acquittal was evidence that there was something wrong somewhere, and that the nation could not remain defenceless against such dangers. "the framers of our constitution certainly supposed they had guarded, as well their government against destruction by treason, as their citizens against oppression, under pretence of it; and if these ends are not attained, it is of importance to inquire by what means more effectual they may be secured." a year later, writing to doctor james brown about the measures of repression taken by wilkinson in new orleans, jefferson presented what he considered a full justification of his conduct: i do wish to see these people get what they deserved; and under the maxim of the law itself, that _inter arma silent leges_, that in an encampment expecting daily attack from a powerful enemy, self preservation is paramount to all law. i expected that instead of invoking the forms of the law, to cover traitors, all good citizens would have concurred in securing them. should we have ever gained our revolution, if we had bound our hands by manacles of the law, not only in the beginning, but in any part of the revolutionary conflict?[458] this was exactly the sort of reasoning that jefferson had opposed so strenuously when advanced by his political opponents. apparently he had completely reversed his position after getting in the saddle, which was very illogical and perhaps very damnable, but also very human. he was now, to use the vivid expression of a french statesman, "on the other side of the barricade", and he saw things in a different light. but if this episode can serve to illustrate the inconsistency of the philosopher, it constitutes also a most striking refutation of the accusations of jacobinism so often launched against jefferson; for only the jacobin is perfectly consistent in all circumstances. more than thirty years had elapsed since jefferson had copied the old maxim _fiat justifia ruat coelum_ in his "memorandum book" and he was still wont to repeat it, but it had taken him less than eight years of executive responsibility to make him admit that democracy does not work in times of emergency. it was a most dangerous admission, but one to be expected from a man in whom still lived the ruthless spirit of the frontier. pioneer communities in which unrestricted and unlimited democracy prevails are pitiless for the outlaw who endangers the life of the group, and are not stopped by "legal subtleties." in jefferson there was more of the pioneer than he himself believed. for this very reason he was probably more completely and intensely an average american than if he had "acted up" to the letter of the law in every circumstance. this was by far the most dramatic of the internal difficulties that jefferson had to face during his second term. burr's conspiracy obscured the attacks against madison led by the former spokesman of jefferson's party, john randolph of roanoke. but already, when burr's trial was held in richmond, "circumstances which seriously threatened the peace of the country" had made it a duty to convene congress at an earlier date than usual. once again, as under the administrations of washington and adams, foreign policies were to dominate and direct domestic policies, and once again america was to bear the penalty of all neutrals who try to keep out of the war in a world conflagration. chapter iv "peace and commerce with every nation" war is not always an unmixed curse, at least for nations who manage to remain neutral while the rest of the world is torn by calamitous conflicts. europe's misfortune had been to some extent america's good fortune. with comparatively short intermissions, france and england were engaged in a death struggle from 1793 to 1815, and although britannia ruled the sea, the belligerents had to resort to neutral shipping. the exports of the united states, which were valued at only nineteen millions in 1791, reached ninety-four millions in 1802, and one hundred eight millions in 1807. the imports followed approximately the same curve for the corresponding dates, jumping from nineteen millions to seventy-five millions in 1802 and reaching over one hundred thirty-eight millions in 1807. if the united states had been permitted to pursue the policy outlined by jefferson in his messages, "to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent nations by every act of justice and of incessant kindness" (october 17, 1803), "to carry a commercial intercourse with every part of the dominions of a belligerent" (january 17, 1806), a sort of commercial millennium would have been attained and the prosperity of the united states would have been boundless. but, at least at the beginning of the nineteenth century, neither the rights of neutrals nor international law were observed by the belligerents, and neutrals were bound to suffer as well as to profit by their privileged situation. for his conduct of foreign affairs jefferson has been severely taken to task, not only by many of his contemporaries but by several historians, one of the most formidable critics being henry adams. during his second administration, america suffered deep humiliations which aroused the national spirit. in many occasions war could have and perhaps should have been declared; the navy, which had been reduced to a minimum under gallatin's policy of economy, could have been expanded so as to enable the country to protect herself against foreign insults. on matters concerning national honor and national pride americans alone are qualified to pass, and i can hold no brief for jefferson in the matter. perhaps it would have soothed the wounds inflicted to the _amour-propre_ of the nation if war had been declared against france, or england, or both, and if america had taken part in the "bloody conflicts" of europe. it must be said, however, that one fails to see what material advantages would have resulted for the country; in this case, as in many others, jefferson's conduct seems to have been directed by enlightened self-interest. he was most unwilling to favor and help in any way napoleon's ambitious schemes by declaring war against england; on the other hand, the prospect of forming a _de facto_ alliance with a country which on so many occasions had deliberately insulted the united states and manifestly entertained feelings of scorn and distrust toward the young republic was equally abhorrent to him. finally, it must not be forgotten that by keeping out of the deadly conflict in which europe was engaged, the united states were able to lay the solid foundations of an unparalleled prosperity. while the young manhood of europe perished on the battlefields of napoleon, the population of america grew by leaps and bounds, passing from 5,300,000 in 1800 to 7,250,000 in 1810. while the farms and the factories of the old world were left abandoned, immense territories were put under cultivation and new industries were developed to satisfy the demands of consumers who could no longer import manufactured products from england. the whole life of the nation was quickened and the industrial revolution hastened. when, after waterloo, europe resumed her peaceful pursuits, america had freed herself of economic and financial dependence from the old world. she had become a rich, powerful and self-supporting nation. she appeared to the impoverished peoples of the earth as an economic as well as a political eldorado. whether the price she paid for it was too high is a question which i may be permitted to leave for others to decide. in his second inaugural address, the president found it unnecessary to state again the directing principles of his policies, simply declaring that he had "acted up" to the declaration contained in his first inaugural. of foreign affairs he had little to say, except to reiterate his conviction that "with nations, as well as with individuals, our interests soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties." yet there was a passing reference to possible difficulties. war sometimes could not be avoided: "it might be procured by injustice by ourselves, or by others"; and provision ought to be made in advance for such emergencies, so as "to meet all the expenses of any given year, without encroaching on the rights of future generations, by burdening them with the debts of the past." the president foresaw that, with the rapid growth of the population and the corresponding increase in revenue raised from import taxes, it would be possible to extinguish the native right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and to apply such a surplus to our public debts, as places at a short day their final redemption, and that redemption once effected, the revenue thereby liberated may, by a just repartition among the states, and a corresponding amendement of the constitution, be applied, _in time of peace_, to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education, and other great objects within each state. one may wonder whether at that time jefferson realized the possible consequences of such a system. we have not to seek very far for the exact "source" of these ideas; they were taken bodily from hamilton's report of manufactures. it was the same proposal to distribute subsidies and bounties from the federal treasury, to encourage commerce and manufactures. apparently what was damnable and criminal under a federalist administration became praiseworthy under a republican régime. as a matter of fact, even during jefferson's first term, some of the resources of the federal treasury had to be spent in warlike activities. jefferson had never been able to forget the deep humiliation he had felt when, as a minister to the court of france, he had been forced to negotiate with the barbary pirates for the redemption of american prisoners. he had been less than six months in office when he decided to answer the new demands of the barbary states by sending an american fleet to protect american commerce in the mediterranean. to this incident he gave a large part of his first message (december 8, 1801), and the activities of the small squadron kept in europe for several years, in order to blockade the pirates in their harbors, was regularly mentioned in his subsequent messages. the tone of some passages is well worth studying. his hope to reduce "the barbarians of tripoli to the desire of peace on proper terms by the sufferings of war" (november 8, 1804); his determination to send to europe additional forces, "to make tripoli sensible that they mistake their interest in choosing war with us; and tunis also, should she have declared war as we expect and almost wish" (july 18, 1804)--all this reveals a warlike jefferson very different from the pacifist philosopher he is supposed to have been in all circumstances. it was irritating enough to bear the insults of british and french vessels to the american flag in order to keep the united states out of a european war. to yield to the demands of a band of pirates who could be cowed by energetic action with a minimum of bloodshed and expenditure, would have been an insufferable disgrace. the barbarians had to be beaten into submission, and the european powers who did not seem to be willing to emancipate themselves from that degrading tribute could perhaps understand at the same time that there were limits to the forbearance of the united states. with reference to england the situation was entirely different. the united states had no fleet able to cope with the english fleet. the american coasts were unprotected and the american harbors could be bombarded from the sea without even being able to make a pretense of resisting. a large navy could not be built in a day, and even if one had been improvised, the odds would have been so uneven that many american vessels would have gone down and many lives would have been lost under the fire of the british frigates. thus for practical reasons as well as from philanthropic motives, jefferson bent all his efforts to the preservation of peace with the great countries of europe. hardly three weeks after the signature of the treaty through which he gave up louisiana, bonaparte declared war against england. when he received the news, jefferson wrote a long letter to lord buchan in which he defined his policy: my hope of preserving peace for our country is not founded in the greater principle of non-resistance under every wrong, but in the belief that a just and friendly conduct on our part will procure justice and friendship from others. in the existing contest, each of the combatants will find an interest in our friendship. i cannot say we shall be unconcerned spectators of this combat. we feel for human sufferings, and we wish the good of all. we shall look on, therefore, with the sensations which these dispositions and the events of the war will produce.[459] thus spoke jefferson in july, 1803, and woodrow wilson, who borrowed more than one page from the book of his predecessor, expressed himself in almost the same words one hundred and eleven years later. thus, also, would probably speak any president of the united states should a new conflagration break out to-morrow. this, to be sure, was no proclamation of neutrality and none was needed at the time; but had jefferson written one, he could scarcely have expressed himself more forcibly than he did in a letter sent two days later to general horatio gates: "we are friendly, cordially and conscientiously friendly to england. we are not hostile to france. we will be rigorously just and sincerely friendly to both." but this fine declaration did not make jefferson forget the immediate interests of the united states, for the preoccupation uppermost in his mind at that time was to find out how the european situation could be used to the best advantage of his own country. in signing the treaty france had refused to give any guarantee as to the extent of the territory ceded under the louisiana purchase. whether the cession included west florida, on the occupation of which jefferson had been so intent, was a matter of doubt. this particular point had not been pressed during the negotiations, france, according to the old maxim _caveat emptor_, taking the position that the question lay between the united states and spain, while the united states had never abandoned the hope that they would be able to induce bonaparte to exert pressure on madrid so as to enable the american government to make the most of the transaction. soon after the treaty was signed, the united states found themselves enmeshed in one of the most complicated intrigues of european diplomacy. while madison and jefferson were negotiating in washington with the spanish minister yrujo, pinkney and later monroe negotiated in madrid, sometimes at cross purposes but without ever losing sight of the main object. jefferson had renewed his old contention that the united states were entitled to "all the navigable waters, rivers, creeks, bays, and inlets lying within the united states, which empty into the gulf of mexico east of the river mississippi." as henry adams remarked, this was a most remarkable provision, as "no creeks, bays, or inlets lying within the united states emptied into the gulf."[460] but if jefferson's geography was faulty, his intent was perfectly clear, and every opportunity was to be used to round out the perimeter of the united states. when in october, 1804, monroe reached paris to push negotiations more vigorously, the plans of the united states had crystallized. they had a beautiful simplicity: to make spain pay the claims resulting from the shutting-up of the mississippi by morales, to take immediate possession of western florida and to obtain the cession of eastern florida. with the details of the diplomatic maneuvers we are not concerned here, but rather with the remarkable proposal made by jefferson to madison during the summer of 1805. spain having declared war against england, the president, fearful of being "left without an ally", thought immediately of proposing "a provisional alliance with england" (august 7, 1805). this alliance was to be conditional and would become effective only in case the united states should have to declare war against france or spain. "in that event," wrote jefferson, "we should make common cause, and england should stipulate not to make peace without our obtaining the objects for which we go to war, to wit, the acknowledgment by spain of the rightful boundaries of louisiana (which we should reduce to a minimum by a secret article) and 2, indemnification for spoliation, for which purpose we should be allowed to make reprisal on the floridas and _retain them_ as an indemnification." jefferson added that "as it was the wish of every englishman's heart to see the united states fighting by their sides against france", the king and his ministers could do no better than to enter into an alliance and the nation would consider it "as the price and pledge of an indissoluble friendship."[461] there is little doubt that if, at this juncture, monroe had maneuvered more skillfully, if england had showed less arrogance in her treatment of the united states, she could have secured at least the benevolent neutrality of america. but apparently england did not care for a benevolent neutrality. after trafalgar, she was left undisputed mistress of the ocean, she could enforce her own regulations as she pleased, and she proceeded to do so. the presidential message of december 3, 1805, had to present very "unpleasant views of violence and wrong." the coasts of america were infested by "private armed vessels, some of them with commissions, others without commissions", all of them committing enormities, sinking american merchantmen, "maltreating the crews, abandoning them in boats in the open seas or on desert shores." the same policy of "hovering on the coast" was carried on by "public armed vessels." new principles, too, had been "interloped into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor in the usage or acknowledgment of nations"; this was an allusion to the decision of judge scott in the essex case. with spain negotiations had not had a satisfactory issue, propositions for adjusting amicably the boundaries of louisiana had not been acceded to, and spoliation claims formerly acknowledged had again been denied. the president concluded that, although peace was still the ultimate ideal of the united states, there were circumstances which admitted of no peaceful remedy. some evils were "of a nature to be met by force only, and all of them may lead to it." finally specific recommendations were made to organize the national defense: furnishing the seaports with heavy cannon, increasing the number of gunboats, classifying the militia so as to have ready a competent number of men "for offence or defence in any point where they may be wanted", prohibition of the exportations of arms and ammunition,--such were the chief measures contemplated by the president. in the spring of 1806, he wrote a long letter to alexander of russia, who had manifested a desire to have a copy of the constitution of the united states. this was an appeal to the czar, insisting that special articles defining the rights of neutrals in time of war be inserted in the definitive treaty of peace sooner or later to be concluded between the european belligerents. having taken no part in the troubles of europe, "the united states would have no part in its pacification", but it was to be hoped that some one would be found "who, looking beyond the narrow bounds of an individual nation, will take under the cover of his equity the rights of the absent and unrepresented."[462] unfortunately, more than ten years were to elapse before that pacification of europe so earnestly hoped for by jefferson came about, and only a week before the british ministry had again aggravated regulations against the neutrals by issuing orders blockading the coast of the continent (april 8, 1806). a few weeks later, jefferson who, yielding to the pressure of congress, had agreed to appoint a special envoy to help monroe negotiate a commercial treaty with england, sent william pinkney of maryland to london. "he has a just view of things, so far as known to him," wrote jefferson to monroe, but he did not deem it desirable to trust him with special instructions. for monroe alone he reserved the complete exposition of the plans then brooding in his mind. the death of pitt would probably mark a change in the attitude of great britain; the president had more confidence in mr. fox than in any other man in england and relied entirely on "his honesty and good sense." then came an outline of the reasoning to be put forward by monroe: "no two countries upon earth have so many points of common interests and friendship; and their rulers must be great bunglers indeed, if, with such dispositions, they break them asunder." england might check the united states a little on the ocean; but she should realize that nothing but her financial limitations prevented america from having a strong navy. if france provided the money, so as to equip an american fleet, the state of the ocean would be no longer problematical. if england, on the contrary, made such a proposition, an alliance of the two largest fleets "would make the world out of the continent of europe our joint monopoly." then jefferson added: "we wish for neither of these scenes--we ask for peace and justice from all nations; and we will remain uprightly neutral in fact, though leaning in belief to the opinion that an english ascendency on the ocean is safer for us than that of france." finally, at the end of the letter, came the most extraordinarily imperialistic proposition ever made by any nation; it was the extension of a pet theory of jefferson to the atlantic ocean. as he had claimed for the united states the free navigation of all the streams originating on the territory of the united states, he was ready to claim that the great current originating from the gulf should not be considered differently, and he wrote: "we begin to broach the idea that we consider the whole gulf stream as of our waters, in which hostilities and cruising are to be frowned on for the present, and prohibited so soon as either consent or force will permit us."[463] this might be thought a visionary scheme and merely a flight of imagination, if jefferson had not expressed the same idea in identical terms in a conversation with the french minister concerning the treaty negotiated in london by monroe and pinkney: "perhaps we shall obtain the right to extend our maritime jurisdiction, and to carry it as far as the effect of the gulph stream makes itself felt,--which would be very advantageous both to belligerents and neutrals."[464] these being jefferson's views, it would have taken a far more successful negotiator than monroe to make the british government accept them. the treaty finally signed by the american envoys on december 1, 1806, was far from satisfactory. as a matter of fact, the american envoys had been caught between the hammer and the anvil. to the fox blockade of april, 1806, napoleon had answered by the berlin decree at the end of november, placing the british islands in a state of blockade, declaring all merchandise coming from england subject to confiscation and refusing admission into any french port to any vessel coming either from england or her colonies. forbidden by england to trade with france, by france to trade with england, the neutrals were placed in a sorry plight. yet not only did monroe in his treaty recognize the right of visit and of impressing british seamen found on board american vessels, but he gave up the american claims to indemnity for outrages committed on american commerce in 1805, and accepted the most humiliating conditions concerning american trade with the french and spanish colonies. finally, before monroe could obtain the signature of the british negotiators, he had to agree to an additional article by which he promised not to recognize the decree of berlin. in less than three weeks jefferson received napoleon's decree, the text of the pinkney-monroe treaty, and the news of lord howick's retaliatory order requesting that no goods should be carried to france unless they first touched at an english port and paid a certain duty. in spite of the pressing request of the senate, jefferson refused to communicate the text of the treaty. the explanation publicly given by the president was that monroe had concluded the treaty before receiving information as to the points to be insisted upon, and that a new effort would be made to obtain the modification of some particularly objectionable features. "this is the statement we have given out," he wrote to monroe, "and nothing more of the treaty has ever been made known. but depend on it, my dear sir, that it will be considered as a hard treaty when it is known." if it appeared to monroe that no amendment was to be hoped for, he was authorized to come home, leaving behind him pinkney, who by procrastination would let it die and thus would give america more time "the most precious of all things to us."[465] new instructions were sent accordingly to the american envoys at the end of may, but the problem of the relations with england became suddenly more acute during aaron burr's trial. on june 22, the _chesapeake_ of the american navy, bound for the mediterranean, was hauled up in view of cape henry by the _leopard_ of the british squadron, and summons were sent to commodore barron to deliver some british deserters he was supposed to have on board. upon barron's refusal, the _leopard_ opened fire and for fifteen minutes sent broadsides into the american ship, so unprepared and unready that only one shot could be fired in answer. the american flag was hauled down, british officers boarded the ship and took four deserters; after which captain humphreys of the _leopard_ declared to barron that he could proceed on his way. the _chesapeake_ limped back into port, and on the twenty-fifth, jefferson called back to washington dearborn and gallatin to consider the emergency in a meeting of the cabinet. what his indignation over the outrage may have been is a matter of surmise. he did not express it either privately or publicly. to governor william h. cabell, who had sent him a special message and report, he answered diplomatically that, after consulting the cabinet he would determine "the course which exigency and our constitutional powers call for.--whether the outrage is a proper cause of war, belonging exclusively to congress, it is our duty not to commit them by doing anything which would have to be retracted." but it is certain that, even at that time, he was not ready to recommend any radical step, for he added: this will leave congress free to decide whether war is the most efficacious mode of redress in our case, or whether, having taught so many other useful lessons to europe, we may not add that of showing them that there are peaceable means of repressing injustice by making it the interest of the aggressor to do what is just and abstain from future wrong.[466] it was scarcely necessary to call the cabinet together; three days before the special meeting the president had already decided on a policy of forbearance and watchful waiting. the proclamation which was issued was moderate in tone, but jefferson expressed more clearly in a letter to the vice president, george clinton, the reasons for his moderation. the usage of nations requires that we shall give the offender an opportunity of making reparation and avoiding war. that we would give time to our merchants to get in their property and vessels and our seamen now afloat; that the power of declaring war being with the legislature, the executive could do nothing necessarily committing them to decide for war in preference of non-intercourse, which will be preferred by a great many.[467] in order to make even more certain that no precipitate step would be taken, it was decided to issue, on august 24, a proclamation calling congress together, but not until the fourth monday in october. it was the manifest hope of the president that by that date some satisfaction would be obtained from england with regard to the most flagrant violations of the "_droit des gens_", and that extreme measures could be avoided. in the meantime new instructions had been sent to monroe. "reparation for the past, and security for the future is our motto," wrote the president to du pont de nemours. reparation for the past, at least as far as the attack on the _chesapeake_ was concerned, would have been easy to obtain, but canning refused persistently to make any promise for the future, or to alter the policy of great britain with regard to visit and impressment. for his firmness in refusing to settle the case of the _chesapeake_ independently, jefferson has been most severely criticized by henry adams, whose admiration for perceval's and canning's superior minds is unbounded. shall i confess that on this particular point, at least, i should rather agree with the english biographer of jefferson, mr. hirst, who declares that "no second-rate lawyer was ever more obtuse than perceval, and the wit of canning, his foreign secretary, seldom issued in wisdom." on this occasion great britain was even more stupid than she had been in 1776; she missed her great opportunity to operate a reconciliation with the united states and to turn them against france, without other compensation than the pleasure of outwitting the american envoys and once more treating scornfully the younger country. the real answer of england was given in the orders in council of november 11, 1807, prohibiting all neutral trade with the whole european seacoast from copenhagen to trieste. no american vessel was to be allowed to enter any port of europe from which british vessels were excluded without first going to england and abiding by regulations to be determined later. in the meantime, jefferson was pushing fast his preparations for defence. a detailed examination of his correspondence during the summer and fall of that year would justify him amply from the criticism of several american historians.[468] he still hoped for peace, or more exactly peace remained his ideal, although he had very little hope that monroe would succeed in his negotiations. but nothing could be done as long as american ships and sailors, "at least twenty thousand men", were on the seas, an easy prey to british vessels in case war should be declared at once. "the loss of these," wrote jefferson quite correctly, "would be worth to great britain many victories on the nile and trafalgar."[469] to judge of jefferson's conduct at that time from our modern point of view would be most unfair and dangerous. he could neither cable, nor send radiograms, nor even steamships to warn american citizens in distant ports, nor give instructions to agents of the united states all over the world. it took months for news to cross the ocean and sometimes a year or more to receive an answer to a letter. the geographical isolation of the united states, their remoteness from europe and the slowness of communications were obvious factors of the situation, yet they are too often neglected in judging the policy then followed by the president. as the year advanced, jefferson's hope of being able to maintain peace grew fainter. there is a spirit of helplessness in a letter he wrote to james maury at the end of november: the world as you justly observe, is truly in an awful state. two nations of overgrown power are endeavoring to establish, the one an universal dominion by sea, the other by land.... we are now in hourly expectation of hearing from our ministers in london by the return of the "revenge." whether she will bring us war or peace, or the middle state of non-intercourse, seems suspended in equal balance.[470] the message to congress, of october 27, contained no specific recommendation. it was a dispassionate recital of the circumstances which had necessitated new instructions to monroe, a promise that congress would be informed of the result of the negotiations, news of which was expected hourly, and an enumeration of the measures taken towards the defense of the country. when the first news finally came, the president had already decided upon the course to follow. on december 18, 1807, he sent to congress one of his shortest messages: the communications now made, showing the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise, are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere, from the belligerent powers of europe, and it being of great importance to keep in safety these essential resources, i deem it my duty to recommend the subject to the consideration of congress, who will doubtless perceive all the advantages which may be expected from an inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the united states. their wisdom will also see the necessity of making every preparation for whatever events may grow out of the present crisis. the situation was much more clearly described in a letter to general john mason written approximately at the same time. the sum of these mutual enterprises on our national rights--wrote the president--is that france, and her allies, reserving for further consideration the prohibiting our carrying anything to the british territories, have virtually done it, by restraining our bringing a return cargo from them; and that great britain, after prohibiting a great proportion of our commerce with france and her allies, is now believed to have prohibited the whole. the whole world is thus laid under interdict by these two nations, and our vessels, their cargoes and crews, are to be taken by the one or the other, for whatever place they may be destined out of our own limits. if therefore, on leaving our harbors we are certain to lose them, is it not better, as to vessels, cargoes and seamen, to keep them at home? this is submitted to the wisdom of congress, who alone are competent to provide a remedy.[471] as in so many other instances the temptation is great to draw a parallel between jefferson's policies and the neutrality advocated by woodrow wilson during his first term, and to repeat the worn-out and dangerous adage "history repeats itself." as a matter of fact, the situation faced by jefferson in 1808 was entirely different from that which confronted president wilson from 1914 to 1917. america was not then a rich and powerful country with unlimited resources. the people had just emerged from a long and distressing financial crisis, for it took more than one generation to heal the wounds of a war which had lasted six years. the federal government was far from being as strong as it was destined to become. the navy was ridiculously inadequate, not only to go out and give battle to the english fleet, but even, to use jefferson's expression, to keep the seaports "_hors d'insulte_". these facts must be kept in mind if one wishes to form a true estimate of jefferson's conduct and character during the calamitous years of his second term. to criticize his policies is an easy feat for a modern historian, for it is natural that an american of to-day should resent jefferson's attitude as unworthy of a great self-respecting nation. undoubtedly the president might have sent a warlike message to congress and war would have immediately followed, but on the whole the issue had been taken out of his hands in december, 1807. the embargo, as he justly pointed out, was no new policy and no new measure; it was simply a recognition of a situation created by both france and great britain. the only way out would have been a formal declaration of war, and one does not quite see what this grand gesture would have accomplished. certainly the united states were no more in position to march into canada in 1807 than they were in 1812, and if they had succeeded in taking possession of the british colony, it is unlikely that great britain would have accepted such a loss with equanimity. furthermore, even if a formal alliance had been concluded with france, the french fleet would have been powerless to prevent the british navy from cruising on the american coast and repeating, if they had wished, the outrages that had befallen copenhagen. another solution, favored by such a liberal historian of jefferson as mr. a. j. nock, would have been frankly to recognize the existing situation and to leave the new england merchants free to send out their vessels at their own risk. this would have relieved to a certain extent the economic distress of the northern states, but whether it would have been more honest or more dignified than the embargo is a matter of opinion. such a policy would have been neutral only in appearance; it would have amounted to a tacit recognition of a british monopoly of the american trade, since england was really the only country to which american ships would have been permitted to go. granting that the embargo was "the most arbitrary, inquisitorial, and confiscatory measure formulated in american legislation up to the period of the civil war",[472] i fail to see that the prestige of the united states would have gained much by allowing their citizens to submit to the humiliating orders in council of november 11, 1807. of all policies this would have been the most evasive, most vacillating and least dignified. it must be furthermore remembered that though he was gifted with remarkable foresight, jefferson was in no position to guess that the conflict between england and france would last for seven more years. he believed, on the contrary, that the titanic struggle would come, if not to a definite close, at least to a pause, within a comparatively short time: "time may produce peace in europe; peace in europe removes all causes of difference, till another european war; and by that time our debt may be paid, our revenue clear, and our strength increased."[473] this reasoning reappears in many letters written by jefferson during the last year of his administration. his correspondence during the months that separated him from rest and philosophical meditation may be devoid of dramatic interest, but a thorough perusal of it would demonstrate that at no time during his long political career were his motives less interested, less partisan and more truly patriotic. at no time, either, was he more bitterly attacked. he suffered from "the peltings of the storm" and cried out pathetically to benjamin rush: "oh! for the day when i shall be withdrawn from it; when i shall have leisure to enjoy my family, my friends, my farm and books." but the defection of the republicans in congress, the divergence of opinions in his cabinet, the threats of secession, the anonymous letters and the press campaign launched against him had no power to shake his strong negative resolution. yet in all justice to him it may be seen that his policy was not entirely negative. first of all his letters show that he never considered the embargo as a permanent cure. as early as march, 1808, writing to charles pinckney, the former envoy to spain, he declared that the effect of the embargo would be "to postpone for this year the immediate danger of a rupture with england." he admitted that a time would come "when war would be preferable to a continuance of the embargo and that the question would have to be decided at the next meeting of congress unless peace intervened in the meantime."[474] under these circumstances the repeal of the embargo voted by congress to take effect after jefferson's retirement cannot be considered as a rebuke to the president. moreover, it appears that jefferson had given some thought to three and not two alternatives: 1, embargo; 2, war; 3, submission and tribute,--the third being exactly that advocated by mr. nock. in jefferson's opinion this third solution was at once "to be put out by every american and the two first considered."[475] writing to thomas leib, earlier in the year, he had already defined his position with regard to this solution, recommended by the mercantile interests: "it is true, the time will come when we must abandon it (the embargo). but if this is before the repeal of the orders of council, we must abandon it only for a state of war. the day is not distant, when that will be preferable to a longer continuance of the embargo. but we can never remove that, and let our vessels go out and be taken under these orders without making reprisal." this is itself evidence, but it has apparently escaped many historians as well as many contemporaries of jefferson. if the embargo is considered not as a permanent policy but as a political expedient and a political experiment, the greater part of henry adams' arraignment of jefferson's political philosophy falls flat.[476] when, on the other hand, the same writer admits that "the result was that the embargo saved perhaps twenty millions of dollars a year and some thousands of lives which the war would have consumed", we may be permitted to add that jefferson would not have granted the principle that "the strongest objection to war was not its waste of money or even of life; for money and life in political economy were worth no more than they could be made to produce." if this is economic history, heaven preserve us from economic policies! as to the accusation that "jefferson's system was preaching the fear of war, of self-sacrifice, making many smugglers and traitors, but not a single hero", i must humbly confess that one does not see that america would have been much richer for engaging without adequate preparation or even a fair chance to defend herself in a useless and, in last analysis, probably inglorious war. it is claimed, however, that the embargo caused an economic catastrophe: as the order was carried along the seacoast, every artisan dropped his tools, every merchant closed his doors, every ship was dismantled. american produce--wheat, timber, cotton, tobacco, rice--dropped in value or became unsalable; every imported article rose in price; wages stopped, swarms of debtors became bankrupt; thousands of sailors hung idle around the wharves.... a reign of idleness began; and the men who were not already ruined felt that their ruin was only a matter of time.[477] a very pathetic picture this, made even more pitiful by the classic quotation from the british traveler, lambert, who visited new york in 1808 and described it as a place ravaged by pestilence. but why not quote also from another traveler, john mellish, who spoke of the impetus given to manufactures and home industries?[478] why forget to mention gallatin's report of 1810, pointing out that some basic industries had been firmly established in the united states, such as iron, cotton, flax, hats, paper, printing type, gunpowder, window glass, clocks, etc. who could deny, at any rate, that manufactures made enormous progress, thanks to the embargo, and that goods formerly imported from england began to be made in america? even supposing that the picture drawn by h. adams were true, it would be necessary to admit that there was another side to it and that a few artisans, at least, remained working steadily at their benches. the last annual message of jefferson to congress was noncommittal on the measures to be taken. it presented first a dispassionate recital of the negotiations carried on with france and england to bring them to rescind the most offensive features of their orders and decrees. it recognized that "this candid and liberal experiment had failed." it was left to congress to determine what course to follow: under a continuance of the belligerent measures which, in defiance of laws which consecrate the rights of neutrals, overspread the ocean with danger, it will rest with the wisdom of congress to decide on the course best adapted to such a state of things; and bringing with them, as they do, from every part of the union, the sentiments of our constituants, my confidence is strengthened, that in forming this decision they will, with an unerring regard to the essential rights and interests of the nation weigh and compare the painful alternatives out of which a choice is to be made. this reserved attitude jefferson intended to maintain during the rest of his term. "i have thought it right to take no part myself in proposing measures, the execution of which will devolve on my successor. i am therefore chiefly an unmedling listener to what others say."[479] but to doctor william eustis he protested that "while thus endeavoring to secure, and preparing to vindicate that commerce, the absurd opinion has been propagated, that this temporary and necessary arrangement was to be a permanent system and was intended for its destruction."[480] and this seems to indicate that he was quite definite in his own mind, even if he refrained from expressing his opinion officially. after more than a month's deliberation in congress, jefferson had come to believe that "congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing the embargo till june, and then war." quite suddenly, however, the majority, frightened by threats of secession openly made by the new england members, and fearful of the famous essex junto, rallied to a compromise. neither the people nor congress were for war, and that fact had been clearly realized very early both by the french and the british ministers; at the same time it was felt that something must be done to relieve to some extent the financial distress of the virginia planters and new england merchants. the result was that congress decided to remove the embargo on march 4, "non intercourse with france and great britain, trade everywhere else, and continuing war preparations."[481] on the first of march, three days before the inauguration of his successor, jefferson signed the bill, but not without serious misgivings. the letters he wrote at that time contain even more convincing evidence that he did not expect the embargo to last much longer. to general armstrong, the american representative in paris, he declared on march 5 that "war must follow if the edicts are not repealed before the meeting of congress in may." with short, whom he had tried without success to have appointed minister to russia, he was more explicit if no less emphatic: "we have substituted for it (the embargo), a non-intercourse with france and england and their dependencies, and a trade to all other places. it is probable that the belligerents will take our vessels under their edicts, in which case we shall probably declare war against them."[482] finally, to madison himself, he wrote after reaching monticello: it is to be desired that war may be avoided, if circumstances will admit. nor in the present maniac state of europe, should i estimate the point of honor by the ordinary scale. i believe we shall, on the contrary, have credit with the world, for having made the avoidance of being engaged in the present unexampled war, our first object. war, however, may become a less losing business than unresisted depredation.[483] whatever may have been the opposition to the embargo and the opposition to jefferson of disaffected republicans, it is remarkable that he was able to keep his party in hand to the last minute and to choose his successor. early at the beginning of his second term, he had expressed his irrevocable intention not to become a candidate for a third term. he was longing for his farm, his books, for the comforts of family life and he was not in the best of health. not only had he been troubled by rheumatism, but "periodical headaches" recurring at frequent intervals left him for days unable to write and hardly able "to compose his thoughts." the republicans had to make a choice between three possible candidates: george clinton, monroe, and madison. the strongest argument that could be advanced in favor of the first was that, according to a precedent already apparently established, the vice president was the logical successor, the "heir apparent", as adams had termed it, to a retiring president. moreover, clinton could count on the support of the new york republicans and had aroused no strong antagonism against himself. it soon became obvious, however, that the contest lay between the two virginians and that the virginia dynasty would not be broken as yet. monroe was not without support in his native state and his candidacy had been upheld by a republican caucus held by randolph and his friends at richmond; but another caucus of the assembly had given a decisive majority to madison. on january 23, 1808, a congressional caucus held in washington pronounced decisively for madison as president and george clinton as vice president. but randolph held aloof and with his friends published a protest against the candidacy of madison, who had "moderation when energy was needed", whose theories of government were tainted with federalism, "when the country was asking for consistency and loathing and abhorrence from any compromise." the danger of a split in the republican party was indeed serious, and while jefferson reasserted his wish not to participate in any way in the campaign, he wrote to monroe a long letter, deploring the situation and making an obvious appeal to his party loyalty. he warned him particularly against the passions that could not fail to be aroused in such a contest, and conjured him to keep clear "of the toils in which his friends would endeavor to interlace him." that monroe's _amour-propre_ was deeply wounded appears in the letter he wrote in answer to his "chief." he complained lengthily and bitterly of having been handicapped by the sending of pinkney and of the criticism to which he had been subjected on account of the treaty. once again jefferson had to soothe the discontent of his friend and "_élève_", which to a certain extent he succeeded in doing. it soon appeared, however, that the question would solve itself, that neither monroe nor clinton was strong enough to control the republican majority. when the results came in, the republicans had suffered the loss of all new england except vermont, but madison carried the election by one hundred and twenty-two votes, against forty-seven to c. c. pinckney and six for clinton. true enough, in several states the electors had been selected before the full pressure of the embargo was felt, but with such a substantial majority it is difficult to accept unreservedly henry adams' view that "no one could fail to see that if nine months of embargo had so shattered jefferson's power, another such year would shake the union itself." book six _the sage of monticello_ chapter i "america has a hemisphere to itself" when, after a long and fatiguing journey, thomas jefferson reached monticello in the spring of 1809, he was in his sixty-third year and had well earned his "quadragena stipendia." but the republic did not serve any pension to retired presidents. for more than twelve years he had perforce neglected his domain, and his son-in-law, who had been in charge of the estate for some time, was scarcely a man to be intrusted with the administration of complicated financial interests. a large part of jefferson's time was necessarily spent in setting things to rights; but the times were against him, and the embargo had proved more detrimental to the great landowners of the south than to the new england manufacturers. a planter whose sole revenue consisted in his crops had the utmost difficulty in providing for a large family of dependants, and a considerable number of slaves who had to be fed and clad, and most of all in keeping up appearances. jefferson was hardly freed from public responsibilities when he had to labor under domestic difficulties which worried him even to his death bed. under his direction, however, monticello became more than ever a self-supporting community; the slaves were taught all the necessary trades and when, thanks to the merino sheep brought over by du pont de nemours, woolen goods of fine quality were made at monticello, the master of the house was proud to wear clothes of homespun which, in his opinion, could rival the best produce of the english manufactures. whole books could be written, and several have been written, on jefferson the agriculturist, the surveyor, the civil engineer, the inventor and the architect. there is, however, another aspect of his last years which deserves more attention than it usually receives. [illustration: thomas jefferson _from the portrait by kosciuszko_] for thirty years jefferson had lived almost constantly under the scrutiny of the public. his utterances had been pounced upon by eager enemies of the "cannibal press"; letters intended solely for friends had been printed, several times in a garbled form, and during his presidency he had been unable to communicate freely with his european friends for fear of having his letters intercepted. at last, he could express himself freely. he was no longer the spokesman of the country who had to ascertain the state of public opinion before writing a message or sending a communication to a foreign government. he could speak for himself, without being hindered by the ever-present danger of political repercussions, and if he did not speak much, he wrote several thousand letters, many of which are still unpublished--an overwhelming treasure for historians of the period. his physical strength was somewhat impaired, but his intellectual powers were in no way diminished; never had his mind been keener, his perception of realities clearer and his extraordinary gift of political prophecy more accurate than during the last fifteen years of his life. this is the period to study in order to understand more fully his conception of americanism, his vision of democracy and the practical wisdom which permeated his philosophy of old age. his valedictory letter to madison, written from monticello on march 17, 1809, contained a very curious admission of the inability of the united states to carry out war successfully with their present organization; "i know of no government," he wrote, "which would be so embarrassing in war as ours. this would proceed very much from the lying and licentious character of our papers; but also, from the wonderful credulity of the members of congress in the floating lies of the day."[484] this was no passing whim of his, but a very definite and categorical understanding of the functions devolving upon the executive in times of emergency. he had not forgotten his experience as governor of virginia, when he had to coax necessary measures from a reluctant assembly; his eight years as chief executive of the country had only strengthened him in the opinion that "in times of peace, the people look most to their representatives, but in war to the executive solely." he found a confirmation of this theory in the state of public opinion, when he wrote to rodney, early in 1810: "it is visible that their confidence is now veering in that direction: that they are looking to the executive to give the proper direction to their affairs, with a confidence as auspicious as it is well founded."[485] a few months later, writing to j. b. colvin, he took up again the same question: "in what circumstances is it permitted for the man in charge to assume authority beyond the law?" that he was personally interested in the matter was evident, since he had exceeded his constitutional powers very recently, during the burr conspiracy. it is nevertheless remarkable to see the champion of legality and democracy declare that: a strict observance of the written law is doubtless _one_ of the high duties of a good citizen, but it is not the _highest_. the laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our country when in danger are of higher obligation. to lose our country by a scrupulous adherence to written law, would be to lose the law itself, with life, liberty, property and all those enjoying them with us; thus absurdly sacrificing the end to the means.[486] to a certain extent this was a plea _pro domo sua_. if we remember that, during the world war, the motto of america was, for more than two years, "stand by the president", it will be seen that jefferson was as good a prophet as an intelligent observer. this admission of his may seem undemocratic, but it simply shows that the former president had a clear perception of the permanent tendencies that direct american consciousness; for no people are more disciplined and more ready to follow their chosen executive than the americans, at least on critical occasions, and more particularly when confronted with foreign aggression. war was still to be avoided and considered only as the _ultima ratio rei publicae_. on this point also, jefferson was perfectly consistent, and, having shed the responsibility, he did not suddenly change his attitude. the "point of honor" was not to be estimated by the ordinary scale in the present maniac state of europe. but america must realize at the same time that no ordinary treaty could insure her safety. a treaty with england could not even be thought of; for "the british never made an equal treaty with any nation." with regard to france the situation was somewhat different. some compensation was due to america for forcing great britain to revoke her orders in council. but what compensation? the acquiescence of bonaparte to the annexation of the floridas? that was no price; for "they are ours in the first moment of the first war; and until a war they are of no particular necessity." the only territory that the united states might covet was cuba. "that would be a price, and i would immediately erect a column on the southernmost limit of cuba, and inscribe on it a _ne plus ultra_ to us in that direction.... cuba can be defended by us without a navy, and this develops the principle which ought to limit our views. nothing should ever be accepted which would require a navy to defend it."[487] in the meantime, jefferson did not miss any opportunity to justify the embargo. even after its repeal, he insisted that "enough of the non-importation laws should be preserved 1st, to pinch them into a relinquishment of impressments, and 2nd, to support those manufacturing establishments, which their orders, and our interests, forced us to make."[488] to du pont de nemours he wrote a long letter, stating in detail the advantages accrued to america from the embargo, and this point is well worth keeping in mind by those who insist on considering jefferson as a hundred per cent. agrarian: the barefaced attempts of england to make us accessories and tributaries to her usurpations on the high seas--he wrote to the old physiocrat--have generated in this country an universal spirit for manufacturing for ourselves, and of reducing to a minimum the number of articles for which we are dependent on her. the advantages too, of lessening the occasions of risking our peace on the ocean, and of planting the consumer on our own soil by the side of the grower of produce, are so palpable, that no temporary suspension of injuries on her part, or agreements founded on that, will now prevent our continuing in what we have begun.[489] so wrote the supposed agrarian to the founder of physiocracy, and this is a _prima facie_ evidence that jefferson was not a physiocrat of the first water. as a matter of fact, on this point as on so many others, he had strong negative principles. as we have already pointed out on several occasions, jefferson was not so much opposed to manufactures and industries as to mercantilism, and particularly to english mercantilism. this corrective ought to be taken into consideration in any estimate of the jeffersonian democracy, and one may wonder whether some continuators of mr. beard are sufficiently aware of this capital distinction. it soon appeared to jefferson that there was no possible way out except war. contrary to all expectations, the convulsions of europe continued and no hope of a permanent peace was in sight. the death of bonaparte "would remove the first and chiefest apostle of the desolation of men and morals and might withdraw the scourge of the land. but what is to restore order and safety on the ocean. the death of george iii? not at all.... the principle that force is right, is become the principle of the nation itself."[490] as a matter of fact, bonaparte was little to be feared. he still had the whole world to conquer before turning his eyes towards america. england on the contrary is an ever-present danger not to be relied upon as an ally for she would make a separate peace and leave us in the lurch. her good faith? the faith of a nation of merchants. the _punica fides_ of modern carthage. of the friend of the protectress of copenhagen. of the nation who never admitted a chapter of morality into her political code. then follows a formidable indictment of the treacherous policies of england with a curious and most interesting discrimination at the end, for jefferson observes that "it presents the singular phenomenon of a nation, the individuals of which are as faithful to their private engagements and duties, as honorable, as worthy, as those of any nation on earth, and whose government is yet the most unprincipled at this day known."[491] all told, both nations could be tarred with the same brush "for," said jefferson, "i should respect just as much the rules of conduct which governed cartouche or blackbeard as those now acted on by france or england."[492] the only difference was that france was not in a position to cause as much damage to american interests as her hereditary enemy whose claim to "dominion of the ocean and to levy tribute on every flag traversing that, as lately attempted and not relinquished, every nation must contest, even _ad internecionem_."[493] this detestation of english policies and english rulers did not, however, extend to individuals. even when war was to be declared jefferson took care to establish what he considered as a very necessary distinction in a fine letter sent to james maury, his "dear and ancient friend and classmate": our two countries are at war, but not you and i. and why should our two countries be at war, when by peace we can be so much more useful to one another. surely the world will acquit our government from having sought it.... we consider the overwhelming power of england on the ocean, and of france on the land, as destructive of the prosperity and happiness of the world, and wish both to be reduced only to the necessity of observing moral duties. i believe no more in bonaparte's fighting merely for the liberty of the seas, than in great britain's fighting for the liberties of mankind.... we resist the enterprises of england first, because they first come vitally home to us. and our feelings repel the logic of bearing the lash of george iii, for fear of that of bonaparte at some future day. when the wrongs of france shall reach us with equal effect, we shall resist them also. but one at a time is enough; and having offered a choice to the champions, england first takes up the gauntlet.[494] since war was declared, the only thing to keep in mind was to make it as advantageous as possible to the united states. thanks to the louisiana purchase, france had been eliminated forever from the american continent, but the existence of a large british province on the northern border constituted an ever-present source of anxiety and danger for the union. the first war aim of the united states was consequently to expel great britain from the north american continent, for as long as england could use her continental dominion as "a fulcrum for her machiavellian levers" there would be no safety for the united states. on the other hand, the war could not be carried out to a successful conclusion if during the hostilities america were kept unable to export the surplus of her produce. jefferson therefore recommended that neutral vessels be used "and even enemy vessels under neutral flag, which i should wink at", wrote jefferson to the president.[495] this last recommendation may seem surprising and almost treasonable, but jefferson lived in close contact with farmers and planters, and he still remembered their attitude during the revolutionary war and knew that "to keep the war popular we must keep open the markets. as long as good prices can be had, the people will support the war cheerfully." later in the year he was able to report to the president: our farmers are cheerful in the expectation of a good price for wheat in autumn. their pulse will be regulated by this, and not by the successes or disasters of the war. to keep open sufficient markets is the very first object towards maintaining the popularity of the war, which is as great at present as could be desired.[496] to be correctly understood, this attitude of jefferson advocating trade with the enemy requires some further elucidation. as a matter of fact, the issue was not so clear-cut as it would seem. while england was to be considered as america's enemy on the continent, she was "fighting america's battles" in europe, for the ultimate triumph of bonaparte would have been pregnant with dangers for the union. he consequently advocated the exportation of grain to great britain: if she is to be fed at all events, why may not we have the benefit of it as well as others. i would not indeed, feed her armies landed on our territory, because the difficulty of inland communication subsistence is what will prevent their ever penetrating far into the country.... but this would be my only exception, and as to feeding her armies in the peninsular, she is fighting our battles there, as bonaparte is on the baltic.[497] but it must also be admitted that jefferson considered that in war all is fair. he had not changed much since the remote days of the revolution when he urged washington to permit him to use measures of retaliation on the british prisoners. once again he did not scruple to recommend measures sometimes used but seldom so frankly advocated. he would not have hesitated to bring the war home to great britain and to resort to retaliation. "perhaps they will burn new york or boston," he wrote to duane. "if they do, we must burn the city of london, not by expensive fleets or congreve rockets, but by employing an hundred or two jack-the-painters, whom nakedness, famine, desperation and hardened vice, will abundantly furnish among themselves."[498] but the thing never to be lost sight of was the conquest of canada and "the final expulsion of england from the american continent." it was to be a very simple expedition, "a mere matter of marching", and the weakness of the enemy was to make "our errors innocent." all these sanguine expectations were blasted to dust by the hull disaster. three frigates taken by "our gallant little navy" could not balance "three armies lost by treachery, cowardice, or incapacity of those to whom they were entrusted." the mediation of russia was the only hope left, but the enemies were to remain "bedecked with the laurels of the land"--the reverse of what was to be expected and perhaps what was to be wished.[499] throughout the whole campaign jefferson was unable to choose between france and england, or rather between bonaparte and england's corrupted government. strong as were his denunciations of english policies and crimes, he almost foamed at the mouth when he mentioned the abominable corsican: that bonaparte is an unprincipled tyrant who is deluging the continent of europe with blood, there is not a human being, not even the wife of his bosom, who does not see. there is no doubt as to the line we ought to wish drawn between his successes and those of alexander. surely none of us wish to see bonaparte conquer russia, and lay thus at his feet the whole continent of europe. this done, england would be just a breakfast.[500] the "true line of interest" of the united states was consequently that bonaparte should be able to effect the complete exclusion of england from the whole continent of europe, in order to make her renounce her views of dominion over the ocean. as there was no longer any hope of expelling england completely from the american continent, it remained "the interest of the u. s. to wish bonaparte a moderate success so as to curb the ambition of great britain."[501] from this and many other similar passages it would follow that jefferson was one of the first exponents of the famous policy of the balance of power. although at war with england, america could not wish for a complete defeat of her enemy which would enable the monster to pursue his dreams of world domination. but hateful as the corsican was, no one could wish for an english victory which would leave great britain the undisputed ruler of the ocean. incidents of the war did wring from jefferson impassioned outbursts which expressed a temporary anger, but whenever he took time to weigh the different factors in his mind, the realistic politician emerged every time. this appears clearly in his correspondence with madame de staël, who had urged him on several occasions to make every effort to decide his fellow countrymen to join in the battle against the oppressors of liberty. it appears also quite significantly in his correspondence with madison, following the burning of the white house and the destruction by the english soldiers of the first congressional library. his indignation ran high when he learned "through the paper" that "the vandalism of our enemy has triumphed at washington over science as well as the arts, with the destruction of the public library with the noble edifice in which it was deposited." "of that transaction, as that of copenhagen, the world will entertain but one sentiment," he wrote to samuel h. smith.[502] but it was characteristic of the man that he thought at once of the means of restoring the library. books could not be procured easily from abroad and there was no other private library in the country comparable to the collection of books he had systematically accumulated for over forty years. he placed his books at the disposal of congress "to be valued by persons named by the library committee, and the payment made convenient to the public." this was not a piece of business in order to retrieve his fortune, nor a disguised request for financial help, but simply the act of a public-spirited citizen unable to make an outright gift and yet unwilling to make any profit on the public treasury. the end of the war was in sight--a war which could be considered as a draw, in which both sides had lost heavily and neither had gained anything: it is a deplorable misfortune to us. it has arrested the course of the most remarkable tide of prosperity any nation ever experienced, and has closed such prospects of future improvements as were never before in the view of any people. farewell all hopes of extinguishing public debt! farewell all visions of applying surpluses of revenue to the improvement of peace, rather than the ravages of war. our enemy has indeed the consolation of satan on removing our first parents from paradise; from a peaceable and agricultural nation, he makes us a military and manufacturing one....[503] it could truly be said that the war had failed. the best that could be expected was the _status ante bellum_. "indemnity for the past and security for the future which was our motto at the beginning of this war, must be adjourned to another, when, disarmed and bankrupt our enemy shall be less able to insult and plunder the world with impunity."[504] the news that peace had been signed did not cause him any elation, it was "in fact but an armistice", and even when he wrote again to his dear and ancient friend james maury, jefferson was careful to note that america would never peacefully accept again england's practice of impressment on the high seas. "on that point," he wrote, "we have thrown away the scabbard and the moment an european war brings her back to this practice, adds us again to her enemies."[505] this was repeated in a letter to his old friend du pont de nemours who had asked him for his influence in order to send his grandson to the naval academy: for twenty years to come we should consider peace as the _summum bonum_ of our country. at the end of that period we shall be twenty millions in number, and forty in energy, when encountering the starved and rickety paupers and dwarfs of english workshops. by that time your grandson will have become one of our high-admirals, and bear distinguished part in retorting the wrongs of both his countries on the most implacable and cruel of their enemies.[506] yet one would be mistaken in believing that jefferson felt against england any deep-seated animosity, and his resentment, however justifiable, did not last long after the close of hostilities. the fine friendly letters he wrote to thomas law and james maury at the eve of the war were more than mere gestures. he had many friends in england, he was imbued with english philosophy, english ideas, english law and, if he detested the rulers and the régime, he always maintained the same sentimental and quite natural feelings of so many americans for the mother country as a whole: were they once under a government which should treat us with justice and equity--he wrote to john adams--i should myself feel with great strength the ties that bind us together, of origin, language, laws and manners; and i am persuaded the two people would become in future as it was with the ancient greeks, among whom it was reproachful for greek to be found fighting against greek in a foreign army.[507] on the same day he wrote to the secretary of state, james monroe, about the proposed inscription to be engraved in a conspicuous place on the restored capitol, and he had suggested that if any inscription was considered as necessary, it should simply state the bare facts, such as: founded 1791. burnt by a british army 1814. restored by congress 1817. but a question of more importance was whether there should be any inscription at all. "the barbarism of the conflagration will immortalize that of the nation.... we have more reason to hate her than any nation in earth. but she is not now an object of hatred.... it is for the interest of all that she should be maintained nearly on a par with other members of the republic of nations."[508] with regard to france, his correspondence with du pont de nemours and lafayette offers precious and significant testimony. much as he loathed bonaparte, he deplored the return of the bourbons and the reactionary measures of the _restauration_. his indignation ran high when he received ... the new treaty of the allied powers, declaring that the french nation shall not have bonaparte and shall have louis xviii as their ruler. they are all then as great rascals as bonaparte himself. while he was in the wrong, i wished him exactly as much success as would answer our purpose, and no more. now that they are wrong and he in the right, he shall have all my prayers for success, and that he may dethrone every man of them.[509] writing to albert gallatin he indulged in a "poetical effusion" which shows how deeply his feelings were stirred: i grieve for france ... and i trust they will finally establish for themselves a government of rational and well tempered liberty. so much science cannot be lost; so much light shed over them can never fail to produce to them some good in the end. till then, we may ourselves fervently pray, with the liturgy a little parodied; give peace till that time, oh lord, because there is none other that will fight for us but only thee, oh god.[510] when all was told, and it was realized that "the cannibals of europe were going to eating one another again and the pugnacious humor of mankind seemed to be the law of his nature", the only course for the united states to follow was to keep out of the fray as much as possible and so to direct their policy as to give no pretext for the european powers to intervene in the new world. already, in 1812, jefferson had formulated his views in the most unequivocal manner, when he wrote to doctor john crawford: we specially ought to pray that the powers of europe may be so poised and counterpoised among themselves, that their own safety may require the presence of all their force at home, leaving the other quarters of the globe in undisturbed tranquillity. when our strength will permit us to give the law to our hemisphere, it should be that the meridian of the mid-atlantic should be the line of demarkation between war and peace, on this side of which no act of hostility should be committed, and the lion and the lamb lie down in peace together.[511] the progress of the revolt of the spanish colonies was at first to strengthen him in the position he had already taken. jefferson received the news without any elation. for a long time he had known that the link between the spanish and portuguese colonies was growing weaker. he doubted very much, however, that the colonies were ready for self-government. there might have been some hope for mexico, because of her proximity to the united states: "but the others, i fear," he wrote to baron alexander von humboldt, "will end in military despotisms. the different castes of their inhabitants, their mutual hatred and jealousies, their profound ignorance and bigotry, will be played off by cunning leaders, and each be made the instrument of enslaving the others." the important point he made was in what followed, and jefferson here indulged in one of his curious political prophecies, in which he so often hit the mark: but in whatever government they will end, they will be _american_ governments, no longer to be involved in the never-ceasing broils of europe. the european nations constitute a separate division of the globe; their localities make them part of a distinct system; they have a set of interests of their own in which it is our business never to engage ourselves. america has a hemisphere to itself. it must have its separate system of interests; which must not be subordinated to those of europe. the insulated state in which nature has placed the american continent, should so far avail it that no spark of war kindled in the other quarters of the globe should be wafted across the wide oceans which separate us from them and it will be so. in fifty years more the united states alone will contain fifty millions of inhabitants, and fifty years are soon gone over.... and you will live to see the period ahead of us; and the numbers which will then be spread over the other parts of the american hemisphere, catching long before that the principles of our portion of it, and concurring with us in the maintainance of the same system.[512] for the present the situation was entirely different--and as he had done during the revolution with regard to france, he advocated prudence and slowness. it was one thing for the american colonies to engage in a war with the mother country in order to preserve the liberties they had hitherto enjoyed, and again it was another entirely different thing for people who had not the faintest experience of self-government to declare their independence and suddenly to sever all connections with the past. in addition he was fully aware that the new republics would be in no condition to fight off foreign aggressors and thus would become an easy prey for the unscrupulous and greedy nations of europe. unable to stand on their own feet, the most natural course for south america was to fall back on spain. jefferson did not visualize the "_foris familiation_" of the colonies without a sort of moral protectorate of the mother country: "if she extends to them her affection, her aid, her patronage in every court and country, it will weave a bond of union indissoluble by time."[513] at the time jefferson did not go further, and as a matter of fact he long held that this would have been the best solution for south america. as late as january, 1821, he still maintained this opinion in a letter to john adams: the safest road would be an accomodation to the mother country which shall hold them together by the single link of the same chief magistrate, leaving to him power enough to keep them in peace with one another, and to themselves the essential power of self-government and self-improvement, until they will be sufficiently trained by education and habits of freedom to walk safely by themselves. representative government, native functionaries, a qualified negative on their laws, with a previous security by compact for freedom of commerce, freedom of the press, habeas corpus, and trial by jury, would make a good beginning. this last would be the school in which their people might begin to learn the exercise of civic duties as well as rights. for freedom of religion they are not yet prepared.[514] this was the ideal solution, but "the question was not what we wish, but what is practicable." if consequently the new republics refused such a compromise, another alternative could be offered: as their sincere friend and brother, i do believe the best thing for them, would be for themselves to come to an accord with spain, under the guarantee of france, russia, holland, and the united states, allowing to spain a nominal supremacy, with authority only to keep the peace among them, leaving them otherwise all the powers of self-government, until their experience in them, their emancipation from their priests, and advancement in information shall prepare them for complete independence. i exclude england from this confederacy, because her selfish principles render her incapable of honorable patronage or disinterested co-operation; unless indeed, what seems now probable, a revolution should restore to her an honest government, one which will permit the world to live in peace.[515] this is a capital passage for it contains in germ much more than the so-called monroe doctrine. what jefferson had in mind at the time was evidently a society of nations, which the united states would have joined in order to guarantee the territorial integrity of the south american republics under a spanish mandate. for brazil alone he contemplated a real and immediate independence, for "brazil is more populous, more wealthy, and as wise as portugal." but in jefferson's mind this plan was only a temporary solution. he was firmly convinced that a time would necessarily come when all the american republics would be drawn together by their community of interests and institutions and coalescing in an american system, independent from and unconnected with that of europe, would form a world by themselves: "the principles of society there and here, then, are radically different and i hope no american patriot will ever lose sight of the essential policy of interdicting in the seas and territories of both americas the ferocious and sanguinary contests of europe. i wish to see this coalition begun."[516] such, according to jefferson, was to be the cardinal principle of american policies for all times to come; for, as he wrote to his friend correa who had come back to the united states as minister from portugal: nothing is so important as that america shall separate herself from the system of europe, and establish one of her own--our circumstances, our pursuits, our interests, are distinct, the principles of our policy should be so also. all entanglements with that quarter of the globe should be avoided that peace and justice shall be the polar stars of american societies.[517] on the other hand, it was not advisable for the united states to intervene directly in south america or to help the colonies to sever their bonds from the metropolis. there is little doubt that the spanish colonies would never have thought of revolting if they had not had constantly before their eyes the example of their northern neighbors. ill-conducted as they were, the revolutions of south america could trace their origin directly to the american revolution and the declaration of independence. it was so plain that jefferson's french friends, lafayette, du pont de nemours, and destutt de tracy expected him to declare enthusiastically in favor of the south american republics and to use whatever influence he still had to bring about an open intervention of the united states in their favor. their optimism only shows how little they knew their american friend and how little they understood his policy. to destutt de tracy he answered at the end of 1820: we go with you all lengths in friendly affections to the independence of s. america, but an immediate acknowledgement of it calls up other considerations. we view europe as covering at present a smothered fire, which may shortly burst forth and produce general conflagration. from this it is our duty to keep aloof. a formal acknowledgement of the independence of her colonies, would involve us with spain certainly, and perhaps too with england, if she thinks that a war would divert her internal troubles. such a war would hurt us more than it would help our brethren of the south; and our right may be doubted of mortgaging posterity for the expenses of a war in which they will have a right to say their interest was not concerned.... in the meantime we receive and protect the flag of s. america in it's commercial intercourse with us, on the acknowledged principles of neutrality between two belligerent parties in a civil war; and if we should not be the first, we shall certainly be the second nation in acknowledging the entire independence of our new friends.[518] this jefferson pressed again even more tersely in a letter written to monroe almost four years later. "we feel strongly for them, but our first care must be for ourselves."[519] surveying the whole situation from the "mountain-top" of monticello, the philosopher wondered at times "whether all nations do not owe to one another a bold declaration of their sympathy with the one party and their detestation of the conduct of the other?" but he soon concluded: "farther than this we are not bound to go; and indeed, for the sake of the world, we ought not to increase the jealousies or draw on ourselves the power of this formidable confederacy." after the treaty of ghent, at the beginning of the "era of good feeling", the united states could reasonably count on a long period of peace; all their difficulties with europe had been settled, and only one possible point of friction could be discovered. "cuba alone seems at present to hold up a speck of war to us. its possession by great britain would indeed be a great calamity to the united states; but such calamity could only be temporary, for in case of war on any account, cuba would be naturally taken by the united states, or the island would give itself to us when able to do so." thus jefferson, once again, reasserted the cardinal principle of his policy--the policy of the united states since the early days of the union: i have ever deemed it fundamental for the united states, never to take active part in the quarrels of europe. their political interests are entirely distinct from ours. their mutual jealousies, their balance of power, their complicated alliances, their forms and principles of government are all foreign to us. they are nations of eternal war. all their energies are expended in the destruction of the labor, property, and lives of their peoples ... on our part, never had a people so favorable a chance of trying the opposite system, of peace and fraternity with mankind, and the direction of our means and faculties to the purposes of improvement instead of destruction.[520] thus, little by little, the famous doctrine took its final shape in the minds of both jefferson and monroe. jefferson contributed to it its historical background, the weight of his experience and authority, and the long conversations he had with monroe on the matter gave him an opportunity not only to get "his political compass rectified" but to map out for the president the course to follow. the often quoted letter written by jefferson to monroe on october 24, 1823, contained little more than what had passed between them when monroe visited his estate in virginia. it was simply a reaffirmation of the fundamental maxims of the jeffersonian policies:--"never to entangle ourselves in the broils of europe--never to suffer europe to intermeddle with cis-atlantic affairs." after making a survey of all the circumstances, jefferson could write in conclusion: i could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration proposed, that we aim not at the acquisition of any of those possessions, that we will not stand in the way of any amicable arrangement between them and the mother country; but that we will oppose, with all our means, the forcible interposition of any other form or pretext, and most especially, their transfer to any power by conquest, cession, or acquisition in any other way. finally, although the letters to be exchanged between the british and american governments did not properly constitute a treaty, jefferson advised monroe to lay the case before congress at the first opportunity, since this doctrine might lead to war, "the declaration of which requires an act of congress." whatever use has been made of the monroe doctrine and whether or not the "mandate" assumed by the united states has proved irksome to several south american republics, there is no doubt that it was not proclaimed without long hesitation and that its promoters did not take up this new responsibility with "_un coeur léger_." there is no doubt, either, that it was not considered as an instrument of imperialism. it was primarily the extension of the doctrine of self-protection already advanced by john adams in 1776 and since then maintained by washington and jefferson himself. it was also a corollary of the theory of the balance of power which jefferson always kept in mind. in this he was not only followed but urged on by all his liberal friends in europe. i would not be sorry--wrote lafayette in 1817--to see the american government invested by the follies of spain, with the opportunity to take the lead in the affairs of her independent colonies. unless that is the case or great changes happen in the european policies, the miseries of those fine countries will be long protracted. could you establish there a representative system, a free trade, and a free press, how many channels of information and improvement should be open at once.[521] jefferson himself was too respectful of self-government ever to think of interfering with the internal affairs of the new republics. on the other hand, he was too firmly convinced of the moral, intellectual and political superiority of his own country not to believe that a time would come when the contagion of liberty would extend to the near and remote neighbors of the united states. the unavoidable result of the monroe doctrine and the moral mandate of america would be ultimately to form a "holy american alliance" of the free peoples of the western hemisphere, to counterbalance the conspiracy of kings and lords "called the european holy alliance." chapter ii democratic america protected against foreign entanglements and having survived the convulsions that had shattered the old structures of europe, america was at last free to pursue her development along her own lines. the philosopher of monticello could sit back, take a more disinterested view of the situation and make a forecast of the future of his country. he could also advise, not only his immediate successors, but the generations to come and take up again the part of "counsellor" which had always suited him better than the part of the executive. he believed too much in the right of successive generations to determine their own form of government, to attempt to dictate in any way the course to follow. but he was none the less convinced that certain principles embodied in the constitution had a permanent and universal value, and during the years at monticello he formulated the gospel of american democracy. as it finally emerged from the several crises that threatened its existence, the american government was, if not the best possible government, at least the best government then on the surface of the earth. it was at the same time the hope and the model of all the nations of the world. we exist and are quoted--wrote jefferson to richard rush--as standing proofs that a government, so modelled as to rest continuously on the will of the whole society, is a practicable government. were we to break to pieces, it would damp the hopes and efforts of the good, and give triumph to those of the bad through the whole enslaved world. as members, therefore, of the universal society of mankind, and standing high in responsible relation with them, it is our sacred duty to suppress passion among ourselves and not to blast the confidence we have inspired of proof that a government of reason is better than a government of force.[522] some dangers, however, were threatening to disturb the equilibrium of the country. the most pressing was perhaps the extraordinary and unwholesome development of state and local banks, which suspended payment in great majority in september, 1814. the deluge of paper money and the depreciation of the currency became, for jefferson, a real obsession and strengthened him in his abhorrence of commercialism. he did not cease to preach the necessity of curbing the fever of speculation that had accumulated ruins upon ruins and the return to more sound regulations of the banks. "till then," he wrote to john adams, "we must be content to return, _quoad hoc_, to the savage state, to recur to barter in the exchange of our property, for want of a stable, common measure of value, that now in use being less fixed than the beads and wampum of the indians."[523] his banking theories, however, had scarcely any influence upon his contemporaries, and even gallatin was little impressed by them. but the evident danger of inflation turned his mind back to the days when he had fought the hamiltonian system and gave him once more an opportunity to pass judgment upon his opponent of the old days: this most heteregeneous system was transplanted into ours from the british system, by a man whose mind was really powerful, but chained by native partialities to everything english; who had formed exaggerated ideas of the superior wisdom of their government, and sincerely believed it for the good of the country to make them their model in everything, without considering that what might be wise and good for a nation essentially commercial and entangled in complicated intercourse with numerous and powerful neighbors, might not be so for one essentially agricultural, and insulated by nature, from the abusive governments of the old world.[524] from this and many other passages it might be surmised that jefferson still held to the old antimercantile theories that had crystallized in his mind when he was in europe. if this were true, the contradiction between his conduct as president and his personal convictions would be so obvious that his sincerity might be questioned. as a matter of fact, on this point as on many others, he had undergone a slow evolution. he was certainly sincere when, shortly after leaving office, he wrote to governor john jay in order to make his position clearer: an equilibrium of agriculture, manufacture, and commerce, is certainly become essential to our independence. manufactures, sufficient for our own consumption (and no more). commerce sufficient to carry the surplus produce of agriculture, beyond our own consumption, to a market for exchanging it for articles we cannot raise (and no more). these are the true limits of manufacture and commerce. to go beyond is to increase our dependence on foreign nations, and our liability to war.[525] this can be taken as the final view of jefferson on a subject on which he is often misquoted and misunderstood. that he was fully aware of the change that had taken place in his own mind can be seen in a declaration to benjamin austin, written in january, 1816. between 1787 and that date, and even earlier, jefferson had seen the light and realized that to discourage home manufactures was "to keep us in eternal vassalage to a foreign and unfriendly people." he had no patience with politicians who brought forth his old and now obsolete utterances to promote their unpatriotic designs: you tell me i am quoted by those who wish to continue our dependance on england for manufactures. there was a time when i might have been so quoted with more candor, but within the thirty years which have elapsed, how circumstances changed.... experience since has taught me that manufactures are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort; and if those who quote me as of different opinion will keep pace with me in purchasing nothing foreign where an equivalent of domestic fabric can be obtained, without regard to the difference of price, it will not be our fault if we do not soon have a supply at home equivalent to our demand.[526] desirable as it was to promote the industrial development of the united states, it was no less desirable not to encourage it beyond a certain point. jefferson saw quite clearly that, under existing conditions, a great industrial growth of the country would have as an unavoidable result the perpetuation of slavery in the south and the even more undesirable creation of a proletariat in the north. he had always held that slavery was a national sore and a shameful condition to be remedied as soon as conditions would permit. he was looking forward to the time when this could be done without bringing about an economic upheaval; but all hope would have to be abandoned if slavery were industrialized and if slave labor became more productive. as to the other danger of industrialism, it was no vague apprehension; one had only to consider england to see "the pauperism of the lowest class, the abject oppression of the laboring, and the luxury, the riot, the domination and the vicious happiness of the aristocracy." this being the "happiness of scientific england", he wrote to thomas cooper, "now let us see the american side of the medal": and, first, we have no paupers, the old and crippled among us, who possess nothing and have no families to take care of them, being too few to merit notice as a separate section of society, or to affect a general estimate. the great mass of our population is of laborers; our rich, who can live without labor, either manual or professional, being few, and of moderate wealth. most of the laboring class possess property, cultivate their own lands, have families, and from the demand for their labor are enabled to exact from the rich and the competent such prices as enable them to be fed abundantly, clothed above mere decency, to labor moderately and raise their families. they are not driven to the ultimate resources of dexterity and skill, because their wares will sell although not quite so nice as those of england. the wealthy, on the other hand, and those at their ease, know nothing of what the europeans call luxury. they have only somewhat more of the comforts and decencies of life than those who furnish them. can any condition of society be more desirable than this?[527] once more jefferson appears as a true disciple and continuator of the physiocrats and one might be tempted at first to agree entirely with mr. beard on this point. but this is only an appearance. to understand jefferson's true meaning, it is necessary to turn to his unpublished correspondence with du pont de nemours, and particularly to those letters written after jefferson's retirement from public life. the rapid industrialization of the united states had greatly alarmed the old physiocrat. in his opinion there was a real danger lest the national character of the people be completely altered and the foundation of government deeply shaken. considering the situation from the "economist's" point of view, du pont came to the conclusion that the development of home industries in america would necessarily bring about a permanent reduction in the federal income, largely derived from import duties. the government could not be run without levying new taxes and the question was to determine what methods should be followed in the establishment of these new taxes. if the united states decided to resort to indirect taxation, that is to say, excise, the unavoidable result would be the creation of an army of new functionaries, as in france under the old régime, and the use of vexatory procedure for the enforcement of the new system. furthermore, according to the theories of the physiocrats, indirect taxation was an economic heresy, since it was a tax on labor, which is not a source but only a transformation of wealth. the same criticism applied _a fortiori_ to the english income tax which constituted the worst possible form of taxation. in the controversy which arose between jefferson and his old friend, the sage of monticello again took a middle course. first of all, he refused to concede that the development of industries could ever change the fundamental characteristics of the united states. they were essentially an agricultural nation, and an agricultural nation they would remain, in spite of all predictions to the contrary. furthermore, the question was not to determine theoretically what was the best possible form of taxation, but to find out what form the inhabitants of the country would most easily bear. that in itself was a big enough problem and could not be solved in the abstract, since, according to jefferson: "in most of the middle and southern states some land tax is now paid into the state treasury, and for this purpose the lands have been classed and valued and the tax assessed according to valuation. in these an excise is most odious. in the eastern states, land taxes are odious, excises less unpopular."[528] finally, jefferson pointed out that his friend had neglected several important factors, one of them being "the continuous growth in population of the united states, which for a long time would maintain the quantum of exports and imports at the present level at least." consequently, for several generations, the government would be able to support itself with a tax on importations, "the best agrarian law in fact, since the poor man in the country who uses nothing but what is made within his own farm or family, or within the united states, pays not a farthing of tax to the general government." with the characteristic optimism of the citizen of a young, strong and energetic country, jefferson then added: our revenue once liberated by the discharge of public debt and its surplus applied to canals, roads, schools, etc., and the farmer will see his government supported, his children educated, and the face of his country made a paradise by the contributions of the rich alone without being called on to spare a cent from his earnings. the path we are now pursuing leads directly to this end, which we cannot fail to attain unless our administration should fall into unwise hands.[529] this point alone should suffice to differentiate jefferson's system from physiocracy, since the physiocrats had adopted as their motto the famous _laissez faire laissez passer_ and were certainly in favor of free trade. how far from du pont jefferson remained in other particulars may be gathered from his "introduction" and notes to the "political economy" of destutt de tracy, the translation and publication of which he supervised and directed. in it he paid homage to the founders of the science of political economy, and particularly to gournay, le trosne and du pont de nemours, "the enlightened, philanthropic and venerable citizen, now of the united states." but he pointed out that the several principles they had discussed and established had not been able to prevail, "not on account of their correctness, but because not acceptable to the people whose will must be the supreme law. taxation is, in fact, the most difficult function of the government, and that against which their citizens are most apt to be refractory. the general aim is, therefore, to adopt the mode most consonant with the circumstances and sentiments of the country." this is jefferson's final judgment on the economists. another confirmation of his lack of interest in principles and theories not susceptible of immediate application may be seen in it. in matters of government, the important question, after deciding what should be done, was to determine how much could be done under the circumstances, and if a particular piece of legislation was turned down by the public will or only reluctantly accepted, to bide one's time and wait for a more favorable occasion. even when doubting the wisdom of a popular verdict, it was the duty of the public servant to do the public will. thus in this correspondence are revealed the two sides of jefferson's character, or to speak more exactly, the two parallel tracks in which his mind ran at different times. at the bottom of his heart, he believed that many of the economic doctrines of du pont were fundamentally sound; but he also knew that the citizens of the united states were not ready to accept the truth of these principles, and he did not feel that, as an executive, he had the right to attempt to shape the destinies of his country according to his own preferences. thus he laid himself open to the reproach of insincerity, or at least of inconsistency, for on many occasions one may find a flagrant contradiction between his public utterances and the private letters he wrote to his friends. for this reason, du pont de nemours was never fully able to understand his american friend. this difference between the french theorician and the american statesman will appear even more clearly in the letters in which they exchanged views on democracy and discussed the conditions requisite for the establishment of a representative government. jefferson's opinion of the french people with regard to the form of government they should adopt had never varied since the earliest days of the revolution. every time he was consulted by his friends on the matter, he invariably answered that they could do no better than to follow as closely as possible the system of their neighbors and hereditary enemies, the british. this answer, which recurred periodically in his correspondence, was made particularly emphatic in 1801, when he again warned lafayette that france was not ready to enjoy a truly republican government. he went on by categorically stating that what was good for america might be very harmful to another country and that even in america it was neither desirable nor possible to enforce at once all the provisions of the constitution. thus, in a few lines, he defined his policies more clearly than any historian has ever done; he analyzed that curious combination of unwavering principles and practical expediency so puzzling to those once called by jefferson himself "the closet politicians." what is practicable--he said--must often control what is purely theory and the habits of the governed determine in a great degree what is practicable. the same original principles, modified in practice to the different habits of the different nations, present governments of very different aspects. the same principles reduced to form of practice, accommodated to our habits, and put into forms accommodated to the habits of the french nation would present governments very unlike each other.[530] thirteen years later his opinion had not varied one iota. reviewing the situation in france after the return of the bourbons, he wrote to du pont de nemours: i have to congratulate you, which i do sincerely, on having got back from robespierre and bonaparte, to your ante-revolutionary condition. you are now nearly where you were at the jeu de paume, on the 20th of june 1789. the king would then have yielded by convention freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury, habeas corpus and a representative legislation. these i consider as the essentials constituting free government, and that the organization of the executive is interesting, as it may ensure wisdom and integrity in the first place, but next as it may favor or endanger the preservation of these fundamentals.[531] the same note reappears constantly in the letters written by jefferson to his french friends, but a rapid survey of his correspondence with du pont de nemours may serve to make his position even more definite. when, in december, 1815, du pont was invited by "the republics of new grenada, carthagenes and caracas" to give his views on the constitution they intended to adopt, he drew up a plan of government for the "equinoctial republics" and sent it for approval to the sage of monticello. faithful to the principles of the physiocrats, he had divided the population into two classes: the real citizens or landowners and the "inhabitants", those who work for a salary, possess nothing but personal property, can go any day from one place to another, and make with their employers contracts which they can break at any time. these were entitled to protection, peaceful enjoyment of their personal property, free speech, freedom of religion, habeas corpus, and such natural rights, but du pont refused them any participation in the government; for only those who "owned the country" should have the right to decide how it was to be administered. to give the ballot to a floating population of industrial workers, unattached to the soil, who had nothing to sell except their labor, was "to brew a revolution, to pave the way for the pisistrates, the marius, the caesars, who represent themselves as more democratic than they really are and than is just and reasonable, in order to become tyrants, to violate all rights, to substitute for law their arbitrary will, to offend morality and to debase humanity."[532] this was a doctrine which jefferson could not accept, for it was in direct contradiction to the tenets he had formulated early in his life and held to during all his career. because he had read locke, and more probably because he was trained as a lawyer, he opposed the contractual theory of society to this economic organization. he maintained that society was a compact, that all those who had become signatories to the compact were entitled to the same rights, and consequently should have the same privilege to share equally in the government, except, and this proviso was important, when they freely agreed to delegate part of their powers to elected magistrates and representatives. this was the theory, the inalienable principle to be proclaimed in a bill of rights, the necessary preamble to any constitution. in practice, however, various limitations to universal suffrage were to be recognized. one could not even think of granting the ballot to minors, to emancipated slaves or to women. it did not follow either that, all citizens being endowed with the same rights, they were equally ready to exercise the same functions in the government. men are created equal in rights but differ in intelligence, learning, clear-sightedness and general ability. in other words, there are some natural _aristoi_, and john adams brought jefferson to this admission without any difficulty. if this fact be accepted, the next step is to recognize that "that form of government is the best, which provided the most effectually for a pure selection of these natural _aristoi_ into offices of the government." it was the good fortune of america that all her constitutions were so worded as "to leave the citizens the free election and separation of the aristoi from the pseudo-aristoi, of the wheat from the chaff. in general, they will elect the really good and wise. in some instances, wealth may corrupt, and birth blind; but not in a sufficient degree to endanger society."[533] according to this theory, the real function of the people is not to participate directly in all governmental activities, but to select from among themselves the most qualified citizens and the best prepared to administer the country. in a letter to doctor walter jones, who had sent him a paper on democracy, jefferson made his position even more definite by establishing a very important distinction which gives more than any other statement his true idea of a progressive democracy--an ideal to be striven for, not a condition already reached: i would say that the people, being the only safe depository of power, should exercise in person every function which their qualifications enable them to exercise, consistently with the order and security of society; that we now find them equal to the election of those who shall be invested with their executive powers, and to act themselves in the judiciary, as judges in questions of fact; that the range of their powers ought to be enlarged....[534] in these circumstances, jefferson's reluctance to encourage both his french and spanish friends to establish at once a government modeled on the american government in their respective countries, is perfectly intelligible. of all the nations of the earth, england alone could "borrow wholesale the american system." they will probably turn their eyes to us, and be disposed to tread in the footsteps, seeing how safely these have led us into port. there is no part of or model to which they seem unequal, unless perhaps the elective presidency, and even that might possibly be rescued from the tumult of the elections, by subdividing the electoral assemblage into very small parts, such as of wards or townships, and making them simultaneous.[535] as for the other nations, they were no more qualified to exercise the duties of a truly representative government than were the inhabitants of new orleans at the time of the purchase. the french, in particular, had proved in several instances that they could not be intrusted with the administration of their own affairs. more than a generation will be requisite--he wrote to lafayette--under the administration of reasonable laws favoring the progress of knowledge in the general mass of the people, and their habituation to an independent security of person and property, before they will be capable of estimating the value of freedom, and the necessity of sacred adherence to the principles on which it rests for preservation. instead of that liberty which takes root and growth in the progress of reason, if recovered by mere accident or force, it becomes, with an unprepared people, a tyranny still, of the many, the few, or one.[536] from these declarations, to which many other similar passages could be added, a capital difference between the idealism of jefferson and the idealism of the french philosophers becomes quite obvious. the author of the declaration of independence had proclaimed that all men are born free and equal, but he never thought that women, indians and newly enfranchized slaves should be admitted to the same rights and privileges as the other citizens. in like fashion, although representative government remains the best possible form of government, he found it desirable that some people, who are still children, should not be granted at once the full enjoyment of their natural rights. thus self-government, which had become a well established fact and a reality in america, should remain for other peoples a reward to be obtained after a long and painful process of education. it could be hoped that some day, after many disastrous experiments and much suffering, the peoples of europe and south america might deserve the blessings enjoyed by the american people. but nothing was further from the character of jefferson than to preach the gospel of americanism to all the nations of the world. instead of considering as desirable a close imitation of the american constitution by the newly liberated nations, he maintained that each people should mold their institutions according to their own habits and traditions. far from being a jacobin, a wild radical, or a "closet philosopher", this practical politician had come to the conclusion that each people have the government they deserve, and that durable improvements can come only as a result of the improvement of the moral qualities of every citizen--from within and not from without. such a moderate conclusion may surprise those who are accustomed to damn or praise jefferson on a few sentences or axioms detached from their context; but, after careful scrutiny of the evidence, it seems difficult to accept any other interpretation. comparatively perfect as it was, the government of the united states presented certain germs of weakness, corruption and degeneracy. the sage of monticello did not fail to call his friends' attention to some of the dangers looming up on the horizon. as he had warned them against inflation, he opposed the formation of societies which might become so strong as "to obstruct the operation of the government and undertake to regulate the foreign, fiscal, and military as well as domestic affairs." this might be taken already as a warning against lobbying. he was fully aware that a time might come when the speeches of the senators and representatives "would cease to be read at all" and when the legislature would not enjoy the full confidence of the people. he deplored the law vacating nearly all the offices of government nearly every four years, for "it will keep in constant excitement all the hungry cormorants for office, render them as well as those in place sycophants to their senators, engage in eternal intrigue to turn out and put in another, in cabale to swap work, and make of them what all executive directories become, mere sinks of corruption and faction."[537] serious and pressing as these dangers were, they could be left to future generations to avoid, but at the very moment he wrote another fear obsessed his mind: the banks, bankrupt laws, manufactures, spanish treaty are nothing. these are occurrences which, like waves in a storm, will pass under the ship. but the missouri question is a breaker on which we lose the missouri country by revolt, and what more god only knows. from the battle of bunker's hill to the treaty of paris, we never had so ominous a question.... i thank god that i shall not live to witness its issue.[538] no new englander had done more to promote the cause of abolition than jefferson; on two occasions he had proposed legislative measures to put an end to the scourge of slavery and he had never ceased to look for a solution that would permit the emancipation of the slaves without endangering the racial integrity of the united states. but this was no longer a question of humanity. what mattered most was not whether slavery would be recognized in missouri or not. slavery had become a political question; it had created a geographical division between the states, and the very existence of the union was at stake. as on so many other occasions, the old statesman had a truly prophetic vision of the future when he wrote to john adams early in 1820: if congress has the power to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants of the states, within the states, it will be but another exercise of that power to declare that all shall be free. are we then to see again athenian and lacedemonian confederacies? to wage another peloponesian war to settle the ascendency between them? or is this the tocsin of merely a servile war? that remains to be seen; but not, i hope, by you or me.[539] the whole question was fraught with such difficulties that jefferson refused to discuss the abolition of slavery with lafayette when the marquis paid him a last visit at monticello. with his american friends he was less reserved. when, as early as 1811, james ogilvie asked him to suggest an important and interesting subject for a series of lectures he intended to deliver in the southern states, jefferson could think of nothing more momentous than a discourse "on the benefit of the union, and miseries which would follow a separation of the states, to be exemplified in the eternal and wasting wars of europe, in the pillage and profligacy to which these lead, and the abject oppression and degradation to which they reduce its inhabitants."[540] jefferson has so long been represented as the champion of state rights, he stood so vigorously against all possible encroachments of the states' sovereignty by the federal government, that we have a natural tendency to forget this aspect of his policies and to see in him only the man who inspired the kentucky resolutions. it must be remembered, however, that he never ceased to preach the necessity of the union to his fellow countrymen, that when president he lived in a constant fear of secession by the new england states, that he stopped all his efforts in favor of abolition lest he should inject into the life of the country a political issue which might disrupt national unity. while he claimed that theoretically the states had a right to secede, he could no more consider actual secession than he would have approved of any man breaking the social compact in order to live the precarious life of the savage. from these dangers nothing could preserve the united states except what du pont de nemours called once "the cool common sense" of their citizens. it was the only foundation on which to rest all hopes for the future, for american democracy is not a thing which exists on paper, it is not a thing which can be created overnight by law, decree or constitution, it is not to be looked for in any document. "where is our republicanism to be found," wrote jefferson to samuel kercheval. "not in our constitution certainly, but merely in the spirit of our people. owing to this spirit, and to nothing in the form of our constitution all things have gone well."[541] one of the most reassuring manifestations of this spirit was seen in the willingness of the people to choose the best qualified persons as their representatives, executives and magistrates. but if the republic was to endure, it was necessary to enlighten and cultivate the disposition of the people, and it was no less important to provide a group of men qualified through their natural ability and training, to discuss and conduct the affairs of the community. thus jefferson was induced to take up again in his old days one of his pet schemes, the famous bill for the diffusion of knowledge. as a matter of fact, he had never abandoned it completely, and its very purpose had been explained already in the "notes on virginia": in every government on earth there is some trace of human weakness, some germ of corruption and degeneracy.... each government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone. the people themselves are therefore its only safe depositories. and to render even them safer, their minds must be improved to a certain degree. this is not all that is necessary, though it be essentially necessary. during his stay in europe, jefferson had become acquainted with great universities, particularly those of edinburgh and geneva, and after coming back to america he shifted somewhat the emphasis. it was not so immediately necessary to improve the minds of all the citizens as to form an _élite_, a body of specialists who might become the true leaders of the nation. this seems to have been the object of his plan, to bring over to america the whole faculty of the university of geneva to establish a national university at richmond or in the vicinity of federal city. this scheme was only defeated because of the opposition of washington who, with great common sense, realized how incongruous it would be to call national university an institution where the teaching would be conducted entirely in a foreign language and by foreigners. even after this plan had failed, jefferson did not give up his ambition to establish somewhere in america and preferably in virginia, an institution of higher learning. on january 18, 1800, he wrote to joseph priestley to ask him to draw up the program of a university "on a plan so broad, so liberal, and modern, as to be worth patronizing with the public support. the first thing is to obtain a good plan." priestley sent him, in answer, some "hints concerning public education" which have never been published and probably did not arouse any enthusiasm in jefferson. the english philosopher had simply taken the main features of the english system, placing the emphasis on the ancient languages and excluding the modern: "for the knowledge of them as well as skill in fencing, dancing and riding is proper for gentlemen liberally educated, and instruction in them may be procured on reasonable terms without burdening the funds of the seminary with them." he ended with a very sensible piece of advice: three things must be attended to in the education of youth. they must be _taught_, _fed_, and _governed_, and each of these requires different qualifications. in the english universities all these offices are perfectly distinct. the _tutors_ only teach, the _proctors_ superintend the discipline, and the _cooks_ provide the victuals.[542] at the same time jefferson had sent a similar request to du pont de nemours. curiously enough, the frenchman manifested little enthusiasm for the proposal of his friend. to establish a university was all very well, but first of all one had to provide solid foundations and to place educational facilities within the reach of the great mass of citizens--the university being only the apex of the pyramid. on this occasion du pont reminded jefferson that he had expressed himself to such an intent some fifteen years earlier in his "notes on virginia", which developed the excellent view that colleges and universities are not the most important part of the educational system of the state: all knowledge readily and daily usable, all practical sciences, all laborious activities, all the common sense, all the correct ideas, all the morality, all the virtue, all the courage, all the prosperity, all the happiness of a nation and particularly of a republic must spring from the primary schools or petites ecoles.[543] by july, 1800, du pont de nemours, who had already proposed a similar scheme to the french government, had completed his manuscript and sent it to jefferson at the end of august. this was more speed than jefferson had expected, and du pont's plan was far too elaborate and too comprehensive to be of immediate value. "there is no occasion to incommode yourself by pressing it," wrote jefferson, "as when received it will be some time before we shall probably find a good occasion of bringing forward the subject."[544] during his presidency, jefferson had had to lay aside all his plans and postpone any action for the organization of public education in his native state until after his retirement. in the meantime, he read and studied the project of du pont de nemours and corresponded with pictet of geneva; he had in his hands several memoirs of julien on the french schools, and he looked everywhere for precedents and suggestions. his views were finally formulated in a "plan for elementary schools" sent to joseph c. cabell from polar forest, on september 9, 1817. the act to be submitted to the assembly of virginia was far more comprehensive than the title indicates. it provided for the establishment in each county of a certain number of elementary schools, supported by the county and placed under the supervision of visitors; the counties of the commonwealth were to be distributed into nine collegiate districts, and as many colleges, or rather secondary schools, instituted at the expense of the literary fund, "to be supported from it, and to be placed under the supervision of the board of public instruction." "in the said colleges," proposed jefferson, "shall be taught the greek, latin, french, spanish, italian and german languages, english grammar, geography, ancient and modern, the higher branches in numeral arithmetic, the mensuration of land, the use of the globes, and the ordinary elements of navigation." a third part of the act provided for ... establishing in a central and healthy part of the state an university wherein all the branches of useful sciences may be taught ... such as history and geography, ancient and modern; natural philosophy, agriculture, chemistry, and the theories of medicine; anatomy, zoölogy, botany, mineralogy and geology; mathematics, pure and mixed, military and naval science; ideology, ethics, the law of nature and of nations; law, municipal, and foreign; the science of civil government and political economy; languages, rhetoric, belles-lettres, and the fine arts generally; which branches of science will be so distributed and under so many professorships, not exceeding ten as the visitors shall think most proper. finally, in order "to avail the commonwealth of those talents and virtues which nature has sown as liberally among the poor as among the rich, and which are lost to their country by the want of means of their cultivation", the visitors would select every year a certain number of promising scholars from the ward schools to be sent to the colleges and from the colleges to be sent to the university at the public expense. this was essentially the bill for the diffusion of knowledge proposed to the assembly in 1779. jefferson had incorporated in it such modifications as he may have borrowed from du pont de nemours, but essentially the plan was his own. that jefferson himself was perfectly aware of it appears in a short mention of the fact that "the general idea was suggested in the 'notes on virginia.' quer. 14."[545] it was soon realized that neither the assembly nor the public were ready for such a comprehensive scheme. part of the plan had to be sacrificed, if a beginning was to be made at all. jefferson did not hesitate long; the elementary schools could be organized at any time without much preparation or expense; secondary education was taken care of after a fashion in private schools supported from fees; but nothing existed in the way of an institution of higher learning. young virginians had to be sent to the northern seminaries, there "imbibing opinions and principles in discord with those of our own country." the university was the thing, and, in order to provide sufficient funds to start it, jefferson proposed that subsidies from the literary fund to the primary schools be suspended for one or two years. in his opinion this measure did not imply any disregard of primary education, and jefferson vehemently protested to breckenridge that he had "never proposed a sacrifice of the primary to the ultimate grade of instruction"; but, "if we cannot do everything at once, let us do one at a time."[546] the fight in which jefferson engaged to obtain recognition for his project, to have central college or, as it was finally to be called, the university of virginia, located near monticello, where he could watch its progress and supervise the construction of its buildings, has been told many times and does not need to be recounted here.[547] on the board of visitors with jefferson were placed james madison, james monroe, joseph c. cabell, james breckenridge, david watson and j. h. cocke. jefferson was appointed rector of the university at a meeting held on march 29, 1819, at a time when the university had no buildings, no faculty, no students and very small means. everything had to be done and provided for. it would have been possible to put up some sort of temporary shelter, a few ramshackle frame houses, but jefferson wanted the university to endure and he remembered that he was an architect as well as a statesman. it was not until the spring of 1824 that he could announce that the buildings were ready for occupancy--the formal opening was to be held at the beginning of the following year--but the master builder could be proud of his work. the university was his in every sense of the word: not only had he succeeded in arousing the interest of the public and the assembly in his undertaking, but he had drawn the plans himself with the painstaking care and the precision he owed to his training as a surveyor. he had selected the material, engaged the stone carvers, the brick layers and the carpenters, and supervised every bit of their work. after his death he would need no other monument. then, as everything seemed to be ready, a new difficulty arose. ever since 1819, the visitors had been looking for a faculty. ticknor, with whom jefferson had gotten acquainted through mrs. adams, had refused to leave cambridge although disgusted with the petty bickerings of his colleagues. thomas cooper had proved inacceptable, and the very mention of his name had aroused such a storm among the clergy that the appointment had to be withdrawn. after a long and fruitless search for the necessary talents at home, jefferson and his fellow members on the board of the university decided to procure the professors from abroad. this time, however, they were not to repeat the mistake of the proposed transplantation of the university of geneva. several prominent frenchmen suggested by lafayette were turned down as too ignorant of the ways of american youth and the language of the country. there remained only one place from which satisfactory instructors could be obtained; this was england. their nationality did not raise any serious objection, for, to the resentment of the war of 1812 had succeeded the "era of good feeling", and francis walker gilmer was commissioned to go to england in order to consult with dugald stewart and to recruit a faculty from great britain, "the land of our own language, habits and manners."[548] eighteen months later, the rector declared the experiment highly successful, and the example likely to be followed by other institutions of learning. it cannot fail--wrote jefferson--to be one of the efficacious means of promoting that cordial good will, which it is so much the interest of both nations to cherish. these teachers can never utter an unfriendly sentiment towards their native country; and those into whom their instruction will be infused, are not of ordinary significance only; they are exactly the persons who are to succeed to the government of our country, and to rule its future enmities, its friendships and fortunes.[549] thus after fifty years, jefferson was able to make real his educational dream of the revolutionary period, to endow his native state with an institution of higher learning in which the future leaders of the nation would be instructed. they would no longer have to be sent abroad to obtain the required knowledge in some subjects; nor would they have to study in "the northern seminaries", there to be infected with pernicious doctrines; above all, they would be preserved from any sectarian influence during their formative years; for no particular creed was to be taught at the university, although the majority of the faculty belonged to the episcopal church. the university of virginia was the last great task to which jefferson put his hand, an achievement of which he was no less proud than of having written the declaration of independence. to bring it to a successful conclusion this septuagenarian displayed an admirable tenacity, a resourcefulness, a practical wisdom, a sense of the immediate possibilities and an idealistic vision, the combination of which typifies the best there is in the national character of the american people. it would take many pages to study in detail jefferson's educational ideas, as he expressed them in the minutes of the board and in his many letters to john adams, thomas cooper and joseph cabell. the most remarkable feature of the new institution was that, for the first time in the history of the country, higher education was made independent of the church, and to a large extent the foundation of the university of virginia marks the beginning of the secularization of scientific research in america. its "father" certainly gave some thought to the possible extension of the educational system that had finally won recognition in his native virginia, to all the states in the country; but he was too fully aware of the difficulties to follow his old friend du pont de nemours and to propose a plan for a national education. at least he "had made a beginning", he "had set an example", and he built even better than he knew. the man who wished to be remembered as the "father of the university of virginia" was also, in more than one sense, the father of the state universities which play such an important part in the education of the american democracy. chapter iii the philosophy of old age old people are often accused of being too conservative, and even reactionary. they seem out of step with the younger generations, and very few preserve enough resiliency to keep in touch with the ceaseless changes taking place around them. but a few men who, born in the second half of the eighteenth century, lived well up into the nineteenth, were able to escape this apparently unavoidable law of nature. after witnessing political convulsions, commotions and revolutions, they clung tenaciously to the faith of their younger days. they refused to accept the view that the world was going from bad to worse; they looked untiringly for every symptom of improvement and thought they could distinguish everywhere signs foretelling the dawn of a new era. the growing infirmities of their bodies did not leave them any illusion about their inevitable disappearance from the stage and they were not upheld by any strong belief in personal immortality. but however uncertain and hazy may have been their religious tenets, they had a stanch faith in the unlimited capacity of human nature for improvement and development. they believed in the irresistible power of truth, in the ultimate recognition of natural principles and natural laws, in the religion of progress as it had been formulated by the eighteenth-century philosophers. thus, rather than follow the precept of the ancient poet and unhitch their aging horses, they had anticipated the advice of the american philosopher by hitching their wagon to a star. du pont de nemours, experimenting with his sons to develop american industries in order to make america economically independent from europe; destutt de tracy, almost completely blind, dictating his treatise on political economy and appearing in the streets of paris during the glorious days of 1830; lafayette, yearning and hoping for the recognition of his ideal of liberty during the empire and the _restauration_--all of these were more than survivors of a forgotten age. even to the younger generations they represented the living embodiment of the political faith of the nineteenth century. it is not a mere coincidence that most of them were friends and admirers of the sage of monticello, whose letters they read "as the letters of the apostles were read in the circle of the early christians." jefferson could complain that "the decays of age had enfeebled the useful energies of the mind",[550] but he kept, practically to his last day, his alertness, his encyclopædic curiosity and an extraordinary capacity for work. a large part of his time was taken by his correspondence. turning to his letter list for 1820 he found that he had received no less than "one thousand two hundred and sixty-seven communications, many of them requiring answers of elaborate research, and all of them to be answered with due attention and consideration."[551] i may be permitted to add that a large part of the letters he received as well as those he wrote deserve publication and would greatly contribute to our knowledge of the period. among them essays and short treatises on every possible subject under heaven will be found. with du pont de nemours, jefferson discussed not only questions of political economy, education and government, but the acclimation of the merino sheep, the manufacturing of woolen goods and nails, the construction of gunboats and the organization of the militia. with madame de tessé, lafayette's aged cousin, he resumed the exchange of botanical views, interrupted by his presidency and the continental blockade. he undertook to put together the scraps of paper on which he had scribbled notes during washington's and adams' administrations and compiled his famous "anas"; he wrote his "autobiography", furnished documents to girardin for his continuation of burke's "history of virginia"; he answered queries on the circumstances under which he had written the declaration of independence, the kentucky resolution, on his attitude towards france when secretary of state and president; he criticized quite extensively marshall's "history of washington" and one of his last letters, written on may 15, 1826, was to inform one of his friends of the facts concerning "arnold's invasion and surprise of richmond, in the winter of 1780-81."[552] his interest in books was greater than ever; he had scarcely sold his library to congress when he undertook to collect another, going systematically through the publishers' catalogues, writing to booksellers in richmond, philadelphia, new york and even abroad, requesting his european friends to send him the latest publications and asking young ticknor to procure for him, in france or germany, the best editions of the greek and latin classics. he drew up the plans for the university of virginia and supervised the construction of the building. between times he took upon himself the task of rewriting entirely the translation of destutt de tracy's "review of montesquieu" and directed the printing of his treatise on "political economy." after writing letters, regulating the work of the farm, he spent several hours on horseback every day and during the balance of the afternoon read new and old books, played with his grandchildren, walked in the garden to look at his favorite trees, listened to music and, during the fine weather, received the visitors who flocked to monticello by the dozens. some were simply idlers coming out of curiosity, many were old friends who stayed for days or weeks; but all were welcomed with the same affable courtesy and the same generous hospitality, according to the best traditions of old virginia. they came from all nations, at all times--wrote doctor dunglison--and paid longer or shorter visits. i have known a new england judge bring a letter of introduction and stay three weeks. the learned abbé correa, always a welcome guest, passed some weeks of each year with us during the whole time of his stay in the country. we had persons from abroad, from all the states of the union, from every part of the state--men, women, and children.... people of wealth, fashion, men in office, protestant clergymen, catholic priests, members of congress, foreign ministers, missionaries, indian agents, tourists, travellers, artists, strangers, friends.[553] no sound estimate of the extraordinary influence exerted by jefferson upon the growth of liberalism can be made at the present time. it would require separate studies, careful investigation and the publication of many letters, safely preserved but too little used, which rest in the jefferson papers of the library of congress, and with the massachusetts historical society. i have already printed jefferson's correspondence with volney, destutt de tracy, lafayette and du pont de nemours; many other letters, no less significant, remain practically unknown. he encouraged his european friends, correa de serra, kosciusko, the greek coray, to keep up their courage, to hope against hope. to all of them he preached the same gospel of faith in the ultimate and inevitable recognition throughout the world of the principles of american democracy. this was not done for propaganda's sake, for no man would deserve less than jefferson the dubious qualification of propagandist. the many letters written to his american friends on the same subject clearly show that this was his profound conviction and almost his only _raison d'être_. his was not an over-optimistic temperament; he did not fail to notice all "the specks of hurricane on the horizon of the world." yet, all considered, and in spite of temporary fits of despondency, his conclusion on the future of democracy can be summed up in the words he wrote to john adams at the end of 1821: i will not believe our labors are lost. i shall not die without a hope that light and liberty are on a steady advance. we have seen indeed, once within the record of history, the complete eclipse of the human mind continuing for centuries ... even should the cloud of barbarism and despotism again obscure the science and liberties of europe, this country remains to preserve and restore light and liberty to them. in short, the flames kindled on the 4th of july 1776, have spread over too much of the globe to be extinguished by the feeble engines of despotism; on the contrary, they will consume these engines and all who work them.[554] jefferson felt such a dislike for unnecessary controversies that he was apt to adopt the tone and the style of his correspondents and apparently to accept their ideas, so that many contradictions can be found in these letters. to a chosen few only he fully revealed his intimate thoughts and without reticence, without fear of being betrayed, communicated his doubts, his hopes and his hatred. the letters he wrote to short, priestley, and thomas cooper are most remarkable in this respect. but with none of them did he communicate so freely as with his old friend john adams. the correspondence that passed between them during the last fifteen years of their lives constitutes one of the most striking and illuminating human documents a student of psychology may ever hope to discover. to those who have had the privilege of using the manuscripts to follow month by month the palsied hand of adams until he had to cease writing himself and dictated his letters to a "female member of his household", it seems unthinkable that the wish expressed by wirt in 1826,--to see the correspondence between the two great men published in its entirety,--should not have received its fulfillment. they had been estranged for a long time, and no word had passed between them for more than ten years after adams' sulky departure from washington on the morning of march 4, 1801. at the beginning of 1811, doctor benjamin rush made bold to deplore "the discontinuance of friendly correspondence between mr. adams and mr. jefferson." jefferson answered quite lengthily, giving a long account of his difficulties with adams, including the letter written by abigail adams in 1802, but adding that he would second with pleasure every effort made to bring about a reconciliation. however, he did not entertain much hope that doctor rush would succeed, for he knew it was "part of mr. adams' character to suspect foul play in those of whom he is jealous, and not easily to relinquish his suspicions."[555] it was not until the end of the same year that jefferson took up the subject again, having heard that during a conversation adams had mentioned his name, adding: "i always loved jefferson, and still love him." this was enough, and it only remained to create an opportunity to resume the correspondence without too much awkwardness; but "from this fusion of sentiments" mrs. adams was "of course to be separated", for jefferson could not believe that the woman wounded in her motherly pride had forgotten anything. this was no insuperable obstacle, however: "it will only be necessary that i never name her" wrote jefferson.[556] adams took the first step, and, knowing how much jefferson was interested in domestic manufactures, sent him a fine specimen of homespun made in massachusetts. jefferson could but acknowledge the peace offering, which he did most gracefully, without mentioning mrs. adams.[557] but he was too much of a southern gentleman to hold a resentment long even against a woman of such a jealous disposition. two months later he sent for the first time the homage of his respects to mrs. adams, after which he never forgot to mention her. on two occasions he even wrote her charming letters, in the same friendly tone as he had used with her twenty-five years earlier, when he used to do shopping for her in paris. on hearing of her death on november 13, 1818, he sent to his stricken old friend a touching expression of his sympathy: will i say more where words are vain, but that it is of some comfort to us both, that the term is not very distant, at which we are to deposit in the same cerement our sorrows and suffering bodies, and to ascend in essence to an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved and lost, and whom we shall still love and never lose again.[558] quite naturally, as the circle of his friends grew narrower and one after the other were called by death, jefferson's thoughts turned to the hereafter. in his youth he had apparently settled the problem once for all; but the solution then found was scarcely more than a temporary expedient. it may behove a young man full of vigor, with a long stretch of years before him, to declare that "the business of life is with matter" and that it serves no purpose to break our heads against a blank wall. there are very few men, if they are thinking at all, who can entirely dismiss from their minds the perplexing and torturing riddle, as the term grows nearer every day. such an ataraxia may have been obtained by a few sages of old, but it is hardly human, and jefferson, like adams, was very human. this is a subject, however, which i cannot approach without some reluctance. jefferson himself would have highly disapproved of such a discussion. after submitting silently to so many fierce criticisms, after being accused of atheism, materialism, impiety and philosophism by his contemporaries, he hoped that the question would never be broached to him again. with those who tried to revive it, he had absolutely no patience. one of our fan-coloring biographers--he wrote once--who paint small men as very great, inquired of me lately, with real affection too, whether he might consider as authentic, the change in my religion much spoken of in some circles. now this supposed that they knew what had been my religion before, taking for it the word of their priests, whom i certainly never made the confidants of my creed. my answer was: "say nothing of my religion. it is known to my god and myself alone. its evidence before the world is to be sought in my life; if that has been _honest and dutiful_ to society, the religion which has regulated it cannot be a bad one."[559] unfortunately the controversy is still going on and at least a few points must be indicated here. the simplest and to some extent the most acceptable treatment of the matter was given a few years after his death by the physician who attended him up to the last minutes: it is due, also, to that illustrious individual to say, that, in all my intercourse with him, i never heard an observation that savored, in the slightest degree, of impiety. his religious belief harmonized more closely with that of the unitarians than of any other denomination, but it was liberal, and untrammelled by sectarian feelings and prejudices.[560] but doctor dunglison's declaration is somewhat unsatisfactory and misleading, for jefferson once gave his own definition of unitarianism. from a letter he wrote to james smith in 1822 it appears he was not ready to join the unitarian church any more than any other: about unitarianism, the doctrine of the early ages of christianity ... the pure and simple unity of the creator of the universe, is now all but ascendant in the eastern states; it is dawning in the west, and advancing towards the south; and i confidently expect that the present generation will see unitarianism become the general religion of the united states.... i write with freedom, because, while i claim a right to believe in one god, if so my reason tells me, i yield as freely to others that of believing in three.[561] on the other hand, one might easily be misled by some declarations of jefferson to his more intimate friends. "i am a materialist--i am an epicurian," he wrote on several instances to john adams, thomas cooper and short, with whom he felt that he could discuss religious questions more freely than with any others. rejecting the famous _cogito ergo sum_ of descartes, he fell back when in doubt on his "habitual anodyne": "i feel therefore i exist." this in his opinion did not imply the sole existence of matter, but simply that he could not "conceive _thought_ to be an action of a particular organisation of matter, formed for the purpose by its creator, as well as that attraction is an action of matter, or magnetism of loadstone." then he added: "i am supported in my creed of materialism by the lockes, the tracys and the stewarts. at what age of the christian church this heresy of immaterialism or masked atheism, crept in, i do not exactly know. but a heresy it certainly is. jesus taught nothing of it."[562] in the same sense he could write to judge augustus s. woodward: "jesus himself, the founder of our religion, was unquestionably a materialist as to man. in all his doctrines of the resurrection, he teaches expressly that the body is to rise in substances."[563] his definition of epicurism would seem equally remote from the popular acceptation, and certainly jefferson was never of those who could deserve the old appellation of _epicuri de grege porcus_; for his epicurus is the philosopher "whose doctrines contain everything rational in moral philosophy which greece and rome have left us."[564] all through the year 1813 and on many occasions after that date, adams tried to draw him out on the question of religion. "for," as he said, "these things are to me, at present, the marbles and nine-pins of old age; i will not say beads and prayer books." but jefferson could not have declared, as did his old friend: "for more than sixty years i have been attentive to this great subject. controversies between calvinists and arminians, trinitarians and unitarians, deists and christians, atheists and both, have attracted my attention, whenever the singular life i have led would admit, to all these questions."[565] not so with jefferson, who felt a real abhorrence for theological discussions and considered them as a sheer waste of time. they belonged to a past age and were to be buried in oblivion lest they create again an atmosphere of fanaticism and intolerance; at best, they could be left to the clergy. but tolerant as he was, there were certain doctrines against which jefferson revolted even in later life, as he probably did when a student at william and mary: i can never join calvin in addressing _his god_. he was indeed an atheist, which i can never be; or rather his religion was dæmonism. if ever man worshipped a false god, he did. the god described in his five points, is not the god whom you acknowledge and adore, the creator and benevolent governor of the world; but a dæmon of malignant spirit. but right after this virulent denunciation comes a most interesting admission. if jefferson's god was not the god of calvin, he was just as remote from the mechanistic materialism of d'holbach and la mettrie as he was from calvinism and predestination. leaving aside all questions of dogmas and revelation he held that: when we take a view of the universe, in its parts, general or particular, it is impossible for the human mind not to perceive and feel a conviction of design, consummate skill, and indefinite power in every atom of its composition. so irresistible are these evidences of an intelligent and powerful agent, that of the infinite numbers of men who have existed through all time, they have believed, in the proportion of a million at least to a unit, in the hypothesis of an eternal pre-existence of a creator, rather than in that of a self existing universe.[566] from this passage, it would seem that jefferson founded his belief in the existence of god on the two well-known arguments: the order of the universe and the general consensus of opinion. if it were so, he would follow close on the steps of the english deists of the school of pope. but religion to him was something more than the mere "acknowledgement" and "adoration of the benevolent governor of the world"; it is more than an inner conviction of the existence of the creator; true religion is morality. if by _religion_ we are to understand _sectarian dogmas_, in which no two of them agree, then your exclamation on that hypothesis is just, "that this would be the best possible of all possible worlds, if there were no religion in it." but if the moral precepts, innate in man, and made a part of his physical constitution, as necessary for a social being, if the sublime doctrines of philanthropism and deism taught us by jesus of nazareth, in which we all agree, constitute true religion, then, without it, this would be, as you again say, "something not fit to be named even, indeed, a hell."[567] on this point as on so many others jefferson is distinctly an eighteenth-century man. one of the pet schemes of the philosophers was to prove that there is no necessary connection between religion and morality. it was an essential article of the philosophical creed from pierre bayle to jefferson, and long before them, montaigne had filled his "essays" with countless anecdotes and examples tending to prove this point. but jefferson went one step farther than most of the french philosophers, with the exception of rousseau. morality is not founded on a religious basis; religion is morality. this being accepted, it remains to determine the foundation of morality. in a letter written to thomas law during the summer of 1814, jefferson examined the different solutions proposed by theologians and philosophers and clearly indicated his preference. "it was vain to say that it was truth; for truth is elusive, unattainable, and there is no certain criticism of it." it is not either the "love of god", for an atheist may have morality, and "diderot, d'holbach, condorcet, are known to have been the most virtuous of men." it is not either the _to kalon_, for many men are deprived of any æsthetic sense. self-interest is more satisfactory, but even the demonstration given by helvétius is not perfectly convincing. all these explanations are one step short of the ultimate question. the truth of the matter is, that nature has implanted in our breasts a love of others, a sense of duty to them, a moral instinct, in short, which prompts us irresistibly to feel and succour their distresses. it is true that these social dispositions are not implanted in every man, because there is no rule without exceptions; but it is false reasoning which converts exceptions into the general rule. some men are born without the organs of sight, or of hearing, or without hands. yet it would be wrong to say that man is born without these faculties. when the moral sense is wanting, we endeavor to supply the defect by education; by appeals to reason and calculation, by presenting to the being so unhappily conformed other motives to do good. but nature has constituted utility to man the social test of virtue. the same act may be useful and consequently virtuous in a country which is injurious and vicious in another differently circumstanced. i sincerely then believe, with you, in the general existence of a moral instinct. i think it is the brightest gem with which the human character is studded, and the want of it is more degrading than the most hideous of the bodily deformities.[568] the test of morality then becomes, not self-interest, as helvétius had maintained (and jefferson reproved destutt de tracy for having accepted this theory), but general interest and social utility. this is almost the criterium of kant and one would be tempted to press this parallelism, if there was any reason to believe that the philosopher of monticello had ever heard the name of the author of "practical reason." on this point, as on so many others, jefferson differs radically from rousseau, who admitted also a benevolent governor of the world and the existence of a moral instinct, but who would have strenuously denied that this moral instinct was nothing but the social instinct. jefferson, on the contrary, is led to recognize the existence of morality, chiefly because, man being a social being, society cannot be organized and subsist if it is not composed of moral beings. reading, reflection and time have convinced me that the interests of society require the observation of those moral precepts in which all religions agree, (for all forbid us to murder, steal, plunder or bear false witness,) and that we should not intermeddle with the particular dogmas in which all religions differ, and which are totally unconnected with morality. in all of them we see good men, and as many in one as another. the varieties of structures of action of the human mind as in those in the body, are the work of our creator, against which it cannot be a religious duty to erect the standard of uniformity. the practice of morality being necessary for the well-being of society, he has taken care to impress its precepts so indelibly on our hearts that they shall not be effaced by the subtleties of our brain.[569] this was stated more humorously by john adams after they had treated the subject exhaustively in a series of letters: "vain man, mind your own business. do no wrong--; do all the good you can. eat your canvasback ducks, drink your burgundy. sleep your siesta when necessary, and trust in god."[570] this being the case, it remained to determine whether man could not find somewhere a code of morality that would express the precepts impressed in our hearts. in his youth, jefferson had copied and accepted as a matter of course the statement of bolingbroke that: it is not true that christ revealed an entire body of ethics, proved to be the law of nature from principles of reason and reaching all duties of life.... a system thus collected from the writings of the ancient heathen moralists, of tully, of seneca, of epictetus, and others, would be more full, more entire, more coherent, and more clearly deduced from unquestionable principles of knowledge.[571] in order to realize how far away jefferson had drawn from his radicalism, it is only necessary to go back to his "syllabus of an estimate of the merit of the doctrines of jesus, compared with those of others", written for benjamin rush, in 1803, after reading doctor priestley's little treatise "of socrates and jesus compared."[572] there he had declared that his moral doctrines relating to kindred and friends, were more pure and perfect than those of the most correct of the philosophers, and ... they went far in inculcating universal philanthropy, not only to kindred and friends, to neighbors and countrymen, but to all mankind, gathering all into one family, under the bonds of love, charity, peace, common wants and common aids. a development of this head will evince the peculiar superiority of the system of jesus over all others. jefferson had been won over to christianity by the superior social value of the morals of jesus. in that sense, he could already say, "i am a christian, in the only sense in which he wished any one to be, sincerely attached to his doctrines, in preference to all others." this profession of faith made publicly might have assuaged some of the fierce attacks directed against jefferson on the ground of his "infidelity", and yet even at that time he emphatically begged doctor rush not to make it public, for "it behoves every man who values liberty of conscience for himself ... to give no example of concession, betraying the common right of independent opinion, by answering questions of faith, which the laws have left between god and himself." to a certain extent, however, his famous "life and morals of jesus", compiled during the last ten years of his life[573] may well be considered an indirect and yet categorical recantation of bolingbroke's haughty dogmatism. age, experience, observation had mellowed the stoic. he was not yet ready to accept as a whole the dogmas of christianity, but the superiority of the morals of jesus over the tenets of the "heathen moralists" did not any longer leave any doubt in his mind. whether after the death of the body something of man survived, was an entirely different question--one that human reason could not answer satisfactorily. it cannot even be stated with certainty that he would have agreed with john adams when the latter wrote: "_il faut trancher le mot._ what is there in life to attach us to it but the hope of a future and a better? it is a cracker, a rocket, a fire-work at best."[574] he never denied categorically the existence of a future life, but this life was a thing in itself, and after all, it was worth living. altogether this world was a pretty good place, and when john adams asked him whether he would agree to live his seventy-three years over again, he answered energetically: "yea.--i think with you," he added, "that it is a good world on the whole; that it has been framed on a principle of benevolence, and more pleasure than pain dealt to us.... my temperament is sanguine. i steer my bark with hope in the head, leaving fear astern. my hopes, indeed, sometimes fail, but not oftener than the foreboding of the gloomy."[575] his old friend was far from attaining such an equanimity and could not help envying the sage of monticello sailing his bark "hope with her gay ensigns displayed at the prow, fear with her hobgoblins behind the stern. hope springs eternal and all is that endures...." but jefferson was bolstered up in his confident attitude by the intimate conviction that he had done good work, that he had contributed his best to the most worthy cause and that he had not labored in vain. this was not only a good world, but it was already much better than when he had entered it. he had ... observed the march of civilization advancing from the sea coast, passing over us like a cloud of light, increasing our knowledge and improving our condition, insomuch as that we are at that time more advanced in civilization here than the seaports were when i was a boy. and where this progress will stop no one can say. barbarism has, in the meantime, been receding before the steady step of amelioration; and will in time, i trust, disappear from the earth.[576] scarcely two weeks before he died--and this is practically his last important utterance--he recalled in a letter to the citizens of the city of washington who had invited him to attend the celebration held for the fiftieth anniversary of the declaration of independence, how proud he was that his fellow citizens, after fifty years, continued to approve the choice made when the declaration was adopted. "may it be to the world," he added, "what i believe it will (to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self-government."[577] this faith in the ultimate recognition of the ideals, which he had defined with such a felicity of expression half a century earlier, was, even more than any belief in personal immortality, "the rocket" that john adams thought so necessary to attach us to this life. it was a real religion, the religion of progress, of the eighteenth century which had its devotees and with condorcet its martyr. strengthened by the intimate conviction that he would be judged from his acts and not "from his words", he saw the approach of death without any qualms, and he turned back to his old friends of greece and rome, for "the classic pages fill up the vacuum of _ennui_, and become sweet composers to that rest of the grave into which we are sooner or later to descend."[578] on many occasions he expressed his readiness to depart: "i enjoy good health," he wrote once to john adams; "i am happy in what is around me, yet i assure you i am ripe for leaving all, this year, this day, this hour."[579] it took almost ten years after these lines were written for the call to come. most of his biographers have dealt extensively with the remarkable vigor preserved by jefferson even to his last day. for several years after his retirement he remained a hale and robust old man. but he felt none the less the approaching dissolution and watched anxiously the slow progress of his physical limitations. his letters do not completely bear out on this point the statement made by mrs. sarah randolph in her "domestic life of thomas jefferson." at seventy-three he was still remarkably robust and, with the minuteness of a physician, described his case in a letter to his old friend charles thomson: i retain good health, am rather feeble to walk much, but ride with ease, passing two or three hours a day on horseback.... my eyes need the aid of glasses by night, and with small print in the day also; my hearing is not quite so sensible as it used to be; no tooth shaking yet, but shivering and shrinking in body from the cold we now experience; my thermometer having been as low as 12° this morning. my greatest oppression is a correspondence afflictingly laborious, the extent of which i have been long endeavoring to curtail. could i reduce this epistolary corvée within the limits of my friends and affairs ... my life would be as happy as the infirmities of age would admit, and i should look on its consummation with the composure of one "_qui summum nec metuit diem nec optat_."[580] this remarkable preservation of his faculties he attributed largely to his abstemious diet. for years he had eaten little animal food, and that "not as an aliment so much as a condiment for the vegetables", which constituted his principal diet. "i double however the doctor's glass and a half of wine, and even treble it with a friend, but halve its effects by drinking the weak wines only. the ardent wines i cannot drink, nor do i use ardent spirits in any form."[581] yet he had to admit to mrs. trist in 1814 that he was only "an old half-strung fiddle",[582] and as he advanced in age the "machine" gave evident signs of wearing out. the recurrence of the suffering caused by his broken wrist, badly set in paris by the famous louis,[583] and still worse the very painful "disury" with which he was afflicted[584] gave him many unhappy hours. to die was nothing, for as he wrote then in his old "commonplace book", "i do not worry about the hereafter, even if now the doom of death stands at my feet, for we are men and cannot live forever. to all of us death must happen."[585] but "bodily decay" was "gloomy in prospect, for of all human contemplation the most abhorrent is a body without mind. to be a doting old man, to repeat four times over the same story in one hour", if this was life, it was "at most the life of a cabbage."[586] he was spared this affliction he dreaded so much, and when lafayette visited him in november, 1824, the marquis found him "much aged without doubt, after a separation of thirty-five years, but bearing marvelously well under his eighty-one years of age, in full possession of all the vigor of his mind and heart."[587] six months later, when lafayette took his final leave, jefferson was weaker and confined to his house, suffering much "with one foot in the grave and the other one uplifted to follow it." death was slowly approaching, without any particular disease being noticeable; after running for eighty-three years "the machine" was about to "surcease motion." the end has been told by several contemporaries and friends. no account is more simple and more touching in its simplicity than the relation written by his attending physician, doctor dunglison: until the 2d. and 3d. of july he spoke freely of his approaching death; made all arrangements with his grandson, mr. randolph, in regard to his private affairs; and expressed his anxiety for the prosperity of the university and his confidence in the exertion in its behalf of mr. madison and the other visitors. he repeatedly, too, mentioned his obligation to me for my attention to him. during the last week of his existence i remained at monticello; and one of the last remarks he made was to me. in the course of the day and night of the 2d of july he was affected with stupor, with intervals of wakefulness and consciousness; but on the 3d the stupor became almost permanent. about seven o'clock of the evening of that day he awoke and, seeing me staying at his bedside, exclaimed, "ah, doctor, are you still there?" in a voice, however, that was husky and indistinct. he then asked, "is it the fourth?" to which i replied, "it will soon be." these were the last words i heard him utter. until towards the middle of the day--the 4th--he remained in the same state, or nearly so, wholly unconscious to everything that was passing around him. his circulation, however, was gradually becoming more languid; and for some time prior to dissolution the pulse at the wrist was imperceptible. about one o'clock he ceased to exist.[588] a few days before he had taken his final dispositions and seen all the members of his family. he was not a man to indulge in a painful display of emotions, but he told his dear daughter martha that "in a certain drawer in an old pocket book she would find something for her." it was a piece of paper on which he had written eight lines "a death bed adieu from th. j. to m. r." there was no philosophism nor classical reminiscence in it; it was the simple expression of his last hope that on the shore "_which crowns all my hopes, or which buries my care_" he would find awaiting him "two seraphs long shrouded in death", his beloved wife and his young daughter maria. he was buried by their side in the family plot of monticello. according to his wishes no invitations were issued and no notice of the hour given. "his body was borne privately from his dwelling by his family and servants, but his neighbors and friends, anxious to pay the last tribute of respect to one they had loved and honored, waited for it in crowds at the grave." a typically american scene, without parade, without speeches and long ceremonies--almost a pioneer burial in a piece of land reclaimed from the wilderness. index absolutism, evils of, 203 adams, abigail, jefferson shops for, 160; the "new england juno", 323; and jefferson, 382, 383, 386, 518, 519 adams, henry, his criticism of jefferson's conduct of foreign affairs, 409, 440, 441, 453, 459, 460, 464 adams, john, jefferson's correspondence with, 23, 482, 490, 503, 512, 517, 521, 526, 529; his first impression of jefferson, 59; on committee of continental congress appointed to answer lord north's "conciliatory proposition", 62; assists in framing resolution instructing colonies to form governments, 66; his part in declaration of independence, 69, 70; on committee to suggest united states seal, 86; appointed minister plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties of commerce with foreign nations, 152, 162; his wines, 160; in favor of loose association of states, 196; and the barbary pirates, 206; jefferson gives estimate of, 248; his quarrel with jefferson, 259-261; reëlection of, as vice-president, 273; elected president, 319; attempts reconciliation with jefferson, 321, 322, 325; inaugural address, 321, 322; not a party man or party leader, 323; a complicated and contradictory figure, 323; action in xyz case, 325, 331, 336-338, 348, 355; nominated for presidency in 1800, 362; changes in his cabinet, 368; in election of 1800, 367-369; "midnight" appointments, 373, 374; refuses to welcome successor, 375; reconciliation with jefferson, 518, 519; his study of religious controversies, 522; on life, 527 adams, john quincy, removed from office by jefferson, 382, 383 adams, samuel, 359, 361 addison, judge, deposition of, by senate of pennsylvania, 384 albemarle resolutions, 45-47 alexander i of russia, 448 algiers, 206 alien bills, 340, 342-347 aliens, their right to hold real property denied, 151 allen, ethan, declaration concerning, drafted by jefferson, 65 american civilization, underlying ideas of, 85. american imperialism, 398-400 american public education, first charter of, 95-100 american revolution, remonstrance in house of burgesses, 38; articles of association directed against british merchandise, 38; as to causes of, 42; effect of passage of boston port bill, in virginia, 43, 44; proposal to form congress, 44; declaration of mutual defence, 45; resolutions adopted by freeholders of albemarle county, va., 45-47; resolutions adopted by assembly of fairfax county, 45-47; regulation of american commerce, 46; doctrine of expatriation, 47, 50; first continental congress, 54; second continental congress, 59; lord north's "conciliatory proposition" answered, 62; independence not at first aimed at, 63-65; colonies instructed to form governments, 66; declaration of independence, 69-71; treatment of prisoners in, 109-112. _see also_ british colonies americanism, cardinal principles of, 52, 61; creed of, formulated by jefferson, 62, 120; jefferson's conception of, when he wrote "notes on virginia", 136; practical idealism a tenet of, 275; pure, 334, 335; definition of, 352; jefferson's system of, 423, 428, 468 armstrong, gen. john, american representative in paris, 462 arnold, benedict, 108 "arrears of interest, report on", jefferson, 146 articles of confederation, discussion of, in congress, 80; defects in, 145, 146, 195, 197 "assumption" of the state debts, 250-255 _aurora_, journal, 311, 313, 343, 354 austin, benjamin, 491 bache's _aurora_, 311, 313, 343, 356 balance of power, 476 bank bill, hamilton's, 255-258 bannister, j. b., jr., letter to, 172 barbary pirates, 205-207, 428, 443 barbé-marbois, secretary of french legation in united states, 118, 414 bastille, capture of, 235 bayard, james a., nominated plenipotentiary to french republic, 373, 374 bellini, letter to, 173 berlin decree, 450 beveridge, albert j., his "life of marshall", 384, 385, 434 bill for a general revision of the laws, virginia, 90 bill for amending the charter for william and mary, 98, 99, 105, 106 bill for proportioning crimes and punishments, virginia, 93-95 bill for religious freedom, virginia, 89, 100-103, 106, 365 bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge, virginia, 95-99, 105, 505, 508 bill of rights, 198-201, 204 bill on the naturalization of foreigners, 89 bill to abolish entails, virginia, 88, 89 bingham, mrs., 160 bishop, samuel, appointed collector of new haven, 381 blennerhasset, harman, and the burr conspiracy, 431, 432 bolingbroke, henry st. john, his influence on jefferson, 21, 23, 26, 31 bollman, and the burr conspiracy, 432, 433 bonaparte, his projected invasion of england, 336; jefferson's opinion of, 359, 475, 476; precedent established by, 360 boston port bill, 43 brazil, 483 breckenridge, james, on board of visitors of university of virginia, 509 breckenridge, john, letters to, 370, 371, 416 british colonies, contractual theory of government of, 45, 46; regulation of commerce of, 46, 47; rights of, 48-53. _see also_ american revolution brunswick, duke of, defeat, 273 buchan, lord, letter to, 444 budget, presented by jefferson, 146 buffon, g. l. l. de, theory of, concerning animals in america, 121, 122 burke, "history of virginia", 12, 515 burlamaqui, jean jacques, quotation from, 73 burnaby, english tourist, quoted on virginia colonists, 42 burr, col. aaron, letters to, 332, 354; nominated for vice-presidency (1800), 362; in the 1800-election, 369-373; his presence in government an annoyance to jefferson, 382; conspiracy, 429-439; duel with hamilton, 431 burwell, rebecca, and jefferson, 16, 17 cabanis, p. j. g., 161; letter to, 422 cabell, joseph c., 507; on board of visitors of university of virginia, 509; letters to, 512 cabell, gov. william h., 451 cabinet, the president's, in washington's time, 247; adams's, 322, 323, 368; relation to president, 392 callender, 356, 427; employed by jefferson, 361; jefferson's interest in, 363; his pamphlet, "the prospect before us" ("history of the administration of john adams"), 382 calonne, charles alexandre de, 178, 182 calvinism, 522 canning, george, 453 capital, of united states, seat of, 252, 253 capitol, at washington, the new, question of putting inscription on, 479 caracas, constitution of, 498 carleton, guy, governor of canada, 111 carmichael, 198, 211, 226, 263, 276, 288 carr, dabney, death, 40, 41 carr, peter, 21, 175 carrington, edward, letters to, 196, 213, 219 carthagenes, constitution of, 498 cary, col. archibald, 139 _ceres_, sailing-vessel, 153, 159 champion de cicé, archbishop of bordeaux, 235 charlottesville, va., war prisoners at, 109 chase, judge samuel, impeachment of, 387-389 chastellux, chevalier de, friend of jefferson, 154 _chesapeake-leopard_ affair, 451-453 church, mrs., 298, 299 church of england, in virginia, 90, 103 cincinnati, society of the, 152, 306 clay, rev. mr. charles, subscription for support of, 103-105 clinton, george, vice-president, 395, 463, 464 cocke, j. h., on board of visitors of university of virginia, 509 collot, gen., 402 colvin, j. b., letter to, 469 comité du commerce, 178, 183 commerce, one of the great causes of war, 83; treaty of, 143, 144; gallo-american, 181-184; report of jefferson on privileges and restrictions of, 302 commercial monopolies, 151, 152 commercial treaties, 149-152 committees of safety, 54 confederation, treaty of commerce, 143, 144; defects in, 145, 146, 195, 197; monetary system, 146, 147; new states, 148; slavery, 148, 149; hereditary titles, 148, 149; commercial treaties, 149-152. _see also_ articles of confederation; united states congress, first proposal for, 44. _see also_ continental congress congressional election, _see_ election congressional library, destroyed by english, 476 constitution of united states, 195-202 continental congress, first, 54, 83; second, 59; of the confederation, 143-152 contraband, 151, 152, 422, 423 cooper, thomas, 510; letters to, 492, 512, 521 coray, mr., 516 corny, m. de, 234 corny, madame de, 161, 245, 246, 274, 298, 299 correa de serra, 484, 516 coxe, tench, letters to, 304, 371, 372 crawford, dr. john, letter to, 480 crimes and punishments, in virginia, 93-95 cuba, 470, 485 cutting, letter to, 225 dalrymple, sir john, his "essay towards a general history of feudal property", 30 dandridge, mr., 14 danville, duchesse, 274 deane, silas, quoted on southern delegates to first continental congress, 42; elected commissioner to france, 87 dearborn, henry, secretary of war in jefferson's cabinet, 374 debts of united states, foreign, domestic, and state, 250-255, 258 "déclaration européenne des droits de l'homme et du citoyen", lafayette, 232-234 declaration of independence, the story of, 69-71; origin of, 71-74, 77; as literature, 72; "the pursuit of happiness" in, 75-76; highest achievement of eighteenth-century philosophy, 76; suggests tone of greek tragedy, 77 declaration of rights of 1774, 73 declaration on violation of rights, adopted by first continental congress, 83 dejean, lieut., 111 _democrat_, sailing-vessel, 294 democratic societies, 306, 334 de moustier, letter to, 254 destutt de tracy, a. l. c., meeting with jefferson, 161; letter to, 484; his "political economy", 495; living embodiment of political faith of nineteenth century, 514 dexter, samuel, secretary of war in adams's cabinet, 368; secretary of the treasury in adams's cabinet, 374 dickinson, john, in continental congress, 60; letter of, 361 dictator, proposition for appointment of, 127, 128 douglas, dr., clergyman, 5, 20 duane, william, flogged, 355; letter to, 475 dumas, financial agent of the united states at the hague, 185, 187, 197, 209, 252, 253, 289 dunbar, william, discussions with jefferson, 371 dunglison, dr., on visitors at monticello, 516; on jefferson's religious belief, 520; his account of jefferson's death, 531 dunmore, john murray, earl of, governor of virginia, 43, 44, 54, 55, 66 du pont de nemours, pierre s., jefferson's association with, 215; his "plan of a national education", 358, 506, 507, 512; theories and practice of, 395; correspondence with jefferson, 405-409, 411, 414, 415, 420, 452, 471, 478, 493, 497, 498, 514; and the louisiana problem, 407-409, 412-415; never fully understood jefferson, 496; draws up plan of government for the "equinoctial republics", 498; living embodiment of political faith of nineteenth century, 513, 514 edwards, jonathan, 430 election, of 1792, 272, 273; of 1796, 316-319; of 1800, 363-373; of 1804, 389, 395 ellsworth, oliver, appointed plenipotentiary to france, 355 embargo of 1807, 428, 456-462, 470, 471 "encyclopédie méthodique", 160, 214 english, their monopoly of the american market, 326, 327 entails, abolished in virginia, 88, 89 epicurism, 521 eppes, mrs., sister of mrs. jefferson, 153 equinoctial republics, 498 essex case, 447 estaing, admiral d', 206 euripides, 22, 24 eustis, dr. william, letter to, 461 excise tax, 254, 255, 393; revolt against (whisky insurrection), 305, 306; jefferson's bitterness against, 306, 307 expatriation, doctrine of, 47, 50, 89, 107 fairfax resolutions, 45-48 farmers-general, 177-181 farming taxes, 177-181 fauquier, dr., of floirac, 12 fauquier, gov. francis, his intimacy with jefferson, 12, 13 federal government, prerogatives of, 83 _federalist_, the, 200 federalists, their power broken, 355, 362; in election of 1800, 367-373, 389; in jefferson's administration, 380, 381 feudal system, abolishment of, in virginia, 88, 89 fleming, william, letters to, 78, 79; on committee on religion, 89 florida, western and eastern, 445, 446 foster, dwight, senator, makes offer to jefferson, 373 fox blockade, 450 france, educational system of, 98; colonizing designs of, feared, 207; difficulties with, 288, 323-325, 331-342, 440, 447-462. _see also_ french revolution franklin, benjamin, on committee of continental congress appointed to answer lord north's "conciliatory proposition", 62; his part in declaration of independence, 69, 70; on committee to suggest united states seal, 86; elected commissioner to france, 87; jefferson's view of, 122; appointed minister plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties of commerce, 152, 162; interview with jefferson, 247 franklin, william temple, papers entrusted to, by benjamin franklin, 247 free ports, 182 freedom of speech, 427 freedom of the press, importance of, 203, 427 freedom of thought, jefferson's understanding of, 103 freeholders, rights of, 52 french constitution, 143 french debt, of united states, 176, 177, 181, 182, 184-193 french revolution, declaration of june 23, 1793, 76; declaration of may 29, 1793, 82; assembly of the notables, 219-222, 225; convocation of states-general, 227, 229; national assembly, 231, 232; capture of the bastille, 235; defeat of duke of brunswick, 273; becomes international issue, 279; flight of king, 282; execution of king, 287 freneau, philip, his paper, the _national gazette_, 261-263, 269 fry, joshua, professor in william and mary college, 5 gallatin, albert, defies excise law, 305; speech of, 311; letter to, 480 gates, horatio, letters to, 416, 445 _gazette of the united states_, attacks jefferson, 268, 269 geismer, baron de, 110, 163 generations of men, rights of, 234 genêt, citizen edmond c., the case of, 288-297 gerry, elbridge, letters to, 325, 351-353; appointed envoy extraordinary to france, 333 ghent, treaty of, 485 giles, william b., and jefferson, 311; letters to, 307, 309, 436 gilmer, francis walker, and jefferson, 253; sent to england to recruit faculty for university of virginia, 511 "government by the people", 237 granger, gideon, letter to, 363 great britain, united states debt to, 186-193; her hatred of united states, 208, 209; and france, war between, 288, 440, 447-462; her navy, policies of, in regard to contraband and impressment, 422, 423 greene, william, letter to, 356 hamilton, alexander, quarrel with jefferson, 127, 255-258, 263, 265, 266, 268-271; secretary of the treasury, 247; jefferson gives estimate of, 248; reports of, 249; his bank bill, 255-257; his actions supported by washington, 271; attitude toward england, 290; and whisky insurrection, 306; would encourage american manufactures, 327, 443; his plans of administrative reorganization, 349, 350; in election campaign of 1800, 367, 368; duel with burr, 431 hamilton, gov., of kaskakias, 111 hammond, george, british minister to united states, 291, 292 hardy, samuel, delegate to congress from virginia, 140 harrison, gov., letters to, 145, 415 hawkesbury, lord, 402, 404 hawkins, col. benjamin, discussions with jefferson, 358; letter to, 364 hay, george, 436 helvétius, madame, 161, 215 henry, patrick, and jefferson, 14, 15, 26, 27, 37, 63; his study of the law, 28; after passage of boston port bill, 43; and jefferson's "summary view", 47; speech at second virginia convention, 54; opposes bill to abolish entails, 89; seconds motion for appointment of dictator, 127; appointed plenipotentiary to france, 355 hereditary titles, in the confederation, 148, 149 hervey, john, guardian of jefferson, 8 hobbes, thomas, 82 holland, united states debt to, 187-193 hopkinson, francis, 200 hopkinson, mrs., 153 houdetot, madame d', 161, 274 howe, lord, negotiations of franklin with, 247 howick, lord, 450 humboldt, baron alexander von, letter to, 481 humphreys, col. david, secretary of legation in paris, 153, 159, 223, 228 immigration, jefferson's views of, 123-125 impeachment, the republican understanding of, 385, 387 "implied powers", doctrine of, 256 impressment, of british sailors on neutral vessels, 423; an issue of the war of 1812, 478 income tax, 494 indians, 7; study of customs and languages of, 99; atrocities of, in american revolution, 111; eloquence of, 121; affairs of, treated in jefferson's second inaugural, 425-427 industrialism, dangers of, 492 isham, mary, 3 jackson, andrew, 431 jacobins, _see_ republicans jay, john, letters to, 223, 224, 231, 234, 236, 239. _see also_ jay treaty jay, gov. john, letter to, 491 jay treaty, 305, 307, 308, 316, 324 jefferson, lucy elizabeth, daughter of thomas jefferson, 139; death, 163 jefferson, martha, daughter of thomas jefferson, her account of mrs. jefferson's death, 138; date of birth, 139; accompanies father to europe, 153, 159; marriage, 246; at monticello, 300; jefferson's farewell message to, 532 jefferson, mary, daughter of thomas jefferson, 139, 161; joins father in paris, 163 jefferson, peter, father of thomas jefferson, 4, 5 jefferson, mrs. peter, _see_ randolph, jane jefferson, thomas, birth, 3; ancestry and parentage, 3-5; "autobiography", _see_ below; schooling, 5-7; early reading, 6; life at shadwell, 6-8; at william and mary college, 8-17; oratorical ambitions, 14; influence of patrick henry upon, 14, 15, 26, 27, 37; love episode with rebecca burwell, 16-18; commonplace books, 19, _see also_ below; change in religious belief, 19-24; distrust of women, 22; his system of morality, 24-26, _see also_ morality; influence of greek stoics upon, 26; studies law, 27-31; his revindication of the saxon liberties, 31, 32; his acquaintance with languages and books, 33; practices law, 34, 36; life as farmer at shadwell, 34, 35; his "garden books", 35, 39; his scorn of rhetoric, 36, 37; character of his mind, 37; in house of burgesses, 38; his library, 39; marriage, 39, 40; life at monticello, 41; after passing of boston port bill, 43, 44; his declaration of mutual defence, 45; writes albemarle resolutions, 45-47; his doctrine of expatriation, 47, 50, 89, 107; drafts instructions to virginia delegates to first continental congress, 47, 53; his "a summary view of the rights of british america", 48-53; his discussion of land tenures, 49; speaks as pioneer, 52, 53; in second virginia convention, 54; delegate to second continental congress, 54, 55, 64; his part of "declaration of the cause of taking up arms", 59-62; his answer to lord north's "conciliatory proposition", 62; influence of greek and latin orators on his style, 63; his view of independence, 63-65; his absence from congress during preliminary steps to declaration of independence, 66; appointed lieutenant and commander in chief of the militia of the county of albemarle, 66; drafts constitution for virginia, 66-69; and the declaration of independence, 69-78; resigns from congress and enters virginia legislature, 78, 79; his view of the social compact and liberty, 80-82, 85, 204, 365, 498; his philosophy of natural and civil rights, 80-85, 106, 204, 346, 365; his conception of state sovereignty, 82, 83; his views on property, 84, 85; his suggestion for united states seal, 86; the source of his political philosophy, 87; refuses post of commissioner to france, 87, 88; birth of son, 88; his part in revision of laws of virginia, 88-103; starts subscription for rev. charles clay, 103-105; his doctrine of government, 105-107; as governor of virginia, 107-114; his attitude toward british prisoners, 109-112; a stern, but little observed, trait in his character, 111-113; nearly taken by the british, 113; charges against his conduct as governor, 114, 115; impatient at public criticism, 115; refuses new appointment to european post, 115, 116; his determination to return to private life, 116-118, 153; his description of natural scenery, 120, 121; his studies in natural history, 121, 122; his answer to abbé raynal, 122, 123; his views on immigration, 123-125; his combination of faith and pessimism in reference to government, 125, 126; his view of the best government, 126, 127; his opposition to dictator, 127, 128; his belief in efficacy of universal suffrage, 129, 130; his pessimism as regards human nature and human society, 130; his views of slavery and the negro, 131, _see also_ slavery; his view of american civilization as agricultural, 132; advises peace and preparedness, 133, 134; his ideal picture of america, 135, 136; death of his wife, 137, 138; appointed plenipotentiary to europe, but appointment canceled, 139, 140; delegate to congress (june, 1782 to july 5, 1784), 140, 143-152; founds american monetary system, 147; appointed minister plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties of commerce with foreign nations, 152; his qualifications for european task, 153-155; his quarters in paris, 159; his views of paris, 160; his friends and acquaintances at paris, 161, 162; rooms in carthusian monastery, 163; his travels in europe, 164-171; advises against sending youth to europe, 172; compares europe with america, 173-175; his duties at paris, 176; and foreign debts, 176, 177, 181-193; and the tobacco trade, 177-181; his efforts to promote gallo-american commerce, 181-184; puts all questions on a practical basis, 194; his views on the american constitution, 195-202; his political philosophy, 203-205; his management of the problem of the barbary pirates, 205-207; his fear of french, english, and spanish designs in new world, 207-211; his belief in policy of isolation for united states, 211, 212; originates policy of watchful waiting, 214; his attitude toward french revolution, 215-237; draws up "charter of rights for the king and nation", 230; his emendations and corrections to lafayette's "déclaration européenne des droits de l'homme et du citoyen", 232-234; his house made the scene of french committee meeting, 235-237; how far he believed in "government by the people", 237, 238; on the french people, 238-240; asserts one standard of morality for nations and individuals, 240, 241; accepts post of secretary of state, 245, 246; pays respects to franklin, 247; the "anas", 248, 251, 295, 515; his attitude toward united states debts, 250-255; quarrel with hamilton, 255-258, 263, 265, 266, 268-271; his opposition to bank bill, 255-258; his theory of state rights, 257, 365; his quarrel with adams, 258-261; reaches an impasse, 264; his proposed changes in virginia constitution, 264, 265; his indictment of hamilton's system, 265-267; urges washington to run a second time for presidency, 267; attacked by _gazette of the united states_, 268, 269; becomes leader of new party, 269; his fears of a monarchy, 271, 272, 344; letters to french friends, 274; his practical idealism, 275, 381, 382; efforts to obtain new orleans, 276-278; becomes sympathetic with republican government in france, 278-280, 282, 285-287; his efforts to obtain commercial privileges with west indies, 280-282; cautious in action, 283; his principles as to recognition of foreign governments, 284, 286; and the war between england and france, and citizen genêt, 287-297; resigns secretaryship, 297; in retirement at monticello, 298-320; his admiration for madame de corny, 298, 299; avoids politics, 299-303; his report on the privileges and restrictions of the commerce of the united states, 302; hopes for avoidance of war with great britain, 303-305; views on current political events, 308-313; writes indiscreet letter to mazzei, 312, 333; pen-portrait of, 314, 315; chosen vice-president, 320; attempted reconciliation with adams, 321, 322, 325; desires peace with europe, 324, 326, 337, 339, 343; his "parliamentary manual", 325; his view of manufactures, 327, 329; forms certain political conclusions, 334, 335; his self-mastery, 339, 340; opposed to break in the union, 340, 341; newspaper war against, 341, 343; his share in kentucky and virginia nullification resolutions, 345; luminous exposition of his doctrine (program of the democratic party), 351, 352; as political leader, 352-362; nominated for presidency (1800), 362; in the campaign, 363-368; in the election, 368-373; inauguration, 375; inaugural address, 379; his removals from office, 380, 381; his attack on the judiciary, 383-390, 436; reëlected (1804), 389, 395; convinced of the evil of the intrusion of churches into politics, 390; hostility to, 390, 391; his relation to cabinet members, 392; his reform in financial system of united states, 393; his attitude toward agriculture and manufactures, 394, 395; his imperialist views, 398-400, 449; and louisiana purchase, 405-421; sends lewis on western exploring expedition, 421, 422; his policy in war between england and france, 424, 440, 441, 444, 447-462; his second inaugural address, 425-428, 442; the ordeal of his second term, 428, 429; inconsistency of his conduct in burr case, 437-439; tries to obtain the floridas, 445, 446; offers alliance with england, 446; writes to alexander of russia concerning rights of neutrals, 448; imperialistic proposition of, 449; his letters, 468, 514, 516; his views of executive and congress, 468-470; opposed to english mercantilism, 471; his detestation of english policies and rulers, 470-473; his ideas on war of 1812, 473-478; offers library to congress, 477; his feeling for england as distinguished from english government, 479; opinions on affairs of europe and south america, 479-486; and the monroe doctrine, 483, 486-488; formulates the gospel of american democracy, 489; economic and banking theories of, 490-496; his view of best government for france, 496, 497; his theory of the function of the people in a democracy, 499-502; sees germs of national weakness in united states government, 502-505; his services to education (university of virginia), 505-512; his interests, 514-516; his conclusion on the future of democracy, 517; reconciliation with adams, 518, 519; his later religious views, 519-528; his faith in ultimate recognition of ideals, 528, 529; his last years and death, 529-532 "autobiography", references to, 4, 53, 80, 88, 91, 93, 105, 108, 148, 236; quoted on proposal for congress, 44; on expatriation, 47; on jefferson's retirement from congress, 79; on simplification of statutes, 92; on self-government of the people, 106; on method of composition used in "notes on virginia", 119; on attendance at congress, 143; on committee of congress, 145; on jefferson's duties in paris, 176; picture of events preceding french revolution in, 224; on refusal of invitation to attend meeting of french committee, 235; the writing of, 515 "commonplace book", 19, 39; law matters in, 28-30; provincialism in, 32; kames quoted in, 45, 84; on rights of dominion of virginia, 46; passages from james wilson in, 73; montesquieu and beccaria copied in, 94; extracts on history of common law in, 101; on death, 530, 531; other references to, 47, 49 "literary bible", 19, 21, 22, 25, 26, 41; provincialism in, 32; milton in, 40 "notes on virginia", references to, 69, 98, 100, 101, 103, 153, 164, 169, 171, 215, 425, 508; publication of, 118-120; contents of, 120-136; memorandum on new constitution for virginia in, 141; on value of education, 505 jones, prof. hugh, his description of williamsburg, 8 jones, paul, 207 jones, dr. walter, letter to, 499 _journal de paris_, imprisonment of chief editor of, 217 judiciary, assault on, under jefferson, 383-390, 436 judiciary act of 1801, repeal of, 384 kaims (kames), henry home, lord, his "historical law tracts", 29, 30; on mutual defence, 45; his distinction of "property" and "possession", 84, 85; referred to, 304 kant, immanuel, criterium of, 525 keith, mary, wife of thomas marshall, 4 kentucky nullification resolutions, 345-347 kercheval, samuel, letter to, 234, 504 king, rufus, 402-405, 408 knox, gen. henry, secretary of war under washington, 247 kosciusko, 516 lafayette, marquis de, his plan for a "declaration of the rights of man and the citizen", 76; sent to arrest arnold, 108; friend of jefferson, 154; his family and friends, 161; and the tobacco monopoly, 177-179; efforts of, in commercial transactions, 181, 182; and the barbary pirates, 206; advice of jefferson to, 220; jefferson sends "charter of rights for the king and nation" to, 230; letters of, 232; his "déclaration européenne des droits de l'homme et du citoyen", 232-234; brings about committee meeting in jefferson's house, 236; letters to, 274, 283; living embodiment of political faith of nineteenth century, 514; his final leave-taking of jefferson, 531 lambert, british traveler, 460 lamothe, lieut., 111 land office, ordinance concerning establishment of, 149 land tenures, origin of, 49 "la peyrouse's voyage to the south seas", 207 la rochefoucauld-liancourt, visits monticello, 313-315, 327 latude, jean henri de, 219 law, thomas, letters to, 478, 524 law, and free institutions, in saxon society, 31, 32 "law of nature", 23 league of nations, 330 lee, arthur, delegate to congress from virginia, 140 lee, c., appointed judge by adams, 374 lee, f. l., of virginia assembly, 43 lee, richard h., of virginia assembly, 43; on committee of continental congress appointed to answer lord north's "conciliatory proposition", 62; assists in framing resolution instructing colonies to form governments, 66; mentioned, 79 lee, thomas ludwell, appointed reviser of laws of virginia, 90-92 leib, dr., 311, 343; letter to, 458 lewis (merriwether) and clark (william) expedition, 421, 422 liberty, jefferson's definition of, 82 lincoln, abraham, gettysburg address, 77 _little sarah_, british prize, 294 livingston, edward, member of congress from new york, 368 livingston, robert r., on committee to prepare declaration of independence, 69; letters to, 362, 368, 419; united states minister to france, 374; and louisiana, 402-416 lobbying, 502 locke, john, his "treatise on civil government", 30; and the declaration of independence, 71, 72; his hypothesis of society, 82, 84, 204 logan, dr., idealistic pacifist, 341 logan law, 350 louis xvi, jefferson's pen-portrait of, 222, 229; flight of, 282; execution of, 287 louisiana purchase, 393, 400-421 "louisianais", acceptance of, to citizenship, 423 mcgregory, letter to, 365 mchenry, james, secretary of war in cabinets of washington and adams, 323, 336; dismissed by adams, 368 madison, bishop, discusses religion with jefferson, 358 madison, james, disapproves of jefferson's determination to withdraw from public life, 117; delegate to congress, 140; jefferson's correspondence with, 198, 222, 231, 234, 239, 240, 291, 302, 303, 306, 307, 335, 337, 338, 347, 351, 355, 462, 468, 476; urges jefferson to accept post of secretary of state, 246; jefferson's unofficial representative in congress, 250, 251; bank bill opposed by, 255; speeches, 257; his copy of "the rights of man", 258; accompanies jefferson on trip, 259; objections to, as minister to france, 321, 322; envoy to france, 324; silent on french dispute, 339; recommends virginia nullification resolutions, 345; letter of, 411; election of, to presidency, 464; on board of visitors to university of virginia, 509 madrid, treaty of, 403 mann, thomas, letter to, 308 manufactures, hamilton's report on, 249, 266; hamilton's view of, 327; jefferson's view of, 327-329; change in jefferson's view of, 491, 492 "marbury versus madison", 384, 385 marshall, john, ancestry, 3; appointed envoy extraordinary to france, 333; returns from france, 341; secretary of state in adams's cabinet, 368; administers oath to jefferson, 375; head of federalists, 381; his decision in "marbury versus madison", 384, 385; asserts power of supreme court to declare law unconstitutional, 385, 386; findings of, in burr conspiracy case, 433, 434, 436, 437; his "history of washington", 515 marshall, thomas, family of, 4 martin, luther, in chase impeachment case, 389 mason, george, resolutions written by, 45, 46, 48; "virginia bill of rights" written by, 73; appointed reviser of laws of virginia, 90-93; mentioned, 251 mason, john, letter to, 455 mason, stephens thompson, letter to, 344 mason, thomas, 307 mathews, col. george, 112 maury, james, letters to, 454, 473, 478 maury, rev. dr., schoolmaster, 6, 20, 63 mazzei, philip, neighbor and friend of jefferson, 35; letters to, 321, 333, 391 mellish, john, traveler, 460 mercer, john f., delegate to congress from virginia, 140, 273 mexico, 481 middlemen, in tobacco trade, 177-181 "midnight judges", 373, 374, 385 milton, john, his accusations against female usurpations, 22; quotation from, 40 mint, hamilton's report on establishment of, 249 mississippi, navigation of, 276 missouri question, 502, 503 mitchell, dr., unpublished letter to, 390 monocrats, 273, 306, 316 monroe, james, disapproves of jefferson's determination to withdraw from public life, 117; delegate to congress from virginia, 140; jefferson's correspondence with, 217, 251, 260, 290, 301-303, 316, 317, 354, 357, 363, 373, 399, 463, 485, 486; on washington's proclamation of neutrality, 293; sent as special envoy to france to negotiate for louisiana, 411, 413, 415, 416; his fear of alliance of great britain and france against united states, 423; negotiates, with pinkney, treaty with england, 448-450; considered for presidency in 1808, 463, 464; on board of visitors to university of virginia, 509 monroe doctrine, 483, 486-488 montaigne, m. e. de, 130 montesquieu, baron de, 233 monticello, the building of, 34, 39; life at, 41; jefferson in retirement at, 298-320; a self-supporting economic unit, 327, 467; visitors to, 515 montmorency, 234 montmorin, minister, 220, 237, 274, 278 morality, and religion, 24, 25, 523-525; test of, 525; code of, 526 morellet, abbé, translator of "notes on virginia", 118; meets jefferson, 161, 215 morocco, emperor, treaty with, 312 morris, gouverneur, his accusation against jefferson, 224; letters to, 254, 263, 286, 293, 294, 295; minister to france, 283; letters from, 284; conduct as minister to france, 323; offers to use political influence for jefferson, 372 morris, robert, financier of u. s., 146, 179 mutual defence, 45, 84 _national gazette_, foundation of, 261-263 natural bridge, description of, 120, 175 necker, jacques, 229, 231 negro, jefferson's view of status of, 131 nelson, gen., elected governor of virginia, 113 nelson, thomas, jr., letter to, 66 neutrality, washington's proclamation of, 289, 293; jefferson's policy of, 424 new granada, constitution of, 498 _new london bee_, 368 new orleans, jefferson's efforts to obtain, 276-278 nicholas, george, his charges against jefferson, 114, 115, 127; proposes dictator 127; his share in kentucky and virginia nullification resolutions, 345 nicholas, robert c., 28 nicholas, wilson c., his share in kentucky and virginia nullification resolutions, 345; refutes federalists, 357 nicholson, joseph n., member of congress, 372 nock, a. j., historian of jefferson, 457, 458 non-intercourse act, 461 north, lord, his "conciliatory proposition", 54; jefferson's answer to his "conciliatory proposition", 62 nullification resolutions, 345-347 ogden, john, arrest of, 354 ogilvie, james, 502 oratory, american school of, 388, 389 orders in council (nov. 11, 1807), 453, 457 otis, h. g., nominated district attorney by adams, 374 page, john, jefferson's correspondence with, 15, 16, 19, 20, 38, 78, 166; on committee on religion, 89 paine, thomas, his "common sense", influence of, 60; letter to, 227, 228; his "the rights of man", 258-261; jefferson's regard for, resented, 390, 391 paradise, comtesse barziza, lucy, 162 parsons, theophilus, nominated attorney-general, 373 "parson's case", 15 patowmac river, 120 pendleton, edmund, letters to, 78, 87, 88; opposes bill to abolish entails, 89; appointed reviser of laws of virginia, 90; appeal of jefferson to, 353; congratulates jefferson, 362 physiocrats, 142, 233, 328, 395, 471, 493-495, 498 pichon, french chargé at the hague, 354; minister in washington, 419 pickering, judge, impeachment of, 384 pickering, timothy, in cabinets of washington and adams, 323, 336; dismissed by adams, 368 picket, f. j., of geneva, 507 pinckney, charles, minister to spain, 402; letter to, 458 pinckney, charles cotesworth, his treatment by the french directory, 324, 325, 331; appointed envoy extraordinary to france, 333; nominated for vice-presidency (1800), 362; candidate for president (1808), 464 pinckney, thomas, minister to great britain, 290; letter to, 331 pinkney, william, and monroe, negotiate treaty with england, 448-450 politics, foreign and domestic, 248 presidential election, _see_ election priestley, joseph, letters to, 358, 420, 517; befriended by jefferson, 366; his "hints concerning public education", 506; his treatise, "of socrates and jesus compared", 526 privateering, 151, 152 privateers, outfitted and commissioned by genêt, 291, 292 "proclamation announcing ratification of definitive treaties, draft for", 144 property, the right to, 83-85, 233; and possession, distinction between, 85 _prospect_, 361 protestants, edict on, 224 public opinion, 203, 204, 301, 429 "pursuit of happiness", as a right, 75, 76 raleigh tavern, williamsburg, va., 9, 17, 23, 44 randolph, edmund, letters to, 115, 117, 254, 300; attorney-general under washington, 247, 255, 256, 292; opinion of, attacked by jefferson, 309 randolph, jane, mother of thomas jefferson, 3, 4; death, 65, 78 randolph, john, 28; removes to england, 63, 64, 107 randolph, john, of roanoke, refutes federalists, 356; in chase impeachment case, 389; "resolution" of, on judiciary, 390; leader of discontented republicans, 428; his "remonstrance of the people of louisiana", 429; his attacks on madison, 439 randolph, peyton, 28, 47, 63; president of first continental congress, 54; recalled from congress, 54 randolph, mrs. sarah, her "domestic life of thomas jefferson", 529 randolph, thomas mann, jr., marries martha jefferson, 246; letters to, 251, 262, 263, 293; at monticello, 301 randolph, william, 3 raynal, abbé, his application of theory of buffon to american settlers, 122; answer of jefferson to, 122, 123 religion, and morality, 24, 25, 523, 527 religious freedom, in virginia, 89, 90, 100-103 republicans, in election of 1792, 273 richmond, va., establishment of free public library at, 99 riedesel, maj.-gen. baron de, 110 rights, natural and civil, 80-85, 204, 233, 346 rochefoucauld, comtesse de la, 162 rochefoucauld, duc de la, 274 rodney, caesar a., letter to, 469 rotation in office, 502 rousseau, jean jacques, his hypothesis of society, 82, 84; on morality, 525 rush, benjamin, 458; deplores estrangement of jefferson and adams, 518; jefferson writes "syllabus of an estimate of the merit of the doctrines of jesus, compared with those of others" for, 526, 527 rush, richard, letter to, 489 rutledge, letters to, 225, 309, 317, 330, 334, 335 saint étienne, rabaud de, jefferson sends "charter of rights for the king and nation" to, 230 san ildefonso, treaty of, 402 santo domingo, and government of the united states, 283, 285 sedgwick, theodore, speaker of the house, 373 sedition law, 342-347, 383 seward, w. w., letter to, 212 shadwell, jefferson estate, 3, 7, 8, 28, 32, 34, 35; burning of, 38, 39 shaw, samuel, consul at canton, 289 sherman, roger, on committee to prepare declaration of independence, 69 "shirt-sleeve" diplomacy, 178 short, william, private secretary of jefferson, 153, 159; studies french, 161; correspondence with jefferson, 275-277, 280, 282, 285, 288, 398, 462, 517, 521; transferred to the hague, 283; rebuked by jefferson, 286 skelton, bathurst, 39 skelton, martha, married to jefferson, 39, 40; death, 137, 138; grave and inscription, 138 slavery, jefferson's attitude toward, 119, 131, 142, 148, 152, 492, 503; in the confederation, 148, 149 small, dr. william, professor in william and mary college, his intimacy with jefferson, 11-13, 63 smith, rev. cotton mather, his accusation against jefferson, 363 smith, james, letter to, 520 smith, robert, attorney-general, 437 smith, samuel h., letters to, 343, 477 smith, col. w. s., 287, 288 social compact, jefferson's view of, 45, 46, 80-82, 85, 204, 365, 498 society, man and, conflict between, 107; contractual and physiocratic doctrines of, 141, 142 south america, _see_ spanish colonies spanish colonies in america, 209-211; revolt of, 481-485 sprigg resolution, against war with france, 337, 338 staël, madame de, jefferson's correspondence with, 476 state rights, jefferson's theory of, 257, 365 state sovereignty, jefferson's conception of, 82, 83 state universities, 512 states, provision for new, 148, 149 stewart, dugald, 5, 11 stoddart, benjamin, secretary of the navy in adams's cabinet, 374 stuart, archibald, 264 suffrage, universal, 129, 130; limitation of, 499 sullivan, francis stoughton, his "an historical treatise of the feudal laws and the constitution of the laws of england", 30 supreme court, jefferson's attitude toward, 346; marshall's doctrine of the powers of, 385, 386 swartwout, and the burr conspiracy, 432, 433 tariff, and the french debt, 181; belief and practice in, 212, 213; advocated by jefferson's party, 394 tarleton, col. sir bannastre, attempts to capture legislature and governor of virginia, 113 taxation, forms of, 493, 494 taylor, john, letter to, 347; efforts to secure appointment of dictator, 356 taylor, keith, appointed judge by adams, 374 tazewell, h., letter to, 308 ternant, french minister to united states, 287, 290, 291 tessé, madame de, 161, 170, 221; correspondence with, 514 thomson, charles, letter to, 530 ticknor, george, 510 tobacco monopoly, 177-181 tott, madame de, 162 "transfers", problem of, 181 treaties, _see_ commercial treaties treaty of alliance with france (1778), 211, 212 treaty of commerce, with great britain, 143, 144 trial by jury, 237 tripoli, war with, 443 trist, mrs., 163, 216, 530 unger, louis de, german officer, 110 unitarianism, 520 united states, suggestions for seal of, 86; proclaimed as one nation, 144, 150; establishment of monetary system of, 146, 147; provision for new states, 148; foreign debts, 176, 177, 181, 182, 184-193; western lands, sale of, 188; constitution, 195-202; desire of isolation, 211; often accused of hypocrisy in foreign dealings, 213; has tried to combine political aloofness and industrial and commercial development, 330; relation to foreign nations, 396; neutrality of, in war between england and france, 424, 440; imports and exports of, at beginning of nineteenth century, 440; population of, at beginning of nineteenth century, 441. _see also_ american revolution; articles of confederation; declaration of independence; louisiana purchase university of geneva, 505 university of virginia, 509-512 vans murray, american minister at the hague, 349, 354 vans murray-pichon papers, 354, 355 venable, 356 vergennes, charles g., count de, 178, 185, 206 virginia, family life in, before the revolution, 4; books in, 5; religion in, 6; plantation life in, 35, 41; house of burgesses, 38, 54; temper of colonists of, 42; constitution (1776), drafted by jefferson, 67-69; revision of laws of, 88-107; ideas on new constitution for, 140-143; jefferson proposes changes in constitution, 264. _see also_ american revolution; shadwell; williamsburg virginia bill of rights, 73, 74, 76, 83, 100 virginia convention, first, 47, 53; second, 54 virginia nullification resolutions, 345-347 virginia company of comedians, 34 volney, constantin f. c. b., count de, 319, 339, 340, 366, 400, 401 walker, col., guardian of jefferson, 10, 11 war of 1812, 473-478 washington, d. c., in 1800, 362 washington, george, presides over assembly of fairfax county, 45; and jefferson, differ as regards treatment of british prisoners, 112; jefferson's view of, 122, 139; his wines, 160; his cabinet, 245-247; urged by jefferson to run a second time for presidency, 267; distressed at dissensions in cabinet, 269; supports hamilton's actions, 271; reëlection of, 272; letter to, 304; harsh words of jefferson against, 311 watchful waiting, policy of, advocated by jefferson, 214, 423, 452 watson, david, on board of visitors to university of virginia, 509 wayles, john, father-in-law of jefferson, 39 west indies, commerce with, 151, 280-282, 295, 329; jefferson opposed to change of ownership of, 303 western lands, sale of, 254 whisky insurrection, 305, 306 white house, burned by english, 476 wilkinson, james, and the burr conspiracy, 429-435, 438 william and mary college, 8-11; reorganization of, 98, 99; transformation of, 358 williamsburg, va., society in, 8, 9, 34 williamson, hugh, discussions with jefferson, 371 wilson, james, and the declaration of independence, 73, 76 wilson, woodrow, political aloofness and industrial development conspicuous in his position, 330; his phrase, "too proud to fight", 398; neutrality of, 424; his hope of preserving peace, 444; his situation in 1914-1917 compared to that of jefferson in 1808, 455, 456 wistar, caspar, discussions with jefferson, 371 wolcott, oliver, secretary of the treasury under washington and adams, 323, 336 woodward, augustus s., letter to, 521 wythe, george, professor in william and mary college, and jefferson, 12, 13, 27, 28, 34, 63; appointed reviser of laws of virginia, 90-93; congratulates jefferson, 362; mentioned, 310, 325 xyz case, 337. see _also_ france footnotes: [1] to mrs. bingham, paris, february 7, 1787, memorial edition, vi, 81. [2] to jefferson randolph, november 24, 1808, memorial edition, xii, 197. [3] to john adams, june 11, 1812. memorial edition, xiii, 160. [4] "domestic life of thomas jefferson", by s. n. randolph. new york, 1857, p. 27. [5] "notes on virginia." query xv. [6] "autobiography." memorial edition, i., 3. [7] november 24, 1808. memorial edition, xii, 197. [8] william wirt henry: "life of patrick henry." new york, 1891, vol. i, p. 41. [9] january 20, 1763. memorial edition, iv, 6. [10] july 15, 1763. _ibid._, iv, 8. [11] "the commonplace book of thomas jefferson." paris, baltimore, 1927. "the literary bible of thomas jefferson." paris, baltimore, 1928. [12] to john page, shadwell, july 15, 1763. memorial edition, iv, 10. [13] mary newton stanard: "colonial virginia." philadelphia, 1917, p. 306. [14] to peter carr. memorial edition, vi, 258. [15] "samson agonistes", v, 1025. [16] see also "commonplace book", p. 330, and "writings." memorial edition, xv, 239, march 14, 1820. [17] "hecuba", 592, in "literary bible of thomas jefferson." [18] "hecuba", 306. [19] bolingbroke, in "literary bible." [20] stanard, p. 240. [21] these memoranda are in the jefferson coolidge collection of the massachusetts historical society. [22] to wirt, august 5, 1815. memorial edition, xiv, 335. [23] "autobiography." _ibid._, i, 6. [24] randall, "life of jefferson", i, 16, _n._ [25] "paradise lost", 1. 4, v., 337. [26] to john page, february 21, 1770. memorial edition, iv, 17. [27] june 9, 1770, and june 6, 1773. the diplomas are preserved in the jefferson papers of the library of congress. [28] quoted by stanard, p. 163. [29] quoted by t. n. page, p. 147. [30] "autobiography", p. 10. [31] "autobiography." memorial edition, i, 11. [32] this passage has been overlooked by randall, and naturally by mr. hirst, who follows randall very closely here as elsewhere. hirst, p. 69. the fairfax resolutions did not recognize the right of the british parliament to regulate the commerce of the colony; they admitted the _expediency_ but denied the _right_ of such a procedure. [33] george mason, i, 393. [34] see "commonplace book", 229-257. [35] "commonplace book", p. 135. [36] stanard, p. 250. [37] to john randolph, attorney-general, august 25, 1775. memorial edition, iv, 28. [38] jefferson papers, library of congress. [39] august 31, 1775. [40] november 29, 1775. memorial edition, iv, 31. [41] jefferson papers. library of congress. [42] the full text will be found in the ford edition, ii, 7. [43] see "life of g. mason", i, appendix. [44] "journals of congress", v, 425. [45] _ibid._, v, 431. [46] "autobiography." memorial edition, i, 25. [47] "life and correspondence of g. mason", i, 438. [48] to thomas nelson, may 16, 1776. memorial edition, iv, 253. [49] "writings", ford, ii, 41. [50] ford, ii, 61. [51] "journals of congress", july 12, v, 546 and august 20, v, 674. [52] "journals of congress", october 14, 1774, i, 67. [53] see "commonplace book", 107, 111 _et ff._ [54] "journals of congress", v., 517. [55] august 13, 1776. ford, ii, 78. [56] ford, ii, 91, october 11, 1776. [57] randall, i, 196. [58] ford, ii, 79. [59] concerning the opposition he encountered, see "autobiography." ford, i, 54. [60] "autobiography", _ibid._, i, 58. [61] "life and correspondence of george mason", i, 276. [62] "life and correspondence of george mason", i, 277. [63] note for the biography of john saunderson, esq., august 31, 1820. "autobiography", appendix a. ford, i, 107. [64] monticello, november 1, 1778. memorial edition, i, 216. [65] "notes on virginia", query xvii. [66] "commonplace book", p. 362. [67] this seems to be the first draft of the document; another copy in the jefferson coolidge collection presents few variants, the most important being found in the second sentence which reads, "yet desirous of encouraging and supporting the calvinistical reformed church, and of deriving" etc. the list of names appended to that second version is considerably longer and besides the original signers includes fourteen other supporters of the reverend charles clay. [68] "autobiography." memorial edition, i, 73. [69] see my edition of the jefferson-lafayette correspondence, paris and baltimore, 1929. [70] jefferson to general philips. quoted by randall, i, 235. [71] see his letter dated from paris, november 20, 1789. [72] to baron de riedesel, july 4, 1779. ford, ii, 245. [73] july 17, 1779. _ibid._, ii, 247. [74] july 22, 1779. _ibid._, ii, 249. [75] october 1, 1779. ford, ii, 258. [76] october 8, 1779. _ibid._, ii, 261. [77] _ibid._, ii, 263. [78] to the virginia delegation in congress, october 27, 1780. to colonel vanmeter, april 27, 1781. _ibid._, iii, 24. [79] "a diary kept by th: j. from dec. 31. 1780 to jan. 11. 1781 and more general notes of subsequent transactions during the british invasion." jefferson papers. library of congress. [80] jefferson papers. library of congress. [81] lafayette transmitted the letter on june 26, 1781, but jefferson did not receive it until the beginning of august. _ibid._ [82] to e. randolph, september 16, 1781. jefferson papers. library of congress. [83] june 11, 1782. randall, i, 376. [84] the story of the publication has been told by p. l. ford in a most scholarly edition of the "notes on virginia" in the "writings" of jefferson. [85] june 7, 1785. memorial edition, v, 3. [86] to arch. stuart, september 8, 1818. ford, iii, 231, _n._ [87] iliad xxii, 389. [88] "domestic life", p. 67. [89] to chastellux, november 26, 1782, in randall, i, 1782. [90] "autobiography", memorial edition, i, 76. [91] january 22, 1783. _ibid._, iv, 215. [92] to madison, may 7, 1783. ford, iii, 329. [93] this point appears even more clearly in jefferson correspondence with du pont de nemours, to appear shortly. [94] "report on letters from the ministers in paris." december 20, 1783. ford, iii, 355. [95] ford, iii, 377. [96] february 1, 1784. ford, iii, 393. [97] ford, iii, p. 430. [98] see ford, iii, 407 and 429. [99] _ibid._, iii, 476. [100] march, 1784. _ibid_, iii, p. 428. [101] to george washington, april 16, 1784. ford, iii, 466 and 470. [102] to james madison, february 20, 1784. _ibid._, iii, 403. [103] to mrs. trist, paris, august 18, 1785. "domestic life", 79. [104] see g. chinard, "les amitiés américaines de madame d'houdetot." paris, 1923. [105] may 24, 1785, november 12, 1785, etc. massachusetts historical society. [106] chinard, "trois amitiés françaises de jefferson." paris, 1927. [107] most of her letters to jefferson are in the jefferson coolidge collection of the massachusetts historical society. [108] april 6, 1785. "domestic life", p. 80. [109] diary of martha. _ibid._, p. 74. [110] _ibid._, p. 84. [111] april 11, 1787. jefferson papers. library of congress. [112] may 4, 1786. memorial edition, v, 303. [113] _ibid._, xvii, 153. [114] nismes, march 20, 1787. [115] to j. bannister, junior, october 15, 1785. memorial edition, v, 185. [116] to bellini, september 30, 1785. memorial edition, v, 153. [117] to crevecoeur, january 15, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 53. [118] to carmichael, december 26, 1786. [119] to skipwith, july 28, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 187. [120] august 10, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 262. [121] jefferson to the governor of maryland. june 16, 1785. memorial edition, v, 8. [122] to messrs. french and nephew. july 13, 1785. memorial edition, v, 34. [123] august 15, 1785. _ibid._, v, 68. [124] jefferson papers. library of congress, feb. 20, 1786. [125] lafayette's letter. march 18, 1786. _ibid._ [126] to the governor of virginia, january 24, 1786. memorial edition, v, 253. [127] to james ross, may 8, 1786. memorial edition, v, 321. [128] to james ross, may 8, 1786. _ibid._, v, 329. [129] for a brief but satisfactory treatment see w. k. woolery. "the relation of thomas jefferson to american foreign policy, 1783-1793." baltimore, 1927. [130] letter to lafayette, july 17, 1786. library of congress. [131] july 9, 1786. memorial edition, v, 357. [132] to washington, august 14, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 277. [133] _ibid._, vii, 478. [134] july 30, 1785. memorial edition, v, 45. [135] to jay, august 14,1785. memorial edition, v, 65. [136] to john jay, april 23, 1786. _ibid._, v, 300. [137] to t. pleasants, may 8, 1786. _ibid._, v, 324. [138] to jay, september 26, 1786. _ibid._, v, 426. [139] to jay, september 26, 1786. memorial edition, v, 426; to adams, july 17, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 173; to james madison, august 2, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 215. [140] to j. adams, july 17, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 173. [141] to john jay, august 6, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 248. [142] december 21, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 394. [143] to dumas, february 12, 1788. _ibid._, vi, 429. [144] to adams, february 6, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 419. to the commissioners of the treasury, feb. 7, 1788. _ibid._, vi, 421. [145] march 16, 1788. memorial edition, vi, 438. [146] to the commissioners of the treasury, march 29, 1788. _ibid._, vi, 433. [147] _ibid._, vi, 447 and 445. [148] to the honorable, the board of the treasury, may 16, 1788. memorial edition, vii, 9. [149] to john jay, may 23, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 22; to the commissioners of the treasury, september 6, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 136. [150] to james madison, november 18, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 186. [151] to john jay, march 12, 1788. memorial edition, vii, 296. [152] to john jay, may 9, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 345. [153] to john jay, september 19, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 471. [154] to john langdon, september 11, 1785. memorial edition, v, 129. [155] to john adams, february 23, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 97. [156] to james madison, june 20, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 132. [157] august 4, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 227. [158] september 10, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 295. [159] to john adams, november 13, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 370. see also letter to colonel smith, written the same day. _ibid._, vi, 372. [160] december 11, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 380. [161] december 20, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 393. [162] to donald, february 7, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 425. [163] to carmichael and to colonel carrington, may 27, 1787. _ibid._, vii, 27, 29. [164] to carmichael, august 12, 1787. _ibid._, vii, 124; to james madison, november 18, 1788, _ibid._, vii, 183; to general washington, december 4, 1788, _ibid._, vii, 223. [165] to colonel humphreys, march 18, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 324. [166] jefferson to monroe, may 10, 1786. memorial edition, v, 327. [167] to major general greene, january 12, 1786. _ibid._, v, 246. [168] "autobiography", _ibid._, i, 97 and july 11, 1786, _ibid._, v, 364. [169] see my edition of the jefferson lafayette correspondence, chapter ii. paris, baltimore, 1929. [170] "memoirs", ii, 148. [171] to john jay, august 14, 1785. memorial edition, v, 63. [172] to baron geismer, september 6, 1785. memorial edition, v, 128. [173] to john langdon, september 11, 1785. _ibid._, v, 131. [174] to count hogendorp, october 13, 1785. _ibid._, v, 182. [175] to john page, may 4, 1786. memorial edition, v, 306. [176] to dumas, may 6, 1786. _ibid._, v, 309. [177] to john jay, may 4, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 119. [178] to carmichael, may 27, 1788. memorial edition, vii, 27. [179] to count hagendorf, october 13, 1785. memorial edition, v, 181. [180] november 12, 1785. memorial edition, v, 202. [181] december 21, 1787, memorial edition, vi, 396; see also letter to john jay, may 4, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 122. [182] see "les amitiés françaises de madame d'houdetot." paris, 1925. [183] to mrs. trist. paris, august 18, 1785. "domestic life", p. 79. [184] to james monroe, april 15, 1785. ford, iv, 59. [185] to abigail adams, june 21, 1785. _ibid._, iv, 59. [186] to mrs. adams, july 7, 1785. ford, iv, 68. [187] to george wythe, august 13, 1786. _ibid._, iv, 268-269. [188] to mrs. maria cosway, october 12, 1786. ford, iv, 323. [189] november, 1786. _ibid._, iv, 328. [190] to edward carrington. january 16, 1787. _ibid._, iv, 357. [191] to j. jay, january 9, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 45. [192] january 16, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 56. [193] february 23, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 99. [194] february 28, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 101. [195] march 20, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 105. [196] to james madison, june 20, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 134. [197] august 5, 1787, memorial edition. vi, 235. [198] _ibid._, vi, 247. [199] to washington, august 14, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 276. [200] august 14, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 279. [201] to john adams, august 30, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 287. [202] october 8, 1787. _ibid._, vi, 338. [203] to william rutledge, february 2, 1788. _ibid._, vi. 417. [204] to de moustier, may 17, 1788. memorial edition, vii, 13. [205] july 18, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 81. [206] july 24, 1788. memorial edition, vii, 87. [207] to colonel monroe, august 9, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 113. [208] august 12, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 124. [209] to cutting, august 23, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 131. [210] to short, november 2, 1788. memorial edition, vii, 159. [211] to washington, december 4, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 228. [212] to doctor currie, december 20, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 259. [213] to shippen, march 11, 1789. _ibid._, vii, 291. [214] march 17, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 317. [215] _ibid._, vii, 321. [216] to lafayette, may 6, 1788. memorial edition, vii, 334. to carmichael, may 8, 1788. _ibid._, vii, 337. [217] to john jay, may 9, 1789. _ibid._, vii, 345. [218] to crevecoeur, may 20, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 368. [219] to madison, june 18,1789. memorial edition, vii, 386. [220] to john jay, june 24-25, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 395. [221] _ibid._, vii, 268. [222] "letters of lafayette and jefferson." paris, baltimore, 1929. [223] memorial edition, viii, 454. [224] to j. jay, july 19, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 409 and to james madison july 22. _ibid._, vii, 424. [225] manuscript. library of congress, july 20, 1789. [226] jefferson papers. library of congress, probably august, 1789. [227] september 20, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 474. [228] "autobiography", i, 156. [229] to m. l'abbé arnoud, paris, july 19, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 422. [230] to madison, august 28, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 448. [231] to john jay, september 19, 1789. _ibid._, vii, 467. [232] to james madison, january 30, 1787. memorial edition, vi, 70. [233] to james madison, august 28, 1789. memorial edition, vii, 448. [234] "trois amitiés françaises de jefferson", p. 188. [235] madison to washington. january 4, 1790. [236] washington to jefferson. january 21. [237] "autobiography", p. 161. [238] "trois amitiés françaises de jefferson", p. 195. february 28, 1790. [239] "autobiography." memorial edition, i, 103. [240] memorial edition, i, 274. [241] march 28, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 9. [242] june 13, 1790. _ibid._, viii, 36. [243] june 20, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 43. [244] june 23, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 47. [245] to gilmer, june 27, 1790. _ibid._, viii, 53. [246] _ibid._, viii, 63. [247] november 26, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 107. [248] december 3, 1790. _ibid._, viii, 109. [249] february 4, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 123. [250] "writings", vi, 19-43. [251] to the president of the united states. memorial edition, viii, 192. may 8, 1791. [252] memorial edition, viii, 208. [253] _ibid._, viii, 223. [254] jefferson papers. library of congress, january 2, 1793. [255] august 24, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 229. [256] august 30, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 241. [257] to john adams, august 30, 1791. _ibid._, viii, 245. [258] december 23, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 275. [259] march 1, 1792. memorial edition, i, 292, "anas." [260] may 23, 1792. memorial edition, viii, 341. [261] september 9, 1792. memorial edition, viii, 408. [262] to thomas pinckney, december 3, 1792. memorial edition, viii, 443. [263] to doctor george gilmer, december 15, 1792. _ibid._, viii, 444. [264] _ibid._, viii, 445. [265] april 6, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 19. [266] april 2. memorial edition, viii, 11. [267] july 26, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 65. [268] to carmichael, august 2, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 70. [269] to short, august 10, 1790. memorial edition, viii, 79. [270] to gouverneur morris, august 12, 1790. _ibid._, viii, 85. [271] to colonel mason, february 4, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 123. [272] to the president of the national assembly, march 8, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 37. [273] to w. short, april 25, 1791. _ibid._, viii, 185. [274] see also my edition of the "letters of lafayette and jefferson", chapter iii. paris, baltimore, 1929. [275] to w. short, july 28, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 217. [276] july 30, 1791. _ibid._, viii, 225. [277] to edward rutledge, august 25, 1791. _ibid._, viii, 234. [278] to short, november 24, 1791. memorial edition, viii, 261. [279] to short, january 28, 1792. _ibid._, viii, 297. [280] march 10, 1792. _ibid._, viii, 311. [281] to lafayette, june 16, 1792. memorial edition, viii, 381. [282] november 7, 1792. _ibid._, viii, 437. [283] november 20, 1792. memorial edition, viii, 441. [284] january 3, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 9. [285] to g. morris, march 12, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 37. [286] to ----, march 18, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 45. [287] "anas", february 20, 1793. [288] to messrs. carmichael and short, march 23, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 55. [289] march 21, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 49. [290] to c. w. dumas, march 23, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 57. [291] to e. p. van berckel, april 23, 1793. to morris, pinckney and short, april 26, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 68-69. [292] april 27, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 70. [293] may 5, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 75. [294] may 7, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 79. [295] to ternant, may 3, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 74. [296] may 15, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 89. [297] may 19, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 98. [298] june 6, 1789. _ibid._, ix, 115. [299] june 13, 1789. memorial edition, ix, 123. [300] jefferson papers. library of congress, june 24, 1793. [301] _ibid._ library of congress, june 27, 1793 and writings of j. monroe, i, 261. [302] to j. madison, july 7, 1793. ford, vii, 436. [303] to james madison, august 25, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 211. [304] to madison, september 1, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 211. [305] jefferson papers. library of congress, 15832. [306] december 31, 1793. memorial edition, ix, 277. [307] december 13, 1793. _ibid._, ix, 279. [308] angelica church to jefferson, august 19, 1793. chinard, "trois amitiés françaises", p. 155. [309] jefferson papers. library of congress, february, 1794. [310] "amitiés françaises", p. 161. [311] february 3, 1794. memorial edition, ix, 279. [312] jefferson papers. library of congress, february 15, 1794. [313] december 16, 1793. memorial edition, iii, 261-283. [314] jefferson papers. library of congress, march 3, and march 11, 1794. [315] april 3, 1794. memorial edition, ix, 281 and manuscript library of congress, march 16. [316] april 24, 1794. jefferson papers, library of congress. [317] may 1, 1794. memorial edition, ix, 285. [318] may 14, 1794. memorial edition, ix, 287. [319] september 7, 1794. _ibid._, ix, 291. [320] december 28, 1794. memorial edition, ix, 293. [321] april 27, 1795. _ibid._, ix, 301. [322] april 27. _ibid._, ix, 305. [323] see s. f. bemis. "jay's treaty." new york, 1923. [324] august 30, 1795. memorial edition, ix, 307. [325] september 21, 1795. _ibid._, ix, 309. [326] november 30, 1795. memorial edition, ix, 313. [327] march 21, 1796. memorial edition, ix, 329. [328] january 16, 1796. _ibid._, ix, 319. [329] to james madison, march 6, 1796. _ibid._, ix, 323. [330] march 19, 1796. memorial edition, ix, 326. [331] to james madison, march 27, 1796. _ibid._, ix, 330. [332] april 9, 1790. memorial edition, ix, 334. [333] april 24, 1796. memorial edition, ix, 335. [334] june 19, 1796. _ibid._, ix, 339. [335] to jonathan williams, july 3, 1796. memorial edition, ix, 347. [336] december 17, 1796. memorial edition, ix, 351. [337] to rutledge, december 27, 1796. memorial edition, ix, 353. [338] to madison, january 1, 1797. memorial edition, ix, 357. [339] james madison to jefferson, january 15, 1797. "works", vi, 303. [340] january 22, 1797. memorial edition, ix, 370. [341] april 9, 1797. _ibid._, ix, 380. [342] june 24, 1797. memorial edition, ix, 408. [343] may 29, 1797. memorial edition, ix, 389. [344] june 15, 1797. to james madison, memorial edition, ix, 397. [345] june 17, 1797. memorial edition, ix, 400. [346] june 21, 1797. _ibid._, ix, 405. [347] to colonel a. campbell, september 1, 1797. memorial edition, ix, 419. [348] june 24, 1797. memorial edition, ix, 409. [349] january 3, 1798. _ibid._, ix, 431. [350] february 22, 1798. memorial edition, ix, 444. [351] march 15, 1798. _ibid._, x, 6. [352] march 21, 1798. memorial edition, x, 9. [353] to madison, march 29, 1798. _ibid._, x, 17. [354] march 27, 1798. [355] to madison, april 12, 1798. memorial edition, x, 27. [356] april 12, 1798. _ibid._, x, 28. [357] april 12, 1798. memorial edition, x, 29. [358] to madison, april 26, 1798. _ibid._, x, 31. [359] see chinard, "volney et l'amérique." paris, baltimore, 1923. [360] to madison, april 26, 1798. memorial edition, x, 33. [361] to madison, may 31, 1798. memorial edition, x, 43. [362] to john taylor, june 1, 1798. memorial edition, x, 45. [363] to madison, june 21, 1798. memorial edition, x, 49-53. [364] august 22, 1798. memorial edition, x, 61. [365] october 11, 1798. _ibid._, x, 62. [366] to madison, november 17, 1798. memorial edition, x, 62. [367] december 11, 1821. _ibid._, xv, 351. [368] see pp. 80-82. [369] november 17. memorial edition, x, 63. [370] november 26, 1798. _ibid._, x, 63. [371] to james madison, january 3, 1799. memorial edition, x, 67. [372] madison to jefferson, june 26, 1799. jefferson papers. library of congress. [373] january 16, 1799. memorial edition, x, 69. [374] to elbridge gerry, january 26, 1799. memorial edition, x, 77-78. [375] january 29, 1799, memorial edition, x, 87 and jefferson papers, library of congress, february 14, 1799. [376] to madison, february 5, 1799. memorial edition, x, 95. [377] john ogden to jefferson, february 7, 1799. jefferson papers. library of congress. [378] february 11, 1799. _ibid._ [379] to madison, february 19, 1799. memorial edition, x, 111. [380] to bishop james madison, february 27, 1799. _ibid._, x, 122. [381] jefferson papers. library of congress, february 26, 1799. [382] jefferson papers. library of congress. to bishop madison, march 12, 1799. [383] _ibid._ callender to jefferson, august 10, 1799. from richmond. [384] _ibid._ marked received december 11, undated. [385] august 18, 1799. memorial edition, x, 125. [386] jefferson papers. library of congress. to callender, undated, unsigned. [387] to madison, november 22, 1799. memorial edition, x, 133. [388] january 12, 1800. memorial edition, x, 136. [389] priestley's answer, never hitherto published, will be found in my volume on "jefferson and the physiocrats." [390] march 14, 1800. memorial edition, x, 110. [391] jefferson papers. library of congress, february 11, 1800. [392] to henry innis, january 23. memorial edition, x, 143. [393] to t. m. randolph, february 2, 1800. _ibid._, x, 151. [394] february 26, 1800. memorial edition, x, 153. [395] to madison, march 8, 1800. _ibid._, x, 157-159. [396] to p. n. nicholas, april 7, 1800. memorial edition, x, 163. [397] jefferson papers. library of congress. callender to jefferson, february 10 and march 15, 1800. [398] march 18, 1800. jefferson papers. library of congress. [399] _ibid._ [400] april 30, 1800. memorial edition, x, 163. [401] jefferson papers. library of congress, may 26, 1800. [402] _ibid._, august 14, 1800. [403] march 14, 1800. memorial edition, x, 160. [404] jefferson papers. library of congress, benjamin rush to jefferson, august 22, 1800. [405] september 23, 1800. memorial edition, x, 173. [406] december 14, 1800. memorial edition, x, 176. [407] december 18, 1800. memorial edition, x, 183. [408] memorial edition, x, 188. [409] january 10, 1800. _ibid._, x, 188. [410] february 3. memorial edition, x, 197. [411] february 15, 1801. memorial edition, x, 201. [412] february 18, 1801. memorial edition, x, 203. [413] _ibid._, x, 206. [414] to thomas lomax, february 25, 1801. memorial edition, x, 211. [415] to thomas lomax, february 25, 1801. memorial edition, x, 210. [416] march 7, 1801. memorial edition, x, 218. [417] to doctor benjamin rush, march 24, 1801. _ibid._, x, 241. [418] to elias shipman and others, july 12, 1801. [419] june 13, 1804. memorial edition, xi, 28. [420] a. j. beveridge: "life of marshall", ii, 51-53 and appendix. [421] "life of marshall", ii, 51-222; mcmaster, "history of the people of the united states", vol. iii. [422] to elbridge gerry, march 20, 1801. memorial edition, x, 251. [423] to the attorney-general, january 1, 1802. _ibid._, x, 305. [424] july 18, 1804. _ibid._, xi, 38. [425] jefferson papers. library of congress, june 13, 1800. [426] to w. short, october 3, 1801. memorial edition, x, 288. [427] november 24, 1801. _ibid._, x, 294. [428] "volney et l'amérique." paris and baltimore, 1923. [429] king to the secretary of state, january 1, 1802. [430] jefferson papers, library of congress, april 21, 1802. [431] jefferson papers. library of congress, april 25, 1802. [432] may 12, 1802. manuscript, library of congress. [433] jefferson papers. library of congress. du pont de nemours to jefferson, october 4, 1802. [434] annals of congress, p. 1059. [435] _ibid._, p. 286. [436] jefferson papers. library of congress, marked received december 31. [437] annals of congress. appendix, p. 1065. [438] jefferson papers. library of congress, february 1, 1803. [439] to james madison, january 24, 1803. annals of congress, p. 1066. [440] to the secretary of state, march 24, 1803. _ibid._, p. 1083. [441] to madison, march 3, 1803. _ibid._, p. 1083. [442] march 2, 1803. annals of congress, p. 1098. [443] king to livingston, may 7, 1803. _ibid._, p. 1803. [444] annals of congress, p. 1167. [445] july 11, 1803. memorial edition, x, 402. [446] memorial edition, x, 424. [447] jefferson papers. library of congress, january 19, 1804. [448] july 4, 1803. memorial edition, x, 398. [449] july 12, 1803. _ibid._, x, 404. [450] to madison, august 25, 1803. memorial edition, x, 412. [451] to james madison, august 15, 1804. memorial edition, xi, 45. [452] "anas", january 26, 1804. [453] to w. b. giles, april 20, 1807. memorial edition, xi, 187. [454] to gideon granger, march 9, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 113. [455] to lafayette, july 14, 1807. _ibid._, xi, 277. [456] to william b. giles, april 20, 1807. memorial edition, xi, 187. [457] to george hay, september 4, 1807. _ibid._, xi, 360. [458] october 27, 1808. memorial edition, xii, 183. [459] memorial edition, x, 399. [460] h. adams, ii, 257. [461] to james madison, august 27, 1805. memorial edition, xi, 86. [462] april 19, 1806. memorial edition, xi, 103. [463] to colonel james monroe, may 4, 1806. memorial edition, xi, 106. [464] turreau to talleyrand, december 12, 1806, in h. adams, iii, 424. [465] to monroe, march 21, 1807. memorial edition, xi, 167. [466] june 29, 1807. memorial edition, xi, 256. [467] july 6, 1807. _ibid._, xi, 258. [468] see particularly his letters to cabell, august 11, 1807, and to dearborn, august 28. memorial edition, xi, 318, 342. [469] to john page, july 17, 1807. memorial edition, xi, 285. [470] november 22, 1807. _ibid._, xi, 397. [471] memorial edition, xi, 401. this may be simply a draft of the message written on a sheet of paper which happened to bear the name of general mason. see henry adams, iv, 168. [472] a. j. nock, "jefferson", p. 266. new york, 1926. [473] to john taylor, january 6, 1808. memorial edition, xi, 413. [474] march 30, 1808. memorial edition, xi, 23. [475] to governor charles pinckney. november 8, 1808. _ibid._, xii, 190. [476] henry adams, iv, chapter xii, "the cost of embargo." [477] henry adams, iv, 277. [478] walter w. jennings, "a history of economic progress in the united states", p. 160, new york, 1926. [479] to doctor george logan, december 27, 1808. memorial edition, xii, 219. [480] january 14, 1809. _ibid._, xii, 227. [481] to thomas mann randolph, february 7, 1809. _ibid._, xii, 248. [482] march 8, 1809. memorial edition, xii, 264. [483] march 17, 1809. _ibid._, xii, 266. [484] memorial edition, xii, 267. [485] february 10, 1810. memorial edition, xii, 357. [486] to j. b. colvin. september 20, 1810. _ibid._, xii, 422; see also letter to cæsar rodney, september 25. _ibid._, xii, 426. [487] to madison, april 27, 1809. memorial edition, xii, 275. [488] to madison, april 19, 1809. memorial edition, xii, 271. [489] june 28, 1809. _ibid._, xii, 293. [490] to rodney, february 10, 1810. memorial edition, xii, 357. [491] to governor john langdon, march 5, 1810. _ibid._, xii, 373. [492] to thomas cooper, august 6, 1810. _ibid._, xii, 401. [493] to thomas law, january 15, 1810. _ibid._, xii, 439. [494] april 25, 1812. memorial edition, xiii, 145. [495] june 29, 1812. memorial edition, xiii, 173. [496] august 5, 1812. _ibid._, xiii, 183. [497] _ibid._, xiii, 206. [498] october 1, 1812. memorial edition, xiii, 187. [499] to william duane, april 4, 1813. _ibid._, xiii, 231. [500] to thomas leiper, january 1, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 45. [501] to john clark, january 27, 1814. _ibid._, xiv, 79. [502] september 21, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 191. [503] to william short, november 28, 1814. _ibid._, xiv, 214. [504] to correa de serra, december 27, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 221. [505] to william h. crawford, february 25, 1815. _ibid._, xiv, 243, and june 15, 1815. _ibid._, xiv, 312. [506] december 1, 1815. _ibid._, xiv, 369. [507] october 16, 1816. memorial edition, xiv, 85. [508] october 16, 1816. _ibid._, xvi, 80. [509] to thomas leiper, june 14, 1815. memorial edition, xiv, 311; and to john adams, august 10, 1815. _ibid._, xiv, 343. [510] october 16, 1815. _ibid._, xiv, 355. [511] january 2, 1812. _ibid._, xiii, 117. [512] december 6, 1813. memorial edition, xiv, 22. [513] to don valentino de torunda corunda, december 14, 1813. memorial edition, xiv, 31. [514] to john adams, january 22, 1812. memorial edition, xv, 309. [515] to lafayette, may 14, 1817. _ibid._, xv, 117. [516] to w. short, august 4, 1820. memorial edition, xv, 263. [517] october 24, 1820. _ibid._, xv, 285. [518] jefferson papers. library of congress. december 26, 1820, and chinard, "jefferson et les idéologues." paris, baltimore, 1925, p. 203. [519] jefferson papers. library of congress, july 18, 1824. [520] to monroe, june 11, 1823. memorial edition, xv, 455. [521] jefferson papers. library of congress. december 10, 1817. [522] october 20, 1820. memorial edition, xv, 284. [523] about the economic and banking theories of jefferson, i can only indicate here some points more fully treated in my book on "jefferson et les idéologues." paris, baltimore, 1925. [524] to william h. crawford, june 20, 1816. memorial edition, xv, 27. [525] april 7, 1809. _ibid._, xii, 271. [526] january 9, 1816. memorial edition, xiv, 387. [527] to thomas cooper, september 10, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 179. [528] jefferson papers. library of congress. april 15, 1811. [529] jefferson papers. library of congress. april 15, 1811. [530] jefferson papers. library of congress. january 18, 1802. [531] _ibid._ february 28, 1815. [532] jefferson papers. library of congress. december 12, 1815. [533] october 28, 1813. memorial edition, xiii, 396. [534] january 2, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 46. [535] to john adams, october 16, 1816. _ibid._, xvi, 85. [536] to lafayette, february 14, 1815. memorial edition, xiv, 245. [537] to james madison, november 29, 1820. memorial edition, xv, 295. [538] december 10, 1819. memorial edition, xv, 233. [539] to john adams, january 22, 1821. _ibid._, xv, 309. [540] august 4, 1811. memorial edition, xiii, 68. [541] july 12, 1816. _ibid._, xv, 32. [542] jefferson papers. library of congress. may 8, 1800. [543] jefferson papers. library of congress. april 21, 1800. [544] _ibid._, july 26, 1800. [545] to thomas cooper, january 16, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 60. [546] february 15, 1821, memorial edition, xv, 315. [547] the latest account is the monumental "history of the university of virginia" by professor philip alexander bruce, new york, 4 vols., 1920. see also the excellent study of herbert b. adams, "thomas jefferson and the university of virginia", united states bureau of education. circular of information no. 1, 1888. [548] to richard rush, april 26, 1824. memorial edition, xvi, 31. [549] to the honorable j. evelyn denison, m. p., november 9, 1825. _ibid._, xvi, 129. [550] to john brazier, august 24, 1814. memorial edition, xv, 207. [551] june 27, 1822. _ibid._, xv, 387. [552] memorial edition, xvi, 173. [553] doctor dunglison's memorandum, in "domestic life", p. 402. [554] september 12, 1821. memorial edition, xv, 334. [555] january 16, 1811. memorial edition, xiii, 9. [556] december 5, 1811. _ibid._, xiii, 114. [557] january 21, 1812. _ibid._, xiii, 123. [558] memorial edition, xv, 174. [559] january 11, 1817. memorial edition, xv, 97. [560] february 21, 1825. "domestic life", p. 423. [561] to james smith, december 8, 1822. memorial edition, xv, 410. [562] to john adams, august 15, 1820. _ibid._, xv, 269-276. [563] march 24, 1824. _ibid._, xvi, 17. [564] october 31, 1819. memorial edition, xv, 219. [565] july 13, 1813. _ibid._, xiii, 319. [566] to john adams, april 11, 1820. memorial edition, xv, 427. [567] to john adams, may 5, 1817. _ibid._, xv, 109. [568] june 13, 1814. memorial edition, xiv, 141. [569] to james fishback, september 27, 1809. _ibid._, xii, 315. [570] may 26, 1817. memorial edition, xv, 122. [571] see my edition of "the literary bible of thomas jefferson." paris, baltimore, 1928, p. 58. [572] april 21, 1803. memorial edition, x, 379. [573] see the introduction of doctor cyrus adler, in the congressional edition reproduced in the memorial edition, xx. [574] may 3, 1816. memorial edition, xv, 10. [575] april 6, 1816. memorial edition, xiv, 467. [576] to william ludlow, september 6, 1824. _ibid._, xvi, 75. [577] june 24, 1826. memorial edition, xvi, 181. [578] to john brazier, august 24, 1819. _ibid._, xv, 207. [579] august 1, 1816. _ibid._, xvi, 56. [580] january 9, 1816. memorial edition, xiv, 385. [581] to doctor vine ulley, march 21, 1819. _ibid._, xv, 187. [582] jefferson papers. massachusetts historical society, march 5, 1814. [583] _ibid._, to short, december 17, 1822. [584] _ibid._, to samuel smith, october 22, 1825. [585] "literary bible", p. 36. paris, baltimore, 1928. [586] to john adams--august 1, 1816. memorial edition, xv, 56, and june 1, 1822. _ibid._, xv, 371. [587] november 8, 1824, "mémoires", vi, 183. [588] "domestic life", p. 425.