# indx_content

c0: A04344
c1: James, Thomas, 1573?-1629.
c3: 1612.0
c6: 24220
c7: 1526
c8: 78
c9: A04344.xml
c10: A04344.txt
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  The Iesuits downefall threatned against them by the secular priests for their wicked liues, accursed manners, hereticall doctrine, and more then Matchiavillian policie. Together with the life of Father Parsons an English Iesuite.

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  Good God , that such a Societie of men , after so many scandals , and foule deserts of theirs in France , and elsswhere , for Prince-killing , Sedition , &c. can thus be of credit in England ? A. C. to his disiesuited kinsman , Pag , 72. I admit , that both Priests & Iesuits are to be feared more and lesse , as dangerous enimies vnto his Maiesty , & the State : but chiefly the Iesuits , who hold their disciples in such servitude , or rather slavery , that whatsoever they say is a law , & that law must be obayed , though God & man , reason or authoritie , King or Kaisar say to the contrary .

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  b ib; bee; c ib; c. p.; c. pag; dialogue; doctrine; doe; e ib; england; english; f ib; faction; father; g ib; god; good; h ib; hath; haue; hee; ib pag; iesuits; lay; let; man; men; pag; parsons; priest; proposition; quodl; relation; state; themselues; time; vnto; vpon

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   The Iesuits downefall threatned against them by the secular priests for their wicked liues, accursed manners, hereticall doctrine, and more then Matchiavillian policie. Together with the life of Father Parsons an English Iesuite. James, Thomas, 1573?-1629. 1612 Approx. 179 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A04344 STC 14459 ESTC S107692 99843388 99843388 8118 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A04344) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 8118) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 742:01) The Iesuits downefall threatned against them by the secular priests for their wicked liues, accursed manners, hereticall doctrine, and more then Matchiavillian policie. Together with the life of Father Parsons an English Iesuite. James, Thomas, 1573?-1629. [12], 72 p. Printed by Ioseph Barnes, and are to bee sold by John Barnes dwelling neere Holborne Conduit [, London], At Oxford : 1612. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610 -- Controversial literature. Jesuits -- Controversial literature. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Iesuits Downefall , THREATNED AGAINST THEM BY THE SECVLAR Priests for their wicked liues , accursed manners , Hereticall doctrine , and more then Matchiavillian Policie . TOGETHER WITH THE LIFE OF FATHER PARSONS AN ENGLISH IESVITE . Good God , that such a Societie of men , after so many scandals , and foule deserts of theirs in France , and elsswhere , for Prince-killing , Sedition , &c. can thus be of credit in England ? A. C. to his disiesuited kinsman , Pag , 72. AT OXFORD , Printed by Ioseph Barnes , and are to bee sold by John Barnes dwelling neere Holborne Conduit . 1612. TO THE RIGHT VVORTHY OF ALL HONOVR FOR RELIGIon , Pietie and Iustice , the Reverend Iudges , and Iustices of Peace for the Countie of Oxon. TRue Religion the only badg of a Christian , hath two marks whereby it is certainely knowne ; to wit , Zeale , and Constancie . Zeale , for it must not be cold , nor luke warm ; but fervent and hot : Constancie , because it endureth not for a season , and continueth but a while , but abideth vnto the end , vnto the death , for ever . This zeale which is so necessarily required in all men , but more properly in Magistrates and Governours ▪ hath appeared Right Honourable and Right VVorshipfull most evidently , in your late proceedings against Popish Recusants , at , and before the last Sessions , holden for this Countie , at an * vnvsuall time , and with very extraordinary care & provision , for the searching , finding , fining , and restraining of the most dangerous persons of either sexe . Of your Constancie likewise & perseverance in prosecuting so good beginnings , smal cause haue we to doubt , considering the goodnes of the cause , and the greatnes of autority , wherewith both your hands and hearts are strengthned from aboue , to the great ioy of all his Maiesties loyall subiects , Gods faithfull servants . What remaineth now , but that we of the Cleargie for our parts , should second these happy beginnings with our vttermost indeavors ? by adding the word vnto the sword , perswasions & cōferences , vnto those sharper means & corrosiues which are applied , shewing our selues ready to offer vp , not only our labors , but our selues also for the good of such as haue bin seduced by the Priests , & Iesuits , but rather by the Iesuits then by the Priests , for which cause knowing the danger , & being most willing ( if it bee possible ) to prevent it . I haue taken paines to compile this smal Treatise , that if God shall be pleased in mercy to open their eies , they may see the wicked liues , accursed manners , hereticall doctrine , & more then Matchiavillian policy of that Society , which they do so devoutly follow , with perill both of soule and body . This worke I hope will finde the better entertainement with them , because it is taken wholly and soly from the writings of sundrie learned Priests , who spake as they were moved , vpon consideration of their wicked liues and maners , so that theirs are the proofs , mine the collection & method only , as the Quotations in the Margent wil sufficiētly declare . I admit , that both Priests & Iesuits are to be feared more and lesse , as dangerous enimies vnto his Maiesty , & the State : but chiefly the Iesuits , who hold their disciples in such servitude , or rather slavery , that whatsoever they say is a law , & that law must be obayed , though God & man , reason or authoritie , King or Kaisar say to the contrary . Frō such followers , as are once wholly devoted to their company , it wil bee a hard matter for the Magistrate ( you find it by too lamentable experience ) to draw either the Oath of Allegiance , or obedience to the Magistrat in things Temporal , much lesse conference and conformity in matters spirituall . For the Iesuits like the Centurion in the Gospell , haue that command & Iurisdictiō over their inferiors , that if they bid them goe , they goe , if they bid them doe this , they doe it , without asking any question whether it be right or wrong , iust or vniust which is commanded : & the reasō is plaine , because they relie altogether vpon the Iesuit , and the Iesuit vpon the Pope , who is the only vnerring person vpon earth . A most absurd doctrine , as any is in all Popery , wherewith notwithstanding , they haue bewitched the soules of I knowe not how many men & women , otherwise very vertuously and religiously inclined , and what pittie is it , for vs to consider , what Cimmerian & more then Egyptian darknesse they doe liue in , that are thus taught by their ignorāt teachers , that do vow themselues blind obedience ? VVhen the blinde lead the blind , how can it be but that both of thē should fall into the ditch . Now this which is spoken against the Iesuits doth not acquit the Secular Priests , nor their followers . For as long as they goe about , to recōcile men from their true and naturall Prince vnto the Pope , and to withdraw their mindes , from religion , vnto superstition , from Gods word , vnto fables , from God himselfe vnto Mammon : causing them that are reconciled , not only to professe all Popish points , according to the doctrine of the Councell of Trent , as vnwritten Traditions , Transubstantiation , Purgatory Indulgences , worshipping of Images , & Reliques , Iustification by workes , the truth of seaven Sacraments , obedience to one only Pope , &c. but to make them Articles of the Creed , and to take a solemne * Oath , that they will continue in the profession of all & every of them vnto the death , and farthermore , perswade as much as in them lyeth , all others that are vnder thē to doe the like , we haue iust cause to suspect both their dealings , & to oppose our selues against their proceedings . The which thing you haue begun to doe , Right Honorable and Right VVorshipfull , to your eternall praise & commendation , and to the example and encouragement of others You haue begun well , who shal be able to hinder you , if God be on your side ? Goe forward then , I beseech you , in Gods name , both cheerefully and couragiously , you haue our earnest prayers , & shal be sure to haue our best endeavors ( if need require . ) I knowe the readines of many learned and graue Divines , to further this religious service , amongst which , my selfe being one of the meanest in Gods Church , scarse worthy to be called a Divine , doe most earnestly desire , to contribute my paines and service , & to make knowne vnto the world , the great affection which I beare vnto all sorts of people , thus by the Iesuits miserably seduced : whose conversion as I haue alwaies sought by good and faire meanes , such as the most wayward & peevishest adversaries cānot iustly except against : so is it my purpose , God willing , so to continue vnto my liues end , both by speech & writing , propagating that faith , whereof his Maiestie of al Princes Christian may truly be said to be the Defendor : and because the Iesuits are his & our chiefest enimies , accept , I beseech you , these few lines , concerning their liues and maners in generall , & one of the chiefest of them in particular ; the matter was ministred vnto me by certaine Secular Priests , the method in disposing and digesting of it was mine , to God bee ascribed the glory and benefit thereof , if any shall arise . And thus beseeching him to blesse you all with continuance of your care , and increase of zeale , for the vtter suppressing of all Poperie and superstition , and rooting out of all Priests and Iesuits . I humbly take my leaue ▪ From the Publique Library in Oxford , Sept. 16. 1612. Yours in all religious services to command . THO. JAMES . THE PROPOSITIONS . 1. That the Iesuits are not indeed of Iesus but of the Divell . 2. They are fore-runners of Antichrist . 3. Right Puritans in all things . 4. Worse then the Turke . 5. Dangerous men both to Church and Common weale . 6. Vitious both in life and manners . 7. Noted of these vices following , as of Ambition , 8. Vaine-glory . 9. Envy . 10. Malice . 11. Vncharitie . 12. Crueltie . 13. Murders & Massacres 14. To be saucie fellowes . 15. Impudent . 16. Iniurious . 17. Vnhospitall . 18. Pillers and Pollers of the people . 19. Causers of dissentions . 20. Accusers and diffamers of others . 21. High conceited of themselues . 22. For Learning . 23. For Religion . 24. Commended by others . 25. By themselues . 26. Not to be spoken , nor written against . 27. Generally proud . 28. Especially in apparell . 29. Flat Cooseners . 30. Hypocrits . 31. Making a vaine shew of Religion and good workes . 32. Doing evill vpon good pretences . 33. Dissemblers . 34. Aequivocators . 35. Temporizers . 36. Falsaries . 37. Polititians and Statists . 38. Enterdealing in state businesse too far . 39. Hauing and maintaining Intelligences . 40. Working by great men . 41. By bribes and promises . 42. By intercepting of Letters . 43. Iniurious to Priests first , by debasing and vilifying them in words . 44. Suspending them from their faculties . 45. From the Altar . 46. From preaching . 47. From their residencies . 48. From all company . 49. From Christian burial ▪ 50. From all Almes . 51. Getting all the Almes to themselues . 52. Starving the poore Priests . 53. Domineering over them . 54. Making them to yeeld to them . 55 , Disgracefull both in word and deed to Popes . 56. To Cardinals . 57. To Kings . 58. Plotting forraine invasions . 59. Disposing of kingdomes . 60. Traytors . 61. King-killers . 62. In doctrine turning all topsie turvie . 63. By hereticall positions . 64. Extravagant opinions . 65. Approving of the stewes . 66. Abuse of Confession . 67. Vse of fond Revelations and Prophecies . 68. Becomming Atheists . 69. At strife with others . 70. Amongst themselues , 71. Against Schoole divinitie . 72. Men that cannot erre as they affirme . 73. Full of Novelties . 74. Intemperate writings . 75. Libellers . 76. That write much themselues . 77. Forbidding others . 78. Seducers of youth . 79. Admitting none but rich men into their society 80. Teaching gratis . 81. To be irreverent to Parents . 82. Making their schollers worse and worse . 83. Are well followed and favored . 84. Especially by women . 85. Doe all for gaine . 86. Get great summes of mony into their hands . 87. Resort only to rich men . 88. Domineere in their houses . 89. Build Seminaries . 90. Take all into their hands . 91. Enterdealing with the civill Magistrate . 92. Betraying some vnto the Enimie . 93. Bringing others vnto their ends , and afterwards slaundering them . 94. Laying a foule imputation on those that leaue them . 95. All for a Monarchie . 96. Hated of all orders . 97. Their spirituall exercise . 98. Discipline in their College . 99. Feare a visitation . 100. Lastly their fall fore-prophecied & wished for THE DOWNEFALL of the Iesuits . The 1. Proposition . That the Iesuits are not indeed of Iesus but of the Divell . THIS is a that Society of Fathers in Gods Church , they beeing no whit Gods sonnes , of b which it must be said , that by Gods especial providence it came vp with Luther as a curbe to his , and frō him to all the ensuing heresies of this age : c but this Order is the refuse of Religion , and therefore worthely the least Religious Order in holie church . d A most impostural corporation , that e haue cleane forsaken and forfeited the spirit of the Catholicke Church . f Well may they be Dij Titulares , as being so tearmed after Iesus ; but surely , no way Dij Tutelares in their gospell , and for to conclude this point , g the whole Societie is not indeed of Iesus , but of the Divell . The 2. Proposition . That the Iesuits are fore-runners of Antichrist . a Antichrist doubted to be come by reason of them ▪ for they are b forerūners of Antichrist , & Archinventers of new Puritanisme , worse than ever was yet heard of , and all this is c done vnder pretence of Pharisaicall zeale . The 3. Proposition . That the Iesuits are right Puritans in all things . a A Iesuit is nothing els but a Reformed Priest , right Puritan in all things . b In matters and doctrine , pertaining to manners , government , and order of life , in this respect all wholly Puritans : for distinctions sake , we may call thē Puritan Papists , to distinguish them from the Puritan Protestants . c They are iust like to the Puritanian , or the Cartwritian , or the Brownistian , or the Genevian , or the Gehennian platforme . And there are d at the least a hundred principles , and odde tricks concerning government , auctoritie , tyrannie , popularitie , treason , conspiracie , &c. which they iumpe as iust togither in , as if both were made of one mould . e Verie dangerous , vnlesse some order be taken for thē both in time : f but of the twaine , the Iesuits are more dangerous than the Puritans . The 4. Proposition . The Iesuits are worse than the Turke , &c. a THey are blasphemous wretches , an b impious brood , Progenie of vipers , to vse our Saviours words against them , the offals of the old Scribes and Pharisees , who hath taught them to eschew iram venturam ? c they vse to turkize over men in a shameful maner , nay , it d were better to liue vnder the Turke for the securitie of their soules , than vnder the Iesuits government , or rather captivitie . The 5. Proposition . They are dangerous fellowes . I a must be forced to open to the world , what grosse errors they do maintaine , how marveilously the people are blinded and seduced by them , and how dangerous a race they runne , to their owne and all others destruction . b Doubtlesse , there will come much danger vnto the Catholike Church , if these violent spirits bee not in time suppressed , and therefore c these fellowes must be looked vnto in time ; yea , d it is high time for al Christendome to looke vnto them , for , if let goe anie longer , hardly reclaimed . The 6. Proposition . Vitious both in life and manners . a Heretofore the Lay did debauch the Religious , now the Religious doe debauch the Lay and that as bad , as bad may be . I knowe b they can endure nothing worse , then to heare of their owne lewdnesse : yet , c because they pervert all both God and mans lawes , and runne against the course of nature and kind , I will discover these d Iesuiticall spirits , whose Luciferian pride is such , as it delighteth to bee counted famous in mischeife , and to haue none to equall them in impiety ; but all base , and meanely esteemed of , compared with themselues in villanie : as e vnhonest , vncharitable , irreligious , vnpriestly practises , vnspeakable pride ambition , envie , malice , extortion , crueltie , and aboue all their intolerable backbiting tongues , for invectiues against them they hate . f What shall we say , when a religious societie , and that of Iesus , can beget such brats ? g Fie on such Fatherhood , so rooted , so fruited . h Are they not rockes of scandall , to all Priesthood , and is it i not a shame that so religious a corporation , should so ioine hands with the Divel against the vertuous ? Surely k I see no reason , why to the Wickelevist vpbraiding vs with the enormous manners of the religious heretofore in Gods Church , we should be so straight laced , as not to acknowledge him as much : seeing that even at this day in England , we haue Iesuits such manner of Religious . The 7. Proposition . The Iesuits are noted of Ambition . THe a wicked Iesuits are of Luciferian ambition , b most ambitious and cunning , in seeking to beare rule over the Clergie , and being once c fired in the ambitious mounts of Phaetons chariot , they trouble all Europe , by this their ambitioning aboue all Religious orders in holy Church , in ordine ad daemonem , aemulantes stil charismata pessima . The 8. Proposition . Vaine-glory . a THese good Fathers , are so desirous of their own credit and glory , as if they were b a companie of Swaggerers , Ruffians , or bragging braggates of Toledo . The 9. Proposition . Envy . a There is Envy in them , to see any doe well that followes not them , b proving themselues right Momists , Zoilists , and Aristarchists ; and I c verily thinke , nether Zoilus , Aristarchus , Timon , or other Misanthropos , ever equald , or else was to be compared with a Iesuit in the damnable art of detraction , or Envy . The 10. Proposition . Malice . WHat should I speake of the a inhumane parts of these cruell men , their dogged natures & Jewish hearts , where once they conceaue a dislike ? rightly following that Atheall principle of Machiavell never to pardon , vnlesse for disadvantage where once thou hast taken a displeasure : so that b revenge with them , hath never an end , but with the death of their adversaries , & their reproch after death . whereby it is evidently proved , that there is c more like Divelish , then humane malice in them . The 11. Proposition . The Iesuits are noted of Vncharitie . THe a Iesuits pretend Fatherly Charitie , exhibited towards all Priests : an affirmance so far from truth , as to doubt , concerning this matter in question , whether it be true or no , were to doubt , whether there be a Sunne in the Firmament , or no. For what is more cōmon with them , then by their b Iesuiticall vncharitie , to leaue a man [ not to Gods mercy ] but to his iudgement ? The 12. Proposition . Of Crueltie . THey a are mercilesse , hard , and cruell harted to their afflicted brethren ; for b insteed of meekenesse , mercy and compassion , they haue put on a steme , harth and cruell hardnes , void of all pittie , mildnesse or remorse . And c in the Low-countries , they haue beene so cruell , as that they haue not only brought many excellent men to a miserable end , but haue reproched thē after death . The 13. Proposition . Famous for murders and Massacres . THe only thing they long for , is to bring al a flore in fire and sword , according to their b prowd , Machiavillian , and cruell designements , committing many c secret murders , & open Massacres . And verily some breath of bloudy garboyles and cruelties is threatned to all nations , by these Assassinists . For what are they all , say some that know them , but massacring , butcherlie , buyers and sellers of their deare country mens bloud ? d The very Canibals , and Anthropophagies , shall rise vp at the last daie , and condemne this barbarous and savage generation of Belials bloud for this crime . The 14. Proposition . Saucie fellowes . a THese malapert Iesuits , become sawcie everie where , where they once get but never so little advantage . The 15. Proposition . Impudent . a WHo would thinke , that anie strumpet were shee never so impudent , could put vpon her such a brazen forhead ? They are all b like common strumpets . For c they will stand to nothing , though there be a thousand witnesses . The 16. Proposition . Iniurious . THe a Iesuits abettours of most grievous wrongs and infamie , b especiallie to the Priests . The 17. Proposition . Vnhospitall . A man may a as soone breake their neckes , as their fasts at a Iesuits College . The 18. Proposition . Pillars and polers of the People . THere a is much polling and pilling of Catholickes in England vnder the colour of holie vses . b Verres not more odious for pilling than the Iesuits . The 19. Proposition . Causers of dissention . a THe Iesuits beginners of contention , b firebrands of all seditions . All the Cleargie and sociall dissention in our Realme , proceeded from the Fathers of the Society ; and these are the very c first brokers , breathers & brochers of contention abroad . Whose d delight is in nothing but in factions and novelties , and why ? because e with their Zizaniaes of faction , they make boot & havocke of Catholickes estates ; f getting more by discord than otherwise , and therefore it is no marvell if g in private families , they separate brethren one from an other , and the husband from the wife , inflaming them with rancour and envie , one against an other . For this h is a knowne position amongst the Iesuits , Divide & impera ; ; and therefore , they do both stir vp , and maintaine dissentions . The 20. Proposition . Accusers and diffamers of their brethren . a THeir Adversaries haue alwaies found them to vse as sharpe teeth , and as hurtfull tongues , to the renting asunder their good names , and wounding them other wise ( yet all in secret manner ) as anie other men they had occasions to deale with . For why , b they passe all that ever yet were for detraction ; yea , even when they haue tormented a man to death , yet haue they most slie and cunning slights , to make it seeme apparent they never did such a thing , and withall to make the party crucified by them , yet still to be condemned of the worlde , as maledictus , and an iniurious slanderer of them . And that you maie know , that c of defamations their Societie hath the exactest schoole vnder heaven , they obserue certaine d Atheall orders , and Machiavillian maximes , for their owne advantage : as , detrahe audacter , aliquid adhaerebit : but e the chiefe points to be kept are these two : the one , that the matter haue some shew of probabilitie in it selfe , the second point is , that having a ground to build vpon what kind of detraction he pleaseth , he must alwaies apply the infamie , in iust opposition to the true fame and report . Thus , f by accusing others , they make way for their owne hawtines . But g is it not a most vnchristian , Turkish , hereticall , and traiterous ground they stand vpon , and a Promontorie farre beyond all the capes and points of pietie , lying out into the dead Sea , Persian gulfe , or Stygian lake of perdition , to affirme , that all must be defamed , detracted , backbitten , despised , and borne downe that are opposite to them and their designes ? yea , h whatsoever parson is directly bent against them , they must never leaue him ; but calumniat , sclander and invent new matter against him , so that bee i hee Pope , or Prince , or other Monarch that doth not favour their Iesuiticall Allobrogicks , ( although he do no waies stir against them , ) yet for that he runs not with them , he shall be sure to haue heart , head and pen , yea and hands to bee laid vpon him , vntill both eares and cheekes , do burne with infamies . For they that are not with them , are against them . And they k that oppose themselues against them , cannot be iudged vertuous , or of any estimation . l Whereas on the contrary side , bearing the print of their praise , it skils not howe very a foole or knaue , or both a man bee . Thus wee may perceaue , m Detraction to be the most Iesuiticall vice of all others , And the n Iesuits , to be the most malitious , traiterous , and irreligious calumniators that ever lived on earth , vnworthy that ever the earth should bear them , and an intolerable indignitie to the whole Church of God , that ever such wicked members should liue vnpunished in her , as they doe . The 21. Proposition . High conceited of themselues . HOw meanely they think of others ; yet they haue a Divelish spirits , of a Luciferian spirit and Conceit of their owne proper excellencie , & a b fond opinion , to thinke that nothing can be wel done without them . c All must depend on them . Nothing holy , Catholike , sound , not the Masse rightly celebrated , vnlesse it be by them . d Every one of them must be Rector chori , and dominus fac totum , and an absolute superlatiue in all things . e All superlatiues , all Analogists , all Metaphysitians , all entia transcendentia . And they f will bee called new Apostles , Illuminats , and extraordinary Rabbies , that haue more neere familiaritie & acquaintance with God , then any other , g to obtaine al sutes : & hence it is , that a h Gentlewoman said ; that shee was brought by a Secular Priest on her way to heaven , by a Iesuited Priest to heaven gate , by a professed Iesuite beholding to him for heaven : so that you may hence collect , that every i Iesuit is a rare man , k all his crowes white , & l finally , that their many Atheall principles , are all reduced to two monstrous heads , to wit ; exaltation of themselus , and downecast of all that side not with them . The 22. Proposition . For learning . a THe most vnlearned Iesuite ( if wee beleeue them ) doth far excell the most learned Secular Priest . b No learning in the world before the Iesuits appeared , no learned man now , if hee hath not beene brought vp vnder them . The 23. Proposition . For Religion . a REligion had beene vtterly quailed , if they had not beene . The 24. Proposition . Commended by others a THe Iesuits haue learned one speciall tricke of Machiavell , to be at composition with certain Nobles , Gentlemen , and others in Princes Courts , to spred abroad their workes , with report , every thing to be very rare . These cease not to b extoll them vnto the skie . The 25. Proposition . By themselues . THere is another a tricke of Machiavell , to make all other mens writings odious , and to commend their owne by themselues , or their Neutrals . Yea , b it is as common a practise with the Iesuits , to seeke to advance themselues , as to say their Breviarie . The 26. Proposition . The Iesuits not to be spoken , nor written against . a THe Iesuits must not be spoken against . For b if a man speake directly against them , out vpon it , it is not to be heard spoken of , or once looked vpon . As if there were c an Act to bar others from speaking against them , or that it were d high blasphemy , to cōtradict these Demi-gods in any thing . And generally the e people are so inchanted by the Iesuits , that they will not beleeue any thing against thē , that f all are accounted hereticks that crosse their proceedings ; they g must not be disgraced , yet their brokers can revile others : and in like sort , the Iesuits haue this h coggery , to make the bookes written against them , to be infamous libels and satyricall invectiues , neither to be read , nor answered . The 27. Proposition . That they are generally prowde . a THeir kingdome is wholly of this world , which may be seene b by their capers of ambition & arrogancy , and c Luciferian pride , in all which they d imitate Lucifer . For their e pride and disdaine hath already past gradum ad octo , and passe it any farther , it is twentie to one , it will passe extra sphaeram activitatis . The 28. Proposition . In Apparrell . a THe Fathers bestow much on themselues , like b gallants or courtly Rabbies , and c their pride in apparell amongst Lords and Ladies is such , that like d vaine-glorious Pharisees , they ride to and fro in their coaches , like Surleboies , Moūtseignors , or other mē of State , being in this e their great gallātry richly attended on , with a great traine of servants , as if they were Barons , or Earles ; and f there hath been found a Iesuit , that hath worne a girdle with hangers and rapier aboue ten pounds , a Ierken also that cost no lesse , that made three suits of apparell in one yeare , whose horse and furniture , and his owne apparell on him , was valued to an 100. pounds , who for his part dispendeth yearely 400. pounds , and yet hath no patrimony . The 29. Proposition . Cooseners . a THese Iesuits are cogging mates , and b vse cony-catching devises to get mony , c with all manner of falsehood and coggerie , that may be imagined . Besides this , they haue sundrie other d dogtricks of cousenage , to cut purses , pick-locks , commit burglaries , extortion , simonie , and all kinde of Lombardinian devises to make gaine of , and these e finefingred boies , are very nimble about Ladies & gentlewomens iewels , & thus by their f prettie slie cousenage , and such points , rules , and principles of learning and knowledge , as pertaine to conycatching , and other Machiavilian devises , ( wherein there is none that goeth beyond them ) they haue here in g England gotten into their hands all auctoritie , good estimation , and all the stocke or treasury of mony , doing what they list , both at home and abroad ; but for these and the like h cousenages to enrich themselues , they haue beene banished both out of the cittie of Perugio , and i Milan . The 30. Proposition . Hypocrites . a THese men make an hypocriticall shew & vaine vaunt of Religion , b a chiefe meanes of drawing others to them . For c vnder pretence of their Pharisaicall zeale & d liues , these e mocke-religious persons , f haue deluded many vertuous men & women ; because g every Iesuit takes vpon him to be an illuminate , an inculpate guider of soules , and a man come to the highest step of the scale or ladder of perfection , h voide of all pitty , mildnesse or remorse , saue only Cateolinian carrying his countenāce in his hands , to sob and smile in a trice . The 31. Proposition . Making a vaine shew of Religion and good works . THese a prowde Pharisees by b pretended pietie allure multitudes : for c they pretende themselues to bee more holy than the rest , and that therefore in respect of the sins that raigned amongst others , they would neither eate nor drinke with them , and such a d blind conceit , haue these e illuminates of high aspires , of their Puritanian holynesse , that they make arrogant vaunts therof , f by ostentation of mortification , obedience , perfection of state , that one of thē brake out into these words . g O my good God ? how much hast thou honoured me , aboue thousands of my brethren in thy service , howe may I not hope , for my long sufferances for thy sake , my watchings , praiers , fastings , to bee thine for ever ! Thus you h see what vertue these i prowd Pharises haue , and how boldly it may bespeake Gods iustice : but in fine , it will k proue nothing , but avarice , extortion , cousening , treacherie and treason . The 32. Proposition . Vse to doe evill vpon good pretences . a THey vse to do all their evils , especially vpon pretext of Religion and holynes b as ordo ad Deum , and bonū societatis , or , propter c obedientiam , or d maiorem Dei gloriam . By these principles they may e not only detract & calumniate , and take away mens good names , but even also their liues if need require ; by f anie treacherie , crueltie , treason , or what mischiefe soever it skils not , so it be propter bonum societatis , or ordine ad Deum , they are to omit no opportunitie or villany , that may further such their intents . And is not this g a seditious , odious , blasphemous and sacrilegious abuse of Gods divine graces , vertues , and benefits bestowed , to make them dogbolts in every bow , and shafts in everie quiver , to draw out for the managing of any impious fact whatsoever ? For they h may say ordo , anie thing , so the rule and standart in their consciences be , ordo ad deum , or bonum Societatis : but neverthelesse , this i same ordo ad deum , or bonum societatis , is such a matter with a Iesuit , that it makes him all manner of waies disordered , & not so bonus socius , as Robin good fellow . For here hence are al his Equivocations , wherein his tongue runs one waie , and his meaning an other , that yee know not where to finde him ; a shame that bonum Societatis , should subsist vpon so vile support , as such an ordo ad Deum . k Whereby all a Iesuits evils , must bee reputed from the holy Ghost , and the verie name of a Iesuit , to import infallibilitie in faith and charitie , and so farre forth , that what he beleeveth , saith , or doth , ( be it never so much to the blemish of any parson , yea to the preiudice of a whole common wealth ) must not be thought to neede anie collaterall credit : for by one of their l two Principles , ordo ad Deum , or obedientia , ( by which as by a common medicine , they will salue all they do ) there is nothing cā go , or be done amisse , by any Iesuit : for that alwaies , it is either in ordine ad Deum , if an act of a Superiour ; or propter obedientiam , if done by an Inferiour . The 33. Proposition . They are dissemblers . a THe Iesuits neuer meane truely , sincerely , and directly , there is b scarse a true word in anie of them , and manie notorious vntruths : but a c false heart , in all , or most of them . Their d ground where they take , be it even against the holy Sea , is dolus not virtus , their e speech indefinite , peremptorie , and dissembling , and therefore f it is hard to convince them of any errours in faith , by reason of their sly dissembling , g equivocation , sophistication , winding and doubling ; they can c collogue with anie course , by either oath , or other externall signe whatsoever should be required at their hāds , according to the lawes of their mentall evasions and equivocations , grounded vpon their ordo ad Deum , which permits them any dissimulation : and therfore i senselesse be that man or woman holden for ever , that shall iudge anie sinceritie , fidelitie , naturall and humane affection or other good meaning , to be in them . The 34. Proposition . Equivocators . a NO one thing breedeth greater danger and hatred to all Catholikes in England , then the Iesuits abuse of Equivocating , making it indeed nothing else but an art of lying , cogging , foisting and forging , and that without al respect of matter , time , place , person , ( so it be not to a superiour Iesuit ) or other circumstance , whatsoever : all is one , vti scientia , Iura , periura , secretum prodere noli . b For they hold it dogmatizando , that they may not only to our adversaries : but even also to any Catholike Magistrate , yea to the Pope himselfe , answere one way and meane another . And this c doctrine of the Iesuits , touching equivocation , hath already bewitched so many of the Lay Catholiks , that d impossible it is , for any ( that is not a Iesuit ) to know a Iesuits hart , & e no man is able to bind vpon any words of theirs , they haue so many shifts , and so little conscience in speaking truly , except it bee one of themselues to another : otherwise , their manner is , to frame their speeches according to their company , alwaies applying themselues to the times , and occasions as they fall out , and f they are so delighted with this Equivocation , or a subtile and dissembling kind of speeche , as that to the scandall of others ( as before hath beene declared ) they are not ashamed to defend it in their publike writings , g in abusing the words of St Paul , with factus sum omnia omnibus , vt omnes lucrifaciam ; to this end and purpose , h absurdly alleaging diverse places of Scripture , i by which doctrine of theirs , there is laid forth an open way to Atheisme , so to expound the Apostles as they may be thought to temporize , which is a plaine kind of dissimulation . But let these k men of the Bernard high Law , such like as liue by their wits & principles of Machiavell , taught by their Arch Rabbies how to maintaine this their l absurd Paradoxe of Equivocation , m that haue so great facilitie to coine lies , thereby to make any thing liked or disliked as they list , and to giue out by Newters what they please , n cease their quirkes and quiddities , as mentall evasions , Equivocations , tergiversations , and the like : for else , o they are commonly now adaies held so great lyers , that I doubt whether any , or all of the Iesuits wordes , yea or others that are in England this day will be accepted of , for the valew of a straw , by any that knowes them , they are so ful of Equivocations and doubtings . The 35. Proposition . Temporizers . a THey hold it lawfull to temporize with the Civill Magistrate , b making Religion a matter of state , and policie , to draw people vnto them , by plausible hypocrisie , and shew of zeale : not a matter of conscience , to direct them aright . And thus , by c their temporizing platformes , casting omnia pro tempore , nihil pro veritate , they hold the d making of close Catholiks in policie , e which by their flat Atheall doctrine , secretly taught in Scotland , f are freely permitted , to eate flesh as companie occasioneth , to read all kind of bookes indifferently , and to goe to a Masse in the forenoone , & to a Puritan Sermon in the afternoone , and lastly e licensed to marry with Catholikes . The 36. Proposition . Falsaries . a IT is no newes with them , to alleage Auctors corruptly , by b nipping of words and cutting of that , which confuteth the thing for which they are alleaged : which c false play of theirs , in taking that which serveth their turne ( as they think ) and leaving out the substance of the matter , is often practised ; but aboue all other things , most shamefull is the corrupting of the Cardinals letter d vrged by the Priests against the Iesuits . The 37. Proposition . Polititians . a THe Iesuits religious pietie , is turned into meere Secular , or rather temporall and Laicall policie : and they are a Priests indeed , but exceeding cunning Politicks withall , and these c Politicke canvasers or d Matchiavilian Polititians , e haue so many Matchiavilian devises , as every plot and drift , seemeth to bee an infallible rule of falsehood , and a principle in chiefe , whereby the Iesuits doe square their actions , as never a Prince in Christendome , nor any man living , can tell where to find , or how to trace or trust them . f For in all sacrilegious and temporizing platformes , g Atheall plots of perdition , h Matchiavilian or rather Mahumetan-like faction , i Heathenish , tyrannical , Sathanicall and Turkish government , k none goeth beyond the Iesuits at this day ; l and they are able to set Aretin , Lucian , Matchiauel , yea and Don Lucifer in a sort to schoole , as impossible for him by all the Art he hath , to besot men as they do . The 38. Proposition . Entermedling in state-affaires too far . a ALthough there be an expresse clause in the Iesuits mission into England , that they should not deale in matters of state : b yet , the Iesuits themselues sticke not to vaunt , that they haue a finger , not only in the Catholicke commons of this Realme , but also in the State , and c they are become officious sticklers in Princes affaires Ecclesiastical or Tēporall , d both in England and Scotland , as is proued very sufficiently : & according to e their doctrine of statizing , they f must be stirring , g tamporing , temporizing , and statizing like martiall men , or common souldiers in the field of war , in all temporal , mundane and stratagematicall affaires ; h this is their delight , but ever they doe rather harme , than good thereby , and therefore it was well done of the Secular Priests , i earnestly to request , that all proceedings of State-busines by the Iesuits , should be vtterlie and presently forbidden . The 39. Proposition . They haue and mainetaine Intelligencers and spies . a IT is an honourable policie in Princes , to entertaine spies , counterfeits , and traitors , b by whom they know presentlie what is intended against them : semblably , the Iesuits c haue their intelligence in all the kings courts in Europe , by some principall man or woman of marke of their placing , d and their chiefe Agent to discover the secrets of Princes , is alwaies a Iesuit in re , or in spe . These e Agents in all Princes Courts , giue information to their Generall once a month , so that f nothing is done in England , but it is knowne in Rome with in a month after at the least . And say now , is it a fit thing that g Religious men , that should spend their time in study and contēplation , should take their greatest pleasure , delight , and contentment in writing and receiving packets of newes , from all coasts and countries , making that their whole study and travaile ? The 40. Proposition . Worke by great men . a The Iesuits haue learned one tricke of Machiavell , throughly practised by Erasmus , to be at composition with certaine noble men gentlemen and others in Princes Courts , to spread abroad their workes , with report every thing to bee rare , and b there is no Prince in the world , but hath some great Lord or other about him , that wil be ready to speake a good word for the Iesuits , in hope of a better time at their hands , at one time or other when kingdomes are at stake . The 41. Proposition . They effect all by Bribes and promises . a THe no lesse consciencelesse than mercilesse Iesuits , collect great summes of money over all the Realme , and wherefore is all this done ? Because b the greatest enterprises taken in hand by thē , are done more by bribes given to brokers , and c great promises made to them , that are sticklers for them : d for the later it hath beene long the faction of the Religious Fathers so to doe , to put men to great expectation of favour and advancement when their day shall come , & to ring every yeare fresh Alarums of forein preparation , and I know not what : and as touching the former , it was an e old stale principle of Machiavell , to packe and sack vp sackes of mony to bring and binde mens tongues therewith , to preach and prate in court , country , and Pulper , what they will haue , to keepe themselues in . The 42. Proposition . Intercept Letters . a VVHo knoweth not that the Jesuits , b such as should haue made a conscience to open other mens letters , doe intercept letters and lie so in wait to intercept what passeth to and fro , that a small letter can hardly and that very seldome escape them ? For they , & especially the c Iesuits of Rome , do intercept all manner of letters , of al men whosoever , d as they please themselues , not forbearing the packets , neither of the Cardinals , nor of Princes . The 43. Proposition . Iniurious to Priests by debasing them . a THe Iesuits tongue-torments , more cruell and heavie to the Priests , thā their adversaries , racks , ropes or Tiburne Tippets , b calling anointed Priests knaues , villaines , spies , south-saiers , Idolaters , Libertins , Atheists , with other the most odious termes that the Divell or malice is able to invent ; c shaking their heads , & vsing diverse very disdainfull exclamations , as , ah , hah , hah , a Seminarie , an old Queene Marie Priest , a Secular , ah , ah , ah , alas poore men , you shall see thē all leape at a crust , ere it be long ; and d where these Fathers haue had most conversation and dealing , many of modest and temperate constitution , are become impious , brazenfaced , & furious men against Priests , wherevpon e the Catholickes haue not beene afraid to lay violent hands , with offer to strike , or to run with drawne swords at Priests , and f reported that it were no more offence to kill one of them , than to kill a notorious persecutour and hereticke : so that , g if the Iesuits should prevaile , the poore Seculars were as good to be all hanged vp togither , as liue to endure the insults , triumphs & vpbraidings that shal be laid against them , h as though no Secular Priest were worthy to be named the same day that mention is made of a holy Iesuit , i and that it might be sufficient for them , if they might haue some curat-ships to say Masses , and so much favor , as to attend vpon them to know their Masterships pleasure , what they would command them ; and k this debasing and abasing all Priests , the l Iesuits will not cease , vntill they haue cast out the Priests , and that by wicked meanes , not only of themselues , but m even of Schismatickes and common enemies . The 44. Proposition . By suspending them from their faculties . a HOw mány of the Secular Priestes were suspended from the vse of their faculties , because they would not confirme Blackwels auctoritie vnder their hand ? The 45. Proposition . From the Altar . AS you may plainely see in a iust defense of the sclādered Priests by a Io. Colleton . The .46 Proposition . From Preaching . a THey were forbidden to preach and teach the lay-people , during the contention betweene the Priests and Iesuits . The 47. Proposition . From their Residences . a AVctority was given , b when it pleased the Iesuits , to change and remoue the Priests from one residence to an other , they being endowed with no Church living , nor the Lay-catholicke bound , by as much as the least shew of charitie , to mainetaine anie one in their houses , but such as themselues shall chuse or cast affection vnto . The 48. Proposition . From all Companie . a ALL Catholicks warned to shun their companies , & b all meetings of Priests forbidden . The 49. Proposition . From Christian buriall . a THey were not to be buryed after a Christian manner . The 50. Proposition . From all Almes . a REliefe was taken awaie from the Priests by the Iesuits , so that they b were exempted from part of the common dividents , being prisoners , and faine to sell their very cloathes of their backes , their Breviaries and other Service-books , being else c not able to holde out in prison , for want of mainetenance : & whiles the poore Seculars d were in this extremity , it was a world to see the superfluity of the Iesuits . The 51. Proposition . Getting all the Almes to themselues . a NEver larger almes giuen then of late yeares ( for the b Catholicks bestow their almes plentifully throughout the land , for reliefe of prisoners , & other godly vses : ) but c the Iesuits , pretending to be Religious collectors for prisoners , and other distressed catholicks , and d having gotten Iudas his office , scilicet , to carrie the monie bagge , into their substitutes hands , dispose all the wealth and charity of Catholickes , ( consisting of many thousand pounds ) most sinfully , irreligiously , and abusiuely ; they convert these pios vsus , intended by the benefactors where need is , into their owne purses : or into their purses from whom they may coniure it at their pleasures : so that e the expences of one Iesuit , is able to mainetaine twenty Priestes plentifullie and richlie ; and if it so chance they doe bestow out of their Almes-purse any thing , it is not bestowed f vpon the needy ; but g partially as they please thēselues . h Thus where the Iesuits haue abundance , the poore Priests & Catholicks never suffered such great want of reliefe , & therfore i it is to be wished , that they would spend their almes better , in hospitalitie and good edification . The 52. Proposition . Starving the Priests . a MAny Priests are pined away with griefe & want of food , and b like to die of famine , by reason of the Iesuits , c and in Framingham castle all of them were readie to starue , as receiving no maintenāce , nor reliefe of the common benevolence . The 53. Proposition . Domineering over them . a THe Iesuits seeke to rule the rost , to haue all men at their becke and cōmandement , to haue nothing done without their advise and appointment , and that they will haue all Priests their prentises . The 54. Proposition . Forcing them to yeeld the place vnto them . a IT was thought a disorderly thing , that the Iesuits being no Priests , and some say brethren , should take place before the Priests : maintained by the Iesuits , as a point of good nature : and albeit a in procession the Iesuits march in the lowest rancke , and therefore almost c never come to procession , because they must take the lowest place ; yet if a d Secular Priest meet them abroad , he must vaile bonnet vnto them : for it is a good argument , e he is a Iesuit , ergo silence , ergo yeeld the stoop in his presence . The 55. Proposition . Disgracefull both in word and deed to Popes . a They haue preached openly in Spaine against Pope Sixtus the last of al holy memory , & railing against him as against a most wicked man , & monster on earth . They haue called him a Lutheran , Hereticke , they haue tearmed him a Woolfe , they haue said hee had vndone all Christendome if he had lived : and in few , Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe , as Iudge Paramont , being asked what he thought of his death , answered . Qui sine poenirentia vivit , & sine poenitentia moritur , proculdubio ad Infornum tendit : and an English Doctor of our nation said , conceptis verbis ; quantum capio , quantum sapio , quantum intelligo , descendit ad infernum . The 56. Proposition . To Cardinals . a THey report many disgracefull things of Cardinall Toledoes death , contraried by one , in whose armes he died , who said he made a vertuous ende . The 57. Proposition . To Kings . IT a is to be feared least they will bring in bondage , not only Prelats , but the very Princes and Monarches themselues . For there is a b marveilous contempt of Princes , c whose proceedings they slaunder , which they ought not to doe . The French d King for railing against him , might haue put them to death for Traitors : for e they reviled him , as oft as they thought on their expulsion , and to let passe this , f they haue bolstred , banded , bearded , and borne out many foule matters , against the greatest and chiefest Princes on earth . The 58. Proposition . Plotting forraine invasions . b THe Iesuits haue plotted diverse forraine invasions : yea , b they set kingdomes to sale , and talke & write of nothing , but of forraine enimies that shall invade this land . So that c this land , by their mischievous drifts and devises , lies open to the spoile , of who that first can catch it . But d J hold him worse then mad , that would take part with these Iesuits , or invaders in truth , notwithstanding any Excommunication . The 59. Proposition . Disposing of kingdomes . a ALthough they should not meddle directly or indirectly with disposing of Crownes , yet the b Iesuits are iolly fellowes to cap crownes , to canton kingdomes and to crown Kings with ambitious Pamphlets in their hearts , c and , in ordine ad daemonem , aemulantes still charismata pessima , they busie themselues in disposing and deposing of Crownes and Scepters , betraying one Nation over vnto the hands of another , and all this in Iesus name . The 60. Proposition . Traitors . THere is a an expresse charge of Christ to all subiects , reddere quae sunt Caesaris , &c. as also the ingenerate law of all men to bee loyall to their Countrey : and yet the b Iesuits proued no lesse infest foes against the late Princesse and Countrey , then Spaine it selfe was at that time , and such as laboured nothing more , then to betray that sweete portion , this sweete plot , our Country to Spaine , a meere forraine and Morisco nation . To this end c there was casting of Plots for their purpose and most advantage , aswell by plausible perswasions , in passages of speech , as also by countermined platformes in practicall conspiracies , for else whereto tended d a Blanke importing treason , wherevnto many were requested to subscribe e their new Spanish Doleman , to which day for the delay of it , they giue the daily pox , f their treasonable plots , for surprizing the Lady Arbella , for solliciting Earle Ferdinando to rise against her Maiestie , for entertaining Yorke , and Yong in the plot for firing her Maiesties storehouses , and to flie with ships and all into Spaine ? &c. And the like in Scotland . For by g their doctrine of Prince-killing , h haue they not enioined one for penance to murder his Soveraigne , and doe they not hold it for sound doctrine , that i if one of them be commanded to murther an annointed Prince he must doe his endeavour , and none hath beene wanting , as k lately enough in the murther of the last French king , and latelier might haue beene seene in the now * regnant , & in our own deare Soveraigne , sundry times by the Iesuiticall hand , had not Gods hand beene the stronger , l Three or foure of them were esteemed Martyrs in Englād ; but they died rather to their shames , for their sinnes , than to Gods glory , & m if her Maiestie and the State would take them at the worst , they might all bee iustly condemned for erroneous and traiterous persons . n For out of the Jesuits docttrine , certainely there is nothing else but treacheries , treason , and conspiracies , and hence o it must needes followe , that there is not a Iesuit in all England , but hath a smacke of impietie , irreligiositie , treacherie , treason , and Machiavillian Atheisme : and p it cannot be , but as long as there is one Iesuit left in England , there wil be mutinies , treason , conspiracies and factions , do what Pope , or Prince , or any other is able to do , or say to the contrary . q All their plots and conspiracies ( wherof I am fully perswaded there are a great many yet lie hidden and vnknowne ) tend herevnto : this is it that r makes their bookes so full of plots , exasperations and conspiracies against the Church and common weale , ſ that causes their mony to fly so fast over the Ocean , ( t two thousand pounds intercepted in one yeare going over ) to prepare for an invasion , for an exploit in time to come . But how hath God favored these u prevaricators , x Pharisees , and Conspirators against God and their country , y these massacring butcherlie buyers and sellers of their deare countrymens bloud ? z Their hopes of the English Nation were vaine , a and their Catilinian coniurations and conspiracies were not sanctified , nor blessed by the hand of God ; b Gods hand was ever the stronger , and to conclude c their evill successe shewes , that God was not pleased with them . The 61. Proposition . Murderers of Kings , Popes , Cardinals , &c. a THe Iesuits and their seditious faction , do broach & publish such a kinde of doctrine , that subiects are no longer bound to obey wicked Princes in their temporall Lawes and commandements , but till they be able by force of armes to resist them . A most dangerous doctrine , & most vnfit to be published in this age . b By this doctrine the Iesuits murdered Henry the third , and writ a discourse against him de iusta abdicatione , H 3. as if it had beene hatched in hell , c practised against divers kings in France , d defeated the Polonian of his kingdom , and e here in England haue sought to compasse their wicked purposes by Norfolke , Stukely & Saunders . f For all which and many mo traiterous practises , the Iesuits are at this day an odious & detestable Generation . But though they seeke to murder wicked Princes and g propose rewards to such as kill tyrants : yet it may be they will spare Popes , Cardinals , & Bishops : surely no ; h they grow as bad as bad may be , namely to the outraging of that which is most holy , i and if there be ( as there are ) shrewd suspitions in Rome cōcerning the death of two Popes , two Cardinals , and one Bishop already , I make no question at all , but that if hereafter , any Pope shall crosse their plots and purposes , the Iesuits wil haue such a figge in store for his Holines , that shall do so , as no Rubarbe , Angelica , Mithridate , or other medicine or Antidote shall expell the venim , poison , and infection from his heart ; nor any bezar , perle , gold or vnicornes horne , long preserue his life after it . The 62. Proposition . In Doctrine they turne all topsie turuie . g THey plunge themselues over head & eares into Ecclesiasticall affaires , with such audacity and obstinacie , as they haue turned all topsie turvy . The 63. Proposition . By hereticall Positions . a OVt of the Iesuits doctrine , certainely therein is nothing els but fallacie vpon fallacie , errour vpon errour , one contradiction encountring an other , all nothing . b A Iesuit mainetained this most vile , Atheall , and heathenish assertion , that one that is not a Christian may be Pope of Rome , and an h other Iesuit openly and for sound doctrine maintained it , first to his Auditors in the Schoole , & at this instant openly in the Inquisition doth : viz : non est de fide credere hunc Romanum Pontificem esse Christi vicarium , that it is no matter of faith to beleeue that this or that Pope of Rome is Christs Vicar . d To let passe their erroneous doctrin , concerning their Generals infallibilitie of truth , for deciding of matters , their absurd Paradoxes of Equivocation , e The Iesuits every way in printed Books , in writen copies or Manuscripts , and most of all in privat conference haue taught contrarie to the beliefe of the Romane Church , and therefore , f it is no marvell , if in materiall points of catholike faith , they oppose against the Angelicall Doctour , and be therefore at this present in dighted before his Holinesse , by the Dominicans in Spaine , for Pelagians , and sundry other kindes of Hereticks ; as also for impostors , by the Sorbonists of Paris , and all other French cleargie , as we credibly heare . The 64. Proposition . By extravagant opinions . a NEver was there any religious order that tooke their course , that held such phantastical , extravagant , exorbitant , irregular opinions , as they do . The 65. Proposition . Approving of the Stewes . a Fa : Weston and Archer , charged by Doctor Norden for defending the Stewes b to be lawfull , and very necessarie ; to be as lawfull , as the Pope himselfe , as if they had made ( as it seemeth ) a verie league with Hell , against truth . The 66. Proposition . Abuse of Confession . a THEY abuse this sacred seale for the managing of worldly businesses , & herevpon it is reported , that b the Pope sent a precept or a decree to the Religious houses in Rome , thereby prohibiting vnder great penalties , that any should vse the knowledge of a mans estate in the Sacrament of confession , to any Politicke ende or matter in any external affaire whatsoever ; but the Iesuits delayed their obedience herevnto , and so they c make confession a cony-catching or cousening tricke or slight , to picke a man , or womans purse ; nay to get all their lands by it ; and yet ( which is more shamefull , d though it seeme never so strange to heare ) they doe ordinarily reveile confessions per tertiam vel quartam personam , vel sub incerto nomine . The 67. Proposition . Vsing fond Revelations and Prophecies . a THe Iesuits , and those of the Familie of loue alike , saue only that the b Iesuits haue a more plausible and deceitfull means to deceiue poore souls , then any one of the Familie of loue or others . c These new Apostles , Illuminats , and extraordinarie Rabbies , haue more neere familiaritie and acquaintance with God , than any other . Herevpon , they take vpon them to d Prophecie of the changes and deaths of States and Statists , ( though for the most part most foolish & false ) whereby you may see , from whence their Illuminations come , and with what holy Ghost their familiaritie and correspondencie is , whereof they so much boast . The 68. Proposition . Turne Atheists . a THe doctrine of the Iesuits , an open way to Atheisme , and b there is not a Iesuit , nor a Iesuits fautour any where to be found , but hath a foule tast of Atheisme , either directly perse , or indirectly , virtute primi & principalis agentis . The 69. Proposition . Are at strife with others . a THere is continuall , bitter strife , betweene them , & the Dominicans in Spaine . The 70. Proposition . Among themselues . a THe Iesuits often at open warres by brawlings , wranglings , contentions & chidings amongst themselues , defaming , backbiting slaundering , & supplanting one another , b what doe I say write ? Nay , doe so calumniate one another , and as it were teare in peeces the fame , name , and good renowne one of the other , and c both at Framingham and elsewhere , agree like cat and dogge within it selfe . The 71. Proposition . Against Schoole Divinitie . a ALL our Students , by Parsons and Creswels means set to Positiue Divinitie , and not suffered to bee Philosophers , or Scholasticall Divines , b because scientia inflat . The 72. Proposition . Men that cannot erre . THey say a themselues that their Societie cannot erre , b in any act , word , or thought , such Lords , lawlesse Sirs , and Legifers they take themselues to be ; thinking g their Societie more perfect than a Generall Councell , and talking much d concerning their Generals infallibilitie of truth for deciding of matters ; whereby e you may see , how erroneous a Societie these Loyolians are , and how no assurance it hath at all of the holy Ghost , wherein it vaunts it selfe equall with the Pope and a generall Councell . The 73. Proposition . Full of Noveltie . a THe Iesuits are wholly sicke of the fashions , b and must needs smell , or haue one tricke of innovation or singularitie in every thing : for like c newe vpstart squibs , and strange men , all must consist of innovations , novelties , and new names amongst them . The 74. Proposition . Intemperate writings a THe Iesuits writings are fowle , and full both of intemperance and vntruth . A shame that inke and paper , & the presse , should be so abused ; for they do b vse , the most odious tearmes , that the Divell or malice is able to invent . The 75. Proposition . Libellers . a THey blame others for Libells and verie b vnpriestly Pasquils , & yet write themselues , c giving Hereticks occasion of laughter and mocking . The 76. Proposition . Write much . a THe Secular Priests write not so many bookes as the Iesuits doe : the reason may bee , money makes the presse goe , and thereof b it cannot bee but they haue infinit treasure in their hands . The 77. Proposition . Forbidding others . a PRiests Bookes accounted hereticall , as in Bulla Coenae Domini , bereft of all manner of helping themselues , and b it stands vpon the Iesuits to suppresse all writings . The 78. Proposition . Seducers of youth . a THey draw the best wits into their Societies , by vndue and wicked meanes , so as b the case now standing , no Catholicke is to send their children or friends thither , for feare c of banker upting them both in spiritual & temporall patrimonies . For b they that go or send their children , doe either by consequent cast themselues into a voluntarie slaverie , as bad as if vnder the great Turke ; or else they must change the true nature of an English heart , and become traitors or fautors of conspiracies , against their Prince , country , and dearest friends ; and I e conclude by a probable coniecture , there is not one amongst a 100. that goes to be a Iesuit , that hath anie true Religious intent in him . The 79. Proposition . Admit none but rich men into their societie . a THey fawne vpon men of noble birth , especially if they be rich , and inveigle them to sell all that they haue , and enter into their Societie and likewise women are induced by them to become Nunnes : but b none are welcome without mony , or commendations : as for example , c at the college of S. Omers only for children , none can haue place there , vnlesse he bring with him fortie pound , or fiftie pound , or more ; or haue some good annuitie to maintaine him . So that you may obserue f three sorts of men admitted in their Societie , men of wit wealthy or worshipfull , a such as may bring some gaine helpe and means to their further preferment , & advancement here on earth . The 80. Proposition . Teaching gratis . a THeir teaching gratis is dangerous : b For I haue heard of a certaine familiar Iesuit , who erected a kinde of familie of loue by his night Lectures to his faire femal-auditors , thus in truth c they doe not all things gratis , and of pure devotion . The 81. Proposition . Irreverence to Parents . a THe Catholicke children of either sex after their becōming Iesuited , do very scandalously neglect their filiall duety and reverence to their Parents , and which is worse , cleane set them at naught : such swolne and Puritan spirits these Fathers haue put into them . The 82. Proposition . Make them worse and worse . b MEn send their children vnto them holy , godlie , peaceable , simple , and abounding with the spirit of God ; but within a short time , they are , God knowes , cleane changed and altered from what they were . The 83. Proposition . They are well followed and favoured . a THe Iesuits haue many , both of the Cleargie & Laitie secretly devoted vnto them , & b they are brought into such a fooles Paradise , that c the people inchanted by them , will not beleeue any thing against them . Thus d do they carry poyson in their tongues vnseene , and infect all vnknowne that gaze and admire at them : sed haec est potestas tenebrarum , but the best is , e all their fautors are either foolish , ambitious , or needy . The 84. Proposition . Especially by women . a AS all Heresies began with talkatiue women , ( b these of nature being as flexible to yeeld , as credulous to beleeue ) c so Silly women more devout than discreet , ( as alwaies in extreames , either Saints or Devils , ) d poore soules do mightily dote and run riot after them , e amōg these they title tatle , and lull babies a sleepe , and f the ignorant multitudes of the Iesuits do vse most women gospellers , trumpetters of their praise , & g with these womē-tatlers & women-Gospellers , the Secular Priests are much troubled : but in the end , their fraud will appeare , h whē these hot Ladies shall lay their hands a little heavier on their hearts , with mea maxima culpa . The 85. Proposition . Do all for gaine . a IT was a graue censure of Cardinall Allen concerning the Iesuits : that they sought more their owne commodity , than the students weale , or Gods glorie . b For they are much moved with temporall commodity , c seeke their owne good ; and d their kingdome is wholly of this world . e In their worldly wealth they settle like bees in soile , f and by reason of such their riches , they neglect Gods honour , by preferring their owne before it . g Thus do they dispose of last wils of the sicke , thus loue they to intermeddle with the marriages of many , with their temporall goods , and indeed with al things . Alwaies taking that course with all men , that something happen vnto their share ; having mindes indeede of nothing ▪ but of their owne gaine ; and accordingly , h all mens fortunes graces favours , and actions whatsoever , shal be evil thought of , which are beneficial to any , with out a commodity to their Societie : and yet neverthelesse , i there is no enquiring after their lands , if they doe , this shall be their answere , mirantur superiores . The 86. Proposition . They get great summes of mony into their hands . NOw let vs consider a what huge masses of mony , & infinit treasures the Iesuits haue every where , in England , and b other Countries , * even from the Indies . c Some one of them hath receaued many thousand pounds . d A french Iesuit reported , that the King of France gained three millions of gold at their expulsion thence ; so that it cannot be , but e they daily and nightly encreasing their riches , and enriching their Cofers , haue infinit treasure in store , for an exploit in time to come ; expecting a time no doubt , when to drawe it forth , to their most advantage . Thus , whiles f other Orders want , the Iesuits abound : g they vow , and others feele povertie . h They may truly say , Domine quinque talenta dedisti mihi , ecce alia quinque suffuratus sum . Now i if it appeare to all men , that by meanes of such their wealth they trouble all Europe , by setting kingdomes at odds , by sowing of factions wheresoever they come , by ambitioning aboue all Religious Orders in holy Church , questionlesse this will in the end be their destruction . The 87.88 . Propositions . Resort only to rich mens houses , and there domineere a NO man Master of his house where they may beare swaie and be admitted of : but b they neglect the poore , and hant only rich mens houses . For c they skorne to come to any , but where they may be daintily and costly entertained , they looke not after the Cottages of the poore , nor minister their helpe to them , be there never so much need ; d but all their resort ( as I haue said ) is to Noblemen and Gentlemens houses , where they domineere over Tenants , children , servants , and all . The 89. Proposition . Build and governe Seminaries . a THere are certaine Seminaries in Spaine built by the Iesuits , which would be better employed in the reliefe of the poore . And b the king of Spain hath ever since the yeare 1583 given thē 2000 crowns by the yeare ; the payment procured by Father Parsons , so c that all the Colleges beyond sea , are now vnder the Iesuits tyrannie , as may be seene by d the most egregious , tyrannicall , vsurpate , intrusiue auctoritie of the Iesuits , gotten over all the Seminaries at Rome , at S. Omers in Spaine , and at Doway . The 90. Proposition . Take all into their hands a THe Iesuits seeke to rule the rost , to haue all men at their becke and commandment , and so b miserais the state of Catholiks in England , that all must depend on them . c As though the fee simple of all mens acts , words , and thoughts were in their gift , to raise and let fall the price of all at their devotion . And therefore of all Orders d the Capuchins liue best with the Iesuits , because the Iesuits would willingly haue all , and the Capuchins would willingly haue nothing , but even to keepe soule & life together . The 91. Proposition . Enterdeale with the Civill Magistrate . a THe Iesuits haue continuall enterdeale with the Civill Magistrates , b with Heretickes , and men of a suspected Religion . The 92. Proposition . Betraying some vnto the Enimie . a IT is feared they doe indirectly betray some vnto the enimies . The 93. Proposition . Bring others vnto their ends and afterwards slaunder them . a THe Iesuits are so cruell , as that they haue not only brought many excellent men to a miserable end , by b driving them into desperation , and to take some miserable course , but haue reproched them after death . The 94. Proposition . Laying a foule imputation on those that leaue them WHen any one leaues their Religion for the better , a they blaze abroad , that the party was once long agoe reiected , and never accounted of amongst them , but let alone , for that they knewe what end he would make before hand . The 95. Proposition . All for a Monarchie . a THe Iesuits fish for a Monarchie , b & haue at all Christendome for both states Ecclesiastical and Temporall : but c especially they challenge a spiritual Monarchy over all England , by d right or wrong seeking it , so that e all the Iesuits aime at one marke , and one course , and conceaue one and the same generall hope , to haue England a Iaponian Monarchie ( as once one tearmed it ) or an Apish Island of Iesuits . The 96. Proposition . Hated of all Orders . a THeir Order is mightilie impugned , b al Orders being against them . The 97. Proposition . Their spirituall exercise . a THey vse their exercise as a chiefe meanes to catch the Schollers : some of their owne Societie much condemning them for it , and b by the abuse of this c false kind of spirituall Exercise , they make boot & havocke of Catholicke Estates , ( for therefore was it devised by the Jesuits thereby to fleece charitable people . ) d Father Parsons and Father Creswell , are most zealous in this point , these are noted for Fishers , Piscatores Patris Generalis , that emploied their wits and labours , to draw vnto them the best they could finde every where . The 98. Proposition . Their Discipline in their Colleges . a THeir Discipline is with great severity , many are discouraged therewith . b Two cannot speake togither without a third , nor the students of one chamber recreat their fellowes of an other , c For they must recreat with none , but such as they are appointed vnto . d And in everie companie of Schollars , the Iesuits haue their Spies , which they call Angeli Custodes , which lie in wait what they cā heare said , or see done by any Schollar , and forthwith carry it to the Superior . e No Scholler can write letters abroad , or receiue any without license and surview of the Iesuits their governours ; no not to the fellowes of the same College . f There are many like Turkish cruelties , especially in enioyning there Schollars penances ; some for breaking their fasts in a cookes house , others for eating a little milke , others for washing themselues : some put to pennāce of bread and water , for not asking penances , some for slipping with their tongues ; one violently pulled by the ears for calling a lay-Iesuit Hermanno that is brother , for Father . The 99. Proposition . Feare a visitation . a THey feare nothing more than to render an account of their dealings , or to heare of their lewdnes . The 100. and last Proposition . Their fall prophecied and wished for . a IT is observed by men , how Religious Orders haue their periods and times , and againe , b that at the rising of every new Order , some are raised vp to bee a curbe to that Order : this being so , ( c as some of the Tēporall Magistrates haue told the Iesuits ) that Iesuitisme from a Serpigo , is become a Gangraena , it must therefore be cut of . a For we are perswaded they will be drawne to such matters , as , a visum est spiritui sancto & nobis , must iudicially passe in definitiue sentēce against them , and the e Pope is to bee entreated to lay the axe to the root of the tree , & cut of this pride of the Societie spreading it selfe farre and neere . f f For vnlesse a damme bee set against the streame thereof , the raging course will burst asunder all bands of honestie and modestie , and carry away headlong many with the force thereof . It is high time to looke to them , g for they are become already incorrigible of any Prince , Prelate , or People , h & therefore a heavy destruction , ruine and downefall is likely to come vnto their Societie : and surely , i their fall without some speciall miracle is incurable . k And they are like enough to be expelled by force , these contentions cannot end but with bloud . l For as they liue iust Templarlike in all things , so m there wil be a right Templarian downefall . n And all ought to assist to the pulling down of these seditious , Templarian , Iesuiticall , Sectaries , and o banishing them out of all the Christian world . In the meane time , I conclude with this praier of the Secular Priests . p Cursed be that houre , that ever they got entrance into the College , and cursed be the time that ever they set foot on English ground , and a triple curse vnto them all , that to maintaine their ambition , pride , & seditious factions , haue scandalized the whole Christian world . Amen faxit Deus . HEtherto , by Gods especiall providence , we haue made a generall description of the Iesuits , comprising their doctrine , discipline , policie , fashion and manner of life ; now it remaineth , that by way of Appendix , or for a small conclusion , ( because it is a true saying , that generalia non probant , ) we descēd vnto some particulars , and come from the Thesis , vnto the Hypothesis , exemplifying their villanies & impieties by some particular instances to be given , and for brevities sake , we will present vnto your iudicious eie , the liuely picture of an absolute Jesuit , one shal answere for all ; a man of * incomparable learning , () superlatiue knowledge , transcendent zeale , for devotion pietie and other good qualities , generally reputed amongst the vulgar sort of people , beyond the degrees of comparison ; to wit , Father Robert Parsons , our coūtryman , a Iesuit , who is a thought to haue few persons like , none before him , in the Practicall , or Speculatiue part , in Positiue , or School-Divinity , in State businesses , or Church affaires in what kind soever . Now if this man , a Iesuit , and one of the chiefest amōgst the Fathers of that Society , shal be found in the particulars of his life and conversatiō , to haue bin no * Saint nor sincere honest man ; but a a man of the only scandall , and turbulence , both to our church and country , b the vnfaithfullest , prowdest , busiest , & vnderminingst man that liued , c a lewder person than whom is not : d most exorbitant , & discomposed , e a sacrilegious bastard , f bastardly runnagate , filius populi , filius peccati , filius terrae ; g a dangerous Polypragmō , h Archstatist , i Archdeviser , k Summus Pontifex , or iudg-paramont on Earth , l impious caitife , m Atheall Stratagemitor , n busie-headed ; a o most diabolicall , vnnatural , and barbarous butcherly fellow , p exceeding bold , and of great vndertaking , q an impudent calumniator , r a most scurrilous traitour , ſ like a right Puritan , a t newe Anabaptist , or king Iohn of Leyden , u violator of al laws contemner of all auctoritie , x naked of all honestie , wisdome or iudgement , y monopolie of all mischiefe , z a staine of humanity , an impostume of al corruption , a corrupter of al honesty , a exlegal legifer , b very peremptory , sly , and saucie , impudent , c falsehearted Cataline , a d zoilus , a Timon , an hispanized Cameleon , like e Proteus , wretched seed of Cain , and sonne of Beliall , f monster of mankinde , g worthy the name of a beast or a Divel , h fitter for hel then for earth , i an Antesignan or immediate fore-runner of Antichrist ; and in few , a k most vnworthy , dishonorable Prelate : if I say al these , and sundrie other bad qualities be to be found compiled togither in one English Iesuit , what lewdnes , villanies , mischiefes and impieties , may wee expect to come from that viperous brood , dispersed over al the world , and devided into so many hundreds of Colleges & thousands of persons ? Surely , ether this wil be sufficient to make al sorts of men to loath their liues , detest their māners , and quite abandon their wicked Societie ; or els nothing wil be sufficient : and it is not to bee doubted , but that Almightie God , who hath a iust eie , and a sure hand , wil in the end ( when the measure of their iniquities shal be fulfilled ) poure out his heavy wrath and indignation vpon them , and recompense them their owne vnto the full : such height of pride , must needs haue a fal , and such a fal must of force be verie grievous , which is occasioned by so manie foule , enormous , and grievous sinnes : which that we may learne to shunne and avoide , as the Lacedemonians were wont to set drunken men before their children , to make them see , and seeing to detest the beastlines of that vice : so wee will propose and set before your eies , the picture of Father Parsons a man drūk with the cup of spirituall fornications , and long exercised in all kind of villanies , that the childe of God may learne to detest him , and in him all such blasphemous wretches , impious brood , and progenie of vipers , if hee wil eschew iram venturam . a It is reported that diverse Papists heretofore haue gone about to set out Parsons life , but we see it is not done , wherefore , seeing they haue surceased , whether discouraged with the waight or the length of the businesse , I know not , it shal not , I hope , proue distastful vnto any , if the same be described by a Protestant , dulie collecting the same , like so many broken pieces out of diverse workes of learned Papists , whose auctorities cannot iustly be excepted against , as being either eie or eare witnesses to all that shal be spoken , and thus having shewed you the cause , we come now to speake of the person Father Robert Parsons . The life of Father ROB. PARSONS an English Iesuit . THis famous Father Rob. Parsons , was a borne of meane parentage , infamous from the time that hee was first borne , b vnhonestly begot , and basely borne vpon the body of a very base queane ; c his supposed father of gentry no better then a Black-Smith , his right father indeed the Parish Priest , by meanes whereof hee was d binominous ; some times called e Rob. Parsons , sometimes Rob. Cowbucke , & should f not being base borne , haue beene a Priest , as altogether g illegitimate and irregular ; the place where he was borne was h called Stockersey in Somersetshire wherevpon he was called the Bastard of Stockersey , i a knowne bastard ( for the k disparages of his birth , not his baptisme could wash away ; ) his parents were so l poore , that his mother and sister had an annuall almes bestowed on them , towards their sustenance , who else had gon a begging , after his supposed fathers death . But how meane soever his Fathers estate was , sure it is that he was brought vp in his tender yeares vnto the study of learning and the Arts , and in processe of time ( his towardly inclinatiō being more generally known ) he was preferred vnto Oxford , and there chosen fellow of Baliol College , where he spent his time , partly well , partly ill . Well , m for he professed himselfe a Protestant , & that with such affectation , as he dealt with Mr Squire for direction in the study of Divinitie , and conferred ordinarily in the reading of Calvin , with * Mr Hide , a fellow in the house , a knowne Calvinist ; but otherwise learned , and a very morall gentleman ; and he was so eagar in promoting the Religion then n professed , that being Bursar he disfurnished the College Librarie , of many ancient bookes and rare Manuscripts , & in their steed , brought in a number of Protestant Books , the first that were ever there ▪ and lastly his o resolution was such for his constancie in this Religion , that hee protested to one Iames Clarke , his old schoolefellow then abiding in the Inner Temple , who doubted his Religion , that hee neither then was , neither ever ment to be a Papist , and offered to take an oath for assurance of the same . Furthermore , his Morall conversation and discipline was such , and so strict , that hee would haue p punished one of his owne Pupils and Schollars ( q whereof being the ancientest fellow of the College saue one , of Noblemen and Gentlemens Sonnes and kinsmen he had aboue 20 at one time ) to this day both very vertuous & learned , for going to a play . In like sort , r he wēt about to bring seven or eight in danger , for taking , after the fashion of schollars , certaine puddings from a Pupill of his . Hetherto he behaved himselfe very well , but marke what followed . This his too great severitie was remitted , and his dealing in Oxford in the end ſ proved lewd , seditious , and wanton , and r so infamous was hee there being then Master of Arts , that hee was hissed out the College with whouts and hobubs , and ringing with bels , and u the resolutenesse of the fellowes was such to hee rid of him , that they had provided the toling of the Bell for him , as the manner is for one which is to depart the world . x Thus was he banished Oxford with the great ioy of all men , not for Religions sake : but for libelling , siding , and other lewdnes y True it is he had the favour to resigne being first lawfully expelled ; tendring his submission with teares , and promise , that he would ever after carry himselfe in good sort . Now is Mr Parsons put to his shifts , and the griefe of this expulsion did so farre prevaile with him , that he notwithstanding his solemne protestation vnto the fellowes of the College and his old friend of the Temple , packs the z next yeare after , over the Sea , to studie in Padua , and the yeare after that , to wit , in the yeare of our Lord 1575. he hies him to Rome , and there enters the Societie of Iesus : but a now see what a thing it is to be a Iesuit , he staies not long there , but like a forward child putting himselfe out , he b obtaines of Pope Gregory the 13. to be sent together with F. Campian into England , at the sute of D. Allen ( as was said ) in name of all English Cartholiks who desired greatly the assistance of the Iesuits in that mission , where for the furtherance of the Popish cause , hee was appointed Superiour ; this happened in the c yeare 1580. These two holy Fathers being safely and secretly arrived here in England cease not to doe that for which they came , to withdraw men from their allegiance to their true and lawfull Prince , to side with the Pope , and the king of Spaine : but their employments were diverse , according to their severall gifts . Campian excelled in speech , Parsons best was in writing ▪ the one therefore travelled vp and downe the Country , making his chiefe abode in & about London : the other kept more about the Sea coasts , and especially about the parts of d Sussex , from whence being discovered , he might the more easily get into France & saue one . For he had well learned our Saviours words when you are persecuted in one Citty ▪ fly vnto another . This precept of our B. Saviour he quickly put in practise ; for as secret as he lay , and as cunning as hee was , in casting his plots by letters written , and bookes printed , to exasperate the State yet the Fox was vncased , his Letters intercepted , and the Print and Printers which hee had procured for divulging of his Popish books : so that the next yeare after his first arrivall , he was constrained to flie into France leaving his fellow labourer to the mercy of the Magistrates , into whose hands shortly after he fell , and by the hands of iustice was as he well deserved soone cut of . Thus hath our cunning Polititian , that learned coūseller , e forsaken our Campe , and rescued himselfe from our Country perils , and now he begins to cry quit with the State , as well as he could , minding nothing but revenge . His first approaches are verball by f seditious books , or rather g enormous Libels : for example Greencoate , Philopater , his Bookes of Reformation , Admonition , and of Titles . His second attempts Real , by plotting secret Treasons , open invasions , and lastly by h vrging both Pius 5. and Sixtus 5. to excommunicate the Late Queene , whome not long before as is to bee seene in a certaine c Supplication made to the Queene by one Iesuit for all the rest , hee tearmes most mighty , most mercifull , most feared , best beloved Princesse , the shot-anchor of all their iust hopes , perfect in all Princely duty , Sacred Maiestie , and what not ? with protestation made vnto her , that hee will yeeld and perswade in conscience , all Temporall obedience , and take her part even against the Popes Armie . Thus wee see our k Iesuiticall , or rather Ignatian Apostle l Father Cowbuc beginning to play his prises , and bathing his hands in bloud , sitting at the m sterne & vnmasking his violent nature , of whom n Cardinall Allen held this opinion , that he was a man very violent , and of an vnquiet spirit , and said , that his turbulent head and lewd life , would be a discredit to the Catholicke cause : and no marvel , if we obserue either his words , or Actions , how they haue alwaies since his interdealings in State affaires , tended to most cruell , barbarous , and butcherly designements , as by the sequel of his life shal more plainely appeare . And first for orders sake , I intend to note vnto you his discomposed writings , and afterwards his exorbitant or extravagant and lewde Actions , not comprising al , ( for that were impossible , & would aske a wider volume ; ) but comprehending some of the chiefest in each kinde . The Bookes which he composed were partly of Religion , partly of State : of Religion , as his Resolution , &c. of State , as his Green-coat , Philopator , &c. the former sort were very commendable , and worthy workes indeed , not only in the iudgements of Papists but of a very learned and iudicious Protestant , who hath published some of them in print , with open profession of some small additions , where the Auctor or Translatour rather was found to goe amisse : but the later sort , are condemned by diverse learned writers in sundry passages of their bookes and nether Protestants nor Papists haue allowed them . The best and first Booke which he writ , and o which won him all the praise , was his Booke of Resolution , which he premised and divulged respectiuely , as an exordium to all the rest of his seditious Pamphlets , and lying Libels , to breed in mens minds an assured opinion of his Religion , pietie , and devotion : and yet not to heap more praises vpon him , then he iustly deserues , he was but p a Collector , or a Translator at the most : q the Booke not of his owne absolute invention , but taken out of other Auctors , his praise was for wel translating of it , close coutching and packing it vp together in a very smooth stile , and singular good Method ; and r alack , alack , ( as all men knowe ) it is easie to lay fine threads together , when they are gathered to a mans hand ; and as easie to translate a worke almost verbatim , out of peece-meale Copies into his mother language . ſ The true praise , to say the truth of this worke ▪ was due to Granada , that laid the platforme to Fa. Parsons hand , and gaue him the principall grounds & matter thereof and which also was deserved by Mr Brinckley for the penning , as diverse report . When he t had made an end of this Book , he made an end also therewith of devotion , sinceritie , & honest dealing . For after the publication of this worthy work , u he more beat his braines about State matters , then about the exercise of a Religious life , and x happy had he beene ( as one wisely obserues ) if his pen had staied here & gon no farther : but when Religion was once wordlefied in him , and that State matters and the designing of kingdomes had so great a part in his studies , y then he shooke hands with all shamefastnesse , and bid all truth and modesty farewell , and began to furnish the world with sundry bookes of State , touching Succession , after the death of the Queene , and Reformation vpon the Conquest of this Land , and such like : and see the wilinesse of this Fox , his turnings and windings here & there : these Libels , z the contents whereof were wholly infamatory came not forth with his name , or any knowne liverie , he a either concealed his name , or gaue thē such names as it pleased him to devise : for which cause some Papists haue little cause to thanke Mas Parson , and namely Mr Doleman , in whose name hee set out the Booke of Titles , ( notwithanding that hee detested the contents of it , ) which might haue brought him in great danger . b This Booke was set forth against the whole State , c entituling most traiterously the Spanish Infanta , to the English Crowne ; and the d king Catholike ( as some thinke ) and spare not to say ) was privie to the setting forth of this lucklesse labour : now this was Parsons policie and forecast ; if the Booke had beene commended ( as it neither was , nor deserved it ) then who but Fa. Parsons should haue beene the Father thereof : e but now that many exceptions are taken vnto it , hee good man is not the Auctor of it his name is not Doleman , and gladly hee would shift and wash his hands of it : but all the water betwixt this and Rome , will not serue his turne so to do , and thus much be spoken of his Doleman . There followes , or rather as some thinke goeth before a f railing Booke of one Andrew Philopater , alias Robert Parsons , g written in accusing , or reprooving some one , or many of all her Highnes Nobles , and civill Magistrates . What opinion trow we , haue the best learned Papists of this Booke ? Some hold it , to be h a most seditious , treacherous and infamous Libell , and worthy of Father Parsons , i fraught til it almost burst againe with al Iesuiticall pride and poyson ; k some to be a most vnpure and loathsom booke against the State , take one example for all : in this Philopater , the l Auctour very peremptory , slie , and saucie ( as his manner is , ) very bold lie affirmeth , that when kings do deflect from the Catholike Religion , and draw others with them , Liberos esse subditos &c : posseque & debere ( si vires habuerint ) huiuscemodi hominem dominatu eijcere . I wil not English the words , for very shame . Let vs go on forwarde to the examination of some of his other Bookes . Was not his m Greencoate , alias his Leycesters Common wealth a famous booke ? Yes verely , as Bookes in the Law are called , famosi Libelli . For it was an n inormous Libell , written against one of the Peeres of this Land ? Wherein the Malapert or Resolute Iesuit keepes his old wont , to resolue vs peremptorily , that a o different Religion , is a barre to inheritāce . p He might haue left such scoggerie , as he hath set out in this Book , to Tarleton , Nash , or els to some Puritan Mar-prelate , or other like companions . Next followes his Booke of Reformation , which vnder reformation , was q Father Parsons Babell , that is , his castle in the aire , wherein he prescribes Rules to al Estats : here you see , he is no changeling , the same man that he was before ; or rather growne more audacious and impudent , and wel he might , considering that these orders r were begunne in their deepe Iesuiticall Court of Parliament at Stix in Phlegeton , and suggested thence into Father Parsons sconce , being ended and compiled into a full and complete volume , by him and his Generall , intituled , The High Court of Reformatiō for England . Wherin are sundry wise Acts contained . Amongst the rest , that the Iesuits & Capuchins only should liue there , that ſ Bishops must be Pensioners , t Abbey-lands thus & thus disposed : he also hath his Legem Agrariam , limiting the Nobilitie and Gentry how much they should spende , with a number of the like senselesse fooleries , al which I willingly let passe , and come to the rest of his seditious Bookes , as his Admonition and Appendix . For the former of these , u Don Lucifer the wittiest Fiend in Hel , could not haue written more spitefully , & x so that all posteritie , cannot choose but condemne him for a most scurrilous Traitour , and had he beene brought vp amongst all the Ruffians , and Curtizans in Christendome , he could not haue learned to haue writ more vilely , prophanely , and heathenishly : for the later , to wit , his Appendix , the y booke was impudentlie fathered on Cardinall Allen after his death , being hatched by the vnnatural heat of his ambitious hart , wherin z the Arch-Statist , presumes to cal his learned Maiestie that now is king of great Brittaine , and then was of Scotland , obstinate Hereticke . Who so bold they say as blind Bayard , he feares no colours , hath no shame , or conscience what he writes , so he write with an invectiue humour , as hath beene largely proved already . Wherefore , having viewed , examined , and reexamined his Bookes and Writings , we will now enquire farther after his life and conversation ; for as the Poet said , a man may chance to write a lewd Booke , which is a sober honest man. But was he so ! so was Don Lucifer , and al the Fiends in Hell , from whom this man seemed to be descended in the right line , giving occasion to diverse , by a his soule , enormous , and divelish life , to think that he was not a meere man ; but some Fairies brat , or begotten by an Incubus , or aerish spirit , vpon the bodie of a base woman . Shew me that Treason , treacherie or noted villanie , wherein Parsons had not a hand , a heart , and a head ? name that vice , whatsoever it be , lying , coosening , forgerie , periurie , craft , hypocrisie , dissimulation envie , pride , covetousnes , vaine-glory , backebiting , selfe-loue , crueltie , murders and oppressions , ambition , heresie . Atheisme , whereof he was not guilty in the highest degree ? Speake you holy Priests of a sacred function , that knew him best , and lived longest with him , speake boldly and shame not , to tel him roundly of his faults . We wil descend vnto some few particulars , in order as they shal lie , most convenient for our purpose , and first of his foule conspiracies , treasonable plots , & plottings of Treason . You wil say , perhaps it is not good rubbing that sore any more , it hath beene touched alreadie to the quicke , I confesse it hath beene so , but in a different kinde ; For , it is one thing to write , an other to act treasons ; Parsons is guilty of both ; of the former , there is little doubt , by that which is spoken : and of the later lesse , by that which now followeth , by way of evident demonstration . To proue that Father Parsons ; was no lesse a traitour in action , then in writing , first we shew ( and can proue that we say , with a wet finger ) that he gaue his b concurrence , & furtherance to a forraine invasiō here in England , c sought to indanger his Maiesties person by the Scots , d set his rest vpon the hopes of Spaine , f procured himselfe to be the kings servant , practised with the g students there , and diverse others to giue their names to a Charter of subscription ; first h prophecied , and promised vnto himselfe good successe , and then tooke vpon him with his Iesuiticall Plotcasters , to be an Actor , an orator or a broker , in labouring to bring that prophecie to an effect , and rather then it should faile , to be the bloudie instrument to worke it of his owne head . Againe , who is i it that caused the Seminaries in Spaine , and S. Omers to be erected , and that k alone , procured 2000 crownes a yeare pension more , for the College at Doway , though he deserved small thanks for his labour , considering the decay of Students at Rhemes , and Lovaine ? Father Parsons . Who was it , that l procured , that the first forme of oath now vsed ▪ was brought into the Roman Seminarie , and after that example , by himselfe , into the Seminaries of Spaine , whereby al promised , to take holy orders , and returne into England , when they should be appointed by their Superiors ? Father Parsons . Who was it , that m vsed perswasion at Rome to the Students there , that they should haue at State and al : for which State-medling , they could but die , and dy they should if they were taken without State-medling ? Father Parsons . n Who is it , that vpon a Luciferian pride , durst presume to cal the king of Scots an obstinate hereticke , and the French king a reprobate , of God forsaken ? Father Parsons . Who is it that o chopped and changed the crowne of England 8. or 9. several times , as it pleased him , playing with it , as little boies sport themselues with king by your leaue , the great ones every hand while crying , a New King , a new , and in the end set it to sale : wherevpon , p a certaine Romish gentleman , affixed a briefe Libell vpon Pasquines buttock , in dirision and scorne of him . If q there bee any man , that will buy the kingdome of England , let him repaire to a Merchant in a blacke square cap , in the Citty , and hee shall haue a very good penny-worth thereof ? Was not this F. Parsons ? so then , the premises duly considered , we may safely conclude , that r this is that same Parsons , ſ whome all the Realme , t Prince and Peeres , with all true English hearts , haue cause to curse , hate , & spit at , and so an end of that matter . Now as his predominant , and most exorbitant qualitie was Treason , so was he deepely learned , and in a short time a great proficient , in sundry other qualities , belonging to the Divels craft : as first , for truth , in him there was none , u Qui posuit mendacium spem suam , professing the Art of lying , and vsing x tricks , as in adding , diminishing , equivocating and subintelligiturs , to serue his turne , for you must note by the way , that y Equivocation is the Divels Sophistrie , and the common principle of the Iesuits , and z he is not scarsely to be accounted a Iesuit , that cannot lie ▪ dissemble , and equivocate at every word ; these be the a Aphricanian Phalanges , and Iesuiticall forces . Hence it is , that b Cameleon like , he hath banded of , and on with time , like Protheus , and in truth c neither Protheus in his complements , nor the Sea Euripus in his Crosse tide Ebbes and flowes , for his inconstancy of old , hath beene held more infamous , then E. Parsons . Yet he had a worse fault then all these , and that is ▪ he incurred the hateful crime of forgerie taking vpon him d to thrust in and out for his purpose , as if hee had had e a dispensation granted , to forge at his pleasure . f Hee was shrewdly mistrusted , to haue added or altered somwhat in Bellarmines Letter , hee did alter the sentence of the two Cardinals , Caietan and Burghesio . g Corrupted the Registers , and Records at Rome , and hee h was charged in Oxon amongst very many things , with forgerie by one Stancliff his fellow Bursar : these wee thought good to note by the way , for a tast of some of his forgeries in lesser matters , i but hee might haue come in danger , to haue beene degraded , and set on the pillarie , for forgerie , not in small matters , or privat actions ; but in points of as high importance , as are Crownes and kingdomes , or Iurisdiction Apostolicall and supreame . From forgerie he fell to flat cousenage , and k being invred with the trade of devising shifts , hee proved in the end an l Arch-cousener , a m false-hearted Catelin , the n vnfaithfullest man that lived , the time will not permit me to produce many examples : o Hee detained in his hands a legacie , which Sir Fr. Inglefield gaue , and p cousened Mr Middleton Priest , of 300. pounds at least in Spaine , and handled him roughly when he had done ; and lastly , q being come to Rome , in the midst of all his Machiavillian plots , vnder pretence of compounding the stirres in that Seminary , he so dealt , as in a very short time , by cousening the Rector , he got the place for himselfe . Thus cousening diverse , in the end , he grew famous for all kind of cunning and Policies , and he r was generally reputed to be so politicke , that who was in request with Popes , Cardinals , and other States , but Fa. Parsons ſ had the office of Informership in the English affaires , aswell in Spaine as at Rome , t had and did place diverse of his Agents in Honorable houses , and elsewhere , as his spies ; to make secret relation vnto him , of al that passed in their houses ▪ nay rather then faile , he u offered himselfe like an impudent base fellow , to be a spie ; so that it x is doubted , whether Mr Nicholas Machiavell , or Fa. Rob. Parsons excelled one the other in Policie ; for he is now become that y learned counseller , that must rule , ruffe , and range through every estate , but with all it z was wished , that his policie would redound more , to the good of Church and Commonwealth . Now is Father Robert where he would be , a sitting at the sterne , & governing all , or the chiefest Colleges in Rome , and ( an b overruling humour raigning in him ) he seekes to bee our great c Master and to rule all both at home and abroad , d exempts himselfe from controlement of any Superiour , and as a e Vicepope , or rather , as Sūmus Pontifex , or f Iudge Paramount on earth , vnder the Divell in Hell , g commands all others , as Actor independent of any , to act all his actions , h without whom , no English Iesuit dares doe any thing , for he i raigneth , & hath the whole direction for all the Missions that are in England k vaunting himselfe of the command he holdeth there ( it is spoken from report of an eie and eare witnesse ) aswell over many of the Laitie , as of the Cleargie ; & surely l he was a very proper person , to carrie so great a tail after him , as he did at that time in England : but let this which hath been spoken , 〈◊〉 to note vnto the world , m his ambitious desire of directing and commaunding both private persons , Prelats , and Princes , and vnlesse he coulde obtaine it , there was nothing but warre with him . This great auctority , which this n presumant Scribe tooke vpon him , made him no little prowd and vaine-glorious with all : it was observed by wise men , that hee o was the prowdest man that lived , and his p strength did so much consist in vaine glorie , that hee writ q no Booke , Discourse , nor scarse any letter against the Priests , wherein he doth not make mention of the Colleges he erected , or recount some other good act of his owne . Amongst many the man is thought to be ill neighboured , in that he is thus driven to praise himselfe and few do thinke it religious modesty , to farce bookes with their owne commendations , but r a shame of the Divel and al Hypocrits , and Pharisees , he had Panegyries of his praises and pieces shot of , to make report of his learning , his vertue , his prudence , his government , his piety , his charity , his constancie and I know not what . Some of his claw-backes haue made ſ him equal , nay farre aboue that worthy Pillar of the Church S. Augustine , the Doctor Angelicall S. Thomas of Aquine , the most subtill disputer Doctor Scotus , being not worthy to holde the candle before the meanest of any of all these , or sundry other farre their inferiours . But , to giue the Divel his due , he was at the first , before he grew to bee t an absolute Statesman , Paramont , Paregal , peremptorie , sundry waies wel qualified , both for writing & speaking ; but partly , u his policies in Temporall matters , blinded his iudgement 〈◊〉 ●piritual , partly , he x lost his good spirit by ambitious ●●rts aspires , and grew afterwards so vnable a man , to speake or write of any Priestlie , or religious matter , as a very Reverend Priest reported , that he never heard a meaner Sermon made beyōd the Seas , than he heard of Father Parsons , and that his words and writings , for edifying , or giving any good instruction , and ghostly counsell , were as barren , bare , and farre from his former abilities on that behalfe , as if he had beene before Robert Parsons the Iesuit , and nowe poore George Parsons the wayward foole his brother . This might haue served to y pul down his Peacocks plumie-heart , and to slake z the vnnatural heate of his ambitious harts aspires ; but Parsons must be Parsons stil , who like a true a Wolsey in ambition , never left , til he had purchased his owne discredit , and as Woolsey being once a Cardinal , would faine haue beene a Pope : so Father Robert , of a Iesuit would willingly haue contented him selfe to haue beene made a b King Cardinall . Wherevpon , when it was knowne to his friends that he c ambitioned the Cardinalate , Worthington and Father Holt , caused a petition to be made to the king of Spaine , by boyes and girles at S. Omers : effectuall d letters are written to the Pope , Parsons himselfe goes to e Rome on pilgrimage in the yeare of our Lorde 1597. being come , is visited presently with two Cardinals at his lodging , Baronius , & a Spaniard , speech in the cittie that he should be Cardinall , so rife , that being sicke , and in his sicknes willed to weare scarlet , he sent to his Brother for a stomacher , who dreaming of nothing but of his Brothers advancement , procured two Merchāts to carry in a whole waggon , loden with diverse re●●●●eces of scarlet , for his red robes : but as God would haue it hee scaped the Cardinalship , and got the canvase ; and yet like a craftie Foxe , gaue it out , f that both he , and the Generall of the Iesuits , yea , and all the friends that they could make , in the Court of Rome , were little enough to keep him from being a Cardinall . Thus we haue seene pride haue a fall , and our second Wolsey begin to waine , wherevpon g he grew a zoilous Timon , of an envious emulatiō , at the reverend esteeme of others , and h what the malice of the Divell or wit of his foule instrument could possibly bring to passe , is effected ; his i turbulent , seditious , and irreligious head and heart are a working . For he was ever k accounted contentious , and l given to stirres , factions , and seditions , even whiles he was an hereticke . m what banglings had he with Creswell , Scot , Gibbons , Holt English , Alphonso an Italian , and a number more of his Societie ? What contētions had he with Reverend Bishop of Cassana , with Doctor Barret President of the College at Doway , with Gifford with the Reverend Priest Mr Middleton , with manie others of qualitie and due respect . And as he had a special gift n in canvasing and wrangling ; so o in detractions and calumniations ( which are neighbour vices , ) he was exceedingly well versed . Wee need say no more , p he was the most impious detractor on Earth , that ever lived , q from whom nothing came but detractions , calumnies , and sclaunders , the r best weapons the Iesuits haue to defend themselues , and wound their opposits ſ in the speedingst place they can . Lastly to draw to an ende , because I haue dwelt too long vpon this vnfortunate subiect , t the generall conceit of all that haue ever throughly conversed with him is this , that he is of a furious , passionate , hot , chollerick , exorbitant , working humour , busie-headed , and full of ambition , envie , pride , rancour , malice and revenge , wherevnto through his latter Machiavillian practises , may be added , that he is a most Diabolicall , vnnaturall , and barbarous butcherlie fellow , vnworthy the name ; nay cursed be the houre wherein hee had the name of a Priest , nay of a Religious person , nay of a Temporall Lay-man Iesuited , nay of a Catholick , nay of a Christian , nay of a human creature : but of a beast , or a Divel , a violatour of al Laws , a contēner of al auctoritie , a staine of humanitie , an impostume of all corruption , a corrupter of all honesty , & a Monopolie of all Mischiefe . Thus haue you briefly the life of Father Robert Parsons , the Iesuit , faithfully collected out of the Relations of sundrie Reverend Priests , who ( as I trust ) make a conscience of lying , and detest from the bottome of their harts that absurd , and hitherto vnheard of doctrine of dissimulation , Equivocation and hypocrisie : if their report bee true ( as I am in conscience perswaded it is for the most part ) then wo worth the Iesuits , and principally Father Parsons , whom they haue arrained of so many treasons , petty Treasons , Felonies , villanies & I know not what : if false , they which are so fowly mistaken , in matters of fact , how may they safely be trusted in a matter of faith which concernes the losse or gaine of a mans soule ? For my part , though I do rather incline vnto the Priests , thā vnto the Iesuits , as ever taking them to be the farre honester men : yet seeing * one of the chiefest of them , which was accounted whiles he was living a a very Ecclesiasticall Macchabe against the Spaniard , b a blessed confessor towards God , and a good Patriot for his Country , whose c integritie & confidence of his heart was such ( as was reported ) that it was never but with the right ; who made this d solemne protestation in his Bookes , that not all the Art that either the Divell , or the Puritans , or Iesuits haue , should bring him within the compasse of a treasonable or treacherous thought , against God , his Soveraigne , or the Commonwealth of this land : but in life and in death he would by Gods grace bee as loyall a subiect , as any the English soile affords , then the which none more loyall to their Prince in any nation to be found : who to manifest his farther hatred of Treason , and his loyaltie to his Prince and Country , writ an Antiperistasis to Parsons Doleman , and conceaved the forme of an Oath * in effect the same with the Oath of Allegiance which was afterwards enacted in Parliament , to distinguish the loyall from the disloyall Papists : seeing I say , this Reverend and loyall Priest , was within few yeares after , indicted , convicted , and executed for high Treason against his Soveraigne , I could wish that all such as religiously feare God , & honor their Prince , from the bottome of their hearts would consent to beleeue nether nother . For questionles as long as both Priests and Iesuits doe constantly maintain this absurd Paradox and blasphemous doctrine , as a solid & certaine Article of their faith , that the Pope is the onely Prelat , that cannot erre , in deciding a controversie or doubt in faith and Religion , and that all the world else may erre in deciding of such doubts : Princes cānot rest secure of their subiects , nor the subiects certaine of performing their obedience either to God or their Soveraignes . For example ; the king cōmands his subiects to take the Oath of Allegiance , God forbiddeth his servants the Worshipping of Images : there are many honest Papists in this land , I nothing doubt , that of themselues are in conscience so fully perswaded of the truth of both these precepts , as well the affirmatiue as the negatiue , as that they will professe to liue and die in this beliefe : yet let the Popes definitiue bee brought vnto them , viz : you shal not take the Oath of Allegiance , you shal worship Images ; they wil waxe pale , turne colour , and be ready to sweare and abiure their former opinions , though never so wel grounded on Fathers , & Councels , reason , and auctorities . For why ? Councels may erre , and Fathers may be deceived , al the Prelats & Superiors in the world may faile , none vpon Earth is warranted from erring , but one , and that one is the Pope , and this Pope is Christs Vicar and Peters Successor , and he hath decided it thus : ergo so it is , his auctoritie is an infallible rule of truth . This is the Popish doctrine , and this is the Papists beliefe , the foundation stone of all Poperie , a most absurd doctrin , which hath not it proofe either from testimonies of Scripture , or consent of Fathers . but not to dispute the case being from our purpose , nor to detaine you any longer , my exhortation shal be vnto al the Popish Recusants of this land , that as they feare God and haue a care of their salvations , they wil not be too credulous to trust their Priests or Iesuits , but rather suspect the Iesuits for Parsons , and the Priests for Watsons sake ; for the wicked life of the one , and the miserable death of the other , may giue vs pregnant cause of suspicion , that al is not true that either of them both shall say , though it be spoken tanquam ex tripode , vel in cathedra , that is , resolutely and definitiuely . Our Lord Iesus preserue vs all vnto his saving Grace . Deo soli sit gloria . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A04344-e110 * Aug. 19. Mat. 8.9 . Mat. 15.14 . * This true Catholique faith , without which no mā can bee saved which now I doe willingly professe , and hold , I the same N. doe promise , vow , and sweare , to hold & confes most constātly , by Gods help intire & vncorrupted , even to the last end of my life : & to procure as much as shall lie in me , that my subiects , or those of whō I shall haue care in my office , shal hold , teach , and preach the same . So God help mee and these holy Gospels of God. A Profession of the Catholike faith set out , according to the Decree of the Councell of Trent . Or , A manifest confession of the Christian Beliefe , which all vpright Catholike people at al times , being demanded to giue a reason thereof , are bound to confesse . Notes for div A04344-e3020 a See the letters of A. C. pag. 23. b Ib. p. 23. c Ib. p. 57. d Ib. pag. 24. e Ib. pag. 20. f Io. Colletons defense , p. 14. g A relation of the faction begun at W●●bich ▪ pag. 67. a Watsons Quodlibe●s . Pag. 82. b Ib 56. c A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a lay gentleman in the Preface . a Watsons Quod lib. pag 34. b Ib pag. 27. c Ib. pag. 142. d Ib pag 169. e Ib pag 154. f Ib. pag. 26. a Watson in his Quodlib . p 138. b Ib. pag. 18. c Ib pag. 169. d Ib. pag. 4 a Ib. in the pref . b Ib. pag. 294. c Ib. pag. 47. d Ib pag. 102. a Letter of A. C. pag. 29. b Quodlibet . p. 240. c Ib. pag. 82. d Ib. pag. 359. e A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest ▪ & a Lay Cath. in the Preface . f A let . of A. C. pag. 29. g Ib pag. 78. h Quodl . pag 7 i A let . of A. C. pag. 34. k Ib. pag. 38. a Watsons Quodlib . p. 200 b Declaratio motuum ac turbationis in Anglia . pag. 36. c A. C. let . p. 20. a Declaratio motuum &c. in Anglia pag 5● . b Quodl . p. 156 a A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay Catholick in the Pref. b Quodl . p. 74. c A Dialogue &c. in the Pref. a Quodl . p. 84. b A Relation of the faction at Wesbich pag 74 c A dialogue betwixt a secul . Priest and a lay gentleman in the Preface . a Colletons defence of the slaūdered Priest pag. 32. b A. C. let . p. 80. a Quodl . p. 315. b Ib. pag. 22. c A relation of the faction as Wisbich . p. 78. Quodl . p. 317. b A relation of the faction at Wisbich pag. 67 c Quodl . p. 18. d Ib. pag 83. a Quodl . p. 15. a Quodl . p. 249 b Ib. pag 9. c Ib. pag. 320. a Colletons iust desenee , pag. 32 b Ib. pag. 267. a H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. pag. 208. a Quodl . p. 75. b Ib. pag. 69. a Quodl . pag. 2. b A relation of the faction as Wisbich . p. 74. c Quodl . pag. 4. d A relation of the faction at Wisbich . p. 68. e Let. of . A. C. 61. f Declaratio motuum &c. p. 62. g A relation of the fact . at Wisb pag. 76. h Ib. pag. 78. a A dialogue betwixt a Secul Priest and a Lay Gentl. pag. 56. b Quodl . p 122 c A. C. let . p. 9. d Quodl . p. 123 e Ib. pag 124. f Declaratio motuum , &c. p. 18. g Quodl . p. 133. h Ib. pag. 96. i Ib. pag 99. k A relat . of the fact . at Wisbich . l A. C. let . p. 21. m Ib. pag. 27. n Quodl . p. 99. a Quodl . p 45. b H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. c Relation of the faction at Wisb . pag. 69. d Quodl . p. 73. e Ib pag. 16. f Ib. pag. 244. g Ib pag. 64. h A. C. let . p. 25 i Quodl . p. 72. k A. C. let . p. 26. l Quodl . p. 112. a A true relatiō of the faction at Wisbich . b H Elyes notes on the Apol. pag 203. a Quodl . p. 73. a Ib. pag. 72. b Ib. pag. 5. a Ib. pag 335. b Ib. pag. 113. a Quodl . p. 44. b Ib pag. 108. c Ib. pag. 95. d Ib pag 332. e Ib pag. 122. f Ib pag. 69. g Ib. pag. 337. h Ib. pag. 195. a A. C. let . p. 23. b Quodlibet . p. 145. c Ib. pag. 157. d Ib. pag. 336. e Ib. pag. 42. a Quodl . p. 70 b Ib. pag. 46. c A let . of A. C. pag. 23. d Quodl . p. 70. e Ib. pag. 70. f A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest & a Lay Gentlemā . p 90 a Quodl . p. 352. b Ib. pag 315. c A let . of A. C. pag 9. d Quodl . p. 36. e Ib. pag. 96. f Ib. pag 70. g A relation of the faction at Wisbich . pag. 75 h Quodl . p. 96. i Ib. pag. 137. a A Dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a Lay Gentl. in the pref b Quodl . p. 37 c A dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a Lay Gentleman in the Preface . d Quodl . p. 197. e Ib. pag. 336. f Ib. pag. 197. g Ib. pag. 83. h Ib. pag. 22. a Quodl . p. 140. b Ib. pag. 314. c Ib. pag. 137. d Ib. pag. 13. e Ib. pag. 139. f Ib. pag. 60. g A let . of A. C. pag. 25. h Ib. pag 26. i Quodl . p. 140 k Ib. pag. 60. a A letter of A C. pag. 26. b Ib pag. 39 ▪ c Quodl . p 68. d A dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentleman , pag. 59. e Quodlib . pag. 103. f Ib. pag. 244. g Ib. pag. 68. h Letter of A. C. pag. 27. i Ib. pag. 39. k Ib. pag 51. l Quodl . p. 68. a Quodl . p. 33. b D. Bagshaws answer pag. ●8 . c Quodl . p. 345. d A let . of A. C. pag. 9. e Quodl p 296. f Ib. pag 13. g Ib. pag. 35. c A. C. let . p. 18. i Quodl . p. 187. a Quodl . p. 32. b Ib. pag. 67. c Ib. pag. 304. d Ib pag. 67. e A relation of the faction at Wisbich . p. 46. f Ib. pag. 73. g Quodl . p. 33. h D. Bagshawes answer , p. 36. i Quodl . p. 300. k Ib. pag. 61. l Ib. p. 31. m Ib. 354. n A let . of A C. pag. 61. o A Relation of the faction at Wisbich . pag. 73. a Quodl . p. 214 b Ib. p 21. c Ib. pag. 330. & pag. 21 , d Ib. pag. 21. e Ib. pag. 21. f Ib. e A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Iesuit . pag. 100. a H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. pag. 124. b Ib. pag. 18. & pag. 188. c Ib. pag. 188. d Relatio turbarum exhibita sacrosanctae Inquisitionis officio p. 27. a Quodlibets in the Pref. a A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay Catholick p. 86. c D. Bagshawes answer , pag. 10 d Quodl . p. 15 e Ib. pag. 147. f Quodl . p. 17. & 21. g Ib. pag. 18. i Ib. pag 62. k Ib. pag. 64. l Ib pag. 62. a A dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentleman , pag. 84. b Let. of A. C. 14. c A dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a Lay Gentleman in pag. 86. d Ib. pag. 92. e Quodl p. 227. f A dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay Gentleman p 73 g Quodlib . in the Preface . h A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentleman p. 96 i Colletons iust defence , p 271. a Quodlib . pag. 191. b Ib. pag. 315. c Ib. pag. 65. d Ib. pag. 65. e Ib. pag. 315. f Ib. pag. 65. g H Elyes notes on the Apol. pag 264. a Quodl . p. 72. b Ib. pag. 73. See 24. Prop. a Quodl . p. 153. b Ib. pag. 131. d A dialogue betwixt a secul . Priest and a lay gentleman pag. 65. e Quodl . p. 351 a The hope of peace , pag. 12. b H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. pag. 216. c A relation of the faction at Wisbich pag. 77 d Ib. pag. 75. a Quodl p. 198 b A Dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a Lay Gentl. in the pref c Quodl . p. 16. d A dialogue betwixt a Secul . Priest and a Lay Gentl. pag. 67. e Quodl . p. 17. f Ib. pag. 161. g Ib. pag. 174. h Relation of the faction at Wisb . pag. 33. i Ib. pag. 38. k Declaratio motuum &c. in Anglia pag. 86. l A relation of the faction at Wisbich . p. 74. m A Dialogue betwixt a Sec. Priest and a Lay Gentleman . a Colletons defence of the slaūdred Priests pag. 32. a Ib. pag 185. a Declaratio motuum , &c. p. ● . a Ioh Colleton● defense pag. 63. b Ib. pag. 49. a Colletons defense , pag. 159. b Ib. pag. 201. a Ib. pag. 20● . a Quodl . p. 18 b Colletons defense , p. 158. c Quodli . p. 83. d Ib. pag. 82. a A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay-gentleman , Pag. 112. b Declaratio motuum &c. p. 27. c Quodl . p. 70. d Ib. pag. 38. e A relation of the faction at Wisbich . p. 70. f Relatio turbarum , &c. p. 99. g E● no●es vpon the Apologie Pag. 213. h A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest & a Lay Gētlemā . p 11● i A let . of A. C. pag. 20. a Quodl . p. 18. b Ib. pag. 178. c Ib. pag. 198. a Elies notes on the Apol. pa. 34. a A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentleman . Pag. 118. a H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. in the Pref. p , 8 c Quodl . p. 52. d A letter of A C. pag. 22. e Quodl . p. 16. a Quodl . p. 57. a A Dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a Lay Gentl. pag , 8● . a A relation of the fact . at Wish pag. 77. b Quodlibet . p. 496. c Ib. pag. 283. d Ib. pag. 59. e Ib. pag 312. f Ib. pag. 173. b Declaratio motuum ac turbationis in Anglia . pag. 17. b Ib pag. 83. c Quodl . p. 186. d Ib pag. 178. a Quodl . p. 223 b Ib. pag. 62. c A. C. let . p. 20. a A. C. let . p. 11. b Ib. pag. 11. c Quodl . pag. 1. d A. C. let . p. 64. e Ib. pag. 69. f A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay Iesuit . pag. 93. g A let . of A. C. pag 8. h Quodl . p. 85. i Quodl . p. 111. k Letter of A. C. pag. 92. * H. the 4. afterwards murdred also . l Ib. pag. 26. m A dialogue betwixt a secul . Priest and a lay gentleman in the Preface . n Quodl . p. 321 o Quodl . p. 121 p Ib. pag. 112. q Ib. pag. 153. r Ib. pag. 11. ſ Ib pag. 38. t A dialogue betwixt a Secul . Priest and a Lay Gentl. pag. 112. u A let . of A. C. pag. 70. x Quodl . p. 196 y Ib. pag. 47. z Ib. pag. 145. a Ib. pag. 264. b A let . of A C. pag. 29. c Quodl . p. 263 a Quodl . p. 295. b Ib. pag 262. c Ib. pag. 311. d Ib. 311. e Ib. f Ib. pag. 262. g Ib. pag 228. h A. C. let . p. 26 i Quodl . p. 246. g Elies notes vpon the Apologie . Pag. 9. in the Pref. a Quodl . p. 321 b Ib. pag. 100. & Declaratio motunm &c. pag. 29. h A. C. let . p. 67. d Quodl . p. 31. e Ib. p. 29. f A letter of A. C. p. 40. a Quodl . p. 138. a D. Bag shaws answer , pag 20. b Declaratio matuum , &c. Pag 29. a Quodl . p. 69. b A dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentleman , pag. 35. c Quodl . p. 85. d Ib. pag. 8● . a Quodl . p 123 b Ib. c Ib. pag. 244. d Let. of A. C. 24. a Quodl . p. 300 b Ib. pag. 113. a A dialogue betwixt a Secul . Priest and a Lay Gentl. pag. 83. a Quodl p. 236. b Ellies notes vpon the Apol. Pag. 2. c A. C. let . p. 45 ▪ a A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentlemā . p. 119 b Quodl . p. 278 a Quodl . p 320 b Ib. pag. 331. g A let . of A. C. pag 24. d Quodl . p. 31. e A let . of A. C. pag. 46. a Quodl . p. 147 b Ib. pag 144.147 c Ib. pag ●2 . a A let . of A. C. pag. 4. b A dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a Lay Gentleman in the Preface . a H● Elyes notes on the Apol. pag 219. & 225. b D. Bagshawes ▪ answer , p. 24. c H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. pag. 220. a Quodl . p. 71. b Ib. pag 38. a Colletons defence of the slaūdred Priests pag. 197. b Quodl . p. 337. a Declaratio motuum &c. in Anglia pag. 84. & 132. b Quodl . p. 279. c A. C. let . p. 40. b Quodlib . pag. 141. e Ib. pag. 141. a A relation of the faction begun at Wi●bich . pag. 72. b Elies notes on the Apol. p. 212. c A dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay Gentlemā p. 121 f Quodl . p. 137. a Ib. pag. 137. a Quodl . p. 69. b Letter of A.C. pag. 68 c Quodl . p. 137 a A. C. let . p. 15. b Declaratio motuum &c. p. 129. a Declaratio motuum , &c. Pag. 12. b Quodl . p. 123 c Ib. pag. 122. d Ib. pag. 78. e Ib. pag 17. a Quodl . p. 17. b Ib. 65. c Ib. in the Preface . d Ib. pag. 39. e Ib. pag. 16. f Ib. in the Pref. g Ib. pag. 40. h Ib. pag. 65. a Declaratio motuum , &c. pag 10. b A dialogue betwixt a secul . Priest and a lay gentleman Pag. 115. c Declaratio motuum , &c. pag. 23. d A let . of A. C ▪ pag. 20 ▪ f Ib. g Quodl . p. 73. h A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentleman , in the Preface . i Quodl . p. 94. a Quodl . p. 315. b Ib. pag. 187.186 * Let. A. C. pag 20. c Ib pag 315. d Ib. pag. 38. e Ib. pag 91. f Declaratio motuum ac turbationis in Anglia . pag. 47. g Ib. pag. 85. h A letter of A C. pag. 21. i Ib. pag. 20. a Quodl . p. 36. b Declaratio motuum , &c. p. 28. c A relation of the faction at Wisbich . pag. 73 d Quodl . p. 68 a The hope of peace , pag. 21. b H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. p. 213. c Quodl . p. 76. d Ib. pag. 300. a Elyes notes on the Apol. Pag 34. b A relation of the faction at Wisbich . pag. 69 c Quodl . p. 9. d Quodl . p. 24. a Quodl . p. 188 b Relation of the faction at Wisb . pag. 75. a Ib. pag. 79. a Ib. pag. 78. b Ib. pag. 75. a Quodl . p. 44. a Quodl . p. 182. b Ib pag. 324. c A relation of the faction at Wisbich . p. 71. d Ib. pag. 74. e Quodl . p 234. a Quodl . p. 75. b Ib. a A Dialogue betwixt a Sec. Priest and a Lay Gentleman , pag 116. b A let . of A. C. pag. 61. c Quodl . p. 83. d A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest & a Lay Gētlemā . p. 116 a Relatio motuum , &c. p ▪ 135. b Colletons iust defence p. 5.259 c A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay-gentleman , Pag. 121 , 112. d Ib. pag. 122. e Ib. pag. 121. f Quodl . p. 55. a A Relation of the faction at Wisbich . pag. 79. a Quodl . p. 19. b Ib. p 74. c D. Bagshawes answer , pag. 8. a Quodl . p. 175. e A relation of the faction at Wisbich . p. 7.7 f Ib pag. 77. f Quodl . p. 188. g Quodl p. 128. h Ib pag. 45. i The Copies of certain discourses , pag 118. k Quodl . p. 58 ▪ l Ib. pag. 50. m Ib. pag. 46. n Ib pag. 19. o Ib. pag. 316. p Ib. pag. 141. * An other equal nay farre aboue that worthy pillar of the Church S. Aug. the Doctor Angelical S. Thomas Aquinas , the most subtle disputer Doctor Sco●us is the top of wit. Quodlib . p. 72. () Ch. Pagets answere , p. 22. a Most esteemed amongst the Iesuits for his wisdome and other good parts . A Dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a Lay Gentl. pag. 85. * A dialogue betwixt a Secular Priest and a La Gentleman pa● 109. a A. C. let . p. 38. b Ib. c Quodl . p. 217 d D. Bagshaws answer , pag 3. e Quodl . p 109 f Ib. pag. 128. g Ib. pag. 108. h Ib. pag 187. i I Colletons defense , p. 255. k Quodl . p. 156. l Ib. pag. 97. m Ib. pag. 160. n Ib ▪ p. 237. o Ib. p A dialogue betwixt a secular Priest and a Lay gentleman , pag. 106. q Quodlib . p. 284. r Ib. ſ Ib. p 298. t Ib. pag. 286. u Ib. pag. 237. x Ib. pag 288. y Ib. pag. 237. z Ib. a Ib. pag. 330. b Ib. 295. c Ib. pag. 242. d Ib. pag. 129. e Ib. p. 130. f Ib. p. 242. g Ib p. 237. h Ib. p. 242. i Ib. p. 325. k Ib. p. 121. a Doctor Bagshaws answere , p. 39. Notes for div A04344-e22620 a Declaratio motuum , &c. Pag. 58 b Quodl . p. 109 c A letter of A. C. p. 38. d Ib. pag. 31. e Quodl . p. 109. f Letter of A.C. pag. 38 g Quodl . p. 236. h Ib. pag. 236. i A.C. let . p. 23. k Ib. l Ib. pag. 35. m D. Bagshawes answer , p. 33. * Now a religious and Reverend Doctor of Divinitie . n Ib. pag. 34. o Quodl . p. 21● p D. Bagshawes answer , pag. 33. q A briefe Apol. pag. 144. r D. Bagshawes answere , p. 36. ſ Quodl . p. 217 r Ib. u D. Bagshawes answer , p. 34. x Declaratio matuum &c. p. 58. y D. Bagshawes answer , pag. 34. z A briefe Apol. p. 183. a A.C. let . p. 23. b A briefe Apol pag. 183. c H. Elyes notes vpon the Apol. pag. 13. d The briefe Apol. p. 183. e Colletons iust defence p. 207 f Quodl p 286. g A let . of A.C. pag 49. h Quodl . p. 258. c D. Bagshawes answer , pag. 11. k Quodl· p. 244. l A let . of A. C. pag. 4. m Colletons defense , pag. 45. n Quodl . p. 237 o A Dialogue &c. p. 107. p A let . of A. C. pag 71. q Quodl . p. 327 r Quodl . p. ●1 . ſ A Dialogue betwixt a secular Priest & a Lay Gētlemā . p. 107 t Ib. pag. 108. u A Dialogue betwixt a Sec. Priest and a Lay Gentleman , pag. 95. x I●h . Colletons defense p 256 , y Colletons defence pag 39. z A let . of A. C. pag. 49. a Quodl . p. 286. b Quodl . p. 71. c Ib. pag. 107. d Ib. pag. 315. e Ib. pag. 226. f An answere to certaine articles obiected against D Bishop , p. 16. g Quodl . p. 271. h Ib. pag. 11. i Ib. pag. 284. k An answer to articles obiected against D. Bishop p. 16. l Quodl . p 295. m Quodl . p. 11 n A. C. let . p. 49. o Quodl . p. 316 p Ib. pag. 266. q Colletons def . p. 294. r Quodl . p. 92 ſ Ib. pag. 289. t Ib. pag. 92. u Quodl . p. 247 x Ib. pag. 284. y Ib. pag. 107. z Ib. pag. 218. a Quodl . p. 239. b Colletons des . p. 240. c Quodlib . p. 257. d A Dialogue &c. p. 129. f A relation of the faction at Wisbich . p. 75. g Quodl . p. 306. h Ib. p. 209.210 i A Dialogue &c. pag. 110. k The briefe Apol. p. 24. l A briefe Apol pag. 183. m The Copies of certain discourses , pag 123. & the Answer of D. Bagshawe , p. 13. n Quodl . p. 218 o Copies of certaine discourses p. 114. p A let . of A.C. pag. 43. q Colletons iust defence p. 241. r Quodl . p. 237 ſ Ib. pag 211. t Ib. p. 237. u An answere vnto the particulars against D Bish●p p. 3. x Ib pag. 17. y Quodl . p. 286. z Quodl . p. 257. a Ib. pag. 239. b Ib. p. 150. c Ib. p. 330. d Copies of Certaine discourses p. 124. e Colletons def . pag 39. f Ib. pag. 77. g Copies of certaine discourses pag. 124. h D. Bagshawes answer , pag. 34. i Quodl . p. 31. k Collet . def . p. 151. l Quodl . p. 149 m Ib. pag. 244. n A.C. let . p. 38. o Ib. pag. 64. p Quodl . p. 306. q A relation of the faction begun at Wi●bich . pag. 52. r Quodl . p. 107 ſ I Colletons defense , p. 39. t Ch. Pagets answer . p. 22. u Quodl . p. 21● x Ib. pag. 9● . y Ib. pag. 237. z Colletons defense , pag. 64. a Collet . def . pag 45. & 54. b Ib. pag. 64. c Ib pag. 31. d Quodl . p 236 e Collet . def pag 152. f Quodl . p. 156. g Ib. pag. 236. h Cop. of certain discourses , p. 77. i Quodl . p. 304. k Collet . def p. 130. l A letter of A. C. p. 23. m Ch. Paget● answere , p. 23. n Quodl . p. 318. o A.C. let . p. 38. p Quodl . p. 341. q Collet . def . pa. 297. r Quodl . p. 218. ſ Quodl . p. 72. t Quodl . p. 336. u A Dialogue &c p. 132. x Quodl . p. 237. y Quodl . p 218. z Ib. pag. 241. a Ib. pag. 108. b Quodl . p. 150 c Letter of A.C. pag. 23 d Cop of certain discourses . p. 127 e Quodl . p. 141 f Cop. of certain discourse , p. 127 g Quodl . p. 129 h Ib. pag 280. i Ch. Pagets answer , p. 75. k Colletons iust defence p. 176 l Declaratio motuum &c. pag. 58 m Ib. pag. 58. n An answer to articles obiected against D. Bishop p. 18. o Declaratio motuum , &c. Pag. 73 ▪ p Quodl . p. 130 q Ch. Pagets answer , p. 23. r Quodl . p. 341 ſ Colletons def . p. 168. t Quodl . p. 237. * Will W●●son Priest , executed for high treason at Winchester . a A let . of A. C. pag. 35. b Ib pag. 39. c Ib. pag. 35. d Quodl . p. 350. * I W.W. doe from the bottome of my heart , plainely and sincerely , without all Equivocation or doubling , professe and sweare , that I will never giue eare to that bloudy doctrine of deposing kings , or disposing of kingdomes for heresies sake , and that were our nūber and strength much more & greater then her Maiesties , I will never be perswaded or drawne , either by threatnings or promises of any ( be it the Pope himselfe ) to beare armes against her Highnesse , to the destruction of her Royall person & State : but I will be ready to aduenture my goods and ●ife in her Maiesties defence , against him or any other , that shall assaile , or invade by hostile hand hir State and kingdome , vnder pretence of restoring the Catholike faith , or whatsoever ; and farthermore I doe protest for my selfe , that I doe lothe and detest this point of doctrine , that Princes heretickes may be deposed or put from their kingdoms , with patience and sufferance expecting , and in the meane time obaying in things Temporall her Maiestie , as my lawfull Soveraigne ▪ evermore retaining an English resolution for my natiue Prince , State , and Country , and resolutely intending ( God assisting me with his Grace , so to remaine constant , loyall , serviceable , and faithfull vnto the death , so helpe me God , &c. Quodlib . pag. 304.305.346 . & 351. 


c0: A04899
c1: Ashley, Robert, 1565-1641.
c3: 1633.0
c6: 20724
c7: 493
c8: 55
c9: A04899.xml
c10: A04899.txt
c2:
  Cochin-China containing many admirable rarities and singularities of that countrey / extracted out of an Italian relation, lately presented to the Pope, by Christophoro Borri, that liued certaine yeeres there ; and published by Robert Ashley.

c4:
  Cochin China. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

c5:
  bee; china; chinois; cochin; countrey; doe; elephant; euery; europe; fruit; giue; good; hath; haue; hauing; hee; himselfe; king; kingdome; manner; men; sea; sort; themselues; thing; time; vnto; vse; water; wee; whereof

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   Cochin-China containing many admirable rarities and singularities of that countrey / extracted out of an Italian relation, lately presented to the Pope, by Christophoro Borri, that liued certaine yeeres there ; and published by Robert Ashley. Borri, Cristoforo, 1583-1632. 1633 Approx. 118 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A04899 STC 1504.5 ESTC S659 22145372 ocm 22145372 25167 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A04899) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 25167) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1762:20) Cochin-China containing many admirable rarities and singularities of that countrey / extracted out of an Italian relation, lately presented to the Pope, by Christophoro Borri, that liued certaine yeeres there ; and published by Robert Ashley. Borri, Cristoforo, 1583-1632. Ashley, Robert, 1565-1641. [71] p. Printed by Robert Raworth, for Richard Clutterbuck, and are to be sold at the signe of the Ball in Little-Brittaine, London : 1633. Signatures: [pi]¹ A-H⁴ I³. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Includes bibliographical references. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- Missions -- Vietnam, Southern. Missions -- Vietnam, Southern. Cochin China. 2003-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Daniel Haig Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Daniel Haig Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion COCHIN-CHINA Containing many admirable Rarities and Singularities of that Countrey . Extracted out of an Italian Relatiòn , lately presented to the POPE , by CHRISTOPHORO BORRI , that liued certaine yeeres there . And published by ROBERT ASHLEY . Cum hac persuasione viuendum est ; Non sum vni angulo natus : Patria mea totus hic mundus est . Seneca . LONDON . Printed by Robert Raworth ; for Richard Clutterbuck , and are to be sold at the signe of the Ball in Little-Brittaine . 1633. To the Right worthy Knight Sir Maurice Ahbot , Gouernour of the Honourable Company of Merchants , trading to the East Indies ; and the rest of that renowmed Society . HAuing of late yeeres addicted my selfe , especially amongst other Studies , to a more curious search and inquisition of this glorious and wondrous workemanship of the World , ( whereof the one moity is in a maner vnknowne to the other ) endeauouring to giue my selfe some satisfaction , by all such Relations and Discoueries as I could procure , of those Conntreys least knowne vnto vs ; whether described by our Countreymen or by other forraine Trauellers ▪ I became so affected with the following Relation of Cochin-China by an Italian Iesuite , ( who as it seemeth had beene resident there some yeeres ) that I conceiued the description hee maketh of the Countrey , and the Commodities thereof , would not onely giue some contentment to the curiosity of others ; but might also happely be vsefull to our Countreymen that trade and traffique in those Easterne parts : If not to open a traffique to China it selfe , on which it confineth ; yet at the least to giue occasion of further enquiry and discouery ; whether the Commodities of the Countrey be such as are pretended , and the accesse of all Strangers so freely inuited , as is heere insinuated . I am not ignorant that your trading into these remote parts of the East Indies hath had many opposers , especially of the ignorant and weaker sort ; who suppose the Treasure of the Realme to be exhausted thereby , in regard that they haue heard of much Money carried thither as well as other Commodities , and some late disasterous euents and accidents : as if it were no good husbandry to cast seed into the ground , because we are not alwayes assured to haue a happy Haruest . But this must not make any wise man impatient in his expectation of better successe ; which commonly commeth by a constant continuance of all so well grounded proceedings . For ( the case hauing beene well canuased and euery obiection discussed ) your experience hath taught , and your remonstrance to the Parliament hath manifested ; that as the publike profit by forraine Trade , is the only meanes whereby we gaine Treasure , ( for Mines wee haue none which doe afford it ) So the remotest traffique is alwayes most beneficiall to the publike Stocke ; and the Trade to the East Indies doth farre excell all others . I shall not need to enter into particulars , how many braue Ships are by this Trade yeerely builded , rigged and furnished ; how many good Marriners made and imployed ; how many Artificers and handicrafts men set on worke ; how many idle persons are taught to be seruiceable Sea-men ; how our Enemies are affronted , and our Concurrents counter poised , which with many other obseruatious haue beene by sundry of your selues very euidently declared . I will onely conclude , that seeing it is so many wayes apparent , that the Kings Customes are so much by your trading into these remotest regions increased ; His Fame thereby spread into Persia , India , Iapan , China , Iaua , and euen to the ends of the world dispersed ; His whole Realme and Kingdome thereby so much strengthened , safegarded and enriched ; with the Renowme Honour and reputation thereof so much raised end enlarged . I could wish , that as the remote Nauigation published by the Venetian Rhamusius , awakened the Industry of M ● Hakluyt , . and happely of M r. Purchas after him , to their diligent gatherings of the most remarkeable Voyages of our Nation : so some other able person ( of which our Countrey hath good store ) were encouraged and stirred vp , to continue such Collections : Yet not onely to the recording the exploits of our owne Nation ; but also to collect and publish what they find worth the regarding amongst Forreiners , that may any way be seruiceable for the instruction of ours . To such end this Relation is addressed vnto you , that if you find ought that may be vsefull therein , you may make your benefit thereof ; ( as it seemeth others of our neighbour Nations haue in some sort sought and attempted ) or at least by your owne farther experience , controll and rectifie their mistakings : To which purpose I cast this poore Mite into your rich Treasury ; and remaine , a well wisher to your worthy endeauours . Robert Ashley . The Preface Apologeticall . TWo sorts there are most like among others to bee least satisfied with the Publication of this Relation : Whereof the one may suppose the Countreyes of China and Cochin-China so far distant , and with which wee haue no Commerce , to concerne vs so little , that it is but lost labour , to be curious or inquisitiue how Men liue there ; or what commodities those Countreyes yeeld , and that therefore it were more safely and more wisely done , to looke neerer home to our owne ; and to our Neighbouring-Countreyes , with whom wee haue more to doe . Another sort there is , that suddenly censure all strange Reports of things which they haue not seene at home , or are not common in the Countreyes next consining , to bee leasings and lies : Condemning not onely our Countrey-man Sir Iohn Mandeuile , and with him Paulus Venetus , and other modern Authors of fables and fictions , but euen Plinie , Solinus , Strabo , and that ancient Historian Herodotus ; whose incredible seeming narrations the French-man Henery Stephens in his Apology hath made more credible by modern examples ; which , worke the Translater of it into English hath entitled , A World of Wonders . To this latter sort ( who would bee thought wise , because they are not giuen to bee credulous ) I answere first : That albeit credulity be an Argument of too much facility , yet the way to the discouery of Truth is not in the other extremity . Stulti dum vitant vitia , in contraria currunt : Wee must therefore learne to doubt and suspend our Iudgement in things not yet throughly discouered , and hearken to that of the great Philosopher Theophrastus , which hee had from Heraclitus , Res Mundi pulcherrimae ob arrogantiam hominum ignorantur dum nihil statuunt credere , nisi humana Mens rationem illius perceperit . Let vs also consider , that if Columbus had obtained no credit with any in his strange vndertakings ( as indeede hee had none with the Multitude , nor with many of the wiser sort ) so great a part of the World as America is found to be ( whose furthest extent towards the North is not yet knowne ) had beene vndiscouered . To the first sort , who would not haue vs too curiously inquisitiue of such remote Countreys as China , and Cochin-China , where wee haue no Commerce , I answere , that howsoeuer China giueth no easie accesse vnto Strangers ; who knoweth what alteration of time may breede ? seeing wee find sundry Relations of Portugals that haue penetrated into it ? And diuers Iesuits , forty or fifty yeeres resident in it ? Besides that , yeerely there is a Faire held at Canton , where there is free accesse to Strangers of all Nations for certaine moneths ? But by this present Relation , it appeareth to be cleane contrary in Cochin-China , where they admit all Strangers of what Nation soeuer , to haue Trade and Traffique , which being so , I finde not our owne Nation excluded . Yet admit that there were no likelihood of accesse : How sweete and pleasant , how ingenious and ingenuous , is the curious Inquisition and speculation of this admirable workmanship of the World , and the nobler parts thereof ? I will take a Testimony or two , both of Ancient and Moderne Authors . Seneca , enquiring after Happinesse , affirmeth , Curiosum nobis Natura Ingenium dedit , & Artis sibi & pulchritudinis suae conscia spectatores nos tantis rerum spectaculis genuit ; fructum sui perditura , si tam magna , tam clara , tam subtiliter ducta , tam nitida , et non vno genere formosa Solitudini oftenderet : Vt scias illam spectari voluisse ; non tantum aspici . And againe , Ego terras omnes tanquam meas videbo ; meas tanquam omnium . Ego sic viuam tanquam sciam alijs me natum : & Naturae rerum hoc nomine gratias agam . Quo enim melius genere negotium meum agere potuit ? vnum me donauit omnibus ; vni mihi omnes . Amongst other Moderne Authors Postellus , ( himselfe a great Traueller ) saith , Homo Natura , praeter proprium loquendi munus quo differt a caeteris animantibus , id etiam habet , quod peregrina omnia admiratur & ad insolita obstupescit , atque externis potius quam domesticis capitur . And another industrious Author of latter time , Ingenium humanum est curiosum , & nouitatis atque varietatis auidum , semper desiderat aliud genus remotum . And a little after , Quae noua quae rara vndeas Ingenium humanum afficiunt ; vt stolidus videri debeat , qui de his talibus non aueat disserere , neque secum ipse meditetur ea , & solicitet cum cura pernoscendi . I haue therefore thought , that happely there may be many others , which finding the like affections in themselues , may make vse of what is heere presented . The Contents of the Booke . CHAP. I. OF the Name , Situation , and Greatnesse of this Kingdome . CHAP. II. Of the Climate , and quality of the Countrey of Cochin-China . CHAP. III. Of the Fertillity of the Land. CHAP. IIII. Of the Elephants and Rhinoceros . CHAP. V. Of the Temperament , Manners , and Customes of the Cochin-Chinois , Of their manner of Liuing , Clothing , and Medicines . CHAP. VI. Of the Ciuill and Politicke Gouernement of Cochin-China . CHAP. VII . Of the Forces of the King of Cochin-China , and of the Warres he hath within his Kingdome . CHAP. VIII . Of the Commerce , Ports , and Hauens , of Cochin-China . A Relation of the Kingdome of COCHIN-CHINA . CHAP. I. Of the Name , Situation and Greatnesse of this Kingdome . COchin-China being so named by the Portugals , is called in the language of the Originarie inhabitants Anam , which is the West , in regard it is situate on the West of China ; in respect whereof the Iapaneses called it by the name of Coci , which in their tongue hath the same signification that Anam hath with the Cochin-Chineses : But the Portugals which trafique in Anam , are they which of the Iaponian word Coci and of China , haue made and compounded this word Cochin-China , being as much to say , as Cochin of China , to distinguish it from Cochin a City of India frequented by them . And whereas in many Mapps Cochin-China is commonly called or designed by the name of Cauchin-China , or Cauchine , or some other ; It proceedeth either of their 〈…〉 apting the proper name , or else because the makers of the Mapps would signifie , that this Kingdome is the entrance and beginning of China . Cochin-China on the South , confines with the kingdome of Chiampa , about the 11. degree of Northerly Latitude , on the North side ; yet somewhat Eastward , it bordereth on Tunchim ▪ on the East side it hath the Sea of China ; and on the West Northwest the kingdome of Lays . In length Cochin-China is held to extend aboue an hundred Leagues on the Sea coast ; from the kingdome of Chiampa , in 11. degrees of Northerly Latitude , reaching to the gulfe of Anam in the eleuation of about 17. degrees of the same , where the estate of the King of Tunchim beginneth . In breadth it is of no great extent , being straitned within the space of twenty Italian miles , all a plaine countrey , bounded on the one side with the Sea ; and hemmed in on the other with a great ranke of mountaines inhabited by the Kemois , which signifieth Saluages ; for although they bee Cochin-Chineses , they will not acknowledge the King , nor obey him in any thing , cantoning and fortifying themselues in those mountaines , almost inaccessible . Cochin-China is diuided into fiue Prouinces : The first where the King maketh his abode , ioyneth vpon Tunchim , and is called Sinuua : The second is named Cacciam , in which the Prince the Kings sonne doth reside as gouernour : The name of the third is Quamguia : The fourth Quignim , to which the Portugals haue giuen the name of Pulucambis : The fifth which bordereth on the Kingdome of Champa , is called Renram . CHAP. II. Of the Climate and quality of the Countrey of Cochin-China . THis Kingdome being ( as hath beene said ) betweene the 11. and 17. degree of Northerly latitude , it followeth consequently that the Countrey is rather hot then cold : Yet it is not so hot as India , though it haue the same eleuation of the Pole , and bee likewise vnder the Torrid Zone . The reason of which difference is , because that in India there is no distinction of the foure Seasons of the Yeere : In regard that there their Summer continueth for the space of nine Moneths together , during which no cloud appeareth in the skie , neither by day nor night ; in such sort that the Aire is alwayes scorched by reuerberation of the Sun-beames . The other three Moneths they call Winter , not because they are without heate ; but by reason of the continuall raines which are ordinary there both night and day at that season . And notwithstanding it naturally seemes that such continuall raine should somewhat refresh the Aire ▪ Yet the same falling in the Moneths of May , Iune , and Iuly , when the Sun is at his highest in the Zenith of India , no windes then stirring but those that are very hot , the Aire is thereby so stuffed and thickned , that the heat is then sometimes lesse tollerable then in the midst of Summer it selfe : during which there commonly come from the sea , some gentle cooling windes to refresh the Land ; without which gracious particular Prouidence of God , those Countreyes would be inhabitable . This is not so in Cochin-China , which enioying the foure seasons of the Yeere ( howsoeuer not so exactly distinguished as in Europe ) is much better tempered thereby . For notwithstanding that in their Summer which comprehendeth the three Moneths , Iune , Iuly , and August , it be there very hot as in a Countrey seated vnder the Torrid Zone , and hauing the Sun in those moneths , in the highest point of eleuation ouer their heads : Yet in September , October , and Nouember , being their Autumne the heat ceaseth , and the Aire is very temperate by reason of the continuall raines which doe ordinarily fall at those times on the Mountaines of the Kemois ; from whence there come waters in such abundance , that they ouerflow all the Countrey , and ioyning themselues with the sea they seeme to be one selfe thing therewith . Moreouer these Inundations of waters come commonly once in a fortnight , continuing about three dayes together ▪ The benefit that commeth thereby , is not only the refreshing of the Aire , but also the fatning of the earth , making it more fruitfull and abundant in all things , and especially in Rice , which is the best Manna , and the commonest nourishment of all the Kingdome . In the other three moneths of Winter , which are December , Ianuary and February , the Northerly windes bring such cold raines , that thereby they sufficiently distinguish Winter from their other seasons of the yeere . Finally in the Moneths of March , Aprill and May , there are seene the effects of a pleasant spring-time , all being greene and flourishing amongst them . Hauing thus declared these Inundations ; I must also acquaint you ▪ with some particular curiosities , and remarkable obseruations thereof , before I conclude this Chapter . The first shall be , that they are generally desired of all men , nor onely because the Aire is refreshed by them , becōming more ●●de● and pleasant , but much more in regard of the fruitfulnesse which they cause in the Earth : Whereupon as soone as they see them , the pleasure and contentment they haue , is such and so great , that they make it sufficiently appeare by their visiting , feasting and presenting one the other , crying oft for ioy , and all repeating and reiterating Daden Lut ▪ Daden Lut , which signifieth , the Water is come ▪ the Water is already come : Insomuch that there is none amongst them of what degree or qualitie soeuer but Feasteth and reioyceth : Yea , euen the King himselfe . Yet in as much as these inundations come so suddenly , and sometime so vnexpected , that when in the Euening they thought not of them , they find themselues in the Morning inuested on all sides , and shut vp in their houses , and that throughout all the Countrey it falls out now and then , that they loose their Cattell , that haue not had the leisure to retire and withdraw them for refuge into the hills , and higher places : In regard whereof there is a constitution in the Kingdome , that those Beeues , Goats , Hoggs , and other beasts which are drownd in these deluges , shall no longer belong to the proprietarie and owner of them , but shal be his that first seifeth on them : which custome occasioneth good sport amongst them , in regard that when the water commeth , they betake themselues to their Boates , in quest of such drowned cattell , with which they afterwards make merry , and feast their friends . The young Children haue also their playes and pastimes according to their age ; by reason that these great plaines couered ouer with Rice , abounding likewise with Rats , and Mice , they are forced by the water which hath filled their holes , to saue themselues by swimming , and to climbe vpon the tres for refuge , by meanes whereof the trees are loden with Rats and Mice , in lieu of leaues and fruits : Therupon the boyes get themselues into boates by bands , betaking themselues to the shaking of the trees , dismounting those Rats and Mice , drowning them in the water ; of which their childish disport , there commeth a great good to the Land , which by such meanes remaineth the more cleered and freed of this vermine ; which otherwise by little and little , would much waste and spoile their fields . The last commodity yet not the least which the Lut bringeth , is , that euery one thereby furnisheth and prouideth his house the better of all necessaries ; for in three dayes it maketh all the countrey nauigable euery where , with such ease and facilitie , that there is nothing but may easily bee conueyed from one Towne to another : in regard whereof they keepe all their Faires and great Markets at these times , when the concourse is alwayes greater then at any other time of the yeere . In those dayes also they make their prouision of wood for their firing and for Building , which they bring from the Mountaines in their Boates , that passe easily through the streetes , euen into their Houses , which for the purpose are mounted on ranckes of pillars , raised very high to giue the water a free entrance and issue ; euery one retiring meane time into the vppermost story of his House ▪ Vnto which the water ( which cannot bee sufficiently admired ) the Lut or Inundation neuer mounteth ; for they take their measure , so well , through long experience of the height of the waters , that they haue no feare thereof , being well assured that the waters will alwayes remaine below their Buildings . CHAP. III. Of the Fertility of the Land. ALbeit one may easily iudge of the fruitfulnes of Cochin-China , by the profit which the Lut bringeth ( as hath beene said ) yet somewhat may bee said in particular . The Land becommeth so fat and so fruitfull by this Lut or ouerflowing , that thrice euery yeere they gather their Rice , and that in such great quantity and aboundance , that there is none will labour for his liuing , euery one hauing plentiously whereon to liue . The plenty and the variety of fruits is great all the yeere long , of as many seuerall sorts as there are in India ; for Cochin-China lieth in the same Climate : Yet in particular it hath fairer and greater Oranges then we haue in Europe , and those very succulent ; the rinde of them being so soft , so tender and so sauoury , that it is as vsually eaten as the inside , which is of as pleasing a relish and taste , as the Limons of Italy : There are also certaine fruits which the Portugals call Bananes , and others terme them Indian Figgs , but with no great reason in my opinion , seeing neither the tree which in India is called the figtree , nor yet that of Cochin-China hath any resemblance of our figtree , either in the wood or in the fruit : The tree is like that plant which wee call Turkie-wheat , though much higher , and the leaues so long and broad , that two of them will serue to couer a man from the top to the toe , and so compasse him round about ; which haply made some to be of opinion , that this was the tree of the terrestriall Paradise , with the leaues whereof Adam sought to couer his nakednesse : This tree beareth a grape at the top , of twenty , thirty or fourty together in a cluster , euery of which in his shape , as also in his length and greatnesse , resembleth the common Citrons of Italy : When the fruit is not ripe , the rinde is greene of colour , and groweth yellow afterward as the Citrons doe : One shall not neede a knife to open and to pill this fruit , for the rinde thereof commeth away as easily as the huske of yong Beanes ; It hath a pleasing smell , and the yellow flesh or marrow within , is as firme as that of a ripe peare which will melt in the mouth ; Whence it appeareth that this tree hath nothing common to the Fig-tree , but the taste and sweetnesse . There is also another sort of these Fruits , which is not eaten , but rosted and put in Wine . This plant is dried vp euery yeere when it hath yeelded his fruit , hauing at his foot a tender sprout for the next yeere . Moreouer ▪ that which in Italy they call the fig-tree of India , hath no resemblance either with the plant or with the fruit of this Bananes : This fruit is also common to all the Prouinces of India . But in Cochin-China there is another sort which is neither found in China , nor in all India ; It is equall in greatnes to the greatest Citrons of Italy , and is so substantiall , that one of them will satisfie a man , the flesh within is very white ▪ they are of a pleasing taste , and exceeding good against the loosenes of the belly . There is also in Cochin-China another fruit , which I haue not seene elsewhere ; in India it is called Can , and resembleth in shape and fashion , the outside of the Pomegranate : But the Marrow within is more liquid to be taken and eaten with a Spoone , hauing an aromaticke taste , and is for colour not vnlike to a ripe Medlar . They haue also a fruit like vnto our Cherries , but their taste is more like that of the Raisin : In their language they call them Gnoo . Neither are they without Melons , yet not so good as those of Italy ; nor are they vsually eaten but with Sugar , or Hony. But their Cucumbers or Water-Melons , as others terme them , are exceeding great , and most excellent . There groweth also a fruit called Gyaque , which is common also elsewhere in India , but not so faire by much , as in Cochin-China , growing on a tree as high as the Wall-nut or Chess-nut tree , with much longer prickels : This fruit is as great as the greatest Cabbage , for one of them is as much as one man can carry at one time . It is like a Pine-apple in the outside , but the inside is tender and soft ; full of yellow eares or cloues , whose graynes are flat and round as a Iulio of Italy , or a Teston ; and in the midst of each graine is found a bone , which they cast away when they eate the fruit . There are two sorts , those which the Portugals call Giaca-barca , whose meat is firme when the kernell is cast away : The other is not so firme , but rather soft as glue ; the taste of either of them is much resembling that of the delicious fruit called Durion , which wee are now to describe . The Durion is one of the most excellent fruits in the World , which groweth not elsewhere but at Malacca , Borneo , or some Iles thereabouts : There is no great difference betweene the tree that beareth it , and the Gyaque ; the fruit thereof , as well as that of the Gyaque , resembling the Pine-apple outwardly , both in the shape , and hardnesse of his rinde : The meate is close to the bone , as in the other , being maruellous white , and in taste and sweetnesse like the Mangiar-bianco , a delicate dish of the Italians . This meat , and this liquor within the Apple , is in ten or twelue little cells , euery of which hath his white meate about the bone as big as a Chess-nut : When you breake or open it , there commeth out a very vnpleasing smell , like that of a rotten Onion ; yet that which is within hath no taste thereof at all , but is sweete and most delitious . Whereupon I will relate a History of what happened where I was present : One being desirous to giue a taste of this fruit to a Prelate that was newly come to Malacca , opened it before him , not thinking thereof , whence there came so strong and so vnpleasing a sauour , that the Prelate became so distasted therewith , that hee could not possibly be perswaded to taste thereof : But being set at the Table to his Dinner , amongst other seruices , there was presented to him a dish containing nothing but the inside of this fruit , which in sauour and taste is so like to the Mangiar-bianco , that it was easie to make the Prelate or any other to mistake it , that had not seene it dressed or prepared . He had no sooner put his hand to it , but at the very first morsell which he tooke , he found the taste so exquisite , that with astonishment hee enquired , who was the Cooke that had prepared such a delicious white meate ; whereunto hee that feasted him in his House , made answere smiling , that no other Cooke had medled therewith , but the great GOD , who had furnished this Countrey with so rare a fruit ; which was no other but the Durion which he had in so great horror at the first : Wherewith the Prelate was much astonished , eating thereof with so good an appetite , as if he could not haue too much of it . This fruit is held so excellent , that euen at Malacca where it groweth , the same is sometimes sold for a Crowne a piece . In Cochin-China also there is great plenty of another fruit , which the Portugals call Ananes . And albeit there be nothing more common throughout India and in Brazil ; yet because I doe not find them so well discribed to my mind , by such as haue made mention of them , I will adde a word or two concerning the same . This fruit groweth not on any tree , neither commeth it of any seed , but of a roote , as our Artichockes doe : The stalke and leafe is very like those of the Carduus-thistles and Artichoks : It is round like a colomne or pillar of 9. inches in length , and of such a greatnesse , that one can scarcely clip it with both his hands . The meate thereof is closed within like as in the Radish : But it hath a harder rinde , which is fashioned in resemblance like to the scales of Fishes . It is yellow within when it is ripe , and then the outside being pared away with a Knife , it is vsually eaten raw , being of a sharpe and sweete relish , when it commeth to his naturity , not vnlike to a delicate Peare . There is also found in Cochin-China another fruit , peculiar to that Countrey : It is called of the Portugals , Areca , which groweth on a tree of as straight a body as the Palme-tree ; hollow within , and hath no leaues but at the top onely , as the Palme-tree leaues are : In the midst of which there are little boughs on which the fruit hangeth , in bignes and shape like the wall-nut , hauing also a greene huske like vnto it , and the meat within as white and hard as a Chess-nut ; yet hath no taste nor sauour at all : Therefore it is not eaten alone , but couered with leaues of Betle , being a plant well knowne in all India , whose leaues are like Iuie leaues , and the plant it selfe climbing on trees as our Iuie in Europe . They cut their leaues into small pieces , and in euery piece they put a morsell of Areca , so that of one fruit , they make foure or fiue morsells : They vse also to put Lime to their Areca ; such as they make in that countrey of Oyster-shells , and not of Lime-stones as they doe in Europe . And as with vs there are commonly some appointed to dresse the Meat , to prouide Cates and to performe other offices : So in Cochin-China there is in euery house some or other appointed to no other office , but onely to infold these morsels of Areca in the Betle , and the officers that are so imployed , who most commonly are women , be called the Betleres . These morsels thus prepared are put into boxes , and they vsually goe chewing on them all day long , not onely within doores , but euen when they goe vp and downe the streetes , or speake with any , in all places and at all times ; But after they haue long chewed it and kept it in their mouthes without swallowing of it , they spit it out ; contenting themselues with the odour and quality which doth maruellously comfort the stomach . This fruit thus prepared , is in such request among them , that when any goeth to the house of another to visit him , hee carrieth with him a boxe thereof , presenting it vnto him , which he presently putteth in his mouth ; and before he take his leaue , he that is so visited , commandeth the Betlere of the house to bring him a boxe thereof , which hee offereth to him that came to him that came to see him , in requitall of his courtesie . In such sort that they must alwayes haue it prepared in a readinesse ; and so great is the profit thereof , that the greatest reuenue of the Countrey , consisteth in possessing fields well planted with Areca , as in Europe with Vines and Oliues . Tobacco is also vsed there , though not so frequently as their Betle . There are also Cabbages of all sorts in great abundance , as well as Sugar-Canes . Our fruits of Europe are not yet come to Cochin-China ; howbeit I am of opinion that the Vine and Figg-tree would prosper well there . Our herbes , as Lettice , Succory , Coleworts and such other are growing in Cochin-China , and all ouer India ; yet they beare leaues onely without any seed : so that when they would haue any new , they are faine to haue the seed out of Europe . Flesh is also there in great plenty , by reason of the abundance of foure footed beasts which they nourish there in their houses , as Kine , Goats , Swine , Buffles , and such other . Of wild beasts , as Harts , they haue many greater then those of Europe ; Wild Bores and diuers others . They haue great store of Fowles , tame Hens and wild , with which their fields are couered ; Turtle-Doues , Pigeons , Duckes , Geese and Cranes , which are very sauoury meat ; besides many others which we haue not here in Europe . There is also great store of Fish , and that of so exquisite relish and taste , that hauing crossed so many Seas , and trauelled through so many Countreys as I haue done , methinkes I haue not found the Fish of any other place , comparable to that of Cochin-China . And by reason that the whole length of the countrey lieth on the Sea , as I haue said , there is such a multitude of Fisher-boates , and Fish-takers , and Fish-carriers throughout the Kingdome , that it is a pritty spectacle to behold so many rankes of men , carrying Fish from the Sea side , euen vp to the Mountaines ; in which exercise they imploy twenty of the foure and twenty houres of the day . And although it bee true , that they like better of Fish then of Flesh , yet the chiefe cause why they are so much giuen to Fishing is , the desire they haue to prouide themselues a Sauce which they call Balaciam , that is made of a salted Fish mollified and dissolued in water ; whereof they make a biting liquor , not vnlike vnto Mustard , with which they furnish their Houses in so great a quantity , that they fill Tunnes and Hogsheads therewith , as in many places of Europe men doe with wines ▪ yet they vse it not for meat by it selfe , but for sauce onely to quicken their appetite in eating of their Rice , which they suppose would otherwise bee vnsauoury . They abound also with Shel-fish , with Oysters , and other fruits of the Sea ; especially with one kind which they call Cameron . But beyond all that hath beene said , Gods Prouidence hath priuiledged them with a rare and exquisite kind of food , which in my opinion cannot bee better likened or compared , then to that Manna with which the chosen people of God were fed in the Desart . This kind of food is so peculiar to Cochin-China , that it is not any where else . That which I will say thereof shall not be by hearesay , or by report of any other , but by mine owne experience , who haue seene and eaten of it often . There is a little Bird in this Countrey , like vnto a Swallow , which fasteneth his nest to the rocks , on which the waues of the Sea doe beate , and are broken . This little creature taketh with her bill some of the froth of the Sea , and with a certaine humour which shee draweth out of her stomacke , mingling the one with the other , maketh I know not what clay-like bituminous matter , wherewith shee after buildeth her nest ; which when it is growne to be dry and hard , becommeth transparent , and of a mingled colour , betwixt yellow and greene . These nests are gathered by those of the Countrey , and being softened and dissolued in water , serue to season all their Meates , either Flesh , or Fish , Hearbes or any thing else ; giuing such a diuersity of relish , and so proper to euery of them , that one would thinke they were prepared with Pepper , Cinamom , Cloues , and all manner of Spices : in such sort , that this little nest is sufficient to season all sorts of Viands without Salt , Oyle or Lard , or any other thing : Which made me say that indeede it resembled the Manna , which had in it selfe the taste of all the most fauourie kinds of foode ; but that this is only the worke of a little Bird , whereas the other was prepared by the Angels of God. And of this there is such store , that I haue seene ten little boats loaden with these nests , gathered along the Rocks within the space of halfe a League . But because it is such an exquisite thing , none but the King doth traffique therewith , they are all reserued for him , and the greatest vtterance he maketh of them , is for the King of China , who hath them in great esteeme . They eate not any Milke nor ought made thereof , holding it for a great offence to draw milke from Kine or any other creatures : and their reason for such their scrupulosity is , that they say , the milke was ordained by Nature , for the nourishment of the young ones : As if hee to whom the little ones appertaine , could not dispose of the nutriment due vnto them . They eate certaine things which wee lothe and abhorre as venimous ; namely the Camelions , which are greater there , then those which being dried , are brought out of strange Countreyes oftentimes into Italy . I haue seene some brought by a friend of mine , bound , and packed vp , which he cast vpon the burning coales , and assoone as their bands were burnt , they marched faire and softly after their manner , on the liue coales , till such time as they felt the force of the fire , which they indured for a while , being of a very cold constitution ; but in the end they were rosted and broiled , whereupon this friend of mine , drew them to him , and scraping away the burnt skin with a Knife , found their flesh to be exceeding white , which hee brayed and sod with a little sawce like vnto Butter , and eate them as a most excellent meat , inuiting me thereunto : But I was contented with the sight of it . Of all other things requisite for the intertainement of a mans life , Cochin-China is also very sufficiently prouided . As first for apparell , there is such abundance of Silke , that the handy-craft men , and the baser sort of people weare it dayly . By occasion whereof , I haue diuers times taken pleasure to see the men and women trauell in carrying Stones , Earth , Lime and other like things , without any regard taken of the tearing or fouling their faire and rich apparell which they weare . Yet this will not seeme strange to any , that shall know how these high Mulberry trees , by whose leaues the Silke-wormes are nourished , are as plentifull here in these large plaines , as Hempe is with vs , and no longer time in growing . In such sort , that in a few Moneths the Wormes come forth of them , and nourish themselues in the Aire ▪ spinne out their Silke in due time , and make their Codds , Bladders and Bottomes , in so great a quantity and abundance , that not only the Inhabitants haue enough fot their owne necessary vses and occasions ; but they furnish Iapan also , and send Silke to the Kingdome of Lais , wherehence it is also carried into the Kingdome of Thibet : For albeit the Silke be not so fine and delicate , yet it is stronger and more substantiall then that of China . Their Buildings and Houses are all of wood ▪ yet in regard thereof they need not enuy any other Prouince ; because that without any exaggeration , the Wood and Timber of this countrey is the best of all the world , by the iudgement of those that haue beene in many places . Amongst that great number and exceeding great diuersitie of trees which they haue , there are two sorts most commonly imployed in their Buildings , which are so incorruptible , that they are not endammaged by being in the water , or vnder the earth : They be so sollid also and so weighty , that they will not swim on the water , but serue for Anchors . One of these kinds of wood is blacke , yet not so blacke as the Ebeny : The other is red ; being both of them so smooth and euen , that when the Barke is taken away , they need no plaining or smoothing . These trees are called Tin , and haply he should not much be deceiued , that should be of opinion that the trees which Salomon vsed in the building of the Temple , were of the same incorruptible Timber ; seeing wee know already by the Scripture , that those which he imployed were called Ligna Thyine , 2. Chro. 9. 10. 11. which approacheth very neere their name . The mountaines of Cochin-China are couered all ouer with these trees which are exceeding straight , and of such vnmeasurable height , that they seeme to touch the clouds with their tops ; and therewith so thicke , that two men cannot circle them about . With these trees doe the inhabitants of Cochin-China build their houses ; of which it is lawfull for euery one to take on the mountaines as many as he will. Their houses are built vpon pillars that are very high and sound , and well vnderlaid ; vnto which they ioyne boards and plankes , which they can take off and lay on againe , as they list to change them with Grates or Lattices of Canes and Reeds , which they interlace curiously to let in the Aire in times of heat ; partly also to giue the water free passage in and out , and that their boats may haue egresse and regresse in the time of inundations . They vse also a thousand deuises and inuentions to beautifie and adorne their houses ; caruing their boards and planks with curious workemanship , and making their habitations delightfull with variety of garnishment . Now whiles we are discoursing of Trees , I will adde somewhat as concerning another kind of wood which is their most precious merchandise : This is that renowned wood called Aquila and Calamba , which are the same in regard of the wood , yet much different in the reckoning made of them , as also in their vertue and efficacie . There is good store of these trees , especially on the mountaines of the Kemois , which are very great and very high . If this wood be cut from a young trunke or stocke , then they call it Aquila ; whereof there is such plenty , that euery one may take as much as he will : But when this wood is taken from an old tree , this is the Calamba , which were exceeding hard to be gotten , if Nature had not holpen in that behalfe , placing these trees at the top of the highest , steepe , and craggie mountaines , where they may quietly grow without any wrong or violence done them . There are falling from them from time to time , some branches which breake of themselues from the body of the tree ; either by becomming blasted and withered , or by extremity of old age , which are found to be rotten and worme-eaten . This is the high-prised and renowned Calamba , which farre surpasseth the common Aquila , in efficacie and sweetnes of scent . Euery one may sell of the Aquila at his pleasure ; but the traffique of the Calamba is reserued to the King alone , for the excellent odour and soueraigne vertue thereof . And certainely in those places where it is gathered , it is so sweet , and so odoriferous , that prouing certaine pieces of it , which had beene giuen me , I buried them more then fiue foot vnder ground ; yet notwithstanding they betrayed themselues by their sweet smell . This Calamba where it is gathered , is valued at fiue Ducats the pound ; yet at the Port of Cochin-China it yeeldeth more ; and scarcely to be had vnder sixteene Ducats the pound : And being transported to Iapan , it is valued at two hundred Ducats the pound : But if one meet with a piece of such greatnes that a man may lay his head on it , as on a pillow ; the Iaponeses will giue three or foure hundred Ducats the pound for it : because they find by experiment ( as they say ) that it is better for health , to haue some hard thing vnder ones head when he sleepeth , then a soft pillow of feathers : which because they hold to be vnwholsome , they vse ordinarily a piece of wood for a Boulster to rest their head on ; which euery one according to his ability , will haue as costly as he can get . And if it be made of Calamba , they account it a pillow for a Prince . Now the Aquila , howsoeuer it be of lesse estimation and value then the Calamba ; yet it is of such account and worth , that one Ships lading of Aquila is sufficient to inrich a Merchant all his life . And the best recompense that the King can giue to a Captaine of Malacca , is , to trade and traffique with this Aquila : by reason that the Brachmans and Banians of India , being accustomed to burne the bodies of the dead with this odoriferous wood , will quickly dispatch and rid him of an infinite quantity thereof . In conclusion , there are also in Cochin-China , many Mines of the preciousest Metalls , and of Gold especially . So to comprehend in few words the fertility of this country , which meriteth a more larger discourse ; I will conclude this Chapter with that which the Merchants of Europe that trade thither commonly say , That the riches of Cochin-China are greater then those of China it selfe ; which is knowne to be so exceeding rich and plentifull in all good things . CHAP. IIII. Of the Eelphants and Rhinoceros . THere are many Elephants in the woods of Cochin-China ; of which they make no vse , because they haue not the skill to catch them and to make them tame , but they haue some brought vnto them from a neighbouring countrey called Cambogia , which are instructed and disciplined before . These are as great againe as the Indian Elephants , the print of their foot which they leaue behind them , is a foot and halfe in the Diameter : The teeth which come out of their mouthes , of which Iuorie is made , are oft times thirteene , sometimes fourteene foot in length ; but those of the female Elephants are much shorter : Whence may easily be coniectured , how much greater the Elephants of Cochin-China are , then those which are brought into Europe , whose teeth are not aboue two foot and a halfe in length . They are long liued ; and thereupon when I once demanded how old one of them was , his Conductor answered me , that he was threescore yeeres old when he was brought out of Cambogia , and had liued fourty yeeres in Cochin-China . And because I haue trauelled many times on Elephants in this Kingdome , I can report many things of them which will seeme very strange , but are neuerthelesse true . The Elephant doth ordinarily carry thirteene or foureteene persons , who are thus in this manner accommodated ; Euen as we put Saddles on our Horses , so doe they put vpon their Elephants , a kind of Engine fashioned like vnto a great Hors-Litter , within the which there are foure seates ; and it is fastned and tied with chaines vnder the belly of the Elephant , in like manner as the Saddle is with the Girthes to the Horse . This Litter hath two entries or open places on each side , in which are bestowed sixe persons , being ranked by three and three ; and another behind , wherein two persons are placed ; and then the Nayre , ( who is as the Coach-man or Conductor ) placing himselfe on the Head of the Elephant , that he may guide and gouerne him . It hath not onely happened vnto me to trauell by Land in this manner , but many times also by Water , passing in this sort ouer some arme of the Sea , sometimes more then halfe a league from the Land ▪ And to speake trueth , it is a maruellous thing to him that neuer saw it ; to see such a great and huge masse of flesh , loaden with so heauy a burden , to goe swimming and crossing the waters like a Boate with Oares . True it is , that he made it sufficiently appeare , that he suffered much , as well in the paines he tooke to carry the great masse of his body , as for his difficulty of breathing ; Insomuch that to ease and refresh himselfe in this great trauell , he tooke vp the water in his trunke , and cast it vp so high in the aire , that one might haue thought it had beene some Whale of the Sea. By reason of his great corpulency , it is an extreame difficulty for him to bow downe ; and although he must needs doe it , for the commoditie of those that are to goe out or enter into the Litter , yet he neuer doth it but when the Nayre commandeth him ; and if whiles he is so bowed downe , any make too long stay , either in complying with friends or otherwise ; he raiseth himselfe on his feet , with impatience to remaine so long in such a violent posture . It is no lesse wonder , to see how at the commandment of the Nayre , he maketh his body in manner of a Ladder , for the greater commodity of those that are to enter into the Litter : For the first step , he offereth his Foot , which is distant enough from ground ; for the second he presenteth his Pasterne , at a conuenient distance from the first ; and for the third , he boweth his Knee ▪ the fourth step , is on the bone of his Flanke which is cast somewhat outward for the purpose ; and from thence he receiueth you on his trunke , and carrieth you to a chaine fastned to his Litter . Hereby euidently appeareth , how much they haue bin deceiued who haue written , that the Elefant could neither bow himselfe nor lie downe , and that the only way to take him , was to cut the tree against which he was to leane when he went to sleepe : because that by the fall of that tree which was to sustaine and support him , he must of force fall downe without any ability to raise himselfe againe : by which meanes , he should be an assured prey to the Hunter that pursued him . All this is but a fable ; although it be out of doubt , that he neuer lieth downe to sleepe : that Situation being so incommodious and violent for him , as hath beene expressed : and therefore hee sleepeth alwayes standing , with a continuall agitation of his head . In occasion of Warre and Battaile , they take off the couering of the Litter , wherehence , as out of a Tower , the Souldiers fight with Arrowes and Muskets , and sometimes also with Field-pieces ; the Elephant hauing strength enough to cary them : For this beast is exceeding strong , and hath not his like . I haue seene one my selfe , cary excessiue burdens on his trunk : Another that lifted vp a great piece of Artillery : Another alone to draw ten small Boats one after another , taking them betweene his Teeth , with great dexterity , and casting them into the Sea. I haue seene others , pull vp great Trees by the rootes , as easily as a man would pull vp a Colewort or a Lettice : With as much facilitie they will throw downe and ouerturne Houses , beat downe whole Streetes , when they are commanded in the Warres , to endammage the enemie , and in Peace , when a House is on fire , that it take not hold of the rest . The trunke of the Elephant is long , proportionally to the rest of his body , so that without stooping or bowing downe , he can easily reach from the ground , what hee list : It is composed of many little nerues , bound , and linked one vnto the other , in such sort , that on the one side , it is so flexible and maniable , that he extendeth and turneth it as he list , to receiue any the least things ; and on the other side , it is therewithall , as hard and strong as we haue said . His whole body is couered with a hard and rough ash ▪ coloured skin : His ordinary trauell , is 12. leagues a day . His motion to those that are not vsed vnto it ; bringeth the like incommoditie as they find in the Ship , that are not accustomed to Sea-voyages . For the Docilitie of the Elephant , I shall say more maruellous things , then those which are ordinarily rehearsed : Which will make it manifest , that with great reason it was said by one , Elephanto belluarum nulla prudentior ; seeing hee doth such things as will giue men iust cause to beleeue , that they cannot see how they should be done , without Intelligence and Prudence . First then , the Nayre vseth an Instrument of Iron about the length of foure hands breadth , with which he doth somtimes beate or pricke him , with a sharpe crooke which is in the end thereof , to awaken him , and make him attentiue to what is commanded him , yet notwithstanding hee doth ordinarily rule and direct him with words , in such sort , that hee seemeth to vnderstand his language : And there are of them , that vnderstand three or foure , according to the Countreyes where they haue liued . So it seemed that hee on which I trauelled , understood the Language of Cambogia , whence he was brought , and that of Cochin-China , where he serued . But who would not wonder to see the Nayre talking to his Elephant , informing him of his voyage , of the wayes he is to goe , in what Inne hee intendeth to lodge , what prouision hee shall find there , and to tell him particularly what he is to doe in all that Iourney thorowout ; and that the Elephant performeth all with as much punctuality , as a man of sound Iudgement . In such sort , that hauing vnderstood whither he is to goe , hee goeth straight directly thither , without seeking of a beaten way , and without any astonishment , if he meet with riuers , Woods , or Mountaines , but imagining that he shall euery where make his passage , hee passeth through all difficulties : For if there be a Riuer in his way , hee either wadeth , or swimmeth through it ; If hee be to passe through a Wood , hee breaketh the branches that hinder him , pulleth vp whole Trees with his trunke , and cutteth off others with a sharpe Iron , made like vnto a Sithe , which for such purposes is fastened vnto the forepart of the Litter ; and when occasion serueth , hee draweth first the branches and boughes to him , then he taketh this Iron and cutteth them away ; making himselfe an open passage through the thickest Forrests whatsoeuer , whereby men perceiue that the Elephant hath beene there and opened the way . All this hee doth easily , and readily to execute the commandements of the Nayre . One onely thing this beast findeth incommodious and grieuous , which is , when any thorne or other sharpe thing pricketh the soles of his feete , which he hath very tender and sensible ; going therefore but softly , and with great circumspection , when hee is to passe through such dangerous places . I was once on a Iourney , in which there were seuen or eight Elephants in company , when I hard the Nayres each of them aduertising his beast to take heede to their footing , because they were to goe for the space of halfe a League , through certaine sandie places , in which there were commonly some Thornes growing : At which warning the Elephants bowed downe their heads , and looking attentiuely with their eyes , as men commonly doe when they seeke after somewhat that is lost , they went faire and softly , with great heedfulnesse , whiles they were in that danger , till such time as being told that they were past feare , they lifted vp their heads , and continued their pace as before . In the euening , being come to their Inne , the Nayres bid the Elephants goe to pasture in a Wood , without taking their Litters from their backes : And when I questioned them why they did not discharge them of that burden , they answered me , that the Elephants were to feede on the boughs , and bodies of trees , and therefore that they might cut them downe at their pleasure , with the sharpe Iron we speake of , they were to keepe on their Litters . The next day , being to lodge in a place where there was no Wood , the Nayres brrought each of them a great faggot of greene trees for their Elephants , I tooke great delight to obserue how one of them with his trunke tooke these boughs more nimbly then the rest , pulled them with his teeth , and did eate them after with as good an appetite as wee would eate a figge , or any other fruit . The next day discoursing with the other trauellers , being about some twenty persons , I told them what pleasure I tooke in beholding how handsomely this Elephant did make shift to feede on those boughes . Whereupon the Nayre by commandement of the owner of this Elephant , called him aloud by his name , which was Gnin , who being gone a little aside , presently lifted vp his head , as hearkning what he would say to him : Remember saith the Nayre the father the passenger , that was pleased ▪ yesterday to see thee eate : Take presently a truncheon such as thou hadst then ; and come into his presence , doing as thou diddest : No sooner had the Nayre spoken , but the Elephant holding a Truncheon in his mouth , commeth before me , and finding me out amongst the rest , presenteth it vnto me ; then peeleth and eateth it , and doing me a profound reuerence , retireth himselfe as it were laughing , with signes of gladnesse and reioycing : And I remained astonished , to see in a beast so much aptnesse to vnderstand and to doe what was commanded him . Yet is he obedient to none but to the Nayre or to his Master , and endureth not to see any other get vpon him ; which if any attempt to doe , and he see it , they doubt he would cast downe his Litter , and kill him with his trunke . Therefore when any are to get vp on him , the Nayre couereth his eyes with his eares , which are very huge and vnhansome . When he sheweth himselfe resty in doing what is commanded him , and doth it not so readily as hee ought , the Nayre hauing both his feet vpon his head , beateth and chastiseth him soundly , giuing great blowes with a staffe , in the midst of his forehead . Once we being many in a company on an Elephant that carried vs , and the Nayre beating him in such sort as we haue said , we expected at euery blow he receiued , that hee would haue cast vs downe . They giue him ordinarily sixe or seuen blowes on hisforehead , but with such vehemency , that the Elephant trembleth euery Limbe and Ioynt ; yet endureth it with much patience . There is onely one occasion wherein he will not be ruled by the Nayre nor by any man , which is , when on the suddaine he entreth into Rut : for then being beside himselfe , as if he were mad , he endureth no body ; but taketh his Litter with his trunke , battering and breaking all to pieces . Yet ordinarily the Nayre perceiuing it a little before , by certaine signes , alighteth off him , and likewise the company ; and taking off the Litter from his backe , leaueth him in some close corner alone till his heat be ouerpassed : after which , as if he were ashamed of his disorder , he goeth holding downe his head , submitting himselfe to the blowes and bastinadoes which he seemeth to himselfe to haue well deserued . These beasts in former times haue beene of great vse in the Warres , and such Armies as came into the field with great bands of them , were much feared . But since the Portugals found out the inuention to incounter them with Torches and Fire-brands , they haue rather beene hurtfull then profitable , because being not able to abide those fiery flames before their eyes , they furiously fled away , putting their owne Armies in disaray , killing and ouerthrowing all that stood in their way . The tame Elephant fighteth onely with two sorts of beasts , which are the Wilde Elephant , and the Abade or Rinoceros ; for this latter he is commonly two hard , but by the former he is ordinarily ouercome . The Abade is a beast which hath some resemblance of the Oxe , and somewhat of the Horse ; and is of the bignesse of a little Elephant : He is couered all ouer with Scales , which is to him as an armour ; he hath but one horne in the midst of his forehead , which groweth straight , being formed like a Pyramide : his feete and hoofes like those of an Oxe . Whiles I was at Nouoemon a Towne in the Prouince of Pulucambes , the Gouernour went out once to hunt an Abade , which was in a Wood not farre from our dwelling : He was accompanied with more then a hundred , some on foot , others on horsebacke , with eight or ten Elephants . The Abade commeth out of the Wood , and at the sight of so many enemies , not onely sheweth no signe of feare , but furiously goeth against them all ; thereupon the company diuiding themselues into two wings , the Abade runneth through the midst of them , and came to the rereward where the Gouernour was mounted on an Elephant , which sought to take hold on the Abade with his trunke , but could not , by reason that the other made so many leapes and friskoles , seeking to pierce the Elephant with his horne . The Gouernour knowing well that this beast could not bee wounded , but where he had no Scales , which was onely in his flanke , watched when in his leaping his belly was towards him ; and taking his aduantage , threw a dart at him , with which he pierced him through , which caused great acclamations and shoutings of ioy throughout all his troope ; who there presently in the field made a great bonfire of wood , wherein whiles the Scales of the beast were a burning , they daunced and leaped about it ; and when , as by degrees , the flesh came to be rosted , they cut out euery one his Carbonado , and merrily eate it . Then they opened the Abade to take out his Heart , his Liuer and his Braine , whereof they made a delicate dish , which they presented to the Gouernour , who had retired himselfe somewhat aside to a higher place , where hee sollased himselfe with their iollity . I being present at this piece of seruice , obtained of the Gouernour , the Nayles or Hoofes for my share , which are esteemed to haue the like vertue and property , that the Hoofe of the Elk hath . The Horne also is thought to be as soueraigne against poyson , as the Vnicornes Horne is held to be . CHAP. V. Of the Temperament Manners and Customes of the Cochin-Chinois , Of their manner of Liuing , Clothing , and Medicines . THe Cochin-Chinois are little differing from the Chinois in their Countenance , being all of Oliue colours ; those I meane that are toward the Sea : for the others which are farther into the Land towards Tunchim , are as white as those of Europe . In the lineaments of their faces they are like the Inhabitants of China ; flat nosed as they are , with little eyes . They are of a meane stature ; neither so little as the Iaponois , nor yet so tall as the Chinois ; but in strength and agility of body , they exceed them both : They surpasse the Chinois also in courage and valour : onely the Iaponois surmount them in one thing , which is , their contempt of life in perils and conflicts : for these Iaponois seeme to make no account thereof , and to haue no feare of death at all . The Cochin-Chinois is more gentle and courteous in conuersation , then any other nation of the East : and albeit on the one side they stand much vpon their valour ; yet on the other side , they hold it as infamous to be transported with choller . And whereas all the other Easterne nations hold the Europeans for profane people , and haue them naturally in horror ; in such sort , that when wee land in any of their Countreys , they betake themselues to flight . In Cochin-China on the contrary , they contend who shall conuerse with vs most ; they aske vs many questions , they inuite vs to eate with them , vsing all kind of Courtesie , Ciuility , and Familiarity . So it happened with me and my companions at our first arriuall there ; where it seemed vnto vs , as if we were amongst our ancient acquaintance . By which occasion , there is a fare Gate opened for the Preaching of the Gospel of Iesus Christ amongst them .. Of this gentle and pleasing disposition , and of this facilitie of manners , there commeth that great vnion , and good intelligence , which they haue amongst themselues , conuersing together one with the other , as openly , with as much Candour , as if they were all brethren , bred , and brought vp together in the same House , though they neuer saw each other before . And it would be held a great basenesse amongst them , if any should eate any thing , were it neuer so little , without imparting it to those that are with him , and giuing to euery one his morsell . They are of a liberall inclination , and beneficent to the poore , neuer refusing their alms to those that aske it , and would thinke they had failed much in their duty , if they had denied them , as holding themselues bound in iustice to relieue those that are in want . By means wherof , it happened that some strangers making ship-wrackein one of the ports of Cochin-China , and hauing no knowledge of the tongue , by which they might beg what they needed , holp their necessity sufficiently by learning this one word , Doij , which signifieth , I am hungry : For as soone as they perceiued strangers complayning in such a manner , and crying Doij at their doores , they went out all auie , being touched with compassion , and gaue them somewhat to eat , whereby they got suddenly so much prouision , that the King hauing granted them a Ship , to carry them into their Countrey , there was not one of them willing to take that opportunity , they were become so affected to that Countrey , where they had found such as would liberally furnish them wherewith to sustaine themselues without working ▪ Insomuch that the Captaine of the Ship was driuen to constraine them with a good cudgell , and with the flat of his Sword , to embarke themselues , as they did with good store of Rice which they had gathered , going but from doore to to doore , and crying , I am hungry . But as these Cochin-Chinois doe shew themselues prompt and liberall in giuing , so are they as much or more in requesting whatsoeuer they see to their liking ; for they no sooner can cast their eye on any thing which they thinke rare and curious , but they are desirous thereof , and will say vnto you Sin Mocaij , which signifieth , giue me one of those : and they hold it a great discourtesie to deny them any thing , though it be rare and precious , or no more such to be had ; and account him base that refuseth them , whereby men are driuen either to hide what they haue , or to be ready to bestow it on him that shall aske it . A Portugal Merchant , nothing liking this strange custome ( as indeede there are few that like well of it ) seeing himselfe euery day importuned to giue whatsoeuer good thing hee had , was one day disposed to carrie himselfe in like manner toward them ; and so comming to a poore Fisher-mans boate , and laying hands on a great panier full of Fish , hee saith vnto him in the language of that Countrey , Sin Mocaij , Giue me this ; the good man without further discourse gaue him the panier as it was , to carry away , which the Portugal carried to his House accordingly , wondering at the liberality of the poore man. But hauing consideration of his pouerty , he paid him afterward the value . Their termes of Ciuillity , Courtesie , and Entertainment , are very neere those which are vsed in China , the inferiours vsing great respect toward their superiours , as also those of the same rancke , practising one towards another all those petty punctualities , and complements , which are peculiar to the Chinois : Especially the great reuerence they beare to the aged ; alwayes preferring the ancientest , of what degree or condition soeuer they are ; and giuing to the aged all kind of preeminence aboue the younger . And so some of these Lords comming often to visite vs in our House , though they had beene sufficiently aduertised by the Interpreter , that a certaine Father being more aged then the rest was not our superiour , they could not possibly forbeare to salute him that was old before the superiour , being much younger . In all the Houses of Cochin-China , be they neuer so poore , three sorts of sitting are vsed . The first , and least of all is ▪ on a Matt stretched out on the ground ; whereon all doe sit , that are of the like quality and degree . The second is on certaine Coards or Girts , stretched out and couered with a finer kind of Matts then the former , where those of the better rancke place themselues . The third is on a Tent which is raised from the ground , about some two foote and a halfe , made in manner of a Bed , which is reserued onely for the Gouernours , or Lords of the place , or for such as are dedicated to the Seruice of God : On which they alwayes make our Fathers to sit . Of this gentle and agreeable humour of the Cochin-Chinois commeth ; the account they make of Strangers , giuing them liberty to liue according to their owne law , and to apparrell themselues as they thinke good , commending their course of liuing , admiring their Learning , and frankly preferring it before their owne ; contrary to the Chinois , which make no reckoning , but of their owne Countrey , their owne fashions , and their owne Doctrine . Concerning their Apparrell and Clothing , wee haue already said , that Silke is so common in Cochin-China , that all are clad therewith . It onely remaineth to speake of the Fashions which they vse : And to begin with the Women , I must confesse , that their habit hath allwayes seemed vnto me , to be the most Modest of all India , for they cannot endure any part of their bodies to be vncouered ; no not in the greatest heates . They weare fiue or six Taffeties , one vpon another , all of seuerall colours . The first reacheth downe to the ground , which they make trayne along , with such Grauity , Decency , and Maiestie , that one cannot discerne so much as the end of their feet ; the next is foure or fiue fingers breadth shorter ; the third commeth short of the second ; and so are the rest , the one shorter then the other ; in such sort , that all the colours are discerned . This is their Habit ftom the Girdle downewards . Their bodies they couer with certaine curious Stuffes , which are wrought Eschecquer-wise of sundry colours , casting ouer it so fine and thin a vaile , that all this diuersity , and varietie may easily be perceiued through it , like a pleasant and gratious Spring-time , accompanied with great Grauity , and Modestie . They weare their haire loosely , hanging on their shoulders , which they suffer to grow so long , that it reacheth to the ground , and the longer it is , the fairer it is accounted . They weare a great Hat on their Heads , with such broad brims that they couer all their Faces , and suffer them not to see more then three or foure paces before them ; and these Hats are wouen or interlaced with Silke , and Gold , according to the quality of the persons : The Women are not bound to any further courtesie in the Saluting of any whom they meete , then to lift vp their Hats so farre that their Faces may be seene . The men in stead of Breeches wrap themselues with a whole piece of Stuffe , clothing themselues ouer it in the like manner , with fiue or sixe garments which are long and large , all of fine Silke , of sundry colours , with great large Sleeues , not vnlike those that the Benedictines vse to weare . These garments of theirs , from the girdle downewards , are all becut and slashed with curious deuises ; in such sort that as they goe through the Towne , they make such a shew of all these colours mingled together , that if neuer so little a wind should happen to blow vpon their garments , one might say they were so many Peacocks going about shewing the variety of their plumes . They let their Haire grow as the women doe theirs , euen downe to their heeles , and weare their Hatts in like manner . They which haue any Beard , of which their are but few , doe neuervse to cut it , conforming themselues therein with the Chinois ; as also in letting the Nailes of their fingers grow , which the Gentry doe not vse to haue cut , keeping them as tokens of Nobility , to distinguish them from the Common people and the Artificers ; who may not weare them long , lest they should bee hindered by them in their worke : whereas the Gentlemen haue such long ones , that they cannot gripe any thing in their hands . They cannot relish our fashion of cutting our Haire and our Nailes , because they suppose them to haue beene giuen by Nature for an ornament . When wee were once in discourse about the Haire , they made an obiection ▪ to which it was not very easie to make answere on the suddaine : If , said they , the Sauiour of the world , ( to whom ye professe that ye seeke to conforme your selues in all your actions ) did weare his Haire long after the manner of the Nazarites , as ye assure your selues , and as appeareth in the Pictures of him which ye haue shewen vs , why doe yee not the like ? adding thereunto , for more force of argument , that the Sauiour of the world , wearing his Haire at the full length , gaue vs to vnderstand it was the best fashion : Yet notwithstanding they contented themselues , when we told them that our imitation did not consist in the exteriour man or in the outward habit . The Learned sort and the Doctors , apparell themselues somewhat more grauely , without so many colours and cuttings ; couering the rest of their garments with a Gowne of blacke Damaske : they weare also a kind of Stole , hanging about their Necke , and a Maniple of blue Silke on their Arme , couering their heads commonly with a Cap , not vnlike to a Bishops Mitre . The men as well as the women , haue euer a Fanne in their hands very like ours here in Europe ; which they carry more for countenance then otherwise . But whereas we in Europe vse to be clad in blackes , during our mourning , they vse the white on like occasion : when they salute any , they neuer vncouer their head , holding that for a discourtesie and full of irreuerence , vnbefitting ; wherein they agree in opinion with those of China . The Cochin-Chinois vse neither Hose nor Shooes , but onely take at the most , to keepe the soles of their feet from what might offend them , a sole of Leather , made fast and tied vpon the foot with some buttons and ribbands of Silke , after the manner of Sandales : not accounting it any way vndecent to goe without Stockens or Hose and Shooes . And albeit , going after such a manner shod or vnshod , they often times find their feet very dirty , they reckon little of it , hauing for the purpose in euery house , at the entry of the Hall , a Bason of faire water in which they wash their feet ; and such of them as vse to weare Sandals , leaue them there to put on againe when they goe forth , hauing no need to vse them within doores , where the ground being couered with Matts , they feare no fouling of them . The ordinary food of the Cochin-Chinois is Rice , and it seemeth a strange thing , that this Countrey being so plentifull in all kinds of Flesh , Fowle , Fish and Fruits , that neuerthelesse , they feed still on Rice ; wherewith they commonly fill themselues at the beginning of their repast , and then by way of ceremony , doe but assay and taste of all the other Viands . So that Rice is to them the principall and chiefe , as bread is with vs , which they eate alone without sauce or mixture , either of Butter , Oyle or Suggar , but only seething of it in water ; whereof they vse no more then will serue to keepe it from sticking to the Pot , and so from being burnt ; by reason whereof the graines remaine stil entire , being only a little mollified , and moystned . They find moreouer by experience , that the not vsing to season the Rice maketh it digest the more easily ; whence it is , that throughout all the East they accustome themselues to eate foure times a day at the least , and that plentifully , to supply the necessity of Nature . The Cochin-Chinois eate sitting crosse-legd on the ground , hauing a round Table before them , brest-high , curiously wrought , and the edge or border about it gilded with Siluer or Gold , according to the quality of the persons . This Table is not very great , the custome being , that euery one haue a seuerall Table ; and that as many guests as are inuited or expected , so many Tables be prepared for them ▪ which is also obserued when they eate in priuate , vnlesse haply the Husband and Wife , or the Father and the Sonne bee contented with one Table . They haue neither kniues nor forkes at the Table , not needing any . They haue no need of kniues , because their morsells are before cut out in the Kitchin ; and in lieu of forkes they haue little stickes finely polished which they put betwixt their fingers in such sort , that with their dexterity they can take vp any thing therewith . They haue as little need of table Napkins , seeing they neuer foule their hands , but alwayes take vp their meat with those stickes . They inuite one another often to Feasts and Banquets , in which they serue many other sorts of Cates besides those I haue mentioned : Yet therein they serue no Rice , because they suppose that euery one hath enough at home . And how poore soeuer he be that giueth entertainement , they thinke hee hath not done fairely , if euery of the guests haue not his Table serued with an hundred dishes at least . Also , because they vse to inuite all their Friends , Kinsefolke and Neighbours to these feasts , there is seldome any such meeting , at which there are not thirty , forty , or fifty , and sometimes an hundred , or two hundred persons . I was once my selfe at one of these Sollemne-Feasts , in which the Guests were no lesse then two thousand . Therfore such Feasts are made in the open fields , that there may be roome enough to place so many Tables : Neither ought it to be found strange , that these Tables being not great , there should bee an hundred Dishes serued thereon at once ; because at such times by a maruellous prety deuice , they place a little castle on the Table , hauing sundry Stages made of Suger-canes , on which they bestow in very good order , all these Dishes , in which also there is contained whatsoeuer the Countrey yeeldeth , as well of Flesh , Fish , Foule , Fourefooted-beasts , both wild and tame , as also all sorts of fruits which the season afordeth : For if there be any one wanting , it is very disgracefull to the entertainment ; and they will scarse vouchsafe it the name of a Feast . The Masters are first serued , by their principall attendants , who eate in their Masters places when they are risen ; being serued by inferiour seruants , which succeed them in their turne . And because they cannot deuoure all that is prepared , and the custome is to make a cleane riddance of all , as soone as these are satisfied , there commeth yet a baser sort of followers , who when they haue also eaten their fill , vse to put vp the remnant in bagges which they beare for that purpose , and carry it home to feast the Lackies and Scullions of the Kitchin , who make good cheere with it ; and then the Ceremony endeth . They haue no Grapes in Cochin-China , therefore in stead of wine they vse a kind of drinke made of Rice distilled in a Limbicke , which hath the taste of Aqua-vitae , and resembleth it in colour , being also of like Acrimony , Subtillity and Viuacity . They haue such abundance thereof , that euery one drinketh commonly as much as he list ; and are no lesse drunken therewith , then others are with wine in these parts . Yet those of the better sort , vse to allay it with another drinke made of Calamba distilled , which giueth it a pleasant sauour and acceptable odour , being an excellent composition . They vse also to drinke a dayes , of a certaine warme water , in which the root of an hearbe which they call Chia hath sod , of which this drinke taketh the name , being very cordiall , and not a little helpfull to disperse the noysome humours of the stomach , and to facilitate the digestion . The like is vsed in Iapan and China also ; sauing that in China , in lieu of the root , they seeth onely the leaues of the tree , and in Iapan they take them in powder , but the effects are the same ; and they all call it Chia . Concerning their Phisicians , and manner of curing their diseases , I can say there are many , as well Portugals as natiues of the Countrey ; and it is often seene , that many vnknowne maladies , for which the Phisicians of Europe know no remedies , haue beene discouered and cured easily by those of that Countrey . And it hapneth sometimes , that the Portugal Phisicians giue ouer a diseased person , supposing him in a desperate estate , who is afterward easily cured by a Phisician of that Countrey , if they send for him . The Methode vsed by them is this , that assoone as they enter into the sicke persons chamber , they sit downe a whiles neere vnto his bed , to settle the stirring of their spirit , which they haue contracted in their comming ; then they feele the parties pulse with much attention and circumspection , saying afterward vnto him , you haue such a Sicknesse ; and if it be vncurable they say vnto him sincerely , I haue no Medicine for this Maladie : which is a shrewd signe that the sicke person will not escape . But if they iudge the Maladie to be such as may be healed by their Remedies , they will say , I haue that which will heale you , and by such a time I will set you on your feet . Then they agree vpon the Salary that the Phisician shall haue , in case he cure the disease ; which they measure and proportion according to the quality of the disease , and so make the contract . The Phisician afterward composeth his Medicine himselfe , without any Apothecary , for they haue none there for feare of disclosing the secret of their Medicines , which they conceale as much as they also can ; partly because they dare not trust any other with the Ingredients they prescribe . If the sicke person recouer his health by the time prefixed , he is to giue the price agreed on : If he faile of his cure , the Phisitian looseth both his labour , and his charge . The Medicines which they vse to giue , are not like vnto ours , which are distastfull , mollifiing and loosening the belly ; but are as pleasing as their Pottage , and nourishing withall , so that they neede no other aliment : Whence it commeth that they giue of it oftentimes a day , as we would giue broth to the diseased from time to time . And their Medicines doe not alter Nature , but assist it in her ordinary functions , drying vp the peccant humours , without any trouble to the sicke person at all . Heere is offered me a thing worth the relation : A Portugal falling sicke there , called vnto him the Phisicians of Europe , who after they had visited him a while , gaue him ouer for a dead man , and came no more at him . A Phisician of that Countrey being sent for , vndertaketh to cure him within a certaine time , charging him straitely , that whiles he had him in cure , he should not meddle with Women : Otherwise there was no hope . The sicke man taketh the Medicines appointed , and within few dayes he finddeth himselfe so well recouered , that hee tooke no great care of performing what the Phisician had enioyned . Thereupon the Phisician comming to visite his Patient , and perceiuing his Incontinencie by the change of his pulse , aduiseth him to dispose himselfe to death , because hee was past all hope , for he knew no remedie now to saue his life : And that neuerthelesse hee was to pay him the Money agreed on between them ; because if he died , it was his owne fault . Sentence was giuen for the Phisitian , the Patient Died. They haue also the vse of Blood-letting by Phlebotomie ; yet are they more sparing thereof , then with vs in Europe ; neither doe they vse Lancets , but haue many Goose-quills , into which they fasten diuers little pieces of Porcelane that are very sharpe , fashioned and placed like the teeth of a Saw , some greater , and some lesse . And when they are to open a Veine , they apply one of these quills thereunto , and giuing a little stroake thereon with their finger , they open the Veine with the Porcelane , which entereth no further then is requisite . But that which is yet more strange , is , that when they haue drawen Blood sufficiently , they vse no band , nor Ligature about it : but onely wetting their thumbe with a little spittle , they presse it on the wound , and make the skin returne to his place , the Blood suddenly stanching , and the ouerture closing together : Which I attribute to their opening of it with the Porcelane , which maketh the Veine to close vp , and to heale so easily . They are not without Chirurgions , that haue wonderfull secrets ; I bring no other proofe , but what they haue practised on my selfe , and one of our Brethren my Companion . Hauing fallen from a very high place , I fell on my stomach , against the edge of Stone , in such sort , that I began to spit blood , and my Brest was sorely bruised and hurt , some of our Europian remedies were vsed , but I found no helpe nor ease , vntill a Chirurgion of that Countrey , taking a quantity of a certaine Hearbe , like vnto the Hearbe Mercurie , and making a Plaister thereof , applyed it to my Stomach ; then boyled some of the same hearbe with water , for me to drinke , and made me eate of the same raw , as it was : And in few dayes , I was perfectly healed . To make tryall thereof againe , I caused the legge of a Hen to be broken in many places , and a Plaister of this Hearbe to bee applyed thereunto , and within few dayes , the Hens leg was made whole and entire againe . A Scorpion had bit one of our Brethren on the Necke , ( who was my Companion ) such biting being held to bee deadly in this Kingdome , for his throat began to swell in such sort , that wee were about to haue administred vnto him the extreame Vnction , but a Chirurgion causing presently a pot of Rice to bee boiled with faire water , and setting the same at his feete , hee compassed him about with clothes , that the hot vapour and fume thereof might not be dispersed : whereof it followed , that assoone as the fume had gotten vp to the wounded place , hee found his griefe asswaged , the swelling of his throat vanished , and himselfe in as good plight as before . Many more such like might be added ; but I will onely affirme , that their Medicines are of much more force in those parts , then they are with vs. And I can say this in particular , that I brought with me therehence a little barrell of Rubarb , being esteemed to be of the best ; but when I came into Europe , after two yeeres voyage , I found my Rubarb so altered , that I could not know it for the same . So much doe the Simples lose of their vertue , by being transported out of those Count 〈…〉 s into ours . CHAP. VI. Of the Ciuill and Politicke Gouernement of Cochin-China . THeir Gouernement in Generall , hath some affinity with that which is vsed in Iapan and in China . But as the Iaponians account of Armes , much more then of Sciences , and the Chinois on the contrary esteemeth highly of the Siences , and maketh no great reckoning of Armes : The Cochin-Chinois not following the course of either of these nations , doe not reiect or abandon the one , as if they were wholly addicted to the other ; but are indifferently affected to either , according to their occasions . And accordingly doe recompence and preferre , sometimes the Doctors , and sometimes the Souldiers , to the offices and dignities of their Kingdome . Cochin-China hath many Vniuersities , in which there bee Readers and Schooles and Degrees ; to which their Schollers are aduanced by examination , as they are in China ; teaching the same Sciences , vsing the same Bookes and Authors ; namely , Zinfa or Confus , as the Portugals call him ; being an Author of as sublime and profound Learning and Authority with them , as Aristotle amongst vs , and indeed more ancient . These bookes are full of Erudition , of rare Histories , of graue Sentences , of Prouerbes and such like , all concerning good manners ; such as Seneca , Cato , or Cicero here with vs. Many yeeres labour is spent in learning the propriety of the Phrase , Characters and Hieroglyphikes in which they are written . But that part which they account most of , and haue in greatest estimation , is Morall Philosophy ; comprehending the Ethik , Oeconomik and Politick . And it is a goodly sight to see and vnderstand them in their Halls , when they reade and pronounce their Lectures aloud as if they sang : which they doe , to accustome themselues , and to get a habite , to giue to euery word his proper accent ; of which they haue a great number that signifie many seuerall different things : whereby may be gathered , that to conuerse with them , it is requisite to know the principles of Musicke and the Counter-point . The Language which they vse in common speech , is much differing from that in which they teach and reade in their Studies , and in which their Bookes are written . Euen as amongst vs our vulgar Languages , common to all , differ much from the Latine which is vsed in the Schooles . Wherein also there is a difference betweene them and the Chinois , who if they be Learned or Noble , neuer speake but in one kind of Language , which they call that of the Mandarins , who are their Doctors , Iudges and Gouernours . And the Characters which they vse in their writing and in their printed books , are aboue fourescore thousand , diffring one from the other . Whence it commeth to passe , that the Fathers of the society of Iesus , are eight or ten yeeres studying of these bookes , before they become able to treat , or capable to conuerse with them . But the Cochin-Chinois haue reduced this great multitude of Characters , to the number of three thousand at the most , which they vse in their ordinary Discourse , in their Letters , in their Supplications , Memorialls and other such things as haue not respect to their printed bookes : which must of necessity be composed in the Characters of China . The Iaponians haue yet beene more ingenious , who albeit they endeauour in whatsoeuer concerning their written and printed bookes , to conforme themselues to the Chinois ; haue notwithstanding handled the matter so well , that for dispatch of their ordinary affaires , they haue inuented eight and fourty Letters , by the combination of which , they expresse and declare what they will , euen as well as wee doe with our A. B. C. Yet are the Characters of China , still in such request , and so great estimation in Iapan , that those forty and eight Letters , howsoeuer they be more commodious to expresse their Conceits , are little regarded in comparison , but by way of contempt , are accounted and called the Womens Letters . That most Ingenious and Exellent Inuention of Printing , was practised in China , and Cochin-China , before wee had the knowledge thereof in Europe ; yet not in such perfection : In regard that they doe not ioyne Letters with Letters , or Characters with Characters ; but with a Punchion , or Grauing-iron , they graue , and cut their Formes on a board , or plancke , euen as they intend to Print them in their Bookes : Then they apply their Paper vpon the board that is so graued and cut , putting it vnder the Presse , in like manner as wee doe in Europe , when we Print on a copper Plate , or other such thing . Besides those Bookes which treate of Morall Philosophie , they haue also of Sacred matters , as they call them , concerning the Creation , and beginning of the World , of reasonable Soules , of the Demons , of Idols , and of their different Sects ; these Bookes they call Sayc Kim , to distinguish them from the profane , which they terme Sayc Chiu . Now albeit the Language of the Cochin-Chinois be therin like to that of the Chinois , that they vse only words of one Syllable , pronounced with diuersity of tones and accents ; yet they differ much in this , that the Cochin-Chinois are more fruitfull and abounding in Vowells , and therefore more sweet and pleasing : richer in accents and in tones , and so more melodious and harmonious : in such sort that they haue their eare made for Musicke , proper and apt to distinguish the variety of tones and accents . The language of Cochin-China is to my seeming the most easie of all ; because it hath neither coniugations Verbes , nor Declining of Nounes : but with one only word , adding therunto an aduerbe or a pronoune , maketh knowne the time passed , the time present , and to come ; the singular number and the plurall , and supplieth all the Moodes , Tenses and persons , as also the diuersity of Numbers and of Cases . As for example , this word Haue ( which in the Cochin-Chinois tongue is expressed by Co ) without other variation but adding a Pronoune , will serue all occasions : and so that whereas we should say by Coniugation , I haue , thou hast , he hath ; they contenting themselues with the Pronoune , without varying the Verbe , would say , I haue , you haue , he haue : In like manner to supply the diuersity of the Tenses , they will say in the Present , I now haue ; for the passed , I heretofore haue ; and for the future , I hereafter , or in time to come haue ; and so from one to the other , without euer changing their Co ; whence it easily appeareth , how easie this tongue is to be learned , as indeede , in six Moneths whiles I was there ; I learned as much as was sufficient to treate with them , and to vnderstand their Confessions ; though I had not the perfect knowledge thereof ; for to say the truth , foure whole yeeres were no more then requisite to make one exact , and excellent therein . But to returne to the course of my History : I said the custome of the Cochin-Chinois was not onely to regard men of Learning , recompencing their great knowledge , by aduancing them to high and honourable degrees of dignity , and assigning to them good rents and reuennues ; but that they had also in great estimation , those that were Couragious , Valorous and excellent in Armes . Yet doe they gouerne themselues therein , after another manner then is accustomed amongst vs. For in stead of giuing to their great and generous Captaines , as they doe in these parts , some Lordship , Earledome or Marquisate , in acknowledgment of their deserts ; they reward them by subiecting so many persons vnto them , as a certaine number of the Kings subiects and vassalls , who in what part of the Kingdome soeuer they be , are bound to acknowledge him for their Lord , to whom the King hath giuen them , to serue him with their Armes when he shall be occasioned to vse them ; as also to pay him all such duties as they payed before to the King : And so as we say such a one is Lord of such a place , Earledome or Marquisate ; they say , such a one hath the command of fiue hundred men , this other of a thousand ; the King hath increased this mans command to a thousand more , and of the other to two thousand : so augmenting their greatnesse , their dignities , riches and commodities , by giuing of them more vassalls . Of their Warres , wee shall speake in the next Chapter . There remaineth yet somewhat to be said concerning their Ciuill Gouernement . First they dispatch all their affaires more readily , rather according to the Martiall Law More belli , then by pleadings at the Barre with Iudges , Notaries and Procttors with their dilatory proceedings . The Vice-Royes and Gouernours of Prouinces , supplying all those offices , and giuing publike audience foure houres euery day in a faire large Court within their Pallace ; two houres in the forenoone , and two houres in the afternoone . Thither goe all that haue controuersie , to represent their pretensions and their plaints ; and the Vice-Roy or Gouernour leaning on a window , vnderstandeth the grieuances of each one after the other . And because the Gouernours are ordinarily men of good iudgement and experience in affaires , questioning the parties to good purpose , and obseruing also the apprehension of the assistants , which they coniecture by their countenance , and the approbation which they haue of the demandant or defendant , they discouer easily the trueth of the businesse forthwith , and pronounce their sentence aloud without delay , which is presently executed , without appeale or any other formality ; whether it bee death or banishment , or whipping , or pecuniary amends ; chastising euery offence as the Law requireth . The crimes whereof they are most commonly accused , which are seuerely chastised among them , are many : But aboue all , they punish rigorously the false accusers , Theeues , and Adulterers . When the first are conuicted to haue charged any falsly with a crime , whereof he was not guilty , hee is condemned , without mercy , to endure the same punishment which the other should haue suffered , if he had committed that whereof he was accused . And indeed experience hath made it appeare , to be the best course of sifting out the trueth . Their theeues are punished according to the proportion of the theft : If they haue stollen any thing of great value , they cut of their heads : If of lesse consequence , as a Hen , they lose only a finger ; and for the second offence they cut off another : If they be taken with a third , they must loose an eare ; and for the fourth offence they cut off the necke . The adulterers , be they men or women , are exposed to the Elephants , who kill them in the manner ensuing . The offender is conducted out of the Towne into a Plaine , where in the presence of an infinite number of people , he is brought into the midst of the place , with his hands and feet tied neere vnto the Elephant , vnto whom the sentence of the party that is to be put to death is read , that he may execute it from point to point . The order being this : That first he shall seize on him , take him and straine him with his trunke , and hold him so suspended in the aire , shewing him to all the world ; then that he cast him vp with violence , and receiue him againe on the point of his teeth , that by the heauy fall of his weight he may gage himselfe thereon , and that then he dash him against the ground , and that in the end hee tread him vnder his feet . All which the Elephant doth , without failing in any one point , to the great astonishment and terrour of all that are present , who by the punishment which they see inflicted on another , doe learne , that fidelity is to be kept betweene those that are married . It will not be amisse , being now discoursing of married folkes , to relate some particularities concerning the marriages of that Countrey . It hath not beene seene that the Cochin-Chinois , though they be Gentiles , haue contracted marriages within the degrees forbidden by Gods Law , or the Law of Nature ; neither within the first degree of the collaterall Line of Brothers and sisters . But in the other degrees marriage is permitted , so that he haue but one wife . It is true , that the richer sort vnder the title of their greatnesse and liberality , are accustomed to haue many Concubines ; taxing them with auarice and miserablenesse , that doe not keepe as many as their reuenues will maintaine . These are called their second , third and fourth wiues , which they tooke after the first which is accounted , and is truly and really their wife , and to her it appertaineth to choose the rest according to her liking , and to giue them to her husband . Yet their marriages are not indissoluble , their Lawes permitting a diuorce , though not altogether at the will of either party : for they must first prooue the suggestion for which they would leaue one the other ; which being auerred it is lawfull for them to withdraw themselues from the first , and to marry againe . The husbands bring the Dowries , and relinquish their owne houses to dwell with their wiues , by whose meanes they are maintained , and by whom all the houshold affaires are managed : for there they beare the charge and gouernement of the Family , whiles the husband keepeth himselfe within doores , not putting himselfe to any paine , contenting himselfe to be prouided of what is needfull for his food and raiment . CHAP. VII . Of the Forces of the King of Cochin-China , and of the Warres he hath within his Kingdome . IT hath beene touched already , in the beginning of this History , how that Cochin-China being a Prouince , dismembered from the great Kingdome of Tunchim , was vsurped vniustly by the Grandfather of the King that now reigneth , who hauing the Gouernment , rebelled against the King of Tunchim : Whereunto he was not a little emboldened , when hee saw himselfe suddenly furnished with diuers Pieces of Artillery , recouered and gotten out of the Ship-wracke of sundry Ships of the Portugals , and Hollanders against the Rockes , which men afterwards gathered vp by those of the Countrey . Whereof there are to be seene at this day , threescore of the greatest in the Kings pallace alone yet remaining . The Cochin-Chinois being now become so expert in the managing of them , that they surpasse our Europeans : For indeed they did little else euery day , but exercise themselues in Shooting at a Marke : Whereupon they became so fierce , and so glorious , and to haue so great an opinion of their owne valour , that as soone as they perceiued any of our Ships of Europe to come towards their Ports , the Kings Cannoniers presently presented them with defiance : But ours vnderstanding now that they were not comparable vnto them , auoyded the Tryall as much as they could , knowing well by experience , they were growne more certaine to hit where they would with their Artillary , then others are with the Harquebusse ; which also they are ready and well practised in , going out daily by troopes into the Field , to exercise it . Moreouer , that which further encouraged him much to that resolution of reuoulting , and banding himselfe against his Prince , was the sight of a hundred Gallies , and more of his owne ; by which meanes , being become to be powerfull at Sea , as well as he was by his Artillary at Land , it was easie for him to accomplish his designe against the King of Tunchim his Lord. Seeing also that his continuall commerce with Iapan had brought into his Countrey , great store of Swords and Cemiters of that Countrey , which are of an excellent temper . Hee was also prouided with a great number of Horses , which though they be but little , are very seruiceable and generous , on which they fight with darts , and exercise themselues daily therein . The power of this King is such , that hee is able to bring threescore thousand men into the field . Which notwithstanding , hee is not without feare of the King of Tunchim , whose forces are foure times more : Therefore to keepe him in good termes , and to maintaine good Intelligence with him , he payeth him a Tribute of all his Kingdome doth yeeld , that may be acceptable to him ; particularly of Gold , and Siluer , of Rice , and further furnishing him with Boardes , and other wood , wherewith to build his Galleries . Now the only occasion that made him resolue to make League with the Son of the late King , who at this day hath the Gonernment of the last Prouince of Tunchim , bordering vpon China , was that hee remaining Vanquisher , and making himselfe Master of all Tunchim , Cochin-China might be discharged of the Tribute . To vnderstand the same the better , it must bee knowne , that whiles I was in Cochin-China , it was not the Son of the late King of Tunchim , that tooke possession of the Kingdome , but his Vnckle , out of whose hands the Young Prince escaped to saue his life , into the last Prouince of that Kingdome , confining vpon China ; where being acknowledged to bee the Sonne of the King disceased , the people chose him to be their Prince ; and by his good Gouernement , he wan their hearts , in such sort that the King of Tunchim his Vncle entred into great apprehension , lest he should ioyne in League with the King of Cochin-China , who possessed the other end of his Countrey , and inclosing him betweene them , dispossesse him of the Kingdome vsurped : For preuenting whereof , hee sent yeere by yeere a great and puissant Army against this Prince , to defeate him : But all in vaine , for the Army being of necessity to passe fiue or sixe dayes Iourney through wayes where there was no other water to drinke , but of certaine Riuers which descended out of the enemies Countrey ; they found those waters poysoned by the Prince his people ; with a certaine Hearbe ; in such sort , that as well men as Horses that dranke thereof dyed : Whereby the Armie was enforced to retire after much expence , and great paines taken to little purpose . Their Millitary discipline , and manner of gouerning themselues in the Warres , is much like that of Europe . They obserue the same order in making their S●uadrons , in going to Skirmishes , in Assaults , and in Retreatings . And this King hath Warre ordinarily in two places of his Kingdome . For first it standeth him vpon , to stand alwayes on his guard ; on that side next to the King of Tunchim , who doth menace him vncessantly , and alwayes maketh some onsets on his Confines . Therefore the King of Cochin-China keepeth his residence in Sinuua , being the furthest and last prouince of his Kingdome , that he may be euer in readinesse , with his Forces on the frontiers of Tunchim , which is the entry to a very puissant Prouince , that is ordinarily prouided of Gouernours of great experience and knowledge in the Warres . Secondly he is kept in continuall Alarmes on the West-side in the last Prouince of his Kingdome called Renram , by the king of Chiampa , whose assaults he doth easily repell , in regard he is not so mighty as himselfe , and needeth no other forces thereunto but those of the same Prouince , the Gouernour whereof with his Souldiers , is sufficient to defend it . Moreouer , he is continually leuying and raising of armies to succour the King of Cambogia , who hath married a naturall daughter of his ; furnishing him with Gallies and with men against the King of Siam . In such sort , that on all sides , as well by sea as by land , he maketh the glorious name and reputation of the Armes of the Cochin-Chinois to be renowned . On the Sea he maketh warre with his Gallies , each of which hath sixe pieces of Cannon , and is also well furnished with Musket-shot . And it will not be found strange , that the King of Cochin-China hath alwayes more then an hundred Gallies well furnished in good readinesse , if one know in what manner he prouideth for it : For the Cochin-Chinois vse not to make Galli-slaues of their delinquents or others ; but when they are to put themselues to fight at Sea , they furnish their Gallies with as many men as are requisite in this manner . They send out secretly and suddenly many Seriants and Commissioners , who going throughout all the Kingdome ere men are aware with the Kings authority , doe seise and presse all such as they find fit to handle an Oare , and bestow them in the Gallies , vnlesse by reason of their birth and extraction , or for some other consideration , they be exempted and priuilidged . And that course must not be thought so hard and difficult , as at first it may seeme , because , they are as well intreated in the Gallies as any where else : And yet better payd : and besides , their Wiues , their Children , and all their Familie , is maintained at the Kings charge , with whatsoeuer is needfull , according to their rancke and condition , during all the time that their Husbands are thus absent . And they serue not onely to tug at the Oare , but also to fight vpon occasion : To which purpose they haue euery one his Harquebusse and Musket giuen him , with Darts , Coutelasse , and Cemeters : and as the Cochin-Chinois are hardie and valiant in their approaches , with their Oares , and with their Muskets and Iauelins , they are no lesse in the encounter and close medly ; where they make rare proofes of their valour . Their Gallies are not so great nor so large as ours , but they are so brauely bedecked with Gold and Siluer , that they are a glorious spectacle to behold . The Fore-castle , namely which they account the most honourable place , is all of Gold. This is the Captaines place , and the chiefe of his company : The reason they giue for it is , that the Captaine being to be the formost vpon all occasions , ought therefore to be in the most hazardous place of all the Gallie . Amongst other defensiue Armes , they vse little Bucklers or Targets , of an Ouall forme , of such a length , that they will commonly couer the whole Man , being so light also , that they are nothing cumbersome . In their Townes in this Kingdome , their Houses being built but of boards , as I haue said , and supported with Pillars of Wood , they haue this aduantage ▪ that if the Enemie come with such Forces , as they find themselues vnable to resist , euery one taketh his houshold-stuffe and flieth to the Mountaines , setting their Houses on fire , and leauing nothing of value therein . In such sort that the Enemy finding no place wherein hee may sortifie and maintaine himselfe , is forced to retire out of the Countrey , and they returning againe , doe soone build themselues other Houses as good , and restore their Townes in as good plight as they were before . CHAP. VIII . Of the Commerce , Ports and Hauens of Cochin-China . THe Realme of Cochin-China being so abundant in all sorts of Commodities , as we haue said , for the life of man ; the people are the lesse addicted to trauell abroad , and to traffique elsewhere : They doe neuer therefore make further Voyages by Sea , then within the view of the Coasts and bankes of their welbeloued Countrey . Yet are they neuerthelesse willing to giue all Strangers free accesse into their Ports , and take a singular pleasure to see others come to Trade and traffique in their Countrey , not onely out of their Neighbour Prouinces and Kingdomes , but also from remote Countreyes . To which end they neede not vse much Art , seeing that Strangers are allured thither fast enough by the fruitfulnesse of the Countrey , and the riches ouerflowing therein . And therefore not onely those of Tunchim , of Cambogia , of Cinceos , and others their Neighbours doe traffique there , but euery day there arriue Merchants of Countreyes further distant ; and from China , Macao , Iapan , Manilla , and Malacca , which bring Siluer into Cochin-China , for the merchandize of the Countrey : Which are not bought , but exchanged with the same Siluer which is sold there as Merchandize , the price thereof being raised or diminished according to the great or little plenty thereof , euen like Silke and other Wares . The Money with which all things are bought , is of Letton , of the like Value as a French Double , or a Stiuer of the Netherlands . This Money is exactly round , Printed and marked with the Kings Armes , euery Peece hauing a hole in the midst , through which they are filed by thousands , euery file or string of them worth about two crownes . The Chinois and the Iaponois are they that make the chiefe negotiation of Cochin-China , in a Faire which is yeerely held in one of their Ports , for some foure moneths together : the one bring on their Ionks , the value of foure or fiue millions in siluer ; and the other vpon certaine vessells which they call Somes , an infinite quantity of fine silke , with other of their countrey merchandise . The King receiueth a great reuenue out of this Faire , by his duties and imposts , and the Countrey an vnspeakeable gaine . And as on the one side the Cochin-Chinois haue no wrought Stuffes nor Manufactures , because they doe not apply themselues to Manuary trades , by reason of that idlenesse into which their plenty hath plunged them : and that on the other side they are easily inueigled with the curiosities comming from other places , which they higly esteeme ; they will buy them at what price soeuer they be set , and doe not spare for money , to haue such things which of themselues are of little worth ; such as Combes , Needles , Bracelets , Beades of glasse to hang in their eares , and such other trifles and womanish curiosities . And I remember that a Portugal hauing brought from Macao into Cochin-China a boxe full of Needles , which could not cost him aboue thirty Ducats , got aboue a thousand ; selling them for a Riall a piece in Cochin-China , which had not cost him aboue pence a piece in Macao . In conclusion , they vie one with the other in buying whatsoeuer they see , so it be new and brought from farre : for which they disburse their siluer without difficulty . They are very desirous of our Hatts , our Caps , Girdles , Shirts and all our other garments , because they differ from theirs . But aboue all , they make most esteeme of Corall . Concerning their Ports ; It is certainely a thing worthy admiration , that within the space of little more then an hundred leagues , there are reckoned aboue threescore places fit and apt to land in : which commeth of this , that there are in that Coast many great Armes of the Sea. The goodliest Port where all the strangers ariue , and where that famous Faire is kept which we haue mentioned , is that of the Prouince Cacciam . Men doe enter thereinto by two mouthes of the Sea ; the one is called Puluciambello , and the other Turon . These mouthes are distant three or foure leagues asunder , by which , after that the Sea thus diuided in two Armes , hath extended it selfe seuen or eight Leagues within the Land , as two Riuers that are disioyned ; It reioyneth in the end , and casteth it selfe into a great Riuer , where the Vessels also meete , that come in on either side . The King of Cochin-China permitted the Iaponians and Chinois to make choyce of a commodious place to build them a Citie in , for the more Commoditie of the Faire , whereof wee haue spoken . This Citie is called Faiso , which is so great , that one may well say , that there are two Townes ; the one of the Chinois , and the other of the Iaponois : Each of them hauing his Quarter apart , and their seuerall Gouernours , and liuing after their owne manner : That is the Chinois according to their owne particular Lawes , and Customes of China , and the Iaponians according to theirs . And because as wee haue said the King of Cochin-China doth refuse no Nation to enter , but leaueth it free for all sorts of Strangers , the Hollanders came thither also as well as the rest , with their Ships laden with diuers kindes of Merchandise : Whereupon the Portugals of Macao designed to send an Ambassadour to the King , to intreat him that the Hollanders as their sworne enemies , might be excluded out of Cochin-China : Wherein they imployed a braue Captaine , called Ferdinand de Costa , who effected it with good successe , yet not without much difficulty ; preuailing so farre , that the King by his Edict or Proclamation , forbad the Hollanders to approach the Countreyes vnder his obedience , or paine of their liues . But those of Macao apprehending afterwards , that the said Edict was not well obserued , thought good to send a new Embassage into Cochin-China , to obtaine a Confirmation thereof ; and charged their Deputies to make the King vnderstand , that the affaire concerned his owne Interest , and that if hee did not preuent it , he might haue cause to feare that the Hollanders in time ( being so crafty and cunning as they are ) would assay to inuade some part of his Kingdome of Cochin-China , as they had already some other places of the Indies . But certaine Persons of good vnderstanding in that Countrey , aduised them not to speake in that sort to the King ; because that would be the very way to make the Hollanders haue permission to come to Traffique in that Countrey , and to inuite all Holland thither : The Maxime of the Cochin-Chinois being , not to acknowledge euer any the least apprehension of any Nation in the World. Cleane contrary to the King of China , who fearing all , shutteth the Gate against Strangers , permitting no traffique in his Kingdome . This is that little which I haue thought good to relate concerning the Temporall estate of Cochin-China ; according to that knowledge I could get during the space of some yeeres whiles I remained there : the Aire being so benigne , that they neuer haue any Pestilence , neither doe the people know what kind of thing it is , or what it meaneth . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A04899-e490 De beata vita . De orbis conc . lib. 3. cap. 25. Kekerm . phys . lib. 2. cap. 3. 


c0: A07210
c1: Featley, Daniel, 1582-1645.
c3: 1624.0
c6: 44951
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c10: A07210.txt
c2:
  The nevv art of lying couered by Iesuites vnder the vaile of equiuocation, discouered and disproued by Henry Mason.

c4:
  14. b Quum volens eum consuetudine visionum , ad credulitatem futurae deceptionis illicere , verissima quaque multo tempore , Diabolu● , velut veritatatis nuncius , reuclasset : ad ●x●●emum , &c. Cassian . Sim. HOc quoque docte Pater , praeter narrata , petēti , Pseudole , responde , quibus artibus invia re●●̄ Essugiam , nostrae propriora pericula Sectae .

c5:
  arte; aut; bee; beleeue; cap; case; church; deceiue; doctrine; doe; doth; equiuocate; equiuocation; equiuocators; est; example; father; giue; god; goe; good; hath; haue; hee; himselfe; iesuites; iudge; know; lawfull; lord; lye; lying; man; meaning; men; mentall; minde; new; non; num; oath; opinion; owne; pag; persons; place; priest; proposition; pseud; purpose; question; reader; reason; religion; reseruation; saith; secret; sense; signification; speake; speech; sweare; tell; themselues; thing; thinke; time; truth; vnderstanding; vnderstood; vnto; vpon; vse; way; wee; words; world; ● ●

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   The nevv art of lying couered by Iesuites vnder the vaile of equiuocation, discouered and disproued by Henry Mason. Mason, Henry, 1573?-1647. 1624 Approx. 274 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 65 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A07210 STC 17610 ESTC S112437 99847691 99847691 12745 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A07210) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 12745) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1577:9) The nevv art of lying couered by Iesuites vnder the vaile of equiuocation, discouered and disproued by Henry Mason. Mason, Henry, 1573?-1647. Goad, Thomas, 1576-1638. Featley, Daniel, 1582-1645. [24], 106, [2] p. Printed by George Purslowe for Iohn Clarke, and are to be sold at his shop vnder Saint Peters Church in Cornehill, London : 1624. Includes two poems in Latin, one signed by Thomas Goad, the other by Daniel Featley. The first leaf and the last leaf are blank. Reproduction of the original in Eton College. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Truthfulness and falsehood -- Early works to 1800. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE NEW ART OF LYING , COVERED BY IESVITES vnder the Vaile of EQVIVOCATION , DISCOVERED AND DISPROVED BY Henry Mason . LONDON : Printed by George Purslowe for Iohn Clarke , and are to be sold at his Shop vnder Saint Peters Church in Cornehill . 1624. TO THE MOST REVErend Father in GOD , the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterburie his Grace , Primate of all ENGLAND , and Metropolitane . Most Reuerend Father , THe first newes that I heard of the Equiuocating Arte , was that which I learned out of your Graces writings . And well might this be to mee the first newes . For , if I mistake not , you were the first Writer , that published those trickes in print to the World : though ( as beginnings vse to be ) that discouery of this Art was but briefe in comparison , either because that occasion did not admit of any long or full discourse , or because , but little of this mystery could then at the first be discouered ; the professors of that Trade , as your selfe also signifie , labouring to hide their secrets from the knowledge of other men . And indeed it may be obserued , that in managing of the Papacy , they haue certaine mysteries of State , which the more they vse , the more they coceale . One of which , is their power to murder Kings , and blow vp Parliaments , & kill all that stand in their way , like the Assassini , who held it a point of great merit to murder all that were their aduersaries in Religion : but yet they are not willing that the world should know that this is any part of their Creede . Another such policy may be that of their Indices Expurgatorij , by which they haue circucised the lips of such Writers , as spoke any word against the Roman Church : but this they kept as a great mystery among some few of themselues , till misfortune brought it to light , full sore against their wils . And for a third such-like policy , I may reckon also this Art of Equitiocation , which the Masters thereof did keepe secret as long , and as much as they could . And therefore it was no maruell , if your first discouery of this mystery were but briefe in comparison . But afterward a another Reuerend & learned Prelate , lighting vpon a more compleate Treatise then formerly had appeared , penned by a Popish Priest in defence of this Arte , and approued by the Arch-Priest , and the Prouinciall of the Iesuits : he pursued the point more fully according as that Treatise gaue him iust occasion . The crye of which pursuit did vnkennell the olde equiuocating b Foxe , and hunted him into the open field , there to display himselfe , and to shew what trickes he could vse , for sauing his new Art from the infamy of lying . And here I finding him well chafed , did by the sent follow after him vnto his Den , to espie if I might , what he and his Cubs were deuising in the darke . And I found them very busie in hammering Reseruations and mentall frauds , vpon euery occasion and in all kindes of dealing , thereby to catch vs at vnawares , who being plain and simple men our selues , could not suspect such frauds and impostures in others . And in case these things should come abroad , as in part themselues had discouered them against their wils : yet so confident and resolute did I finde them , to maintaine all for good and honest dealing , as that Father a Persons maketh a wonder of it , and thinketh that God should deale worse with men then hee had done with beasts , if hee should not grant them equiuocating trickes , and reserued wiles , as he hath granted to the Hare and the Foxe , their leapes and turnings , and windings , and going backe againe in the same trace they come , to deceiue the Dogges that pursue them . And yet all this confidence I take to be but a copie of their countenance . For euen in their printed Apologies of this Arte , they seeke to cast mists before the Readers eyes , that hee may not be able to see the depth of their meaning . These things when I had found , as I thought , ( though I know I am much short of finding all ) I was willing , according to my abilitie , to impart them vnto well-meaning Christians , that they seeing the deepe frauds of these men , may learne to shun their company and acquaintance . In which indeuour of mine , what seruice I may haue done for the publique good , I cannot tell : but sure I am , if there be any good in it , I should in reason returne it thither , where I first found it . The consideration whereof , hath made mee to presume so far vpon your Graces clemency , as to lay downe at your feete thi● poore Treatise , the grounds whereof I first learned from your owne pen : desiring ( if therein I be not ouer-bold ) that it may , vinder your name and protection , be sent forth into the world . Which being all , that at this time I haue to say , I humbly take my leaue , desiring the God of peace and truth , to preserue you from euery euill word and worke , that you may maintaine his truth in this world , and enioy his peace both in this world , and the World to come . Your Graces deuoted in all seruice , HENRIE MASON TO MY LOVING AND Dearely beloued Parishioners , the Inhabitants of S. Andrews vnder-shaft in London , GRACE and TRVTH in IESVS CHRIST . IN the ordinary exercise of my ministery among you , when I came to speak of the ninth Cōmandement , the first thing that I met with to bee considered , was the matter of Truth and Lying . And considering hereof , I found two sorts of Lyes frequent among men : the one , an open and professed Lye ; and the other , a cunning and artificiall Lye. The former was defended by the Priscillianists , an old kinde of Heretikes : & the latter is now defended by the Romanists , a latter sort of false Prophets . Both of them are odious to God , who is honoured by Truth ; and pernicious to the societie of men , which is vpheld by Truth : but the latter is the more dangerous , because vnder a colour of Truth it beguileth simple soules , who are otherwise enemies to Lying . The consideration heereof , made me to enquire a little further into this Arte ; which the fauourers therof haue sought to conceile , by calling it by a new name . For beeing ashamed of the name of Lying , they haue christened it by the name of Equiuocating : a name as vnknowne in this meaning , as the Arte it selfe was vnheard of before these latter dayes . The mystery and iuggling tricks of which deuice , I did then and vpon that occasion , in part discouer vnto you : but briefely and plainely , the time , and place , and occasion not admitting of any long or Schoole-like discourse . But since considering , that together with the increase of false Prophets in this Kingdome , this Arte of falsehood hath abounded also : I thought it a part of my duty , ( God hauing pleased to place mee as a Watch-man ouer your Soules ) to giue you a fresh warning of this danger , and that in a more ample and large discourse , then formerly I had done , and in such a maner and sort , that you might haue something lying by you , that might aduertise you of this dangerous deceit , when I could not haue opportunity to speak vnto you our of the Pulpit . And this I was moued to vnat this time the rather ; because I haue of late obserued , that these artificiall Lyers ( among their other deuices and forgeries , which vpon confidence of this Arte , they take liberty to vse without remorse ) doe instill into the minds of their credulous followers , an opinion ; and doe labour to spread abroad among others a suspition , that among our Learned men , many in heart are of their Church , howsoeuer for the worlds sake they dissemble their opinion : and that there are a good number among vs of the Clergie , who are better perswaded of their Religion , then of our own . Doctor Sheldon , a man well acquainted with their dealings , as hauing liued in their bosome , and taken the Orders of Priesthood in their Church , doth write , that * whilest hee fed on Romes huskes , hee often heard of many grieuous imputations laied vpon some of the greatest Clerkes in the Church of England , as though in heart they were theirs , which he then beleeued to be true , as others did ; but since hath found to be much otherwise . And my selfe haue met with some , ( which perswadeth me , that they abuse others in this kind , beside our greatest Clerkes ) who haue more then intimated to my selfe , that I knew that which might iustifie their cause , if I would speake it . Which might well put mee into a muse , what had euer slipped frō me , why they should be perswaded that I had such an opinion of their Church : sauing that I considered , that this might well be one of the Iesuires equiuocating deuices , to instill that opinion cōcerning vs , into their Disciples minds , that so they might gaine more credit to their cause . Vpon which occasion , entring a more serious cōsideration of the point , I perceiued , that besides this Arte , they vse other deuices also , for this purpose , which I thought good , for your better caution and safety , briefely to relate in this place . First then , if they meete with any of our Clergie , which are of weake braine , and vnsettled resolution , ( as it is possible , wee may haue some such as well as they ) they set vpon such weaklings , with plausible tales in commendation of their Church ; whose open abominations practised at home among themselues , are not so well known to vs , who haue neuer trauelled into Popish Countreys . And if by this meanes they chance to peruert a weake and vnsettled man , then the cry goeth , that such a Learned man , is become a Catholike , because euidence of truth forced him to forkake his old Profession . Secondly , if they meete with men , who being either opinatiue of their own worth , think their good parts not sufficiently rewarded ; or being indeed of good parts , haue but slender meanes : they tempt such , as the Deuill did our Sauiour , with offers of gifts and preferments . And if by these allurements they can bribe any man to become their Proselyte , for filthy lucre sake , then they blaze abroad the conuersion of such a great and learned Scholar , who could not withstand the light of truth shining in the Roman Church . Thirdly , if by these , and such like policies , they preuaile not : ( for these deuices fit them best , because then they bring men ouer to their side , with their own mouthes to publish their owne shame ; but if thus they preuaile not ) yet one shift they haue behind , which is , to deuise lyes , of such and such mens conuersion to their Church , who euer hated it from their very soules . In which kind of forgerie , they haue so farre proceeded , that they haue spared neither liuing nor dead . For , as if they had cast off all feare of shame , which was sure in the end to be their reward , they haue in writing belyed in this maner , the chiefest Doctors in our Church , who haue suruiued to refute , and to detest their forgeries in Print . But when men are dead , then they become more bold : and of the most constant and zealous Professors of our Religion , they giue it out to the world , that such and such men of chiefe esteeme in the Protestant Church , did recant vpon their death beds , it being then no time to dissemble any longer . And when themselues haue first deuised these tales on their fingers ends ; then they produce them in their serious bookes of Controuersie , as graue argumēts to confirme the Roman faith by . The discouery of which falsehood , I wish it may worke the like effect in your hearts , that it hath done in mine : which is , that whereas I vtterly disliked Poperie before , I do now detest it more then euer . And for this purpose I was the rather moued to penne this small Treatise , that you , of whose soules I knowe my selfe to haue vndertaken the charge , seeing these forgeries , may learne to beware of Equiuocating Spirits : who , though otherwise they professe strictnes of conscience , & according to the rules of the Romane Faith , are very deuout and religious ; yet can cozen you with an hundred lying deuices , and neuer feele the least grudge of conscience for it . For so Father Persons telleth vs , that * Equiuocations are allowed principally to 〈◊〉 of scrupulous conscience , for auoiding of lying . By which he giueth vs a faire warning , ( and I desire you take notice of it ) that if there be any scrupulous and tender consciences amongst them ( as some no doubt there are ) though they would not tell a lye , if they knew it , for all the world , yet euen such men may without any scruple or feare , deceiue vs with equiuocating reseruations , and mentall deuices . And hauing thus giuen you this faire warning , now me thinketh I may speake vnto you , to the same purpose as our Lord did to his Disciples ; If they shall say vnto you , Loe heere is Christ , or loe there , beleeue it not ; for there are many false Prophets arisen , and doe deceiue many . Behold I haue told you before . And if after all this warning , any of you shall suffer himselfe to be deluded by lying Equiuocators , his blood will bee vpon his owne head , but I haue deliuered mine owne soule . But I feare not this in you , of whose constancie and zeale I haue had good experience : so that I may rather take vp that saying of the Apostle , I haue confidence in you through the Lord , that ye will be no otherwise minded ; but that , if any man shall trouble you , ( or seeke to withdrawe you from your faith ) he shall beare his iudgement , whosoeuer he be . And in assurance hereof , I leaue you to Gods grace , in the words of the same Apostle ; Brethren , the Grace of our Lord Iesus Christ be with your Spirit . Amen . Yours , the vnworthy Minister of Iesus Christ , and your seruant for Iesus sake , HENRIE MASON . To the READER . WHen the Impression of this Treatise was almost finished , I obtained the sight of two seuerall papers of Latine Verses , composed long since , in the yeere 1606. by two then Students in the Vniuersities , now Doctors in Diuinitie , and my worthy friends . Which Verses being ( according to the Academicall custome ) made vpon Questions then disputed in both the Vniuersities , in Publicis Comitijs , and happily concurring with the subiect of this Treatise , as I was glad that my selfe had gotten , so I was willing to impart them to the Reader , presuming that my two friends , and much-respected brethren , will not be offended , that I send them their Verses backe againe in Print . Aequivocationis tenebrae pugnant cum rationis lumine . Ecloga . Cui nomen Pseudolus , siue Aequiuocator . Personae . Simia . Pseudolus . Sim. HOc quoque docte Pater , praeter narrata , petēti , Pseudole , responde , quibus artibus invia re●●̄ Essugiam , nostrae propriora pericula Sectae . Nonne vides quàm non satis est maria omnia circum Romuleae quaesisse diu responsa Cathedrae , Vnctos , adrasos , Iesu cognomen adeptos , I am revehi in patriam , Româ duce , & auspice Româ ! Hinc crucis , hinc vrget malus horror carceris ; aut nos . Explorat densus , capita heu damnata , Satelles . Pseud. a Nos nil interea mis●ri , nil tendere contra , Nos tantum lachrymas , & nulli auditae Deorum Vota damus : vel , si nostra hoc Ecclesia poscat , Idque b Patri ( qui nos in Sancta incepta remittit ) Praecepisse lubet , bello , sicavè venenovè Extinxisse nefas , & gentem abolere nefandam Conamur ; vel , si zelus slagrantior adsit , Forsan sulphureo disperdimus obvia statu . Sim. Cuncta piè ac rectè . Pseud. Quid rides ? Sim. Simia vester Ille ego . Nos inter quasi c nos non norimus . Pseud. Euge Simia quandoquidem tam sanctè , tamque seuerè Ista rogas , nostram missis ambagibus Artem , Artem , quam magnus docuit Pater d Arius , Artem , Cortinam quae Phoebe tuam , quae te quoque Proteu , Vinciat , & vincat ( paucis adverte ) e docebo . Putide Tiresia . Quicquid loquere aut erit , aut non : O quàm divinare tibi donavit Apollo . Lentū est . Quicquid ego edixo simul ipsum erit , & non . Aequiuocare mihi Stygius dedit f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sim. Est , & Non semper sibi contradicere dixi , Et didici à puero . Si iam haec mutaverit aetas , Ausa ratam violare fidem , & convellere prima Fundamenta , quibus verorum innititur ordo , Submetuo ne nos ( quotum venerabile nomen Amsanctum populis , & formidabile Sceptris Nunc sedet ad primas ) g olim , volventibus annis , Mutati in peius fastidia publica simus . Sed tu perge loqui quorsum haec adeo ardua tendant . Pseud. Rectâ ad te , fili . Si te , sub iudice ( qualis Haereticae nimium est vigil indagatio turbae ) Contigerit responsa peti , vel dicere causam , Accipe quâ ratione queas nec prodere verum , Nec male mentiri , nec te obiectare periclo , Nec reticere tamen . Captes astutus oportet Lucifugam sermonem , & versicoloria dicta . Sim. Vt ne vireludam pueri de more Sophistae ? Praeterea , si quid perplexi subloquar , omnes , Evolve , ingeminant . Pseud. Vah nil sapis : vtere verbis Ex se perspicuis , sed mente interprete tortis , Mente tua , non mente illa , quae consona voci . Sim. Me vero memini primo didicisse Lyaeo Sensa animi rerum , sensorum symbols v●ces . Scilicet vtibilem linguae articulantis honorem Naturam tribuisse patet mortalibus , vt sit In quo conueniant , & posint mutna fungi . Quinetiam ratio . — Pseud. h Num tu rationibus audes Iniussu certare meo ? meminisse decebat , Me Patre cum primum nostratū elementa Scholarum Imbiberes , in verba manus te nostra dedisse . Imperio iam disce meo : ac , dum prosequor , audi . Forsitan hoe de te quaeratur , Tune Sac●r●os ? Non ●go Respo le . Sim. Quid ? mentiar ? Ha●d ita Romae . Pseud. Ipse fui Romae ; mentiti nefcio . Num tu Esse Sacerdotem te credis Apollinis , Orci , Isidos , aut Cereris ? Tu si● intellige . i Fraus haec Argento contra non chara est , aut ori●halco . Sic itidem . Tw● Roman 〈◊〉 ? Non ego Romam V●quam adii ( capite incede s , aut compede vinctus , Aut furcam ore gerens , humerove molatile saxum ) Simia , ne risu te ruperis . Haec ego trado Sobrius , ac prudens . Sim. k O te , Pater alme , ce●ebri Foelicem ! quàm Dia doces ! Haud talia dictant Pythagoras , Anytivè reus , vel dogma Platonis . Pseud. Te praestas nobis l incudem Simia : tecum , Dum loquor , ipse novas videor producere t●chnas . Si , cui consilii socium te adiunxeris , idem Cum suerit Patriae suffossor , petque-duellis , Is coràm sistatur , & hunc norisne rogeris ? Haud te nosse hominem , ptiùs aut vidisse , repone . Non nosse ( ex auium cantu , ' Boreave susurro , Non ex Aethiopum , histori●s , Troiaeve ruinis , Non ex notitiâ , quae Demonstratio dicta est . ) Non vidisse ( oculis palpebrae tegmine clausis , Non oculis Argùs , non alt● ▪ nostis in vmbris , Non disiunctarum trans saxea septa domorum , Non hoc , quem Coelum dabit oli● Patria , visu : Denique non , vt rent tibi , Iudex improbe , narren● . ) Sic non lingua tibi mendax , sed dictio fallax . Interea m duplicies condens in pectore sensus , Viceris , & trbidos praedâ spoliaveris hostes . Sim. O Pater ; ô nulli quidquam mentite , quid autem , Quid si iuratos recta ad responsa lacestant , Si tangendae arae , si coelum in vota vocandum , Fallemusne fidem ? Pseud. Fidei est sine corpore nomen Haereticis concessa ●ides . Periuria non sunt , Quae varium sumunt ex vocum ambage colorem , Aut iniuratae sunt dissona nuncia mentis . Sim. Haec super Haeretici iurabunt protinus omnes , Papicolis non esse Deum : n Iudibria Coelo Conceptis fieri , consultisque impia verbis : o Non posse ( vt reliquae cessant hoc nomine lites ) His pietate malis obsisti . Pseud Simia , quicquid Hic nob●s inimica cohors obganniat ( vt se Ruperit inuidiâ ) tu sic , licet vndique crescat Suspicio , corvum Iudes p elapsus hiantem Tortilis in morem anguillae , & nova slumina inibis . Deprendi miserum est , vel Apolline iudice vincam . Me memini quondam bis tervè his artibus vsum : q Periurum a●ebant . Quid tum ? Non hoc mihi bilem Moverat . Irascor , quòd non irasceris hosti Arcius . Sim. Ipse quidem ( sic me rationis egentem Dementisse modo fat●or ) vix ista putaram Digna side ▪ Iam me Magnae reuerentia Romae , Iam tua me virtus , censuraque nescia falli Imperiis egere suis , vt singula credam , Et cupiam vt capiam tam sanctae imitamina fraudis : Iam liqueo in laqueos , totusque interfluo rimis : Iam me vtinam celebres Romani nominis hostes Exagitent . Sic est . An mecum Pseudolus vnquam Verba habuit , quaerunt . Nunquam , respondeo , quicquā Verborum ( virides urentum flatibus ornos , Aut animas Erebo , Scopulis , glacieve cientum . Non per canalem sonuit , Taurumve Perilli . Non Arabum lingua Chaldaeorumve loquutus , Non lingua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pseud. Quo tendis nnbila supra ? Sim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pseud. Satis ô satis . Vnde sed ista ? Sim. Nomina sunt longè populorum vtroque sub Indo , Quos è barbarie nuper sub foedera Christi , Pontificisque iugum nostri misêre Sodales . Pseud. 1 O lepidū , charumque caput , quàm Pseudolicissas ! Simia non magis est imitatrix , Simia , quàm tu . Te mihi , te servet Romae , ac sibi Iupiter . Sim. Atqui Pluris adhuc ego sum . Siquando ( scilicet haud sunt Semper in occulto nostrae mysteria Sectae ) Suspicio est caecos verbis me affingere sensus , Iurabo me non hoc fingere : dumque ita iurem , Interea me non quicquam finxisse , negantem Fingere , iurabo . Tum tertia , quarta secundis Iuramenta superiiciam catus . Omnia falsa , Et falsura omnes . Haec Aequiuocatio nomen Me tribuente , potest Reflexa aut * Orbica dici . Pseud. s Dapsile ob inventū hoc , nequeo , mi Simia , quin te Osculer , argutumque caput demulceam . Abundè I am scio te nostris aurem adiecisse lubentem Consiliis ; & , quae superaddis , facta daturum . Sim. Quî verò nosti num non , dum , Pseudole , tecum Haec loquor , aequivocè me iam tibi credere fingam , Aequivocè tibi pollicear me strenuè in hostes Vocibus aequivocis vsurum ? Pseud. O improba virtus ! Sim. Dum t pullum doceas oculos transfigere , corve Ipse tuis caveas . Pseud. u Metuo malè , ne malus iste , Et nimiùm praecox Patris anticipator , ab hoste Protinùs in nostros obuertat cornua . Sim. Nam quid Impedit , in Caium qui sit periurus eundum In Titiū quoque — Pseud. Sed nostris sermonibus eccùm Nescioquis captator adest . Discede . Sim. Valeto . Quid ni igitur Pseudolus aequivocare docens , & Simia discens , Verborum laqueos ambo luant laqueo● THO. GOAD Magister Artium . An Societati humanae infestiores sinte vafr Amphibologi , quam aperte periuri . * FAuxerebi patriae fax , faex mundi , * vnū at habebis Patrem flagitii , slagitio parem . Herculeas ●mbo sceleri posuere columnas , N●l vltra , hic calamo pessimus , hic manu . Nomine qui varius , qui vestibus , ore , colore es Vectus trans mare tu ? Non ( * mare mortuum ) Curia Papalis tibi visa est ? Non ( sine scortis ) Sacris Papa caput ? Non ( caput aneum ) Num tu mendicans abraso crine Sacerdos ? Non ( ritu antipodum ; Non ( apud inferos ) Nonne a te binis grauidata est Fuluia natis ? Non , verum fateor ( bimula cum fores . ) Heus laqueo nodos claudas hos ocyus vno , Et nodo laqueos , in cruce carnifex . Ignare aequiuocae fraudis constringito fauces , Garnetto vniuocè guttura frangito . Pendeat infoelix , membris truncetur , apertè Periuro aequiuocus crimine dirior . Pectore diffisso videas , quae mente reseruat ; Evulsi latebras cordis et explices . Ancipiti gladio Iesuitica texta secentur : Solvi nam nequeunt ancipites doli . DAN . FEATLY , Magister Artium . THE NEW ARTE OF Lying , couered by Iesuites vnder the Vaile of Equiuocation . THe a Apostle describing the state of Antichrist , doth signifie , that à mysterie of iniquitie should appeare in the managing of it : and this doth implie , that in the kingdome of Antichrist iniquity should reigne vnder a coue●t of holinesse . And the same Apostle doth foretell , b that in the latter times ( which are the times of Antichrists reigne ) men should speake lies in hypocrisie . And this , though it may bee extended farther , yet cannot bee more literally vnderstood , then of such as teach a practise of lying , vnder a pretence of preseruing trueth . Now of these Prophecies of the Apostle I may speake in a like manner , and almost in the same words , as our c Lord spake of the Prophecie of Isai ; This day are these Scriptures fulfilled in our eyes ; for now wee see those who exercise a mystery of iniquity , and speake lies , pretending thereby to maintaine and preserue the trueth : as ( to omit all further instance ) may euidently be seene in a new-found Arte of Equiuocation . For the Masters and maintainers thereof doe tell vs , d That by speaking according to this Arte of dissembling , sinnes are auoided , which , without it , are commonly committed . And that e Equiuocation altogether serueth , or is of good vse for auoiding of lyes and periuries . And f that for what end or reason soeuer a man sweare , that hee did not doe a thing , which indeed hee did doe , yet hauing his reseruation within himselfe , he in very deede telleth no lie . And g that by this singular doctrine wee may auoid innumerable sinnes , which through heedlesnesse diuers of vs doe euery foote commit , by denying or affirming things vsually , without a reseruation vnderstood , with which if they were ioyned , they would bee true . And to this purpose it is , that Father h Garnet , a Master of this Arte , when a booke was to be licenced by him , the title whereof was , A Treatise of Equiuocation , hee scored out that title , and put this in the place of it , A Treatise against lying and fraudulent dissimulation . By all which it may appeare , that these men , while they teach the Arte of Equiuocation , do professe notwithstanding , that all which they doe , is with a religious obseruance and preseruation of the trueth . But now in the second place I offer to prooue in this short Treatise , that whatsoeuer shewes they make to the contrary , yet this deuice of Equiuocation is in truth , an Arte of falshood and deceit , and such as the Scriptures doe condemne vnder the name of lying . Which point if it bee once cleared , then there can be no doubt , but that the Church of Rome , and her Doctors , are they which exercise a mystery of iniquity , and speake lies in hypocrisie . Now for the clearing hereof , and that the world may see more fully what to thinke of this mystery , there are fiue things , which I haue thought necessary to be considered of . 1 The name , or what is meant by the word Equiuocation in this Question . 2 The Originall of it , or who be the Authors and vpholders of it . 3 The obiect and matter , or in what cases they allow it to be lawfull . 4 The vse , or rather abuse of it , or for what turnes it may serue the Patrons of it . 5 The Grounds , or what the proofes or reasons are either for or against it . CHAP. 1. Of the name , and what is meant by the word Equiuocation in this Question . THat wee may the better vnderstand what is meant by this word , wee must note that there are two famous acceptions and vses of the word Equiuocation among men . The first is a proper and ancient vse of it , frequent among all sorts of writers , but handled and spoken of , especially in Logicke . The second is an improper and abusiue acception of it , which was of late yeeres deuised by some writers and Doctors of the Romane Church . Father Parsons calleth the forme , verball , and the later , mentall Equiuocation . And of these hee saith , a that the verball is proper Equiuocation ; the mentall is so called , rather by a certaine similitude , then propriety of speach , and that a the verball is onely true and proper Equiuocation , for that mentall in rigor is none . And againe , that b Equiuocation hath of later yeeres onely been accustomed to bee vsed in this sense , that is , for mentall Equiuocation . And Heissius another Iesuite , & Patron of this Art , saith , c that their mixt speach ( which they call mentall Equiuocation ) is not properly Equiuocation . By which speaches of these Iesuites ( especially seeing the one of them is a man so well seene in this Arte , and so much exercised in this argument of Equiuocation ) I presume I haue sufficient warrant to say as I did , without the controll of any of our punie Iesuites , that the one vse and acception is proper and ancient , the other vnproper , and of a later growth , that is , since the mystery of iniquity did open it selfe more fully to the world , and men did more apparantly speake lies in hypocrisie . But yet for the distinguishing of these two kindes , I will rather call the first Logicall Equiuocation , as being that which Logicke doth onely acknowledge : and the later I will call Iesuiticall Equiuocation , as hauing , if not its first deuising , yet at least , its polishing from men of that Order . The Question in this place is onely concerning the later , which I call Iesuiticall Equiuocation . Notwithstanding for the better clearing of the point in controuersie , somewhat is first to bee said concerning the former , which I call Logicall . First then for the Logicall Equiuocation ; it is an ambiguous or doubtfull saying , when one word or speach hath mo● senses then one , and it hapeneth three wayes . 1. When a word by it selfe hath diuers significations and meanings ; as this word [ to know ] hath . For sometimes it signifieth to apprehend and vnderstand the certainety of some truth : as when S. Iohn saith ; GOD is greater then our hearts , and knoweth all things . 2. [ To know ] is as much as to approue and allow of : as when Dauid saith ; The Lord knoweth the way of the righteous . And when Christ saith to the foolish Virgins ; Verily I say vnto you , I know you not . The meaning is ; I doe not acknowledge you for any of mine . In this , and such like words as this , there is an Equiuocation ; because the word hath diuers acceptions and vses . 2. When words , which haue but one signification of themselues , yet are so ioyned together in some sentence , as that they may , by reason of the composition , make and yeeld diuers meanings : or when by reason of their contexture , they may haue moe meanings than one : as when S. Luke saith ; When they heard this , they were baptized in the Name of the Lord Iesus : these words are diuersly construed by the Learned . For some thinke them to bee the words of S. Paul , and to haue reference to the speech of Iohn Baptist , immediately going before : and then the meaning must bee this ; that when those brethren , there spoken of , heard Iohn so teaching concerning Christ , they were baptized of Iohn , in the Name of the Lord Iesus . But others thinke them to be the words of S. Luke , and to haue reference to the former speech of S. Paul : and then the meaning must be ; that when those brethren had heard Paul discoursing in this manner of Iohn and his Baptisme , then They were baptized of Paul , in the Name of Christ. In this Clause then , there are two senses giuen by the Learned ; and that sheweth that there is an ambiguity ; but that ambiguitie riseth not from the diuersitie of significations in any of the words , but from the different consideration of the contexture or composition of the sentence . 3. When the circumstances of time , place , persons , &c. are such , as that in reason , and in the iudgement of sober men , being well and duely considered , they may limit or restraine the speech to some speciall matter or subiect ; or otherwise alter the meaning of it from that which it should haue , if it were in some other place , and vpon some other occasion . As for example : when S. Paul saith ; I haue not shunned to declare vnto you all the Counsell of God. These words considered by themselues , doe comprize all the Secrets of God , and all the mysteries of His Wisedome : but if we consider the circumstances of the persons , time , place , and occasion ; as that the speaker was Paul , an Apostle , whose office and imployment was to teach the mysteries of Religion ; that the hearers were the Church of Ephesus , who expected information in matters of saluation ; and that the occasion of their meeting at this time , and in this place , was onely for teaching and learning the Word of God , and the Gospell of Iesus Christ : these circumstances , in reason , may teach vs , that in this place , those words [ all the Counsell of God ] are not to bee extended to all the secrets and depth of Gods Wisedome ; a great part whereof , is neither reuealed , nor necessarie to bee knowne of any man ; and some part whereof , though it be reuealed , yet was not pertinent to this occasion ; but rather , that those words are to bee limited and restrained , according to the present occasion , to signifie and note , all necessary things for them to know for their soules health and saluation . Or , to giue a more familiar example , and such as a Iesuite hath giuen instance in● wee may suppose , that two men going together in a iourney ; the one of them ( his money sayling him ) desireth to borrow ten pound of his fellow ; who maketh answere , that he hath not so much : heere his meaning must be supposed to be , that he hath not so much in his purse , or so much in a readinesse about him , though he had foure times the like value in his Chest at home . But if the same thing should be desired of him , when he were at home in his owne house , then the meaning would be , that he had not such a summe at home . And the same answere , which was true , beeing giuen to his fellow . Traueller by the way ; would be a lye , if it were vttered to him in his house . Thus there may arise an ambiguity in a speech , by reason of the circumstances of person , place , time , and occasion ; where otherwise there is no ambiguity either in the signification of any word , or in the composition of the sentence , considered in and by themselues . And in what kind soeuer , of these now specified , there happeneth an ambiguity ; that I call a Logicall Equiuocation ; concerning which our present question is not . For as the Doctors of the Romane Church , so the learned of our side doe acknowledge , that there may bee a lawfull vse of equiuocall speeches in euery of these kinds , if they be not extended too farre , or mis-applyed to a wrong cause . For , to speake more particularly , it is granted . 1. That we may lawfully vse words , which may indifferently be taken in diuers acceptions and meanings , as they are then vsed . And this is plaine , partly because the Scriptures are full of such speeches ; and partly , because our common conuersation and life cannot bee without them . 2. It is not vnlawfull , when some case of further good doth require it , to vse these ambiguous speeches in the lesse knowne and common signification , and in āother meaning then it is likely the hearers wil vnderstand them for the present . For so , when our Lord said , Lazarus our friend sleepeth : He meant that he was dead , which was the lesse common and knowne signification ; and therefore the Disciples , according to the more vsuall meaning , vnderstood him of naturall sleepe . And he did this for good purpose , and for the profit of the hearers ; that they might heereby learne , either that death in generall is to Gods children but as a sleepe , by which they are refreshed , and made the more liuely : or that this death of Lazarus , was rather to bee called asleepe , then a death , because hee was so speedily raised from it againe . 3 It is not vnlawfull , if there be iust cause for concealing of a trueth , to vse an ambiguous speach in any of these kindes , that thereby we may hide some thing from the hearers , which they should not know . This assertion hath not so direct proofe from Scripture , as the others haue ; & yet it is not without all proofe from the Scriptures neither . For there wee finde , that a man may lawfully vtter one trueth , thereby to hide another trueth from the hearer . As for example , a God appointed Samuel to goe to Bethleem and anoint one of Iesses sonnes to bee King ; and when Samuel obiected , How can I goe ? If Saul heare it , hee will kill mee . The Lord said , Take an heifer with thee , and say , I am come to sacrifice to the Lord. And so Samuel did , as it followeth in the same Chapter ; and by this he cōcealed his purpose of anointing a new King ; which was the speciall intent of his going to that place . And if it be lawfull and warranted by Gods own appointment to vtter one trueth , for the concealing of another : then in reason I thinke it cannot iustly be condemned for vnlawfull , if a man , vpon iust occasion , doe vse an ambiguous speech in a true sense , thereby to hide from the hearer , something which hee should not knowe . For if in so doing any thing bee faulty , it must be , as I take it , the one of the two ; either because an ambiguous speach is vsed in another meaning then it is likely the hearer will take it ; and that to be lawfull , is prooued in the former assertion : or because this true sense in the ambiguous speach , is vttered to conceale another thing from the hearer ; and that to be lawfull , is cleare by this example of Samuel . And therfore I thinke the conclusion may hence be inferred , that it is not vnlawfull , if there be iust cause for concealing of a trueth , to vse an ambiguous speach , that thereby we may conceale some other thing , which is not fit to be vttered . And hereto agree our learned diuines also For one , speaking of Equiuocatiō , as it cōsisteth in the ambiguitie of words vttered , addeth , a That this kind of Equiuocation , especially in ordinary speach , no man doubteth but that it may lawfully be vsed . And , b this Equiuocation may haue his due place for concealing of Counfe●s , and hiding of secrets . And againe , speaking to his aduersary , c Knowe ( saith he ) that those concealements , whether of Confessions or Counsels , whereof you speake , where they doe consist of ambiguities in the words , wee dislike not : onely if they be couered with a lie , that wee doe wholly condemne . And another learned writer in our Church , speaking of one , that magnified the vse of Equiuocation , adioineth , d If by the name of Equiuocation he vnderstand a plaine and sober concealing and couering of secret counsels , which in this miserable life is oft times necessary , I am of his opinion too . This is the opinion and iudgement of our learned men , concerning the vse of Logicall Equiuocation ; and herein we agree with them of the Church of Rome : or if there bee any difference among the learned of both sides in these cases already mentioned , as perhaps about some circumstances in the vse of those ambiguous speaches there may be , it is nothing to the present Question in hand , which is not concerning any of the kindes of these Logicall Equiuocations , which consist in the ambiguous acception and meaning of the words vttered . And therefore when the Equiuocaters of our time doe labor to confirme their Arte , by the authorized vse of such speaches , as are ambiguous by reason of the diuers meanings which the words may receiue , they misse the marke , beate the ayre , and spend their labour to no purpose . And this being briefly noted , concerning the true and Logicall Equiuocation , I come now to the improper and Iesuiticall . And that what it is , I will set downe in their owne words , who professe to bee Patrons of it . Father Persons a then , a man very laborious in the polishing of this Arte , defineth it thus ; Equiuocation or Amphibologie in this our Controuersie , is nothing else , but when a speach is partly vttered in words , and partly reserued in mind , by which reseruation the sense of the proposition may be diuers . And again , b mentall Equiuocation ( saith he ) is , when any speach hath or may haue a double sense , not by any double signification or composition of the words themselues , but onely by some reseruation of minde in the speaker , whereby his meaning is made different from the sense which the words that are vttered , doe beare or yeeld without that reseruation . And Sanchez giuing a Rule concerning the words vsed in this their Equiuocation , saith , c A man may without telling of a lye , vse those words , although they be not ambiguous by their signification , and doe not make a true sense , either by themselues , or by reason of the circumstano●s then occurring , but doe onely make a true sense by some addition , kept in the speakers minde , whatsoeuer that addition bee . Thus they . By which descriptions it appeareth , that Iesuiticall Equiuocation , is a mixt proposition , ( as Persons also diuers times calleth it ) part whereof is vttered in words , and so taken it hath one sense ; and another part of it is reserued and vnderstood in the speakers minde , which being added to the words spoken , maketh another sense ; as for example , A Seminarie , or a Iesuite-Priest being asked by a Magistrate , Are you a Priest ? He answereth , I am no Priest , vnderstanding and reseruing in his minde this clause , So as I am bound to tell you , or any other which himselfe pleaseth to like purpose : here ( say they ) is but one mixt proposit●● part whereof is vttered in words , namely , I am no Priest ; and that taken alone as it is vttered , breedeth a false s●tise , and in this sense they would haue the Magistrate to conceiue it : & another part of that proposition is reserued and kept secret and close in the Priests mind , & that is this , So as I am bound to tell you . And this secret & mentall reseruation , being added to the words , maketh this one entire Proposition ; I am no Priest , so as I am bound to tell you : and that being taken all together , maketh a true sence , and so the Priest vnderstandeth it . And therefore , if he doe but keepe , or reserue , or vnderstand that or any such clause in his minde , though the words which he speaketh bee neuer so false , yet this man telleth no lye , nor speaketh no vntruth . Such is the vertue of this new found Arte ; and thus they describe it . But that it may yet appeare more fully and more distinctly , it will not be amisse to set downe the mysterie of this Art in certaine distinct Propositions , all gathered from their owne writings , and approued dealings . l. That this mixt Proposition of theirs , or this Equiuocation , as they call it , whether we consider that part of it which is vttered in words ; or the whole Proposition , as it hath the reseruatiō added to it , which is kept in the speakers mind ; hath in neither respect or consideration , a as F. P. saith , any doubtful sense of speech or words , by their doubtfull or double signification ; but only that it vttereth not all the whole sense of the speaker ; & therfore cannot be properly called equiuocall , according to Aristotles meaning & Definition . And againe , These mixt Propositions ( b saith he ) be not properly equiuocall in the sense that Aristotle did define , &c. for that they doe not of themselues nor their own natures , signifie equally diuers things ; but being vnderstood wholly , haue a simple and single signification in the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker : yet , for that the hearer concerning but 〈…〉 thereof , apprehendeth a different sense from the speaker ; they may ab effectu , be called ambiguous ; for that they leaue a different sense in the hearer & speaker , albeit of themselues they be plaine , cle●re , and true , &c. Out of which words , considered & ioyned with that which was formerly cited out of Sanchez and Parsons , we may note three things . 1. That there is no ambiguity or doubtfull sense , either in the words vttered , if they be taken alone ; nor in the whole Proposition , as they compound it of the words vttered , & ●he reseruation vnderstood , taken together . 2. That therefore they call it Equiuocation , or an Equiuocall Proposition or speech ; because they signifie or expresse one meaning to the hearer , which is false ; and retaine or vnderstand another sense within themselues , which is true . 3. That the taking of this word Equiuocation in this meaning , is not proper , and such as Aristotle did vnderstand and conceiue by it . Hee might haue said , that it is not proper , nor such as either Aristotle , or any man either learned or vnlearned , hauing but common sense in his head , and common honesty in his heart , did euer acknowledge before this last Age. And the truth is , they therfore call it an Equiuocatiō , though the word was neuer known to haue any such meaning or signification ▪ because they are ashamed to call it by its right name , which is , A Lye. But as the couetous man , though he practiseth the thing , yet abhorres the name ; and therefore will be called a good husband , or a thrifty man : And as a thiefe is ashamed of his right name , and when he meeteth with a Traueller to whom he would signifie his e●rand ; he saith , that he is a Good-fellow which wanteth money : So the Romanists teach an Arte of lying ; and because they are ashamed of the infamous name of Lyers , they call themselues Equiuocators : and that which other men call Lying , they call Equiuocating . 2. That if a man will vse this benefit of Equiuocating , he must be warie and carefull , that he reserue some secret clause in his mind , which being added to the words vttered , doe make a true speech ; or else all is marred , and he , for want of that clause , become a plaine Lyer . To this purpose , Father Persons a saith , that the Equiuocator speaketh a trueth in his owne meaning , and in the sight ef God ; which alwaies he must doe , when hee vseth this Euasion ; for that otherwise he should lye , and commit sinne , if he had not some true sense reserued in his mind , &c. To declare this yet further : Say that two Priests were questioned by a Magistrate , whether they were Priests or no ; and the one should say , I am no Priest : and should withall reserue in his mind this clause , So as I am bound to tell you : and the other should answere in the very same words , I am no Priest : but should forget or neglect to frame or imagine in his mind that reseruation , or some such like : the former , who imagined that reseruation in his mind , should be an Equiuocator , and speake the truth ; but the latter , who had omitted it , should be a Lyer , and vtter a falshood and vntruth , though hee speake none but the very same words ; and they haue none but one signification and meaning . This they say , to shew vs , how an Equiuocator doth differ very much from a Lyer . The truth is ; this Equiuocator and this Lyer doe differ as much as two false knaues , the one of which is called a Thiefe , and the other , a Good-fellow that taketh a Purse . 3. That whatsoeuer a man doe say or sweare , be it otherwise neuer so false and absurd ; yet if a man doe imagine a clause in his mind , which being added to the words spoken , would make a true meaning ; then the former speech or saying , how false soeuer otherwise becommeth true , and without all compasse of lying : because ( saith Father a Persons ) it is freed from the nature of a Lye , by the due & iust reseruation in the speakers mind . By the due and iust reseruation , saith hee . But suppose the reseruation be not iust and due , but that a man vse this arte , when he ought not to equiuocate ? Why , yet euen then , he is by this reseruation freed from telling of a Lye , though not freed from all sinne . For though is should not be properly the sinne of Lying , nor against the negatiue Precept of Truth : yet should it be another sinne , against the publike good of ciuill society , and consequently against the affirmatiue Precept of Truth , &c. Thus speaketh Father a Persons . And to the like purpose Valentia b . But Sanchez more plainely and roundly : If a man ( c saith he ) either alone or before company , either being asked or of his owne accord , either for recreation sake , or for any other end , doe sweare that he did not doe something , which indeed he did do ; vnderstanding within himselfe some other thing then that he did doc ; or some other day then that in which he did doe it , or any other addition that is true ; this man , in very deed , doth neither lye nor forsweare . Thus they speake , and so must all they that will maintaine this Arte. For whereas Father Persons , speaking of the Wife of Ananias , saith ; d that shee beeing lawfully demanded by S. Peter in a lawfull cause , touching her owne vow and promise , no clause of reseruation could saue her speech from lying : he doth herein not only contradict himselfe , as Lyers vsually doe , but doth also thereby ouerthrow the very grounds of this fond Arte. For if a reseruation in the mind doe free the Equiuocator from lying ; because that beeing added to his words , both together do make a true Proposition ; why should not a reseruation in this womans mind , saue her speech from lying , if it were such , as being added to her words , both together might yeeld a true meaning ; which , according to the rules of this Arte , it had beene easie for this woman to frame ▪ 4 That in any case , in which Equiuocation may bee vsed , a man may frame any reseruation , whatsoeuer himselfe pleaseth , so it be such , as being added to the words , doth make the whole compound to bee true . e Persons somtimes seemeth to require , that the reseruatiō be conformable to the matter , time , and place ; & not fained at randome , as some fondly do imagine . But he doth but mocke his Reader ; making shew of following the former Schoole-Doctors , whose words these are ; when he hath no such meaning as they had in them . For , when he speaketh plainely , and so as you may vnderstand his distinct meaning . them his a words are ; I doe truely and really meane , that I am no Priest , in the sense that I speake it , which may be any that pleaseth me , or that I list to frame to my selfe : so as I may meane , that I am no Priest , such as I should be , such as I desire to be , such as is worthy of so great an office , and sacred a function ; such as he ought to be , that occupieth the place of God in gouerning of soules ; I am no Priest subiect to the demander , or obliged to answere his demands ; or the like . Thus , and such like , whatsoeuer he pleaseth , he professeth may be his reseruations , when he denyeth himselfe to be a Priest : and what conformity these haue , at least the most of them , with the Circumstances , I leaue to bee declared by the Patrons and Masters of this Arte. Sure I am , if such large scope may be granted , and yet the reseruation bee conformable to the matter , &c. and not fained at randome , then it will be an easie matter to keepe within cōpasse , and to obserue the wise rule of this graue Father . But , let Persons goe with his doubling , and let vs heare what others say . Sanchez alloweth any words , if they yeeld a true sense , b By any addition , reserued in the mind● of the speaker , whatsoeuer that addition bee . And Iacob 〈◊〉 Graffijs , proposing a Case of one , who being taken by theeues , doth for feare promise them somwhat with an oath ; c If ( saith he ) he doe imagine some other thing in his minde , for example , I promise to giue this , or do that , if the Iudgo shal compelme to it , or if the skie shall fall , or the like , then he shal be cleare from sinne . And Sanchez , d that a man may lawfully answere , that he killed not Peter , meaning another man of the same name , or that he killed him not , antequam nasceretur , before hee was borne . And Strange the Iesuite , to show what strange and vnlimited liberty they doe take in the framing of this fancie , affirme that he was in the company , reseruing and intending secretly as added , this word , Not ; when hee was questioned before the Lord Chiefe Iustice of England , and the Kings Attourney . These reseruations , and others not much better , doe they allow and practise in the Arte of Equiuocating , whereof there is frequent mention in their Bookes and Treatises of this argument . By all which it appeareth , that they approoue of any reseruatirn , which a man can fancie , if the case be such as they allow of , and the clause such , as may signifie a trueth . 5. That this Equiuocation of theirs , is lawfull , not onely in ordinary speach , but in oathes also . This is plainely auouched by Father Persons , and vpon this reason , a Because it is a most certaine principle , as well in reason , as in Diuinitie , that what a man may truely say , hee may truely also sweare . And againe , b As all Diuines held ( saith hee ) that which may lawfully be said , may also lawfully be sworne . And to this doe agree others of this Crue , who commonly handle this question of Equiuocation in their Treatises of Oathes , and allow it as a thing very lawfull , and of good vse . 6. That this Arte was deuised , and so by them is vsed , that by it they may deceiue the vnderstanding of the hearer , and make him beleeue an vntrueth , when it may serue for their turne . To this purpose those words of Father Persons sound , c Equiuocation must sometime be practised , when no other euasion can be found for defence of innocencie , iustice , secrecy , and other like vrgent occasions . And speaking of some cases of inconuenience , which hee would haue to bee auoided by Equiuocation , he demandeth , d Hath God and Nature , and Law of Iustice left no lawfull euasion in such cases ? And againe , e Wee delight not ( saith hee ) in this Arte or maner of euasion by Equiuocation . By this it appeareth , that Equiuocation ( to vse the Iesuites owne words ) is an Art of euasion , which cannot bee vnderstood without a meaning and purpose to deceiue the hearers vnderstanding , and to make him beleeue an vntrueth . The same Doctor of this Arte goeth on , and teacheth vs , that this their Equiuocation is , a when any speach hath , or may haue a double sense , not by any double signification or composition of the words themselues ; but onely by some reseruation of minde in the speaker , whereby his meaning is made different from that sense which the words that are vttered , de beare , or yeeld without that reseruation . And by this is implyed , that the purpose of this is , to imprint one sense in the speaker , which they acknowledge to bee false , and to keepe within themselues another , which they imagine to bee true . Becanus also , another Iesuite , hauing first proposed the question , An liceat vti Aequiuocatione : Whether it may be lawful to vse Equiuocation : he explaineth the point thus ; b Whether it bee lawfull to deceiue and beguile others by Equiuocations . In the prosecution of which question , though he wrangle , & would gladly shift off from themselues the imputation of this equiuocating fraud ; yea , and flatly denieth it : yet by explaining the questiō in such sort , he acknowledgeth , that their meaning who defend it , is to beguile and deceiue men . And in like sort Tolet saith . c It is sometimes lawfull to vse Equiuocation , and to deceiue the hearer . And therefore when Father Persons d saith , that his intention is not to deceiue in this mentall proposition , but to defend himselfe , &c. and that the Priest ( who denieth himselfe to bee a Priest ) that his principall intent is not intentio fallendi , an intention of deceiuing ; but rather , euadendi desiderium , a desire to escape and defend himselfe : he doth either too boldly presume vpon his Readers simplicitie , or too grossely bewray his owne . For first , when hee saith , that his principall intent is not to deceiue , but rather to escape , hee implieth , that an intention he hath to deceiue , though that be not his principall intention ; and that is enough to prooue ( which hee denieth ) that his Equiuocation doth herein agree with the nature of a lye , that as a lye is said to bee , cum intentione fallendi , so his Equiuocation cannot be denied to haue the same purpose and intention in it . And secondly , where he saith plainely that his intention is not to deceiue , but to defend , hee speaketh as wisely , and to as good purpose , as if a thiefe by the high way side should say , that hee intended not to take away the true mans purse , but to supplie himselfe with money for his owne spending . For as the thiefe intendeth to robbe , that thereby he may supply himselfe ; so the Iesuite intendeth to deceiue , that thereby he may defend himselfe . 7 That to forbeare the vse of this Equiuocation ( vnlesse where by duety a man is bound to vse it ) is better and more Meritorious then to vse it . To this purpose speaketh the great Master of this Arte ; Wee delight not ( saith hee ) in this Arte or maner of euasion by Equiuocation , though it be no lye at all ; but rather do allow and like far better of simple , plaine , and resolute speach in all Catholikes , concerning aswel matters of ordinary conuersation , as of their conscience , &c. And presently he addeth ; Yet for that perfection is one thing , and obligation is another , wee may not binde men to more then Gods precept bindeth . By which speach hee plainely teacheth , that though it bee not vnlawfull to vse Equiuocation , because it is not forbidden by any precept ; yet it is a worke of perfection , ( such as they vse to cal a worke of supererogation ) not to vse a mans lawfull libertie in this case . And yet f●rther , It is euident , that albeit good men desirous of perfection , and prepared to suffer iniuries , may liue without going to Law , without swearing , without diuorcing their wiues , without Equiuocation , &c. yet for all that , men are not bound to this exactnesse , &c. And yet againe , My wish is ( saith hee ) that Catholike people , but especially Priests , whose example must instruct the rest , should yeeld also of their right , for increase of their merit and Crowne in heauen , and vse all plainnesse and synceritie in speach , and free discouering , not onely of their religion , but also of their state , where it is hurtfull to none but themselues . And in a word , plainnesse and syncerity of speach , he compareth with virginity , ( which in their esteeme , is a glorious worke of perfection or supererogation : ) and the practice of Equiuocating to Wedlocke , which is lawful , but not of such merit . Now hence I inferre two Conclusions . 1 That the practice of Protestants in vsing plainnesse and syncerity in speach , according to their doctrine , is by the confession of the Iesuite , better and more holy , then the practice of Papists in vsing Euasions and Equiuocations , according to the doctrine of the Equiuocators . 2 That according to the doctrine of Popish Equiuocators , Iesus our Sauiour was not so perfect , nor vsed not so much exactnesse in his speach , nor merited not so much , as the Iesuites doe , many of them at least . For Father Persons saith , that albeit good men desirous of perfection , may liue without Equiuocating , yet &c. hee meaneth that though it may bee seene in such men , yet others are not bound to that exactnesse : and he implieth , that men desirous of perfection , doe vse to doe so . And such , I trow , the holy Order of Iesuites is , who for desire of this perfection , haue by solemne vow abandoned the world , and all the glory , and profit belonging to it . Besides , Father Persons graue aduice is , that not onely Priests , but other Catholikes too , should yeeld of their right , by forbearing to equiuocate , for the increase of their merit and Crowne in heauen : and , I trowe , the followers of IESVS will not bee slacke to performe , what one of their owne Fathers doth aduise to bee so behoofefull , not onely for seculars of the Clergie , but for lay● Catholikes also . But now IESVS our Lord , see how farre off the Iesuite maketh him to bee from this degree of perfection . For hee was so frequent in equiuocating , that Father Persons a findeth him to haue vsed the same in one onely Chapter of S. Iohns Gospel , aboue seuen or eight times at the least . Nay , and that b more then one Equiuocation was vsed by our Sauiour in one sentence : and that eight or nine Equiuocall speaches at the least , are contained within a piece of one onely Chapter of our Sauiours talke with the Iewes , Scribes and Pharisees . And indeede hee hath recited and alleadged nine seuerall examples out of our Sauiours words , recorded in the latter part of the eighth Chapter of S. Iohn . And sure , hee that did equiuocate so often in so little compasse , cannot be imagined to haue forborne his right in this practice , for the increase of his merit and Crowne in heauen . Or if they will say , that notwithstanding this frequent vse of Equiuocation in so short space , that yet hee did forbeare his right still , and so increased his merit thereby ; then they will giue vs occasion to thinke , that Iesuites and Priests , and other Roman Catholikes may attaine this height of perfection , vnto which Father Persons aduiseth them , and coozen and deceiue vs silly fellowes with their Equiuocations seuen , or eight , or nine times in one houre . I leaue it then to bee considered by the wise Reader , whether Father Persons doe cog with vs all this while , and make no small vse of this deceitfull Arte , while hee laboureth to defend it : or , whether in good earnest hee thinketh that our Lord and Sauiour did not follow so exact a rule of perfection , as hee aduiseth all his Catholikes vnto . These bee the most speciall properties belonging to Iesuiticall Equiuocation , as neere as I could gather and obserue them out of their bookes , which bee the abettors of this Arte , among whom the principall , Father Persons , must needes bee acknowledged to bee . For hee hath laboured herein more then they all . Out of all which obseruations layd together , I leaue it to the consideration of any vnderstanding man , to iudge , whether these two things doe not follow . 1 That the Roman Doctors haue such rare wits , as that they can by their deuised sleights , transforme the nature both of words and things , euen as well as Alchymists can turne lead into gold . For as in matter of State , they a haue found out a mystery ; that a Clergie-man of their Church may moue Rebellion against his Prince , and yet be no Traytor : so in Conferences with men , they haue found a like mysterie ; that any man of the Romane Church , may speake , and say , and sweare whatsoeuer himselfe pleaseth , though it bee neuer so false , and yet be no Lyer . The one they fetch from their doctrine of Exemption ; and the other from their doctrine of Equiuocation : both dangerous practices to all humane society . The one whereof should teach Kings to be aware of their Swords , and the other should teach all men to beware of their words . 2 That by their doctrine , a man is at liberty to lye , without anie grudge in his conscience ; and that the Abettors of this Arte , by a secret iuggling deuice , doe s●t open a schoole for deceit and periurie ; in which they teach an Arte of Lying ; by the helpe whereof , he that can lye & forsweare by the Rule , shall be free either from lying or peri●rie : as b a reuerend and learned Diuine hath noted . But hereof there will be fitter occasion giuen to say more hereafter . In the meane while , thus much shall serue to be said of the first Point . CHAP. II. Of the Originall of Equiuocation ; and who they bee that vphold it , and giue life vnto it . COncerning the Originall of this Arte , a some learned men referre 〈◊〉 to the Priscillianists , or Arius the Arch-heretike , who are read to haue vsed fraudulent and deceitful speech . And such Heretikes had not beene vnmeete Fathers for such a deformed child . But this Brat was not then borne , nor for many Ages after those dayes . For mine owne part , vnlesse I shall hereafter meete vvith some thing more cleere then yet I haue seene , I must say with a iudicious and learned Writer , b I cannot readily say who were the first founders of this Arte. Nor is it maruell , that a thing of this nature , though found out but yesterday , should appeare to the world without the name or notice of his Author . For , as the head or spring of Nilus hath beene long enquired after , and for ought I know , is yet scarce heard of ; and the reason may bee , because it is supposed that that Riuer doth rise somewhere in montibus L●nae , in some place of those great Mountaines , whose greatnes doth hide the place of the Well-head or Spring : So deuices of State , which neuer prosper after they are discouered , are commonly smoothered for a time , and doe vsually appeare without name ; themselues being vnwilling to owne them , and others being vnable to d●scrie them . And such is this Arte of Equiuocation , hatched by some rare wit , who yet had rather lose the glory of the inuention , then to lay open the mysterie of it : and smoothered by the Romane State as long as was possible , till misfortune brought it to light against their wils And yet now , that the Riuer appear●th with a full st●eame , notwithstanding , the Spring will hardly bee found . And if any Rom●nist shall hence inferre , that this Doctrine is therfore an Apostolicall I●radition , and came from Christ himselfe ; because I cannot tell who was the first Author , and at what time since it was first hatched ; as they vse to dispute in other cases against vs : I will send him to find me the head of Nilus , and when he hath found that , I will goe about to enquire for the Originall of this Arte. And yet in the meane while , though I cannot precisely say who was the first Father of this blacke Arte , yet some things may bee said , not impertinent to this purpose . And those ( as I conceiue them for the present ) I will , lay downe in certaine Propositions or Assertions . And they be these . 1 It is certaine that it is a late deuice , and found out the other day . Persons claimeth Vniuersality , Antiquity ▪ and Consent , for the proofe of this Arte , a His words are , that euery man may heare him speak in his own dialect ; Let vs consider ( saith he ) how this absurd and impious opinion ( if such it be ) could come to bee receiued so generally , both in approbation & practice , doctrine & action , throughout the Christian world , that is to say ; The Doctrine in all Schooles , Pulpits , Chaires , Vniuersities , where teaching hath beene vsed , extant also in the Bookes and Workes of all learned men of what sort soeuer , before Iesuites were borne or heard of : but especially those haue most treated thereof , who haue written most tenderly of matters belonging vnto conscience , whom we call Casuists . Lawiers in like maner , both Canon and Ciuill ; Diuines , both Scholasticall and posi●●ue , haue approued the same . And as for practice , it hath in due cases beene receiued in all Courts , in all Countries , in all Tribunals , and S●ates of iudgement , both ecclesiasticall and temporall ; and neuer refused , condemned , or controled by any , so it were vsed with the due circumstances , &c. And alittle after ; Was there no man to stand for truth and reason in any Countrey , in any Prouince or State ? in any place or time for this 400. yeeres , & c ? Where it must be noted , that when he mentioneth 400 yeeres , his meaning is not to limit the approbation of this Arte to the compasse of those yeeres ; but because he supposeth , but falsely , that his Aduersarie had granted so much ; and so here he disputeth ex Concessis vpon the Confession of his Aduersarie : but he intendeth and meaneth the consent of former times also ; as himselfe signifieth in the same Chap. a whereof he there promiseth to speak afterward ; & so he doth . b For he bringeth the testimonies & practice of the Patriarchs , Prophets , and Apostles , and Iesus Christ himselfe , and that frequently declared . Where it may bee noted , that this Father is as bold to alledge Vniuersality , Antiquity , and Consent for the proofe of this Arte , as the rest are for the proofe of their Church . And sure the proofe is as good and sound in the one , as the other . Onely , Father Persons affirmeth more boldly , and confirmeth what hee saith , more weakely . But the reason is alike good in both cases . But heere I haue onely to deale with Persons , about his Equiuocation . And against these great cryes , I oppose the confident and iust challenge of a Reuerend man ; Name me one man ( saith he ) out of all antiquity , Heathenish , Iewish , Christian : name but one man , who euer approued these your Reseruations , vnlesse perhaps some who were noted with infamy for their paines . I may adde ; Nay , name me one , who defended this Equiuocation , which Iesuites call a mixt or mentall Proposition , or by a secret reseruation , in all the time from Adam to the Trent Councell . I will not say none such can bee named ; for who can say or presume , that hee knoweth the sayings and opinions of all former Ages ? but this I will say , that wheras the Abettors of Equiuocation haue bin challenged by two learned Doctors in our Church , to shewe any who in former times haue allowed this diuelish Arte ; hitherto I haue seene no one man produced , who doth giue any plaine or direct allowance heereof . For as for the many autorities , which Persons doth alledge , they be Conclusions of his own , spun out of other mens sayings , by such consequences as himselfe fancieth or pleaseth to frame . For where holy or learned men haue vsed speeches , that may admit diuers interpretations , either by reason of the words vsed , or some circumstance occurring , according to which only former Ages were wont to expound them ; he presently runneth away with an out-cry of mentall reseruation , or mixt Proposition : as euery man that considereth the Allegations , may easily perceiue . In a word , Persons claimeth very boldly , and to speake truth , impudently , Vniuersality , Antiquity , and Consent , for this nouell , new-deuised , and vpstart fancie of their owne . Where I wish the Reader to consider , how farre he may credit such men , when they lay the like claime to all Antiquity and Consent of Nations , either for the prouing of their Church , or for maintaining of any other subordinate point of Controuersie . For mine owne part , till they shew me one who approued a mentall Equiuocation or reseruation , I will thinke and say there is none . And this is my first assertion ; whereof see further proofe in the next assertion . 2 My second is , that the latter sort of Schoole-men and Casuists gaue occasion , and laied grounds for this ensuing Arte ; which at that time themselues , it seemeth , did not so much as thinke or dreame of . For , whereas some Cases were then debated , how farre a Priest might deny the things which hee had heard in Confession ; and in what sort any man that was questioned by an vnlawfull Iudge , or proceeded against in an vnlalwfull maner , &c. might deny the things which he knew to be true : they , considering the circumstances of the persons , place , and businesse , did allow some hard Equiuocations , which the words would hardly beare in any true sense , yet such as they thought might be allowed and gathered out of those circumstances , and might well be vnderstood in those words , as there and then they were vttered . As for exāple ; If a Priest were questioned , whether he knew or had heard any thing of such or such a matter ; he might say , No : if he did not know or heare it any other way , but onely by Confession . And the reason of this answere is , because , a Words ( saith Dominicus a Soto ) doe so signifie , as they are vnderstood or taken by the people . Now Christian people , when they heare a Priest sweare , that he knoweth nothing of such or such a matter , they vnderstand him not to speake or meane any thing that he heard in Confession . And therefore those words ( of the Priest ) doe onely signifie or import , that ▪ hee knoweth nothing out of Confession . And the like defence of this answer is giuen by Sepulueda , de Rat. dicendi test . cap. 3. Againe , it is a further Case , If the Priest be asked concerning the same thing , whether he know or haue heard it in Confession ; whether may he then say , No , I heard it not ? And the common opinion of the Doctors was , that in this case , h● may sweare he did not heare it . b But Soto , vpon better aduice , disliketh this answere , because in this Sentence , Nihil audiui in Confessione ; I heard nothing of it in Confession ; the Restriction allowed in the former case , cannot fitly bee vnderstood , to say , I heard nothing in Confession , to wit , out of Confession . And therefore he concludeth , that that answere in this case cannot be excused from being a lye ; because the words cannot haue that construction . Another case is proposed ; Suppose a Tyran should aske of a Priest , whether Peter ( for example ) did kill Iohn ( which the Priest knew in Confession only ) may the Priest say and sweare , that Peter did not kill Iohn ? Adrian , who afterward was Pope , and was called Adrian the sixth , he resolued the question , that he might answere negatiuely , that ●e killed him not : but Soto againe replyeth , that this which Adrian said , had no shew of reason ; because the words admit no interpretation , that may excuse them from a Lye. For , saith he ; a It were a most fond interpretation to say , He killed him not that I may tell you , or ( as our Equiuocators vse now a dayes to speake ) He killed him not , so as I may tell you . And he giueth a further reasō hereof , b because deeds haue no immediate relation to this word , [ that I may tel it ] 〈◊〉 the wo●d [ I know ] and other such words of sense haue . And in his Booke de Iustit . & Iure , disputing the like question , whether a man beeing questioned concerning his owne Act , may by Ambiguity elude the question ; hee resolueth , It c can no way be defended , that he may lawfully say , that he did not doe it : and hereof he giueth this reason ; d Because this speech [ I did not doe it ] cannot receiue this sense ; I did not doe it , to tell it , or that I may tell it , &c. His meaning in more plaine words , is this ; that the Priest might truely say in the case proposed , I know not that Peter did kill Iohn ; because hee might reasonably vnderstand it thus , or with this restriction , I know it not out of Confession . And of such a knowledg the Iudge is supposed to aske , and men do vsually vnderstand the Priest to speake . But the Priest might not say without telling a lye . Peter did not kill Iohn ; because , this restriction cannot without absurdity , bee applyed to those words , . And consequently , these words could not bee so vnderstood by the hearers . A fourth case may bee added , and with that I will end . Suppose a guilty person be against order of Law examined by a Iudge , whether he haue committed such a crime , which indeede he hath done , but is not in this case bound to answere him : suppose ( I say ) he be inforced to answere , may he truely say , I did not doe it ? And Adrian's resolution of the doubt , was ; that in such a case , a he may truely answere , according to the opinion of all Schoole-Doctors , that , he knoweth nothing of that fa●t , or at least , that hee did not 〈◊〉 it . And his reason is , because in this answere , he is supposed to speake b of such a knowledge of the fact , as he may lawfully discouer . But Soto replyeth againe , c I know not who all those Doctors are , that Adrian speaketh of : I confesse , I haue read none of that opinion . And he addeth ; d That meaning , in which Adrian interpreteth these words , is a most forced and violent sense . Thus Soto declareth his owne opinion , and the opinion of other Schoole-Doctors and Casuists of that time , in these and other cases of like nature . And the like doth Io. Genesius Sepulueda , another learned man of the same nation , and about the same time . For hauing heard some defend some such like Equiuocations and ambiguities , he vndertaketh to proue , and that by the testimony of ancient Diuines , that in witnesse-bearing ( for thereof hee doth in particular intreat ) a Witnesse may not , arte vorborum , by cunning words , deceiue the Iudge ; but that he is bound to speak plainely , and according to the meaning of the Iudge , who asketh the question . And of the contrary opinion , hee saith , e None ancient and renowned Diuine that I knowe , did affirme it to bee lawfull . And in the Preface to that Booke , hee saith , that while hee was in Rome , hee met with one , who maintained this opinion , which he calleth f agreeable to the Determinations of some yong or late Diuines : and when he came backe againe into Spaine , that praeter spem , contrary to his expectation , he found some of their learnedest Diuines , maintaining , and instilling into their Students hearts and eares , g that opinion which was condemned by the ancient and chiefe Diuines . And , Chap. 15. hee sheweth who they bee , whom he calleth ancient Diuines ; and that is in his owne words , h those which liued before our and our Fathers dayes , such for example sake , as Thomas Aquinas is . Out of which testimonies and sayings of these two learned men ( the one of which was Confessor to Charles the fifth , and the other his Historiographer ; and the one flourished about the yeere 1560. as Possouin saith , and the other died in the yeere 1572. saith the same Posseuin , out of these their sayings ) I gather and obserue these things . 1 That in the dayes of these two learned men , which was about some 60 yeeres agoe , there was little or no speach of any Equiuocation by mentall reseruation , or of any such mixt propositions , as the Romanists now fancie . This I gather , first , because Soto , in oppugning these ambiguous Answeres and speaches allowed by some Schoole-Doctors of that time , doth no where ( to my knowledge ) charge them with any such opinion , or euer labour to refute it . Which ( considering the argument that hee had in hand , and the diligence that he vsed in handling of it , and cleering of all doubts that belonged vnto it ) no man may with reason imagine that hee would haue for borne to doe , if those times had giuen occasion of disputing such a question . Secondly , the same learned man , in oppugning that liberty , which others did grant , doth still ouerthrowe or confute their opinion , because the interpretation and the meaning which they doe allow those answeres to be taken in by the speaker , are such as doe not agree to the vse and signification of the words spoken , nor cannot bee applied to them , without incongruity and absurditie . By which reason of his , hee implieth , that these Diuines meant no other ambiguity , or interpretation , or meaning , in those answeres , then such as they thought , the words in that case in which they were vttered might beare . Or els his reason had beene insufficient and foolish ; which yet he supposeth to be such , as that his aduersaries could not dislike as impertinent , if the thing which he vrged were true . Thirdly , the same Author doth still so set down his opinion , that in the cases proposed , and others of the like nature ; he alloweth any ambiguity or Amphibologie , which the vse of the speach can beare without a lye , as in expresse words hee explaineth himselfe , but refuseth and condemneth all such , as is not noted and implied in the words . Fourthly , Sepulueda , he also disputeth against those , who think themselues not bound in the cases propounded to answere according to the common meaning , and acception of the words : and confuteth them , who hold it lawfull simply to denie the crime truely layed to their charge , although they purposely speake some other thing in their minde , Which the Iudge , taking their words in the common meaning , vnderstandeth not : Cap. 17. & throughout the whole Booke . But yet I haue not obserued in all that Booke any speach , in which hee mentioneth a mixt proposition , a mentall Equiuocation , or an ambiguitie made by a reseruation Against which opinion , ( if there had then appeared any such to the world ) hee might haue disputed with more probabilitie and shewe of substantiall reason . But he no where ( as farre as I can obserue ) either refelleth or mentioneth any such opinion among these late and punie Diuines . For wheras in the place last cited , he hath these words , though purposely he speaketh some other thing in his minde , that maketh nothing , as I thinke , for the mentall reseruation , which our Equiuocators haue deuised . For he meaneth nothing else , as I take it , but that the speaker doth frame in his minde , another sense and meaning of his words , then they in the common vnderstanding of men doe make , or then the Iudge according to the common vnderstauding doth take them in . And therefore those very Schoole-Diuines , whom hee and Soto doe refute for going too farre , and allowing too much liberty , yet goe not so farre as our now Iesuites doe , who build all vpon a fancied reseruation of their owne framing , no way included in the words spoken . Fiftly , say that those Diuines , whom these learned men doe refute , did maintaine such a mixt proposition , & mentall reseruation as our Romanists doe striue for : yet Soto saith , that he had read no Schoole-Doctor , who allowed such a fancie as Adrain imagined , which yet by a reseruation of a Iesuite , might easily bee solued . And Sepulueda , when hee came out of Italy into Spaine , thought it strange , that hee found Diuines , who contrary to the meaning of all the Ancients , did allow that opinion , which he there refuteth . And therefore if we shall say , that the Diuines against whom these men wrote , did hold this Equiuocall reseruation , yet it was then a nouell opinion , lately sprung vp , such as Soto had read in no Schoole-Doctor of former time , and such as Sepulueda did maruell to finde set on foote in his owne Countrey , where he liued . But , as I said , these learned men did not know of any such opinion risen vp at that time . And therefore in those dayes either this Arte was not yet found , or if it were , it was rather whispered in corners , or taught obscurely , then published in Schooles . Secondly , I gather out of these learned mens writings alleadged before , that Schoole-Doctors about that time , allowed and gaue liberty for such ambiguities , as in opinion of these men , and in trueth the words could not beare : and therefore their interpretations were forced & violent , and such as could not free their speaches from being lyes . This without further deduction , is euident by the words before cited . Thirdly , I obserue , that these hard and harsh Equiuocations , by some Diuines then allowed , and the violent constructions that they made of the words , were then newly taken vp , and were vnknowne to the elder and more iudicious Schoole-men . And out of all this , I leaue it to the iudgement of the learned Reader , whether I may not vpon good reason inferre ; that therefore in all probabilitie , the later sort of Schoole-Doctors , by the hard Equiuocations , which they allowed , did giue occasion & layd grounds for this Iesuiticall Art of Equiuocation , though at that time themselues did not thinke of it . For , may it not hence be reasonably conceiued , that the progresse and proceeding to the framing of this Art , was on this manner ? that first of all , and in elder times , there was nothing , but simplicitie in their Oathes and answers , or if any ambiguitie was allowed to be vsed , it was but in some such sense , as the circūstances of the persons , time , place , and occasion , did put vpon them , and that according to the intention of publique Lawes , and the reasonable construction that the Hearers might make of them : and that afterward they allowed violent constructions , and such as the words , together with the circumstances , could not beare , in any reasonable mans vnderstanding , but such as the speaker , in his minde did fancie to be agreeable to that businesse and occasion . And lastly , that this ouer-bold liberty in them , in framing such a sense , as the words in reason & cōgruitie could not beare , made way to fine wits following after , to adde something to the former inuention , and to frame a sense of words spoken , which they acknowledge not to be signified by them , but made vp by a Reseruation in their owne breast , such as themselues would please to fancie , what euer it were , either pertinent to the businesse , or as farre different from it , as the falling of the skie is different from the paying of money . But this will appeare yet more plainely , if it be considered , that Nauarre , a who liued at the same time with Soto , & Sepulueda , but wrote after them , and when they were dead , doth from the opinion of those Diuines , and in speciall from the opinion of Soto also , and from his sayings , labour to inferre and proue the lawfulnesse of the Iesuiticall Equiuocation ; because ( as hee saith ) there is the like reason of them both . How truely he inferreth his Conclusion , from the sayings of Soto and the rest , I dispute not ; I onely note in his course of disputation , that hee taketh their assertions for a ground to proue his owne by . And that sheweth that those former Writers gaue occasion , &c. And thus I haue declared my second Assertion concerning the originall of this new Art. 3. The third is , that whosesoeuer wit deuised it , yet it seemeth to mee most probable , that it receiued the first life and credit from the See of Rome , and the Romane state . My reason is from these grounds . 1. Doctor Nauarre , who ( as Persons saith , Mitig. cap. 7. nu . 41. pag. 301. ) is held to be one of the most liberall and largest in admitting Equiuocations both in words and oathes , was thought a fit man to be the Popes Reader of Cases in Rome . And if I mistake not , hee was the first that broached this new arte . For hee read at Rome not long after the time of Soto and Sepulueda , who ( as before was noted ) had not yet heard any thing of this arte . And there he read & framed that a Commentary , in which he teacheth this mysterie , for the instruction of the Iesuits Colledge and dedicated the same vnto Gregorie 13. the present Pope : which may breede suspition , that the Pope was well pleased with this new deuice of Nauarre , of whom he made choise to be his publique Reader of Cases ; and who , while he was imployed in this seruice , did perfect that arte , and from whose Readings , the very Iesuits themselues may seeme to haue borrowed the grounds of that Doctrine , which afterward they polished with great dexteritie and care . Secondly , In Queene Elizabeths time , there was a Treatise found out , which before was in the secret keeping of Iesuits or Priests : in which , beside the Resolutions of Nauarre , were contayned sundry instructions and directions , giuen by Sixtus Quintus , for the practising of this mysterie of Equiuocation . Which , if the Reader be desirous to know more fully , hee may reade a Relation thereof set downe by a a most reuerend and learned Prelate . Thirdly , I finde that Emm. Sà in his Aphorismes V. Mendac . had giuen his opinion concerning this Equiuocall reseruation , in this manner : that in a case , b Where a man is not bound to reueale the truth according to the intention of the Demander , some say , that a man may answere by vnderstanding or reseruing something in his minde , as that is not so , to wit so , as that hee is bound to tell him : or that hee hath not such a thing , meaning , that hee hath it not to giue it vnto him . But others admit not of this kinde of answere ; and perhaps , vpon better ground and reason . Thus hee gaue his iudgement of this poynt ; and so the Booke passed in the Low Countries , and with approbation and commendation of Silu. Pardo , the Inquisitor and Censor there , and was printed at Antwerpe 1599. But when it came to be perused , and reuewed at Rome , the Censor there , Io. Maria , Master of the sacred Palace , he purged the Booke , and put out the last words , which were , c And perhaps vpon better reason . In which words Sà had signified , that hee inclined to their opinion , who disliked this Equiuocating by reseruation . And hence it appeareth , how acceptable and welcome this Doctrine of Equiuocation is in the Popes Palace . For whereas F. d Persons saith , that in the last Edition of Sàes Booke at Rome 1607. this whole last sentence was left out , as though hee had changed his opinion . And e that it seemeth that Emm. Sà did afterwards change his opinion ; it is but a tricke of iugling , such as this Father often vseth to delude his Reader with . For Sà died , as f Ribadeneira reporteth , in the yeare 1596. eleuen yeares before this edition of Rome , and three yeares before the impression of Antwerpe , being then aboue threescore and ten yeares olde . And if Sà , after so many yeares deliberation , had changed his opinion , how came it about that that change was not seene in the Antwerpe Copy , which was printed 3. yeares after he was dea● ▪ Besides , the Edition of Rome , re-printed also at 〈◊〉 , An. 1612. doth professe , that that Book was purged by Ioan. Maria , the Master of the Palace , and not that it was corrected or amended by Sà , the first Author of it . Further , Persons giueth no one piece of a reason , by which the Reader may imagine , that Sà did euer change that point . And therefore , this is but one of Persons vsuall trickes of fittening , with which his Brethren of the secular Clergy doe so often charge him . Now these considerations layed together , make mee thinke it very probable , that this Arte receiued its life from the State and See of Rome . But if any man can shew mee , whence it might rather haue its first ground , I will willingly yeeld to him ; and be thankefull to him , that can and will discouer the Spring , or Well-head , whence first flushed forth this muddy Nylus , so fertile of Crocodiles , I meane of this sophistique Crocodilites , whereby vnware men are ouer-reached and caught . 4. My fourth Assertion is ; It is obserued by learned men , that whosoeuer was the Author , yet the Iesuites , especially those of our English Nation , haue beene the chiefe Abettors , Defenders and Polishers of this Arte. For proofe of this , I will set downe the words of some learned men . The a learned Gentleman , who wrote the Relation of Religion , speaking of false newes , frequent at Rome , for aduantage of their Sect , addeth , that he found by obseruation , and iudgement of some wise men , that the Iesuites were the Masters of that Mint , and that all those coynes were of their stamp ; and , that the Iesuites were noted by some of their owne friends , to be too hardie Equiuocators , and their Equiuocations too hard . And Hospinian a hauing cited many testimonies of Iesuites for this Arte , concludeth that therby it is euident , that many Iesuits with great care haue explained and defended it , b that not without cause they are commonly thought to be the Authors and Inuentors of it . Adde hereto that which the learned Casaubon obserued , who was well acquainted not onely with the writings of all sorts of Iesuits , but with the proceedings and dealings of our English Iesuits also . Hee telleth Front● 〈◊〉 , a learned Iesuit , c It is a cleare case , that many Diuines of your Order haue explained and maintained that Arte : but they which haue especially polished it , I finde to be English men . Yea and their owne Brethren , the Secular Priests , lay the ouer-bold vse of Equiuocation in their dish . e For so famous ( say they ) and so notorious are their Equiuocations , and so scandalous , that the very Protestants take notice thereof , &c. and , such iugglings , and shiftings of late haue beene vsed by them , that not onely Protestants , but also Catholickes , yea Priests can scarse tell when they speake sincerely , when otherwise . And a little after , Howsoeuer this kinde of dealing may seeme excusable vnto them , vnder the name of honest Equiuocation ; sure I am that few honest men will excuse it from dishonest lying . And Master Watson f calleth it the Iesuits rule of swearing and forswearing in a contrary sense and meaning ; and g a shift , which they call a lawfull Equiuocation . And againe , hee h calleth these Equiuocations , their absurd paradoxes of Equiuocation . And the like speeches may be found in diuers other places of the Priests bookes . By all which it may appeare , that learned men on both sides , not onely among the Protestants , but also among Popish Priests , haue noted this deuice especially in the Iesuits : which may be reason enough , ( beside that which is to be found in their owne writings ) to make any sober man resolue , that the Iesuites haue had their fingers chiefly in this new deuised Arte. And reason may perswade the same to be most likely ; because the Iesuites are an Order consecrated and deuoted from their very first birth to the Popes will , to doe what may serue his turne . For so the Iesuites themselues , who published Sanchez . Morall worke , doe professe in the Epistle Dedicatorie to Pope Gregorie 15. a that their first founder b did make himselfe and his Order or Societie vassals to the Popes commaund , in a new and vnheard of manner . And therefore if the See and State of Rome , did ( as before I shewed ) giue life , and credit and authoritie to this Arte ; then , in reason it must be conceiued that the Iesuites , who by their first institution are created the Popes vassals , to serue at his pleasure , and to doe his will , would be the most forward in the ranke , to vphold and maintaine with all their wit , this deare Childe of the Popes owne breeding . And yet when I conclude that the Iesuits are the most forward , and the men that haue polished this Arte , my meaning is not , either to include all of that Order within this compasse , or to exclude all others not of that Order from it . For first among the Iesuites , Becanus doth disclaime it , as c being not taught by the Iesuites , and vnlawfull to be practised by any . Wherein hee saith well , that it is vnlawfull ; but ill , that it is not taught by the Iesuites . For their Doctrine this way is so cleare , and so open to the view of all men , that Becanus in denying it , must needes either vse the Arte of Equiuocation , which himselfe condemneth , or else tell a flat and downe-right lye , which is not much better . And the like may be noted in the writings of some other Iesuites , who deny and renounce this deuice . But they had best keepe themselues from Rome ; for if they come in the Censors hands , it is to be feared hee will deale with them , as he hath done with their felow S● already ; that is , circūcise their lips , and teach their pens to speake the Roman Language more purely . Secondly , among those that be no Iesuites , wee haue experience and examples good store , of them who haue learned this Arte , and maintained it as stiffely , as the best Iesuite can . In which number , I may place Doctor Norrice , who beeing apprehended in Oxford , denyed himselfe to bee a Priest , and afterward in prison did defend it by this sleight of Equiuocation , and that he maintained to be lawfull , by the example of our blessed Sauiour ; Mar. 13. 32. But of that day & houre knoweth no man , neither the Son , &c. and Ioh. 7. 8. Ego non ascendam , &c. For so he then alledged the place , as Father Persons also doth , against both the Greeke , and their owne approued Latine . In expounding , and applying of which Texts to his purpose , how weakely he behaued himselfe , he may now bee pleased to call to his remembrance : that as he braggeth of his victories ouer other men , so for his humiliation , hee may sometimes call to mind his owne infirmities . And that perhaps may stand his soule in as good stead , as the meritorious forbearing of Equiuocation , when he might lawfully vse it : which ( as Father Persons saith ) may increase his Crowne and merit in heauen . But in earnest , he shall doe well , if in the next edition of his Antidote , he place this question of Equiuocation among the rest of his Controuersies , and tell vs in good sadnes , what , after so many yeeres more , he thinketh of this Point . But in the meane while , the Reader may vnderstand , that Dr. Norrice is not the only man that ioyneth with the Iesuites in the practice and maintenance of this Arte. For in this small Treatise may be seene diuers testimonies for it , out of other Writers . And the secular Priests , though they charge & vpbraid the Iesuites with a nimium , too often and too bold a practice of it , yet themselues doe allow it , euen when they shew greatest opposition against the Iesuites . So Master Watson a speaking of Equiuocation , as a shift which the Iesuites vse ; saith , that though there bee no question to bee made of it , but that in some sense it may bee lawfull , &c. In which place , the sum of that , wherein he sheweth his dissent & dislike of the Iesuites , ( for his owne words are too many to be set down in this place ) is in these two things ▪ First , That the Iesuites doe allow Equiuocation in a case , wherein he thinketh a man is bound to speake the plaine truth . And secondly , that they doe hold , that they may not onely to their Aduersaries ( to Protestants ) but euen also to any Catholike Magistrate , yea to the Pope himselfe , answere one way , and meane another . And to like purpose , the Author of the Replie to Persons Apologie , beeing to answere for D. Bagshaw , whom Persons had reprooued , as denying the doctrine of Equiuocation ; saith , that the Doctor , b no doubt , knoweth in what cases doubtfull answeres and Equiuocations are to be made to curious questions : neither is it to bee thought ( saith he ) that he dissallowed thereof , but onely of the liberty , which is in the Iesuites and their Adherenes , in all their dealings with other men . By which it may appeare , that the difference betweene the Secular Priests and the Iesuites in this point , is not about the equitie & lawfulnes of this Arte , but about the liberty and large scope that the Iesuites take , to practise it among their owne Brethren , and before their owne Magistrates and Superiours , and in all their dealings . And surely , for our owne experience , I cannot learne any thing to the contrarie , but that our Tribunals and places of Iudicature , our Bishops , Iustices , and other Officers , who haue to deale in their Examinations , yea and that our common sort of Christians who conuerse with them , doe find in their experience , that Secular Priests , and ●ale Papists of all sorts , doe iumpe with the Iesuites in the practice of this Arte. Notwithstanding , if any among them , which call themselues Catholikes , doe renounce and disclaime it , as well in deedes as in words ; I am so far from fastening any imputation of disgrace vpon them for this iniquitie of their brethren , as that I wish and pray they may goe on , to forsake and abandon all other the abominations and errors of the Roman Church . But ( to draw toward an end in this Point ) all things considered , my Conclusion commeth to this head ; That this mystery of iniqu●ty spreadeth farre and neere in the Papall Kingdome , hauing receiued authority and countenance from the very Roman See , and finding entertainement and acceptance among all inferiour sorts : but yet the Iesuites are they that haue chiefely polished it , and most boldly practised it ; and among the Iesuites , our English-men ( be it spoken to the credite of our Nation ) doe beare the bell away . And from hence the Reader may see why our Diuines doe vsually ascribe this Doctrine to the Iesuites : and consequently what wee haue to answere to Becanus his question . For a I desire to know ( saith he ) why you call this Arte of deceiuing , Iesuiticall Equiuocation : and our answere is ready ; We call it Iesuiticall , because men of that order , haue beene the chiefe Abettors and polishers of that Arte. CHAP. III. Of the matter or obiect of Equiuocation , or in what cases it is allowed by the Patrons of it . FOr the matter or obiect , about which this Arte may be exercised , F. Persons a seemeth to except two cases , in which they hold it vnlawfull to equiuocate First , In matters of faith : and secondly , in buying and selling , in common conuersation and humane traffique , to the hurt or preiudice of any . But this is but another tricke of his iuggling , by which hee would bleare the eyes of his Reader ; and make the world beleeue that they vse no fraud , either in matters of Religion , or in businesses with their neighboures , so that any body should be hurt or beguiled by them . For first , where he saith , that they may not vse Equiuocation in matters of faith , perhaps in this saying he doth equiuocate with vs ; and meaneth , that we may not so vse Equiuocation , as to deny any point of faith . But that in handling & dealing about matters of faith , it may bee lawfull with them to vse this Arte ; there are good proofes from their own Writings , beside all the experience of their practice . For F. Persons saith , that b in matters of Religion , it belongeth to the faith of the hearer-to seeke out the speakers reseruation for his better assurance . Which is but a sclender comfort to a poore Christian , who had as good seeke a Needle in a bottle of hay , as a reseruation locked vp in an Equiuocators mind : but hence it followeth , that he alloweth Equiuocation in matters of Religion . A-Againe , the same Father Persons telleth vs , that a no man can deny , but many facts and cases may fall out concerning matters of Religion , not tending to Confession ( especially in time of persecution ) wherein a man may , or perhaps also must by obligation vse equiuocall speeches . Here he granteth , that by their principles , it is an vndoubted conclusion , that in cases concerning Religion , a man may equiuocate , so the case be not such , as tendeth to Confession ; 1. as I vnderstand it , if by equiuocating he doe not seeme to deny the Roman faith , which at such times , they hold it necessarie for their Children , without any tergiuersation to confesse . But elsewhere hee vnfoldeth himselfe a little more plainely , when he saith of Equiuocation , b that it may not be vsed in matters of Religion , where Confession of our Faith is required . For this implyeth , that where Confession of faith is not required , there it may be lawfull enough to equiuocate . But euident and cleare it is , that the c Iesuite maketh our blessed Sauiour to equiuocate in sundry matters of Religion , and thence would perswade vs , that by his example , they may doe the like . As for example , hee did equiuocate , when he said of the day of Iudgement , d Of that day and houre knoweth no man , nor the Sonne , &c. And when hee said of himselfe , e I iudge no man : the Iesuite saith , that this speech without a mentall reseruation is false , and cannot stand , for that it should be contrary to many other places of Scripture : and should imply a deniall of Christs office to be our Iudge . He proceedeth to other examples , and telleth vs , that Christ did equiuocate about the Sacrament of Baptisme , when he said , f Hee that shall beleeue , and be baptized , shall be saued : and about eating of the flesh of Christ , g If any man shall eate of this bread , hee shall liue for euer : and about Prayer , when hee said , h If ye shall aske any thing of my Father in my name , he will giue it you . Now the points here spoken of , and others of like nature , in which the Iesuite findeth Equiuocation to haue beene vsed in Scriptures , are , I trow , matters of faith and Religion . And hence it followeth , that Equiuocators must either confesse that they abuse the world in alledging these and such like Texts , to proue and vphold Iesuiticall Equiuocation , which is not there meant ; or that they hold their Equiuocations to be lawfull , and sufficiently warranted , euen in principall matters of Religion , such as are Christs office of iudging , the doctrine of the Sacraments , and prayer in Christs name . In the first place then , when Persons excepteth matters of faith from the practice of Equiuocation , hee mocketh his Reader with generall speeches , when hee meaneth no such thing ; but onely that men may not equiuocate , by denying in words their beliefe of the Roman faith , or some such like . Secondly , where Persons saith that they allow not equiuocation in common conuersation , in buying , &c. it may be obserued that Nauarre , a the famous Reader in Rome , doth highly commend this Equiuocation as a b singular point of Doctrine , by which wee may auoid innumerable sinnes which wee commit by denying and affirming without this mentall reseruation , with which if the words spoken were ioyned , they would become true . This he explaineth and confirmeth thus : c We are asked & demanded euery foot , whither we goe , what we haue eaten , how much money we haue , or haue borrowed , or haue giuen , what letters and newes we haue receiued , what wee haue written and related ; what such or such a man said to vs , what wee know of such or such a one : and many hundred like . To all which ( saith hee ) wee might answere without sinne , d by vnderstanding somewhat in our mindes , which may make that true , which we affirme , and that false , which wee deny : As for example , when a man asketh of vs , money , or a Booke , or newes , &c. if wee answere him , I haue them not , or I know them not ; vnderstanding , e so as I am bound , or , as it is conuenient to doe it , or giue it , or to speake and make is knowne . The like is affirmed by a Emm. Rodriquez , who alledging this determination of Nauarre , and transcribing also some of his words , addeth in the end , to shew how hee esteemed this deuice , b which Doctrine ought to be marked and obserued . And Fernandes c in his Examen saith , that if a man being requested to lend a thing to his neighbour , d haue a cause or reason , why hee will not grant or giue it , &c. hee may sweare by Equiuocation , that he hath not such a thing . And Sanchez , e In common talke ( saith hee ) if a man be asked of a thing which it behooueth him to keepe secret , it is lawfull for him to say , that hee knoweth not , vnderstanding so as that it is expedient to tell it . And Father Persons f also thinketh it most iust and necessary , if a man come to borrow mony , whom we may not deny without inconuenience , that we may then answere equiuocally that wee haue it not ; vnderstanding , with any minde to lend it : or that wee haue it not in our purse , &c. Which instances and examples , if they be not matters of common life and conuersation , I know not where to finde any . But it may be said , that Persons , when he excepteth matters of common conuersation in buying , &c. hee addeth , to the hurt or preiudice of any ; as if hee meant by that restriction , to leaue a libertie of equiuocating , euen in buying and selling , and humane traffique ; so it be without the hurt of any man : but then vtterly to forbid it . And I graunt , hee addeth those words : but I cannot tell , whether he meant the vulgar Reader to conceiue that meaning in them . Howsoeuer , there is a mysterie in those words , which g Nauarre , ( who vseth to deale aboue-boord , and to speake more plainely ) hath vnfolded , when he calleth it , h a reall and vniust hurt or preiudice ; by which hee vnderstandeth such an hurt , as wee may not doe to another , without sinne and iniustice . And then , the meaning of this goodly Exception of Persons , will be this ; that in buying , and selling , and humane traffique , and common conuersation , wee may not equiuocate , if thereby wee doe hurt any man vniustly and vnlawfully : but else , if any of their Catholiques should thinke that the hurt which redoundeth to one of vs , is lawfull and iust , that then they may freely delude vs with their amphibologies and reseruations , in what matter soeuer , and for what end they please , though it were for massacring of an assembly , or for murdering of a Prince , or for blowing vp of a Parliament , or for the inuasion of the Kingdome by hostile and forraine forces . And so by this exception we are well freed from the feare of these deluding and equiuocating spirits . Let vs then dismisse Persons , with his shifting Exceptions and enquire more particularly and directly what the cases be , wherein they doe in sober sadnesse allow their Schollers to vse the benefit of this Art. And for this purpose I finde two things said by them . First , that whensoeuer a man may lawfully keepe silence , and say nothing , or whensoeuer hee is not bound to reueale and lay open the truth , then hee may lawfully equiuocate , and vse this sleight of amphibologie : be it a matter of faith , or a businesse of commerce and traffique , or a poynt of State , or what else you will , it mattereth not to this purpose . For proofe of this , first take the resolution of Father Garnet . He being prisoner in the Tower , and required to declare his opinion concerning this point , set downe his minde in writing , which is yet kept vpon Record : and it was this , a Concerning Equiuocation this is mine ●●pinion . In morall matters and common vse of 〈◊〉 ; to haue among friends it is required of a man to speake truth , then hee may not vse Equiuocation , &c. But as oft as there is occasion for necessary defence , or for auoyding of some iniury or damage , or for obtaining some good of weight or moment , withall the perill of any 〈…〉 Equiuocation 〈…〉 . In which speech , Master Casaubon doth truely note by the way , that those words , without the perill of any man , are onely added for a colour , and to blind the simple with : as I noted the like before , in a like sentence of Father Pers●ns . But the thing that I now note for this purpose , is , that he saith ; In cōmon vse of life , when it is required of a man to speake truth , then it is not lawfull to equiuocate . By which words he implyeth , that where a man is not of duety bound to speake or reueile the truth , there he may obscure & hide it by this Arte. The same Father Garnet , while hee stood at the Barre , in fewer words , and plainer manner explaineth his meaning thus ; a No man may equiuocate when he ought to speake the truth , otherwise he may . To like purpose Fernandes b A man may lawfully vse it also , when he is iustly or lawfully demanded , if hee haue a reasonable cause not to answere according to the meaning of the Demander . And Heissius the Iesuite , c Not onely ( saith hee ) when the question is vniust , but also when it is without fault ; we are many times not bound to answere him that asketh the question , according to his intention and meaning : and that is , whensoeuer the Demander hath not right to command an answere ; and the Demanded hath a sufficient and not idle reason to deny it . For he that , may lawfully hold his pe●ce , ●ay , passing by the things that are asked him , speake some other thing with God , the heauenly Spirits , or with himselfe , either by vocall or mentall speech , or by a mixt , speech , which is partly vocall and partly mentall . In these two last testimonies , the instance is in a particular case , when a man is examined or questioned : but the ground on which they build their determination , is a generall Rule , that whensoeuer a man may lawfully say nothing , then he may lawfully equiuocate , and speake by a mixt Proposition ; as appeareth plainely in the reason of Heissius , now set downe in his owne words . And in a word , Equiuocators say , that if a a man vse Equiuocation with mentall reseruation , he doth not offend against the negatiue Precept , which for , b●ddeth a man to lye ; because , whatsoeuer he speaketh in that maner , is a truth : onely hee may offend against the affirmatiue Precept , if he doe then equiuocate , when he is bound to vtter and reueile the truth . And hence I inferre , that whensoeuer a man may lawfully say nothing , as not being bound to reueile the truth ; then in these mens opinion , he may lawfully speake by Equiuocation . And this is the first thing that they say for this purpose . The second thing is , that b there is iust cause for vsing of Equiuocation , whensoeuer it is necessary or expedient for preseruing of bodily safety , honor , houshold goods , or for any other act of vertue ; so that the hiding of the truth may then be thought to bee expedient and honest . So speaketh Sanchez , meaning this rule of such an Equiuocation as is ioyned with an oath . For else , c if there be no oath vsed , then honest sport vsed for lawfull recreation , may make the vse of Equiuocation lawfull . But if there were an oath added , then it is an euident fault , because of the vaine and indiscreet vsing of Gods Name . So speaketh the same Author not long after . From which words of the Iesuite we may gather two things . 1. That an easie cause may suffice for iustifying of Equiuocall speeches , in a simple assertion without an oath . If there bee no other cause but onely for merriment and recreation , yet that is reason inough to make the vse of Equiuocation lawfull and honest . 2. That when other Equiuocators doe require some kind of necessity or vtility which may draw men to vse it ; they are to be vnderstood of Equiuocation ioyned with an oath , and not when it is vsed in a bare and simple affirmation or negation : vnlesse wee may conceiue , that sport and merriment goeth with them for a matter of necessite or great moment . And indeed , this difference giuen by Father Sanchez , betweene Equiuocation with an oath , and without it , hath reason in it , if we consider their grounds and principles . For in affirmations and negations , there are two things required . 1. That no lye be told : for this is required by the negatiue precept of truth , as they vse to speake . And this fault , as they thinke , they auoide by their arte of Reseruation . And secondly , that men conceale not a truth , when they are bound to disclose it : for this is required by the affirmatiue precept of truth . But in an Oath , besides truth in the speech , there is a third thing required , and that is , that it be vndertaken with iudgement , that is to say , aduisedly and with due discretion . Else , by swearing a truth vnaduisedly , Gods Name may be prophaned . There is reason then for this difference which Sanchez maketh . And now by all this , the Reader may see , that an easie cause is thought sufficient for the vsing of this Arte. If it be for ease of the body , safety of a mans goods , preseruing of his credite , &c. then by their doctrine , a man may equiuocate with an Oath : but if it be for sport and merriment only , yet then it may bee lawfull in affirmations and negations without an Oath : prouided that it be such a case , in which a man may lawfully hold his peace , and bee not bound then to disclose the truth . By this it appeareth in generall , in what cases they allow the vse of this Arte. But for fuller satisfaction of the Reader , and for more distinct conceiuing of their meaning in this point ; it will not bee amisse to point out some speciall and particular Cases , in which they giue expresse leaue for the practising of this sleight . And they be these , and such like . 1 If a Priest , that hath heard another mans Confession , should be demanded , whether such a one had confessed such a sinne vnto him , or not ; — he may answere directly , that hee hath not confessed any such thing vnto him , albeit hee had done so : yea , he may sweare also this answere of his , vnderstanding and reseruing in his minde , that the Penitent hath not confessed the same vnto him , so as he may vtter it . These be Father Persons a words . And hee saith , they be agreeable to the mind of all Schoole-Doctors . 2 b If a Penitent be asked without a iust cause , whether he haue confessed such or such a sinne ( which he had confessed to the Priest ) he may sweare he confessed it not , vnderstanding , so as that he is bound to tell him . So speaketh Sanchez , and citeth others of the same opinion . 3 c If a Iudge do against iustice question a Defendant , and doe not question according to order of Law ; the Defendant may vse Equiuocation , and sweare according to his owne meaning : that is , by a secret reseruation kept in his mind . So saith Tolet. And Sanchez saith the like , d When the Iudge that questioneth , is not the lawfull Iudge of him that is questioned , or is not his Iudge in that peculiar case ; the Defendant may vse Equiuocation . And the like he saith , if the Iudge bee an Excommunicate person . And the like Father Persons doth largely confirme , e When the Iudge is not lawfull , or not competent at least in that cause , or proceedeth not lawfully . In these cases , they thinke that a man questioned before a Magistrate , may vpon his oath , by an equiuocall reseruation , deny that which he knoweth to be true . 4 f If one doe ignorantly kill a man , thinking him to be a wild Beast , ( a Deere for example ) or if he kill a man in his owne defence ; he may being questioned of the fact , denie it vpon his oath . 5 g When an vniust taxe is set vpon a commoditie , if a man sell it for more , or maketh light waight , and scant measure , so that he make himselfe satisfaction for the wrong of the Taxe , and yet sell his commodities worth the moeny ; he being examined by a Iudge , whether he sold the commodity for more , or came short in his waight or measure , hee may deny it , and say , that he sold it for the price that was set him , and that he gaue full waight and measure ; meaning so , as that selling for more , or comming short in his waight or measure , he did commit an offence . 6 a If a man be found slaine , with a Sword lying by him ; and a guiltlesse person should be asked , whether that sword were his , or whether hee passed that way at such an houre , ( which things are true , and are inquired after as signes of that murder , which he committed not ) he may denie it . 7 b If a man haue borrowed money , and paied it againe , and be examined of the Iudge , concerning the money that he borrowed ; he may sweare that he borrowed not that money ; vnderstanding so as that he is now bound to pay it . And so a man may sweare , that he had not such money , which hee did receiue ; if through pouerty he be excused from making payment , or if he should be vrged to pay it , before the day that it is due . 8 c If a Creditor haue money owing him vpon Bond , part whereof is p●yed vnto him , but as much is due vnto him some other way , for which hee hath no Instrument to shew : if he be required before a Iudge , to sweare whether part of that debt were payd him ; he may sweare that it was not paied , vnderstanding , so but that as much is now due to him , some other way . 9. d If a man be forced to promise marriage to a woman , whom otherwise he is not bound to marrie [ the meaning is , if he be vrged and pressed by a Iudge against reason , to make that promise ] he may sweare , that hee will marry her , though hee meane it not , vnderstanding within himselfe , If I be bound to doe so , or , if afterward I shall like of it . 10 a If a Woman , that hath played the whore , bee asked by her husband , whether she haue committed adultery , shee may sweare that she hath not done it , vnderstanding within her selfe , so as I may or meane to tell you of it . 11 b If a man haue contracted himselfe to a woman , and afterward make another contract with another , by words de praesenti : and being called before the Bishop , and there asked , whether he made such a contract de praesenti with this later woman , he may sweare hee did not , vnderstanding , so as that it is a marriage . 12 c If a man bee requested to lend money , when hee is not bound to lend it , though he haue the money by him , yet he may sweare that he hath it not , vnderstanding within himselfe , so as that he will lend it him . 13 d If a man come from London in a time of Infection , to Couentrie , were he cannot be admitted to ledge , vnlesse he will sweare , that he came not lately from London ; hee may sweare that he came not from London , reseruing in his mind , so as that I am infected with the plague , if vpon good reason he thinke that he is not infected . 14 e If a man in common talke bee asked of any matter which it behooueth him to keepe secret , he may lawfully say , that he knoweth not , vnderstanding , so as it is behoouefull to tell it : or with any other reseruation that he will imagine . Lastly , a If he that asketh the question , doe exclude the vse of Equiuocation , and require a man vpon his oath not to vse any Equiuocation , and that he meaneth what he speaketh without any Equiuocation at all ( as it is in the Oath of Allegiance ) yet he may sweare it still , vnderstanding , so as he ought to speake plainely ; or framing some other reseruation in his mind , by which it may be made true . These and such like be the cases , in which they allow their Equiuocating fraudes . I could adde more , but I feare I haue wearied the Reader by too many already . Surely , by this that hath beene said , we may learne two things , which it is requisite all plaine-meaning Christians should take notice of . 1 That Equiuocators , and such as are instructed in this Arte , doe take vnto themselues a large liberty of vsing this fraudulent deuice . For out of the premises it may appeare , that whatsoeuer busines or occasiō be offered , be the matter sacred or ciuill , publike or priuate , in open Courts of Iustice , or in common practice of life ; yet if they can perswade themselues that they haue any serious cause to conceale the truth , whether it be for some good to their soules , or for safety of their bodies , or keeping of their goods , &c. they may freely sweare the contrary to that truth , by an Equiuocall or mentall reseruation . And if they haue any light cause or reason , if it be but for sport or merriment to recreate themselues , then they may deceiue vs by an Equiuocation , in a simple affirmation or negation , hauing no Oath in it . And this being so , I desire euery Christian , that would not be deceiued , to consider with himselfe , whether he can thinke of any busines that passeth between man and man , in which hee may promise to himselfe plaine dealing , or may presume that he shall not bee deceiued by some mortall deuice or other , if hee haue to doe with them , who doe professe this Equouicating Arte. Secondly , we may learne , that there is no limitation , or exception , or explication , be it neuer so wise or wary , nor any thing which mans wit can deuise , that may restraine or keepe backe these Equiuocators , from deluding vs by their equiuocall speeches ; but that say or doe what a man will or can , they will take libertie to equiuocate still : so that no Oathes , how warily and carefully soeuer they be framed , can hold these men , further then themselues will. a Pacenius discoursing of the Oath of Allegiance , laugheth at the simplicitie ( as hee calleth it ) of our King and State , who thought by that Oath to prouide for their safetie : as hauing hedged it about with so many circumstances , as that , to their thinking , no man could winde himselfe out of it with a safe conscience . But they consider not ( saith hee ) that if the Pope shall dissolue this Oath , al the bands of it , either for performance of fidelitie to the King , or for not admitting a dispensation from Rome , are shattered in pieces . Nay , I will say one other thing ( saith hee ) that is more admirable . An vniust Oath , when it is declared to be such , bindeth no man : but that this Oath is vniust , hath beene sufficiently declared by the Pastor of the Church . Hee meaneth the Pope . And hereupon hee inferreth in an insulting manner ; b Thou seest now ( saith hee ) that the band of that Oath is v●nished into smoak , so that the 〈◊〉 which so many wise men thought to be as strong as Iron , proueth weaker then straw . Thus this man boasteth , that by the Popes dispensation , or declaration of the vnlawfulnesse of it , no Oath in the world is any thing worth . A great priuiledge sure for them , that can so easily winde themselues out of bands , euen the strongest that can be thought of , among men . And yet me thinketh , aliud admirabilius , the Equiuocators haue found a more admirable deuice then this of Pacenius is . For he sendeth a man to Rome , to fetch a dispensation thence , or to get the Popes declaration of the vnlawfulnesse of the Oath , and then they may breake all . But our Equiuocators haue that at home , and within their own brests , that may free them from all . For if themselues doe but thinke that the thing is vnlawfull , or that they haue some reasonable cause , to dissemble , they may take this or any other Oath whatsoeuer , and by an equiuocall reseruation , breake the band of that Oath , before they take it . And if such be the priuiledges of these men , how great is their danger , that liue and conuerse with them ? God preserue all well-meaning men from such deceitfull tongues . CHAP. IIII. Of the vse , or rather abuse of Equiuocation , and for what turnes it may serue . EQuiuocation , such as hath beene described before , may be beneficiall to them that vse it many wayes , and for diuers purposes . For in the generall it may serue them for all turnes , in which by mis-leading the Hearer , they may make any aduantage to themselues : and more particularly it may serue them for these speciall ends and purposes . First , in State-businesses , and matters of policie , it may serue great men , to hide their plots , and to worke their ends by : and yet to make faire weather towards all men , and beate them in hand that they meane nothing but friendship and loue . In this kinde a Nauarre telleth vs of a great Monarch , who hee thought had vsed , and did then vse this good art ( as he calleth it ) by the benefit whereof , euery man was contented and pleased , that came to him , or had to deale with him about great affaires . b For ( saith he ) hee is thought so to entertaine and to heare those that come vnto him , and in answering , so to expresse and declare himselfe vnto them with whom hee hath to deale , as well by gesture , as by words and deedes , that the things being vnderstood according to their meaning , doe please and content them● , though in themselues they be false , but are true according to the reseruations vnderstood by the Answerer . The same Nauarre addeth further , c that he thinketh another great Monarch meant to teach his sonne d this doctrine and good arte of Equiuocating , when for some secret defect , hee drew him backe from the studie of learning , saying , I would not haue my sonne to haue any more Latine , then onely that one Apophe he giue , * Qui deseit dissimulare , nescit regnare . Doe they thus instruct their Catholique Princes , to dissemble and equiuocate ? and call they it a good Arte , by which they may possesse men with a good opinion of them , when they meane quite otherwise ; that so they may worke their ends , and bring about their proiects and plots ? Why , then I neede not feare to say , that one turne , for which the Doctrine of Equiuocation doth serue them , is in State businesses to hide their plots , and to worke their ends by it . Which as it is aduantagious to themselues , so it is dangerous for those that haue to deale with them . Secondly , It may serue them , for a meanes to hide their mischieuous plots against the State and Religion , and yet to escape the hand of iustice after all . For when they haue plotted and acted Treasons , or are about any vnlawfull businesse , forbidden by the wholesome Lawes of the Kingdome ; Equiuocation serueth to hide both themselues and their Associats , from the enquiry of the Magistrate , be hee neuer so vigilant and carefull . For if one of them be examined or asked , whether hee haue reconciled such a man to the Pope , or absolued such a subiect from his bond of Allegiance , or haue conspired against the life of the King , or haue beene acquainted with a plot of blowing vp the Parliament ; though all these things be most true , yet hee may without scruple deny them all vpon his Oath . Or in case one be detected otherwise , and examined , who were his Associats , whether such a Priest , or such a Iesuite , or such a Gentleman were priuy to the thing ; though these men were all of them as deepe in the villany , as himselfe ; yet he may sweare that none of them all did know the least iote of the matter . And by these trickes they can worke all mischiefe to Kings , and Nobles , and People , and Parliaments ; and yet wind themselues and their complices out of the hands of iustice ; vnlesse God doe disclose them , as many times he doth beyond the prouidence or expectation of man. For rather then Treasons should goe vnespied , God maketh a the Bird of the ayre to carry the voyce , and that which hath wings to tell the matter ; saith Salomon . This vse southwell the Iesuite made of this Arte. For , fearing to be detected , b hee instructed a Woman-Disciple of his , that if shee should be examined , whether himselfe were or had beene in that house , shee should vpon her oath vtterly deny it ; and so shee might safely doe , vsing but the helpe of this Arte , though shee had often seene him there , and knew him to be in the house . And to like purpose c Tresham , one of the Gun-powder Traitors , vpon examination did confesse that Father Garnet was priuy to the Treason , and had talked with him about it : but afterward , hauing been better instructed or confirmed in this rare mystery , when he lay sicke on his death-bed , and not aboue three or foure houres before his death , hee protested , and tooke it vpon his Saluation , and set it downe vnder his hand , that his former Confession was false , and that hee had not seene Garnet of sixteene yeeres space before , at the least . And thus hee died . Which protestation of his , vpon his oath , was proued not long after , to be most vntrue . Yea , and Garnet himselfe confessed , that within that space hee had seene him many times . Whereupon this graue Father , and grand Equiuocator being demanded what he then thought of Treshams Testamentall protestation , hee answered , a It may be hee meant to equiuocate . And this reuerend Father himselfe , who was Prouinciall of the Iesuits , when after secret conference betweene him and Hall , another Iesuite in the Tower , hee was asked before all the Lords Commissioners , whether Hall and hee had any conference together , and was desired not to equiuocate ; hee stiffely denied it vpon his Soule , reiterating it with so many detestable execrations , as wounded their hearts to heare him . And afterward , when he knew that the thing was knowne , and that Hall his fellow-Iesuite had confessed it ; hee cryed the Lords mercie , and said hee had offended , if Equiuocation did not helpe him . And though the Priests accuse the Iesuites for it , yet when they are examined before a Magistrate , or Officer , they also say and sweare and protest all maner of falshoods and vntruths , that so they may winde either their fellowes or themselues out of the danger of the Law. And indeede this is the chiefe and principall turne , for which Equiuocation is intended to serue them . Thirdly , In matters of Religion this good Art may serue them to auoide arguments and euident reasons brought against them , which their owne consciences doe acknowledge to be true . For hereby they can glosse the Fathers sayings against their meaning , and deny all sorts of authorities that are alledged against them . For so themselues professe to their friends in secret , a Seeing ( say the Belgicke Censurers ) in other ancient Catholiques , wee beare with very many errours , and doe lessen and excuse them , and very often by some deuised shift doe deny them , and feine vnto them some commodious meaning , when they be obiected against vs in disputations and conflicts with the aduersaries : wee see no reason why Bertram may not deserue the like equitie or fauourable dealing , and diligent reuising . This they professe among their friends ( for their meaning was not that euer it should come to our sight : ) and being that they hold all lying to be so sinfull , that they may not tell a lye for the sauing of a soule , it were too hard a censure to thinke , that against the light of their owne consciences , they would so wilfully thrust themselues on that danger , and so boldly professe it in the eares of their friends . But by this fine Arte they can quiet the murmuring of their consciences , because by it , they can say any thing , neuer so false , and yet by a reseruation , make it as true as the Gospell . This consideration maketh mee not to maruell , when in men , that professe such religious strictnesse , ( as Father Persons b saith they doe , ) I finde such broad and vnreasonable expositions and glosses of Fathers and other Writers , as that no man of vnderstanding who readeth the places , but will see , that the glosse doth corrupt the Text , and the expositions doe clearely depraue the Authors meaning . For I know that an Equiuocator hath an Arte , by which hee can make all speeches to become true , if once they doe but come forth of his mouth . Fourthly , It may serue them for deuising and counterfeiting of strange apparitions , and heauenly visions , and diuine miracles . This , how frequent it hath beene heretofore , the wisest and most learned among their owne Writers doe confesse and bewaile . And of late yeeres their owne c Brethren doe say , that the miracles and visions reported of d Ignatius , and e Iustinian and f Xauier , and others of the Iesuiticall straine and order , are not much better . And what should let vs to thinke , but they which presume so much in other things , in ordine ad Deum , and pro bono societatis , in reference to God , and for the good of their Order ; would not sticke to fitte● and faine and tell of glorious facts , and admirable wonders which were neuer done , and make faire shewes without substance , if these may helpe to aduance the papall dignitie , or the Iesuiticall order , especially seeing they know how to say and write and sweare any thing for so great a good , without the least grudge of conscience ? Fiftly , It may serue them for forging and diuulging of false , especially slanderous reports against their aduersaries and enemies of their profession . A thing so generally and so boldly practised by the men of this faction , especially by the Fathers of Ignatius his Order , that g wise men haue much wondred , when in such politique persons as Iesuites are , they haue seene and obserued such a strange liberty in coyning of forged tales , as that the vntruthes which they haue broached , might well be called splendida mendacia , transparent lyes , such as by their owne light bewray themselues , or such as within a few dayes might and haue appeared to the world to be loude and lewd lyes , that might shame their Master . And wee might well wonder , if we knew not the Iesuites new Arte , that men of any either conscience or honest minde , could let passe out of their mouthes , or from their pens , such shamefull and yet shamelesse fictions . For example ( to giue the Reader a taste of their forgeries and lying slanders ) Luther was a great mawle , that battered their Babel ; and of him they reported , and printed it too , that hee was dead and buried , which was no great wonder : but ( that which was worth the straining of their wits ) when hee lay a dying , hee tooke order , that his bodie should be layed on the Altar , and adored as a God. And when hee was dead , and buried , that there was such a terrible noyse and tumult about his graue , as if heauen and earth had gone together . And the night after his buriall , that there was a much greater and more hideous noyse and shricking then before . And when , vpon the occasion of this fearefull noyse , which frighted all the Citizens out of their sleepe , his graue was opened the next day , there was neither bodie , nor bones , nor graue-clothes to be seene ; but so hellish a stinke came out of his graue , as with the poyson of it , it had almost killed the standers by . And all this while Luther was aliue , and did helpe to demolish their Babel still ; and not long after the same time , published a book in print , & gaue it this title , Contra Papatū à diabolo institutum , Against the Papacie sounded by the Deuill . This story if any man be desirous to see , he may read Melch. Adamus , in the booke which he wrote of the liues of German Diuines . a Where he may also reade the words of the lying Relation , printed by them in Italian , and afterward translated into Latine . After this practice against Luther , they fell vpon Caluin , the wounds of whose pen were deepe in their sides ; and of him they scattered this newes in the Courts of the German Princes , and in a generall Assembly in Germany , that Caluin now was weary of his Religion , had reuolted , and was turned Papist . And at this very time , was hee printing his booke of Institutions : and in a b Preface prefixed before this booke , doth make answere to this slander , and telleth these lying Spirits , c The Deuill and all his rowt of lying spirits are deceiued , if they thinke by lading me with base lyes , to discourage or hinder mee in my course . In like manner , but with more shamelesse impudency , they afterward traduced Beza . Of whom there were not onely false reports scattered through Italie , Germany , & other Countries , but letters also were written & diuulged to this purpose ; That Beza a a little before his death had recanted his Religion in a ful Assembly of the Senators of Geneua , beseeching them that if euer they would be saued , they should renounce Caluins errours , and betake themselues to the profession of the Romish faith ; that for more full testification of his vnfained Conuersion , after his death hee desired them to send for and to be aduised and directed by the Iesuites ; that hereupon the Pope had appointed the Bishop of Geneua to absolue Beza , and other learned men , such as could be had neere at hand , to goe to Geneua , and consider of the businesse , and deale with the Inhabitants , if any were more backeward , about points and Articles of Religion in question . After which Relation , the Reporter addeth , that this newes is most certaine and true ; as may appeare by the numberlesse company of letters written to this purpose , and will ( as hee saith ) appeare at the next Franckford Mart , by the store of Bookes which would then flye abroad in the World , for the witnessing of this thing . Hee yet goeth on further , and for more abundant proofe , telleth vs , that Puteanus , the Generall of the Iesuites , who liued within twelue miles of Geneua , had by writing related this newes , adding moreouer , that himselfe was one of those Fathers , whom the Pope had appointed to goe and instruct the Citizens of Geneua . Yea , and moreouer , saith the Relator , the Landgraue of Hessen , being scared with this newes , sent messengers to Geneua , who after their returne confirmed all this to be true . This they reported of Beza ; without either fear of God or reuerence of men . For all this while Beza was aliue ; and continued preaching and writing against the superstitions and idolatries of the Romane Church , for diuers yeeres after . And for the clearer detection of this shamelesse lye , he wrote a Booke , the title whereof is Beza rediuiuus , Beza returned to life againe : Wherein he hath laid open the Iesuites forgeries , to the shame of their Order . I could bring more instances of their abominable forgeries of this kinde , but I am afraide to cloy the Reader with such vnsauoury fictions . Yet two examples there are , ( both within mine owne knowledge and experience ) which I cannot omit , without some short rehearsall . The one is , of the famous Diuine , Doctor Rainolds , President of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford : and the other , of the worthy Prelate Doctor King , Bishop of London , my euer-honoured Lord. Of the former , some well-willers to the Romane-Church , were discouered to haue diuulged reports , in the time of his long sicknesse , ( for hee died of a lingring consumption ) that hee voyded his owne Ordure vpward by the mouth : ( of which lye what construction ill mindes would frame , any man may easily conceiue . ) This report was brought to him while he was yet aliue , which made him to send for the partie , who was said to be the author , or at least a reporter of this forgerie , and shewed him what the matter was , that hee vsed to spit out of his mouth , euen the very same that other such sicke men vse to doe . But these lyers might haue proceeded perhaps to fowler fictions , had they not beene preuented by the timely prouidence of some learned , and his louing and religious friends . For they remembring and considering the shamelesse practices of Papists , in scattering false newes to disgrace the Worthies of our Church , came to him the day before his death , put him in minde of their false dealing , and desired him , that for the preuenting of such slanders after his death , hee would now make an open confession of his faith , and constant beliefe . Which he being not able to doe with his owne mouth , his speech hauing fayled him some dayes before , left the composing of a forme of Confession to them , to which hee would subscribe . And they considering his weakenesse , framed it in generall and few words , in this manner ▪ These are to witnesse vnto all the world , that now in this my weakenesse , wherein I looke for my dissolution , and hope shortly to be with my Christ , I die in a constant beliefe , perswasion , and profession of that holy truth of God , in defence whereof I haue stood both by writing and speaking , against the Church of Rome , and what soeuer other Enemies of Gods truth . And for mine owne resolution touching mine owne state of Saluation after this life , I assure my selfe thereof , by the merits of Christ Iesus onely , into whose hands I commend my spirit , as vnto my faithfull Redeemer . To this he readily subscribed with his owne hand ; Iohn Rainolds . And his friends then present , who had beene eye-witnesses and eare-witnesses of the whole passage of this businesse , did by their hands witnesse the truth of the act to the world , in these words : That hee made this Subscription with his owne hand , with such willingnesse and chearefulnesse , as ministred great comfort vnto vs , who were then present ; wee testifie by this subscription of our names also hereunto . May 20. 1607. Henrie Airay Vice-Chancelor . Henrie Wilkinson . Edward Rilston . Richard Taylor . Henrie Hindle . Daniel Faireclough . Henrie Mason . Alexander How. Iohn Dewhurst . The Originall hereof signed with Doctor Rainolds owne hand , and subscribed by the afore-named parties , I haue in my custodie : out of which this is a true and faithfull Transcript here published . Now blessed be his counsell , and blessed be hee of the Lord , that gaue this aduise for the stopping of these slandrous mouthes . For had not this preuention beene vsed afore-hand , we may feare that such as belied him in his sicknesse , would not haue spared him after his death . And for want of some such prouidence and preuention it is , that that Reuerend and learned Prelate , ( whose memory is precious with all good men that knew him ) our late Bishop of Lo●don I meane , mine euer-honoured Lord and Patrone : for want , I say , of some such prouidence afore-hand , this glorious Soule hath beene traduced by worthlesse pennes , and foule-mouthed fiends ( the indignitie of the thing maketh mee , against my nature and custome , to giue them that name whereof they are most worthy ) as if hee had made defection to the Roman Church ; to whose errours notwithstanding he shewed himselfe an Enemy to his dying-day : as those that knew him inwardly , doe know very well , how in the very time of his sicknesse , hee spared not vpon occasion to expresse his zeale that way . But of all foule-mouthes , that haue slandered that blessed Soule , hee that wrote the Bishop of Londons Legacie , is the most shamelesse and impudent lier . The Author of the Protestants plea is but a milke-sop to this noble Champion : and Father Persons himselfe must now be forced to resigne vp to him the Whetstone , which his secular Brethren bestowed vpon him for his excellency in the fittening Trade . For they and other of their fellowes , haue played their prizes well : but this L●yer excelleth them all . He hath made two publications of one indiuiduall Booke , qualifying , or rather destroying in the latter , some transparent lyes , which with an Whores forehead , and without regard of the Worlds censure , hee had auerred in the former . For , in the yeere 1622. when hee first diuulged this Libell , he made the worthy Bishop to speake those silly Motiues , which his worthlesse selfe ●ad deuised . And so hee went masked vnder the Bishops name : but with such difformitie and disproportion euery way , as made mee remember the Asse in the Fable ; which presuming to weare the Lyons skinne , did by his long eares bewray himselfe to be an Asse notwithstanding . He saith , that the Bishop himselfe did penne those Motiues , and deliuered them to this Publisher , this publique Lyer , to be committed to the Presse . I would the world were worthy to vnderstand what rare man this is , that had such inward acquaintance with that learned and wise Bishop , as to heare from him the secrets of his heart , and to receiue from him the studied Reasons of his Conuersion , which were neuer made knowne to any bodie else . And sure , it were a great honour to see that face , that could come and goe , and conuerse with the Bishop about these weightie affaires , and in this serious manner , without being once seene of any other man ; as if by the vertue of some Gyges his Ring , he had bin transformed into an inuisible Spirit . But he goeth on , and saith that the man is knowne that reconciled the Bishop to the Romane Church . But it is to be feared , he will neuer make knowne the mans name to the world , lest if the Reconciler should proue more shamefaste , then this Publisher is , hee might returne the lye vpon the Author that deuised it , and spit his shame in his owne face . And yet say , hee both can and will name the man , what great mastery is in this ? or what great credit might such a circumstance , comming from an Equiuocator , gaine to his cause ? For did not Puteanus the Prouinciall of the Iaesuites , name the man that reconciled Beza to their Church ? Yes ▪ He said expressely ( not with Ifs and And 's , as this Publisher doth ) that the man was the Bishop of Geneua . And did hee not name beside , both the man that was sent to catechize the Citizens of Geneua in the Romane Faith ; and the man that sent messengers to enquire of this news in Geneua , & found it to be true ? Yes . For , for the one ▪ he nameth himselfe , who among others , was going to Geneua to instruct them . And for the other , hee nameth the Lantgraue of Hessen , who was a Prince not farre off , and knew the vndoubted truth of this newes . Iesuites and Equiuocators are ashamed of nothing . And yet , I would we might be so much beholding to this Publisher , as to publish the Reconcilers name , that performed so great a worke for this great man. To this purpose this publike Lyer spake in the first publication of his Booke ; which not long after was suppressed and kept from the view of the world . I suppose , some of his Superiours more wary then himselfe , being ashamed of such shining lyes , did call in the Booke , till some kinde of qualification might temper those shamelesse and hideons vntruths . And then in the yeere following 1623. hee made a new publication of the same worthy Worke , changing onely the Title-leafe , and the Preface to the Reader . And in this second publication , hee is contented to owne his owne abortiue Brat , which in the former hee had without shame fathered vpon the worthy Bishop : and wisheth that himselfe may be taken to haue written those motiues , as a precedent or patterne warranting any Protestant in the change of his Religion , though by a Poeticall freedome peculiarly applyed to the Bishop . And whereas throughout the whole Booke , hee maketh the Bishop speake what himselfe had forged ; hee now giueth his Reader leaue with his full consent and allowance , to suppose all these passages to be fictiones personarum , and warranted by the figure Prosopopeia , that is , a fiction of the Person . It were some signe of grace , if he had acknowledged the whole fiction , as hee doth this part of it . But he goeth on still : and euen in the new altered Preface , or Aduertisement to the Reader , hee accuseth the Bishop of defection from his Religion ; and by a figuratiue kinde of Pre●er●tion , hee spareth pere●●p●orily to affirme , that the Bishop did write and deliuer to others any Reasons or Motiues of his change in Religion . In which speech , this Slanderer would haue his Reader to vnderstand that , which himselfe dareth not speake ; that when it shall appeare to be a shamelesse forgery , hee may wipe his mouth with the Whore in the Prouerbes , and say , that hee said it not . But , foule-mouth , if thou hast any thing to say , spit out : and labour to giue some satisfaction to the World , to auoid the euidence of coozening the liuing , and slandering the dead . For know , that the World already is possessed with this opinion , that thou must needes be some ignorant Iesuite ▪ ( for none else can be imagined to be so Bayardly bold . ) And if now thou forbeare to produce some proofe , or some probabilitie , or some possibility , how these things might be ; wee shall resolue vpon it , that Persons his ghost is risen from the dead , and hath brought with him seuen other spirits worse and more lying then himselfe ▪ and that that is the reason , why such vast and shamelesse Forgeries doe shew themselues in this man. But I leaue this Lyer for this time : and humbly pray the Worthies of our Church , that they would take these things into their consideration : and as men that deale with Thornes , doe fence their hands with thicke Gloues ; so seeing they doe liue , and must die in the middest of such slanderous Tongues , they would arme themselues against such malice , by an open profession of their Faith , at such times especially as they are ready to leaue the World ; lest they may be slandered after their deaths , when they will want libertie to defend themselues . But heere I stay my course . For I perceiue I haue in part digressed already ; and yet not so , as that I am gone from the matter in hand . For I was saying , that Equiuocation did serue the Masters of it for this turne among others ; that by it they might without scruple of cons●lence , defame and belye the Worthies of our Church , that so they might gaine the more credit to their owne . Now how they vse to defame our learned men , I haue declared fully by this digression , if the Reader will so esteeme it : and what vse Equiuocation may stand them in this practice , will not be hard for any man to conceiue . For a wonder it might seeme , that men of any religion or conscience , should endure themselues , while they broach such broad-faced lyes . But the Arte of Equiuocation will presently remoue all such scruple or grudge . For it teacheth how to speake all vntruths , without telling of the least lye : and so the Equiuocator needeth not to haue any scruple in that respect . And this doubt being once remoued , there can be no further let to hinder their proceeding . For , what though the Heretiques complaine of wrong and iniustice done to them in their good name ? that skilleth not . For , in ordine ad Deum , and pro bono Societatis , that is lawfull enough , or rather very meritorious . For the a Seculars tell vs , that when a Priest complained to the Iesuites , or some one among them , of wrong done to Master Bennet by their defamation , reply was made , that it was necessary or conuenient hee should be disgraced , because hee was against their Societie . Where the Author or Authors of that Booke adde further , that the Iesuites hold such deuillish Principles , whereby they may at pleasure defame whom they please . And if they take such libertie of Conscience against their own Catholique Brethren ; they will out of question make no bones to slander and disgrace an Heretique . This then is one turne among the rest , and it is a speciall one and of great vse for their purpose , that by this Arte of Equiuocating , they can defame and disgrace , and ( as we plaine-dealers doe call it ) belye whom they will , without any offence or grudge of conscience . Sixtly , In ordinary dealings and course of life , Equiuocation may serue them , for concealing of any truth , or perswading of any vntruth , if either of them may make for their aduantage . So a Nauarre telleth vs , that if wee be asked what wee haue eaten , how much money wee haue , what wee haue heard , &c. In these and all such cases as these , if there be aduantage to be gotten by it , we may by this fine Arte , conceale the truth , or speake an vntruth , so as by subintell●ction ▪ or a mentall reseruation , wee make vp the matter . And the b Seculars tell vs , that the Iesuites make Equiuocation to serue their turnes so frequently in this kinde , as , that their owne Catholique Brethren ; nay , their fellow - Priests can scarce tell when they speake sincerely , when otherwise . They might haue added , no nor their holy Father the Pope neither . For , Father Standish coozened and deluded him also , by Equiuocation , thereby to oppresse the Secular Priests ; as c they complaine in diuers places of their Bookes . And if this Arte can serue for this turne , when they deale with his Holinesse himselfe ; no maruell if they make the same vse of it , whensoeuer they haue to deale with 〈…〉 enemies of their R●ligion : as Father 〈…〉 who d giuing his Faith , in verbo 〈…〉 prisoner to the Knight-Marshall , yet did 〈…〉 word and that Oath . But the good Father ( say his Secular Brethren ) had perhaps some mentall 〈◊〉 ▪ wherewith to rescue his Soule , at least from remorse , though not from the Deuill . As for example , as hee was in that minde hee would be true prisoner , or for any thing the Keeper should know to the contrary , till hee were escaped ; or that hee meant not to runne away on his head , but on his feete ; or that hee would not breake away so long as the Knight-Marshall or his Deputie stood by and looked on ; or that hee wo●ld not breake away as a Priest , but is a Iesuite ; or that hee would not 〈◊〉 with a minde euer to come againe with his will 〈◊〉 that null● fides s●uanda Haereticis ; or , how many Ors might I make vpon this point ? saith the Author of that Booke . But the point is plaine , and as well proued to be true , of all sorts , as heere it is affirmed of the Iesuites ; though I will not denie these Fathers the precedencie in this practice . Equiuocation then serueth for many singular turnes , and for vses of great consequence and moment : and therefore it is no maruell that they doe so hugge and embrace it , as a dearling of great worth . CHAP. V. Of the Grounds and Arguments , either for or against Equiuocation . IN setting down the Reasons on either side , I shall not neede to be long ; because I haue beene large already in vn●olding the nature and conditions of this Art , in the points hitherto spoken of : and the discouery of such a monstrous deuice is argumēt inough to disproue it . It may then be sufficient for this place , first , to answere the chiefe Arguments , which are brought in defence of it ; and then in the second place , to set downe some fewe Reasons , that may refute it . And first , for their Arguments , they are many in particular ; for Father Persons findeth 8 or 9 at least , in one piece of a Chapter : & how many then might he haue found , if he had sought all the Chapters of the Bible , in the like maner ? But the Wren hath moe birds then the Eagle : and errors doe more vsually abound with their rotten proofes , then Truths doe with sound and substantiall Reasons . And it is no maruell . For a false Conclusion hath no direct or good proofe at all : and Cauils and impertinent flourishes for euery thing , may bee infinite and without number . And so it is in this case . For such proofes , as the 8 or 9 are , which Father Persons findeth in one Chapter , he might haue found 8 or 900 in the compasse of the Bible . But howsoeuer the particular allegations be so many ; yet all of them may easily be reduced to some few heads : and so many of them together may be cut off at one blowe . The Heads then , to which the substance of all that they say , may be reduced , are these three . 1. Examples of holy men . 2. Examples of God himselfe . And 3. Examples of Iesus Christ our blessed 〈◊〉 . And first , for Examples of holy men , they being in , the Patriarches and Prophets , and other Saints of God. For Abraham , say they , did equiuoca●e , when he said of Sarah , that she was his Sister : and 〈◊〉 , when hee said , I am thy first-borne Esau● and Moses , when he said to Pharaoh , that they would 〈…〉 the Wildernes , but meant to go to 〈◊〉 and Samuel , when he said , he went to offer 〈◊〉 , but principally intēded to annoint Dauid to be King of Israel : and Dauid , when he told Ahimelech ▪ The King 〈…〉 a businesse , &c. and Ieremie , when ●o question of the Nobles , who demanded of him , What saidst thou to the King , &c. He answered , I presented my supplication to the King , that he would not cause me to returne to Ionathans house , to 〈◊〉 there : whereas hee talked with 〈◊〉 , concerning his yeelding vp to the King of Babylon . For answere to these and the like , I note 〈◊〉 things , by way of preamble . 1. That the old Hereticks , th● Priscillianists , who defended the lawfulnesse of 〈◊〉 , as now the Papists doe of Equi●●cating , did alledge 〈◊〉 same places and examples , at least m●ny of them , for proofe of their heresie ; which our Iesuites doe for confirmation of their opinion . And they had better shew of reason then these men haue ; for diuers of those Instances were either direct and culpable vntruthes , or seemed at least to border too neere vpon such obliquity : but as for this new found Equiuocation by mentall reseruation , it hath no shew nor semblance of probability , to be gathered from them . 2. That neither S. Augustin , who most diligently confuted those Heretikes , nor any other ancient Writer , for answering of these obiections , did euer flee to this Arte of Equiuocation ; or once say , that those Fathers and holy men did not lye in any of those speeches , for that they spoke the truth by a mentall reseruation . Which answere , if it had bin true , had beene most pertinent and easie ; as our late , Equiuocators doe not only confesse , but bragge of it too . For a Nauarre saith ; that from his doctrine of Equiuocatiō , there ariseth , or may bee gathered , nouus modus excusandi à mendacio Patriarchas , a new way to excuse the Pa●riarches from lying . Where , when he saith that it is a new way , he acknowledgeth that it was not knowne to St. Augustin , or those other Worthies , who in former times did beate downe these Errours of the Heretikes . And when he saith , that this way ariseth out of his doctrine , he intimateth , that if the Fathers had knowne this , they might easily haue answered the Priscillianists , by interpreting those Texts after his new way . Now from hence it followeth , that the Ancients did not vnderstand these passages of Scripture , as making any thing for Equiuocation . And therefore , when Equiuocators alledge S. Augustin , and some others of the Fathers , for their interpretation , they abuse both their Readers , and the ancient Fathers . These things being first noted , I come to giue a more direct answere to the obiections ; and it is this ; As they affirme , so I deny , that these or any of these sayings alledged , were meant , or are to bee vnderstood and construed with any Equiuocall reseruation . Yes , say they , that they are . For if they bee not so construed , they are apparent lyes , which may not be supposed of those holy men . Answ. 1. If they be not vnderstood and made true by mentall reseruation , they are apparent Lyes , say they . If this doe not follow , then our Equiuocators doe great wrong to those ancient Worthies . And plaine it is , for diuers of them , that they doe so . For when Abraham said of Sarah , She is my Sister ; and when Moses said to Pharaoh , We must goe three dayes &c. and when Samuel said to the Elders of Bethleem , I am come to sacrifice vnto the Lord — ; and when Ieremie said , I presented my supplication &c. these speeches were all of them true , in the words as they lye , and according to the common acception and meaning of them . And therefore there is in them no Iesuiticall Equiuocation , in which the words are false , till a secret thought doth make them true . And in this sence , and to this purpose , Abraham doth interpret his owne meaning , and explaine his words . For when Abimelech challenged him for concealing his wife , and asked , What sawest thou , that thou hast done this thing ? he answered for himselfe , Because I thought , Surely , the feare of God is not its this place , &c. and yet indeed she is my Sister ; she is the daughter of my Father , but not the daughter of my Mother . In which answere we may note three things . 1. He sheweth the reason which moued him to conceale her to be his wife ; Because I thought the feare of God , &c. 2 He defendeth his speech to be true as the words doe sound ; and yet indeed she is my Sister . q. d. That which I said is very true . And hereby it appeareth , that Abraham did not equiuocate ; because Abrahams words in their vsuall signification , and as they were vttered by him , were true : but the words of an Equiuocator , as they are vttered , are false , till an inward reseruation do patch them vp , and make a truth of them . And it further hereby appeareth also , that F. Persons did not only belye Abraham , but Almighty God himselfe , when he saith , that a both Abraham and Sarah said , that shee was not his Wife , but his Sister : and that this was one among diuers sayings and speeches in Scripture allowed by the Holy Ghost . Thirdly , Abraham explaineth his words , or rather sheweth how they were true and vnfaigned , and that is , because she b was his neere kinswoman on the Fathers side , and such women in the vsuall language of those Countries , were called their Sisters . Abraham then sheweth that his speech was true , because the thing was so , as his words did sound ; and not because he had some secret reseruation in his minde , by additiō wherof they became true ▪ And this sheweth againe , that in these words of Abraham , there was no Equiuocation , such as our new Doctros doe imagine . And Abrahams example in interpreting his owne words , may serue vs for a patterne to interpret the rest by . And so ; as he said , Indeed she is my Sister , as I said : so we may say of them , Indeed , and intruth the things were so , as they said . Only in these examples , though all that was said , was true : yet something that was true , was concealed ; which we grant to bee lawfull : nor doth it any way helpe the Iesuites , or fauour their imaginary fiction . Answ. 2. When they say , If the speeches be not vnderstood with mentall reseruation , then those men told a Lye : I answere , that that may be granted of some of them , without any absurdity , or wrong of those worthy men . For if we be forced to confesse , that Dauid did commit murder , why should we bee afrayd to confesse that he told a Lye , if he vttered any such words as had not a true meaning , as our Equiuocators say that he did ? And if we grant it in Dauid , what harme is there , to acknowledge it in others of Gods best seruants , if by the Text and their owne speeches , any such thing doe appeare ? If then any of these holy men did speake words which were vntrue , wee may without inconuenience grant , that as they did sinne in other things , so they might in this : and therefore herein we must not take example by them , to doe as they haue done before vs. This answere S. Augustin maketh to the Priscillianists , when they alledged the example of ancient men and women , to prooue that Lying was lawfull . For a when we reade of these things in the Scriptures ( saith he ) we must not therefore thinke that wee may doe them , because we know that they did doe them ; lest we violate Commandements , while without choice wee follow examples . Say then , that the words of some of those holy men cannot haue a good meaning or true construction , in themselues considered ; it will be no inconuenience , to grant that such good men did therein doe amisse , and made a Lye. And ( to speake more particularly to the point ) so I thinke Iacob did , when hee said , I am thy first-borne Esa● : and Dauid , when hee said , that hee had made a rode against the South of Iudah , &c. 1. Sam. 27. 10. And so wee may say of Rahab , and the Mid-wiues of Aegypt , and some others . Obiect . But S. Augustin b doth excuse those words of Iacob , from being a lye . Answ. 1. Be it so . Yet S. Augustin doth not interpret them to be vnderstood and made true by any reseruation in the mind . And this doth no way helpe our Equiuocators at all . 2. Say that S. Augustin doe giue vnto those words a more fauourable construction ; yet Cornelius à Lapide disliketh that , and preferreth the other opinion , which granteth that Iacob did lye , before this of S. Augustin . And for that interpretation , he citeth S. Chrysostome , Lyra , Caietan , Lippoman , Pererius , and others . 3. Dominicus Soto , a learned Frier , doth defend or excuse both Saint Augustine & Iacob in this manner ; It may be ( quod puto sentit Augustinus , Which I thinke was Augustines meaning ) that those words of Iacob , were vsed in that Countrey , in that signification and meaning that they might be vttered by him , without telling a lye . But howsoeuer it be , Iacob was so plaine a man , ( saith à Lapide ) that it is not to be supposed that hee did vse equiuocation in his speech : nor doth any of former time so vnderstand his words . 2. The second head of Arguments , containeth the example of Almightie God , the God of Truth . But what hath this iust God , this God of Truth done or said , for which hee should be thought to equiuocate , that is , to keepe one meaning to himselfe , and to deliuer another to his people , and by a double-sensed proposition to deceiue them , whom he professeth to teach ? Yes , say these men , he said to Niniueh , Yet forty daies and Niniueh shall be ouerthrowne , Ion. 3. 4. And he said to Ezekias , Set thine house in order : for thou shalt die and not liue . I● . 38. 1. And yet neither of these came to passe , according to these words spoken . And therefore they are not true , vnlesse they be helped by some inward reseruation , seeing in the sence that the words yeeld , they were not fulfilled . Answ. These and other such speeches of God , are words of Commination and threatning . Now words of Commination in Scripture , are meant by Almightie God that spoke them , and are vnderstood by men that heare them , with exception of repentance and amendment , or some such conditions in the persons against whom they are vttered , as may moue GOD to reuoke the sentence . For God himselfe hath declared his owne meaning to be so , in such like sentences and speeches . a At what instant ( saith he ) I shall speake concerning a Nation , and concerning a Kingdome , to pluck vp and to pull downe , and to destroy it : if that Nation against whom I haue pronounced , turne from their euill , I will repent of the euill , that I thought to doe vnto them . And b when I shall say to the Righteous , &c. And when I say to the Wicked , Thou shalt surely die : if he turne from his sinne , &c. none of his sinnes , that he hath committed , shall be mentioned vnto him ▪ &c. And according to this plaine Rule giuen by God himselfe concerning his own words , we are to vnderstand Gods threatnings , with some such exception . As for example , yet fortie daies , and 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , vnlesse Nineu●h repent , and obtaine Gods fauour for their preseruation . And , Thou shalt die , &c. that is , vnlesse thou by prayer and humiliation obtaine Gods fauour , to lengthen thy life beyond the ordinary course , or such like . And these exceptions are not secret reseruations , kept in Gods owne brest , and concealed from the hearers , as the Iesuites reseruations are ; but they are conceiued and euer haue beene vnderstood by men acquainted with Gods language , to be meant by the very words . And therefore when God had threatned the Iewes , yet the Prophet exhorteth them to repentance , that so they might moue God to stay his iudgements , c Who knoweth ( saith hee ) if hee will returne and repent , and leaue a blessing behinde him ? And Daniel , when he had told Nebuchaduezzar of Gods Decree against him , yet hee giueth him counsell d to breake off his sinnes by righteousnesse , and his iniquitie by shewing mercy to the poore , that this might be a meanes to lengthen his tranquillitie . Yea , and in the very examples alledged to the contrarie , when Ionas pronounced , yet fortie dayes , &c. the men of Nineu●h , as either hauing had some aduertisement thereof by Scriptures , or by some of Gods people , or conceiuing so much by the common light of reason , they did vnderstand these words of the Prophet as a threatning , that implyed an exception of repentance . And therefore the King with his Nobles proclaimeth a Decree , a Let Man and Beast be couered with sackcloth , and cry mightily vnto God , &c. For , who can tell if God will turne and repent , and turne away from his fierce anger , that wee perish not ? And when God had threatned Ezekiah , Set thine house , &c. yet Ezekiah b turned his face to the wall , and prayed to the Lord , &c. Where his prayer for freedome , sheweth that hee vnderstood not Gods threatning to be meant without exception . And thus the people of God haue euer beene wont to vnderstand such like speeches , till our late Doctors of Rome haue made God to be an Equiuocator , that they might alledge him for a patrone of their sinne . The third head of Arguments , containeth the example of our blessed Sauiour ; who though hee were the Truth it selfe , and that there was neuer any guile found in his mouth , yet these men will needes draw him in , to be a fauourer and ring-leader of their falshoods and vntruthes . And so did their Predecessors , the Priscillianists doe before them . For they ( as c Saint Augustine saith of them ) for defence of their Doctrine of lying , brought testimonies out of Scriptures , and encouraged their Schollers by the examples of Patriarchs , and Prophets , and Apostles , and Angels , non dubitantes addere etiam ipsum Dominum Christum , making no scruple to adioyne also our Lord Iesus Christ , as a patterne of their lyes . And right so for all the world , doe our Equiuocators deale now-a-dayes . They bring examples of Patriarchs , and Prophets , and Apostles , and blessed Angels , not fearing to draw in God himselfe , and Iesus Christ his blessed Sonne , to be Abettors of their frauds . But of God wee haue heard what they say already : let vs now heare what they say of Iesus Christ : and how , and when , and wherein hee vsed this Arte of Equiuocation . Yes , say they , he did equiuocate , when being with two of his Disciples , d hee made as though hee would goe further : and when speaking of the day of Iudgement , he said , a But of that day and that houre knoweth no man — , nor the Son , but the Father onely : and when hee said to his Brethren , b Ego non ascendam , &c. I will not goe vp to Ierusalem to this Feast , and yet hee meant to goe vp , and so went ; and diuers other times . Ans. Neither in these , nor in any other place , was our Lord , the spotlesse Lambe of God , euer found to equiuocate , according to the rules of this new Arte. Not in the first place , Luke 24. 28. For first , there our Lord is said to doe something ; hee made as though hee would goe further : but he is not said there to haue said any thing in which this supposed reseruation might be vnderstood . Ob. Yes , but deedes also may signifie as well as words . Ans. Deedes sometimes are equiualent to words , and doe signifie as well as words doe : and that is , when as words , so they doe declare our meaning , ex instituto , or by some kinde of compact and agreement among men . And that may be done two wayes . First , expressely , when some words ioyned with the deedes , doe declare that to be the meaning and purpose of him that vseth them . As when Iudas kissed his Master : this signified that hee was Iesus , whom they came to apprehend , because before hee had giuen them this signe , c Whomsoeuer I shall kisse , that same is hee . And when Iesus gaue a sop to Iudas , that signified that hee was the Traitor , because hee had told them before , d Hee it is , to whom I shall giue a sop , when I haue dipped it . And so , when an oath is ministred or tendred vnto vs , if wee lay the hand vpon the Booke , and kisse it , this signifieth that wee consent to the taking of the Oath , because that is appointed and required for this purpose . Secondly , deedes may bee equiualent to words , when by some outward circumstances wee doe declare , that we intend them as signes of our meaning , and doe referre and vse them to that purpose . In this kinde , wee may see a man , who is borne deafe and dumbe , to talke and conferre with his neighbours . And in this kinde a shrugge of the shoulder , ( if as Persons saith , it be so meant and taken in Italie ) may be a signe , and haue the signification of a Negation or deniall . And when a man openeth his mouth , and sheweth a defect in his tongue , and maketh a gabbling noyse and vndistinct sound , this is a signifying deede , and doth import that that man is dumbe . In either of these kindes , deedes and gestures are equiualent to words , and may containe truth or falshood in them , as well as words doe . But else , deedes and gestures , if in some such manner , ex instituto , by appointment and agreement among men , a they be not referred and intended for signification of our minde , though they may carry shew , and men may gather some meaning from them , yet they are not equiualent to words ; neither is there any lye contained in it , though the shew be not answerable to the thing . And such a deede as this , was that of our Sauiour , when hee shewed by his gesture , a purpose of going further : and therefore this needeth no reseruation to make it true ; seeing without any reseruation it hath no false or lying signification , such as words haue . And thus Lucas Brugensis , a learned Diuine of the Roman Church , doth vnderstand and interpret this place . His words ( that the Reader may iudge of his meaning the better ) are these , b I see ●o more shew of a lye in this fact of Christ , then when before he seemed to be a stranger or a way-faring man. And he giueth his reason , why hee thinketh there is no vntruth in this deed and gesture , c for there is a great difference betweene words and deedes . For words by their first institution haue the power or vse of signifying ; but so haue not deedes . And hence he inferreth that deedes , actions , and gestures , though oftentimes they be , yet they are not alwaies signes either of some ensuing action to follow , or of our present purpose and meaning ; nor haue they the nature of a lye in them , etiamsi ad decipiendum aliquando siunt , though they be sometimes done , to deceiue the vnderstanding of the beholder , and to make him beleeue that which is not true . So that if our Lord did make shew of going further , and intended it not , as Father Persons saith ; yet in this learned mans iudgement , there was no lye in it : and consequently there needeth no mentall reseruation to saue it from being a lye . Secondly , and more agreeably to our Sauiours mind , wee may answere and say , that our Lord made as if he would goe further : yea , and meant it too , if their intreaties and importunitie had not stayed him . Therefore the Text saith , They constrained him ; that is , they importuned him to stay ; and he , ouercome by their intreatie , stayed with them . The clearer meaning of which words , we may the better conceiue and vnderstand by a like speech , Luke 9. 53. For there it is said , The Samaritans receiued him not , because his face was as though hee would goe to Ierusalem ; that is , by his behauiour it seemed that hee meant to goe thither : and so hee did meane it indeed . And so in this place , when it is said , that hee made as though hee would goe fur●●●r ; the meaning is , that hee tooke his leaue , and bad them farewell , or vsed some other such like behauiour , which made it seeme , that hee meant to goe further . Yea , and so hee meant indeede , sauing that at their request hee was contented to abide with them . And thus Barradius , and Ribera , two famous Iesuites , doe interpret this place . Wee may answere saith the one of them , a Dominū voluisse vlteriùs progredi , si non retineretur à Discipulis , &c. That our Lord indeed would haue gone further , had hee not beene detained by his Disciples , and that there was no vntruth in this shew . And the other , a Nihil veritas fingii , Christ who is the Truth doth not feine any thing . But the common sort might thinke that hee did feine , but it was no fiction or counterfeiting ; b For if they had not detayned him , he out of doubt had passed by , and had gone on further . Thus not onely the euidence of truth , but the authoritie of Romish Doctors and Iesuites doe vindicate this place from that false glosse that Persons putteth vpon it ; and doe free our Lord Iesus from that slanderous imputation , which the Iesuite doth lay vpon him , when c he saith that Christ in this place did equiuocate : and when d hee calleth this dealing of his , The dissimulation and fiction of our Sauiour . The second place mentioned , and produced for Equiuocation , is that speech of our Sauiour , Mar. 13. Of that day , and that houre , &c. This pr●position ( saith e Persons ) had some reseruation of mind , for that otherwise it had beene false . Ans. Not so ▪ Nay this inference of the Iesuite is false and foolish too : for our Sauiour , according to his wonted manner elsewhere , speaketh of himselfe , as he was reputed and knowne to be , that is , as he was man. And in that sense , the words haue an vsuall and cleare construction and signification ; which is , that as he was man , he knew not of that day . This interpretation ( as f Persons doth acknowledge ) is giuen by ancient Fathers in great number . Nor is this a mentall reseruation , as Persons would haue his ignorant Reader to beleeue : but an interpretation vsually meant and vnderstood by Christians , in these and such like speeches as these . And therefore our Sauiour in this sētence did not keepe one secret sence to himselfe in his inward minde , and signifie another to his Disciples in the words vttered . But if it be an Equiuocation , such as they fancy , what then shall the reseruation be ? Persons , knowing that no man before the late inuention of this new Art , did euer thinke of secret reseruations , or mentall imaginations in our Sauiours words ; calleth euery Exposition that any good Author giueth , by the name of reseruation , and reckoneth that Author , for a fauourer of his , like the mad man in Athenaeus , who when any ship came to the Hauē , put it in his Tables as one of his owne . But that which carrieth most shew of a reseruation , is this ; The Sonne doth not know the day of iudgement , meaning that hee knew it not so , as hee would discouer it vnto them . For this explicatiō is giuen by Saint Augustine , and other Fathers , saith Persons ; and hee addeth , ( as triumphing in so plaine a proofe ) that this exposition expresseth the very same reseruation in Christs words , which they talke of in their mixt and equiuocall propositions . Ans. To this I answere two things : First , That the Exposition giuen by those Fathers , doth not imply any equiuocall reseruation . Secondly , That it doth not giue the true sence or meaning of the place . First , It containeth not any Iesuiticall reseruation . For those Fathers which giue that interpretation , The Sonne knoweth not ; that is , not to make you know it : or rather , the Sonne knoweth it not ; that is , hee doth not make you to know it ; doe fetch and gather this exposition , not from any secret conceit reserued in our Sauiours minde , but from the vse and acception and signification of the word , as it is vsed in Scripture . For so , say they , this word , scio or noui , is often vsed . As when God said to Abraham , Now I know that thou feare●● God : and to the Israelites , The Lord your God proueth you , that hee may know , whether yee loue the Lord , &c. the meaning is , that hee may make you to know . And from this vse of the word scio , to know , frequent , as they say , in Scriptures ; they thinke they may be the like reason , keeping the same proportion of speech , interpret the word Nescit , knoweth not the day ; that is , hee doth not make you to know it . Concerning which meaning of the Fathers exposition , if the learned Reader desire any further proofe , he may haue enough to satisfie his minde , in that reuerend and learned Bishop who wrote against Eudaemon-Ioannes . Now this interpretation of the word , being drawne from the vsuall acception of it in Scripture , is nothing at all to the Iesuites purpose , who fancieth a secret clause kept in the minde , but no way included in the vse of the word . Secondly , This interpretation , The Sonne knoweth no● ; that is , hee doth not reueale or make it knowne to you , as it maketh nothing for the Iesuites Equiuocation , so it is not greatly to our Sauiours meaning . My reasons are two . First , If that were the meaning , then it would follow , that the Father did so know the day of iudgement , as that hee did reueale it vnto them . For that which this sentence doth deny of the Sonne , it doth by vertue of the exceptiue particle adioyned , affirme of the Father ; No man , no nor the Sonne doth know it , but the Father . Where , if wee fill vp the construction , and make the sentence perfect , the whole speech must be this ; No man , nor Angell , neither the Sonne , doth know it , but the Father hee doth know it . Now in this speech take the word [ know ] in the sense of those Fathers , hee knoweth ; that is , hee maketh to know , and then the sentence thus expounded , in plaine words will be this , No man , nor the Angels , neither the Sonne , doth make you to know the day of iudgement : but the Father hee doth make you to know it . But this is not true of the Father ; and therefore that is not the true interpretation or meaning of the word . My second reason is , Our Sauiour in these words , No man — knoweth ; meant to shew how secret and vnknowne the day and houre of Gods iudgement was ; but take the word in this sence , hee knoweth not ; that is , hee reuealeth not , or doth not make you to know : and then this sentence doth not imply or inferre or signifie any secrecie of that day . For , if thousands knew it , yet it might be said of them all , They know it not ; that is , they doe not reueale it , or make you to know it . And consequently , this interpretation doth crosse our Sauiours meaning , and ouerthrow that , for which hee intended it . Now , lay these together , and then there is lesse then nothing in our Sauiours speech for the Iesuites purpose : both because the word cannot beare that sense in this place , which onely might seeme to fauour them ; and because , that sense , as it was vnderstood by the Fathers , was not meant to include any such reseruation . And so I haue done with this second place , which is the one of the places , that Doctor Norrice did defend his Equiuocation by . Onely , lest some Popish Cauiller , according to their vsuall manner , should raise clamours after mee , that I doe deny and gain-say the exposition of the Fathers : let the Reader remember , that the other interpretation , which I follow , is confessed by Father Persons to be giuen by other Fathers in great number . And againe , if any shall quarrell with mee for leauing an exposition of some Fathers , where I haue so good reason for it ; let him know , that I can produce diuers of their owne Writers , who doe reiect as great a number , and perhaps vpon lesser reason . Thirdly , The third testimony is from the words of our Sauiour , Iohn 7. 8. which Father Persons and other Equiuocators recite thus , Ego non ascendam ad diem festū istum , I will not goe vp to Ierusalem to this Feast ; and yet ( say they ) he meant to go● vp , and so he went. And therefore here he had a secret reseruation . Asw. They corrupt the Text two waies , 1 by altering the words . 2 by peruerting the sense . 1. By altering the words . For the Originall Greeke is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , I doe not yet goe vp . And their authentick Latin , Ego non ascendo , I doe not goe vp . And whereas some Copies had corruptly read it , non ascendam , I will not goe ; a Lucas Bragensis , lest any man might afterward mistake , hath giuen admonition , that according to the Roman Correction of their Bible , set forth by the Popes authority , they may not change ascendo into ascendam . Yea , and their Rhemists reade it in their English Translation , I goe not vp to this Festiuall day . Which was true in the very Letter , & meant by our Sauiour according to the expresse words . For he did not meane then to goe vp , but afterward when time serued . And yet our Equiuocators , to gaine some shew from our Sauiours words , doe corrupt not onely the Originall and truely authentic● Greeke , but their owne Latine Text too . But it is no maruell : for such a false Arte could neuer be vpheld by true dealing . 2. By peruerting the sence . For say the words had beene , I will not goe vp , as Persons and Doctor Norice , and others would fame haue it : yet the circumstances of the Text doe shew , that that could not be meant of the whole time during the feast , or that hee would not go vp at all ; because it followeth in the next words by way of reason , because my time is not yet accōplished , as the Rhemists trāslate it ; or because my time is not yet fully come , as it is more plainly in our Translation . Which words doe plainely shew his meaning to be this , that he would not then goe , when they would haue him : but would goe when he saw his owne time . And this he might both doe and meane , according to the plaine sense of the words spoken . By which it may appeare , that it is want of proofe , and weakenes of their cause , that made them to drawe in this Text , which is so cleere against them . And so , it is the very same reason also , that forceth them ( for necessity hath no law ) to produce the many other speeches of our Sauiour , which haue as much affinitie with Popish Equiuocation , as there is agreement betweene Christ and Belial , or betweene Christ and Antichrist : as I could easily shew , if it were conueniēt to stand vpon all their friuolous & idle allegations . But I thinke it not worth the while , either to tire the Reader , or to trouble my selfe with such fond Cauils . Only for a generall answere to them all , let this be remembred ; that there is neuer a Text produced by them for this purpose , but that learned expositers , both ancient and moderne , as well of their Church , as of ours , do interpret and expound it in some determinate sense , which they gather or obserue either from the signification of the words , or the vse & application of them in the Scriptures , or from some circumstances or considerations in the Text it selfe . And therfore such Texts , in the iudgement of all such Interpreters , are not to be expounded or vnderstood of any Popish reseruations , kept secret in the Speakers minde . For such reseruation as I shewed before , may be any that themselues will fancie . Insomuch , that the Priests do frame seuen seuerall and distinct reseruations , all alike fit for Father Listers Equiuocation , when he deceiued his Keeper ; and doe intimate that they might haue framed many moe , and all to as good purpose . And no doubt , as they imagined those seuen , they might haue inuented seuentie moe , that would haue serued the turne . In all which it is not possible , for the Hearer or Reader of such a speech , to imagine , what the Speakers reseruation is ; it beeing not such as the signification of the words , or any circumstances of the businesse doe yeeld , but as the minde of the Equiuocator will fancie within his deceitfull heart . Nor do they in their Equiuocations meane , that the Hearer should know● their reseruations . For their intent is , to reserue one sense in their owne breast , and to imprint another in the Hearers minde . This only short note being obserued , it will be easie for euery Christian , that will open his eyes , to see that no place produced by them out of the Bible , doth include their secret and hidden reseruations . Or if any Equiuocator will cauill , or can say , that there is any testimony of theirs , which may not receiue satisfaction by this generall Rule , and is in his opinion worth the standing vpon ; let him produce it : and I will promise him either a solution of his reason , or a recantation of mine opinion . And thus much shal serue to be said concerning the Grounds and Reasons which Equiuocators doe build vpon . Now I proceede to set downe some few reasons against this new-found Arte , and fond deuice of Equiuocation . And those for this time shall be these fiue . 1. Because this late doctrine of Equiuocation destroyeth the true nature of Equiuocation , whose name it beareth . 2. Because it maintaineth a practice of lying , vnder a colour of Truth . 3. Because it disturbeth humane society , and hindereth mutuall commerce . 4. Because it impeacheth God of folly , in making his Lawes against Lying . 5. Because it freeth the Deuill from all iust imputation of being a Lyer . Arg. 1. The Iesuiticall doctrine of Equiuocation , doth destroy the true nature of Equiuocation , which hitherto hath beene receiued of all men , and now ( for ought I know ) is not reiected of any . This I prooue thus ; Equiuocation , in the true nature thereof , is , when a word or speech hath moe senses than one . This the word doth import . For Aequiuocum , by the very notation of the name , is vox aequi plura significans , a word indifferently betokening moe things . And in some such manner as this , doe Writers of all sorts explaine and describe Equiuocation . But in this new-deuised Equiuocation , there is no word , nor no sentence , or saying , that hath moe significatious or senses than one . For in their mentall equiuocall Proposition , which they fancie , neither the words taken by themselues , nor the whole saying and sentence intended by the speaker , haue any Ambiguity or doubtfulnes of signification , or any moe senses then one ; as I haue shewed a before , out of the Equiuocators own Rules . And hence I may inferre , that either their reserued Proposition , is not an Equiuocall and double-sensed Proposition , as they call it without reason , and consequently , that they doe not by Equiuocation speake truth in one sense , and mis-leade the Hearer with another sence : or else , if notwithstanding this , that Proposition bee Equiuocall and double-sensed still , then we must say , that there may bee an Equiuocation , where there is but one single sense and meaning . And that destroyeth the true nature of Equiuocation . To this reason , first their confession is , that b verball Equiuocation , which is , when a word or speech signifieth diuers things equally , c indeed is onely true and proper Equiuocation , and agreeth onely to the Defiuition of Equiuocation , deliuered not onely by Philosophers , but Orators also : and that d it is properly called Equiuocation , when a speech or word signifieth diuers things equally , if we consider the proper nature of Equiuocation : and , e that mentall Equiuocation in rigor is none . 2. Their answere is notwithstanding , that their mixt Proposition may be f called Eq●●uocation , in a more large and ample signification , as Equiuocall may signifie an amphibologicall , doubtfull or double-sensed Proposition , in respect of the Speaker and Hearer , whereof the one vnderstandeth the same in one sense , and the other in another . And the cause why it is so called , is rather by a certaine similitude , then propriety of speech : to wit , that euen as Equiuocation properly by communitie of name in things of different natures , by variety of significations in the selfe-same words or speech , by custome of phrase and composition of sundry sorts , doth make different and doubtfull senses and meaning to the Hearer : so in this case , by mentall reseruation of some part of the foresaid mixt Proposition , the like effect of doubtfulnes is bred in the Hearers vnderstanding . For more ready vnderstanding of which perplexed speech , I note that there are three things said by this doubling Equiuocator . 1. That it is onely true and proper Equiuocation , & such as is comprised in the Definitions giuen both by Philosophers & Orators , when there are diuers senses and significations in the words . 2. That Equiuocation as they meane it in this question , hath no such propertie in it , nor is comprised in the Definition , that Philosophers and Orators haue described Equiuocation by . 3. That notwithstanding all this , yet it may rightly be called Equiuocation , because as true Equiuocation breedeth diuers senses to the Hearer , by the Ambiguity that is in the words ; so this new-deuised Equiuocatiō may breed diuers senses , one in the Hearer , and another in the Speaker , by reason of the secret reseruatiō that the Speaker imagineth in his own mind . And this may seeme not so vnreasonable , because words doe signifie ad placitum , and may be changed euery day . And therefore it is no such fault , to frame a new meaning and another signification in this word , then euer any body did thinke of heretofore . Rep. This answere doth not weaken mine Argument , it confirmeth and strengtheneth it rather . For first , I doe not except so much against their new signification of the word , as against the new explication and description of it . For they say , that they call it Equiuocall , because it is a double-sensed Proposition ; and a double-sensed Proposition there fore they call it , because by it they signifie one sense to the Hearer , and imagine another to themselues . But this doth vtterly destroy the very essence & entity of true Equiuocation . For true Equiuocation cannot be conceiued to be without a diuersitie of meanings in the speech : nor was it euer heard of , that a Proposition could be double-sensed , which had none but one single meaning : nor is it imaginable that that saying should be ambiguous , which the Hearet can take or construe but one way . Secondly , Their change and alteration of the word , to another different meaning , as it is by them here vsed ▪ doth conuince them of false and naughty dealing ; such as we may obserue Thieues to vse , when they haue purloyned other mens goods . For Thieues ( saith Tullie ) when they haue taken away other mens goods , doe change the markes of them , that it may not be knowne whose they are , or to whom they belong . And right so doe our Equiuocators deale in this case . For they change the names , which are true markes of things ; that hereby they may conceile and hide the nature and propertie of the things themselues . I grant then , that names may change with times ; nor is it any fault to alter the vse of a word , so there bee no wrong done to the thing , by the misse-applying of the word : as likewise it is no fault neither , to change the markes of goods , when there is no fraud intended by it . But if the markes of goods be changed , that the propertie of them may be conceiled , that is a plaine tricke of thieuerie . And so , if names be changed , that the nature of the things may be peruerted or obscured , that is a trick of iugling , not inferior to that cousonage of the Thiefe . And so it appeareth to be in this case . For this mungrill Proposition of theirs , if it should be censured by Philosophers , Orators , or other learned men , no man but would iudge it at the first sight to be a lye : and so hither to all men haue euer called such speeches . But now our new Artificers haue found another name for their new Arte : they call it , Equiuocation . And this they doe for a colourable shew , that it may be thought that there is no vntruth , but onely an Ambiguity in the speech : and that they in deceiuing men by mentall reseruations , doe nothing but what honest men are wont to doe , when they vtter sentences , that may haue diuers meanings . Thus , while they change the names , they doe also confound the things , and destroy their true nature , which wise men , and Aristotle among the rest , haue euer acknowledged to agree vnto them . Obiect . Nay , saith Father a Persoons , but if Aristotle did not comprize this our reserued Proposition vnder 〈◊〉 of the three sorts of Logicall Equiuocation , mentioned by him in his Elenchs , then he erred grossely in making an insufficient Diuision , which comprehendeth not all the parts of the thing deuided . For if the said mixt Proposition ( saith he ) be an Equiuocation , ( as Iesuites say it is , in spite of all reason , and against the doctrine of all ages ) then must it haue place among some of these three kindes ; or else the Diuision should be insufficient . Rep. A ridiculous conce it : whereto I know no example , that may be paralell ; but I will imagine one as neere as I can . Suppose then , a Father deuideth his Lands among his owne Children , and a Conie catcher there by steppeth in , and layeth claime to a share among them : and when the matter commeth to be debated , in the Court , the Iudge parteth the Lands among the Brethren , to whom onely they belonged , and shutteth out the Conie-catcher for a wrangler , that layeth claime where he hath no right . What if in this case , the Conie-catcher should complaine of the Iudge , for partiall dealing , and reason against him , as Persons doth against Aristotle , that if this Conie-catcher haue a right , and a share in those Lands , as himselfe saith he hath , then the Iudge erred grossely , that had excluded him ? Would not euery Boy kicke such a wrangling foole or knaue shall I call him ? out of the Court ? And such a ridiculous wrangler , is Father Persons , who accuseth Aristotle of a grosse errour , for not rancking among his kinds of Equiuocation , this of the Iesuites , neuer heard of in the world before ; and which the wrangler himselfe doth else-where acknowledge not to be true Equiuocation . Arg. 2. This doctrine of Equiuocation doth maintaine a practice of lying , because hee whom they call an Equiuocator , is in truth a Lyer , and that which they call an Equiuocall Proposition , is a lying assertion . I proue it thus . He that speaketh to another that which himselfe knoweth to be false , is a Lyer , and a lye it is , whensoeuer there is a falsa significatio cum voluntate fallendi , a false signification with a mind to deceiue the Hearer . Or , to speake in a Iesuites words , b A Lye is verbum falsum , cum intentione fallendi , a false speech , with an intention to deceiue . Which description of a Lye , so far as concerneth this purpose , he explaineth thus . A false speech is heere ment , when a c man speaketh otherwise , then himselfe thinketh : and it is said to be with intention to deceiue , because d Hee that speaketh otherwise then himselfe thinketh , doth deceiue another , and intendeth to deceiue him . For he would not so speake , but that thereby he may engender a contrarie opinion in another mans mind : and this is to deceiue . Thus the Iesuite describeth a Lye , and that agreeably to the receiued Doctrine of the Schooles . But this which is said to containe the nature of a Lye , is all of it found in the new-deuised Equiuocall Proposition . For first , that which the Equiuocator vttereth , is false , and so he knoweth it to be : for e it may seeme ( saith Persons ) to haue salsitie in it ; and sometimes also hath indeed , in respe●t of the words onely , or vnderstanding of the Hearer . And the case is cleere , that the words vttered by the Equinocator , containe an vntruth and a falshood : for else they could not serue him for euasion . But the words vttered are all that the Equiuocator speaketh : and therefore that which hee speaketh , is verbum falsum , a false word or speech . And secondly , that he vttereth this falshood with minde and purpose to deceiue the Hearer , in the sence that Tolet here explaineth it , I haue a shewed and proued out of their owne writings : nor can it stand with common sence , to conceiue it otherwise . And hence it followeth that the Equiuocator is a plaine lyer . Ans. Their answere is , that though the words considered by themselues , and as they are vnderstood by the Hearer , be false : yet as they are meant by the Equiuocator , and as they are ioyned with the reseruation kept in his minde , they are true . The summe is , they are false of themselues , but they are made true by the imagined reseruation . Re. This is a weak answer , & an impertinent shift ; because their mentall reseruation hath nothing to doe either with Truth or Lying ; as may appeare by this reason . Truth as it is heere meant , and Lying which is the contrary to it , are morall acts contained in the second Table of the Decalogue or Tenne Commandements : and therefore doe include a respect to our Neighbours , nor can they be vnderstood without reference and relation vnto other men : so that lying consisteth in a signification of falshood vnto others , and truth in signifying or vttering of that which is true ; and without such signification , either performed by outward signes , or meant and intended to be performed , if occasion should be offered , Lying and Truth morally taken , can haue no place . Vpon this ground , which hath cleare euidence in it , Bannes a learned Schoole-man doth refute their opinion , who thinke that there may be a lye , where there is no purpose to deceiue . b I thinke ( saith he that a minde to deceiue , is so necessary in a lye , as that without it , a lye cannot exist . This hee declareth thus : If Peter , no man being within hearing , should vtter a speech , which hee knoweth to be false , yet hee should not lye , though hee should speake an vntruth in the words . In like sort , if Peter should say to Iohn , Thou art not Iohn , doubtlesse hee should not lye , though hee spake an vntruth , because hee cannot speake that with purpose to deceiue Iohn himselfe . And hereof hee giueth this reason , Because a lye is a kinde of fiction or faining , which is in the will , with reference to another , by which a man intendeth that another man may beleeue otherwise than himselfe , who telleth the lye , doth thinke . And that a lye doth include such respect and refirence to another , is plaine ( saith hee ) because that veracirie , or the vertue of speaking truth , which is opposite to lying , doth consist also in relation to another , because it is a part of iustice . Thus reasoneth this learned Frier . In this discourse of his wee may note two things . First , His Conclusion , which is , that both lying and truth morally taken , which hee calleth veracitie , doe consist in a relation and reference to others ; so that no words vttered , without respect of signifying somewhat to some other by them , can be either the sinne of lying , or the vertue of true-speaking . Secondly , wee may note his reason for proofe of this Conclusion ; which is , that veracitie , or the vertue of speaking truth , is a part of iustice : and iustice hath a respect to some other , to whom it giueth that which is his due . This reason I take to be vnanswerable ; and then his Conclusion must needs be vndeniable . It is proued then that truth morally meant , for a vertue or act of speaking truth , which is a part of iustice , and a dutie which wee owe to our neighbours ; doth include a reference and respect to others , which respect consisteth in signifying or declaring our meaning to them , truely and sincerely . But now in the mentall reseruation , shut vp in the Equiuocators breast , there is no such reference or relation , nor doth it admit of any intendment , to signifie or declare his meaning to others . Nay , it is therefore suppressed , and broken off from the speech which is vttered in words , that nothing thereby may be signified to the Hearer . It followeth then , that this reseruation hath no point nor piece of morall truth in it . And therefore , if that part of the Equiuocators proposition , which hee vttereth in words , were a false and lying speech before ; it must needes remaine a lye still , for any helpe that this Reseruation can yeeld it . Arg. 3. The Doctrine of Equmocation doth disturbe humane societie , and destroyeth that mutuall commerce that one man should haue with another . I proue it thus . This societie and commerce must needs be disturbed , when men in wisedome may not beleeue one another , vpon their words or oathes : but if this Doctrine of Equiuocation be receiued , men may not beleeue one another , either vpon their words or oaths . This is prooued thus . The Equiuocator professeth to equiuocate , whensoeuer hee may lawfully hold his peace ; and if it be for any aduantage of weight , vpon his Oath too . Which how farre it may extend , I haue declared in part already , and euery man may easily conceiue by himselfe : but sure in what businesse soeuer I haue to deale with such a man , I cannot tell , but that he may thinke it lawfull to conceale the truth , and consequently to equiuocate with mee . And in case his conscience will permit him to equiuocate with mee , ( as in what case it will not permit him , I know not ) then am I as sure to be deceiued , and ouerreached by him , if I doe beleeue him , as if I beleeued a plaine and downe-right lyer . For , my credence or beleefe can reach no futher then to the words vttered ; nor can I learne any thing from the Equiuocator , but that which I can gather from his words : but all that is false and lying ; as hath beene shewed by their owne Confession . And therefore if I beleeue a man , when hee doth equiuocate , I am sure to be deceiued . I declare this yet further by a familiar example . Say , two Priests haue layed a plot of Inuasion for the Kingdome , and being questioned vpon their oaths concerning the plot , they both deny it . And the one , hee saith , I neuer meant or intended any such thing , vnderstanding within himself , so as I meane to tell you of it : and the other , hee answereth in the very same words , but hath forgotten to frame a reseruation in his minde : the one of these by their Doctrine is a lyer , and the other an Equiuocator ▪ But in respect of being deceiued by them , what difference is there betweene them ? Shall I not as soone be deceiued by the Equiuocator , as by the Lyer ? Yes certainely , it is no more safe to beleeue an Equiuocating Iesuite , then a lying Deuill . And if this be so ; then where men teach and professe the Arte of equiuocation , there in wisdome men may not beleeue one another : and consequently , they cannot haue that commerce and societie that men should haue among themselues . I conclude this argument against Equiuocators , in the very same manner , as Saint Augustine did against Lyers , onely putting the name of Equiuocator , where he did the name of Lyer . a Either ( saith hee ) wee must not beleeue honest men ; or wee must beleeue them , who wee thinke ought sometimes to tell a lye ; or else , wee must beleeue that honest men will not at any time tell a lye . The first of these three is pernicious , ( and ouerthroweth societie . ) The second is folish , ( and exposeth a man to the mercy of euery cheating companion . ) It remayneth therefore to say , that an honest man will neuer tell a lye . Thus that learned Father : by whose example I may reason against Equiuocators in the very same manner . Either wee must not beleeue honest men on their words or oathes : or wee must beleeue them , who wee thinke may equiuocate with vs both in words and in oathes : or else , wee must beleeue that an honest man will not equiuocate . The first is pernicious , the second is foolish : and therefore wee must resolue vpon the third , which is , that an honest man will not equiuocate . Arg. 4. This Doctrine of Equiuocation defeateth all Lawes made against lying ▪ and doth by consequence impeach God of folly for making any such Lawes . I proue it thus . It is a folly to make such Lawes , as are vnauaileable , and cannot reach to the ends , for which they were made . But if Equiuocation be admitted , Lawes against lying cannot serue for the purpose , to which they are intended . This appeareth by two things . First , Gods Lawes and precepts against lying were made for this purpose , to restraine mens tongues from speaking of falshoods and vntruthes . But by the Arte of Equiuocation a man may speake any and all falshoods that hee will , and yet these precepts against lying shall neuer take hold of him : because by a mentall reseruation warranted by this Doctrine , hee may make any falshood to become true . And therefore the Equiuocator , notwithstanding all Lawes of God and men against lying , yet is at his libertie to vtter what vntruths hee will , without the least transgression of any of those Lawes . Secondly , Lawes against lying doe intend preuention of hurt and deceit to be vsed against our neighbour . But admit once of this new doctrine of Equiuocation , and no deceit toward our neighbour can be preuented by any Lawes against lying . For if this Doctrine be warrantable , then all Lawes against lying must be meant onely against such as doe not keepe a reseruation in their mindes , to make true the falshoods that they vtter in their words . And so , for example , when Moses saith , a Yee shall not lye one to another : and when Saint Paul saith , b Put away lying , and speake truth euery man with his neighbour ; the meaning of these Precepts must be to this purpose ▪ Speake no vntruth , nor vtter no falshoods to your neighbours , vnlesse yee haue some secret reseruation kept in your minde , which if it be added , will make them to become true . For , by the Equiuocators Doctrine , if such reseruations be kept in the minde , then all their words become true : and therefore they are no way included within these Precepts against lying . But if this interpretation of such Lawes may be admitted , and such libertie of speech may be granted , without any breach of these Lawes : then these Lawes doe no way preuent the least danger of deceit and dammage that may come to our Neighbour by vntrue and false speeches ; because I can deceiue him as much by this equiuocall reseruation , as by a formall lye : as hath been proued already . And from these considerations it followeth , that Precepts against lying are vaine , if the practice of Equiuocation be lawfull . Arg. 5. If the Doctrine of Equiuocation be true , then neither men nor Deuils can be conuinced of lying . First , men cannot . For though they speake neuer so vast and apparent falshoods , yet who can say but that they haue some reseruation in their minde , that may free their words from being lyes ? And yet all sorts of men , when they heare euident vntruthes vttered , doe without controll of any , charge the speakers with falshoods and lying . Which sheweth that all men iudge of lying and truth , by the words vttered , and not by fancies reserued in the minde . As for example , the Secular Priests doe charge Father Persons with a continuall practice of lying , so that c they giue him the Whetstone , and leaue it with him too , as if they thought there were no such a bold and impudent lyer in the World , that could winne it from him . But how did the Priests know , but that Persons spake with some equiuocall reseruations ? And if so , then they broke the rule of charitie , in censuring him for a lyer , when hee was but an Equiuocator . And againe , Father Persons chargeth the Seculars with a infinite number of vntruthes , lyes , slanders , and open falshoods vttered without scruple of conscience ; so that the vse of Equiuocations was little needfull for them ; because they could take libertie enough without it . But how doth Father Persons know , that his Secular Brethren did not vse Equiuocation in all these vntrue speeches : and so made them true by some reseruation ? Thus all men , when they finde apparent vntruthes vttered , sticke not to charge the speakers with lying . But if the Doctrine of Equiuocation be true , no man can be conuinced of the least lye , vnlesse himselfe will confesse it . Secondly , The Deuill himselfe , if this Doctrine be true , cannot be conuinced to be a lyer . For who can say , but when he telleth vs most palpable vntruthes , yet hee may reserue within himselfe some clause to helpe all ? Nay , if this Doctrine be true , it cannot be supposed with any reason , that the Deuill euer would or euer did tell any lye at all . For , whatsoeuer he hath spoken at any time , be it otherwise neuer so false and lying ; yet it might be made true by a reseruation : and hee neither wanted wit to deuise such reseruations , nor will , by such or any other meanes to free himselfe from the imputation of lying . First , hee wanteth not wit. I shall not neede to proue this ; because , as I suppose , it will be confessed , that hee is as quicke and nimble at such deuices , as the finest witted Iesuite in the packe . But , if any man shall question it , I will engage my selfe to proue it . Secondly , hee wanteth not will , by this or any other tricke to saue his credit , and to auoid the imputation of lying . For , hee knoweth that the greatest hinderance to his proceedings , is , because the World esteemeth him for a lyer , and the Father of lyes : and if he could once but gaine to be accounted a true and honest dealer , ( as by vsing Equiuocation , he might as well proue himselfe to be no lyer , as any Iesuite can : ) then hee might finde more credit in the World. For which cause , a the Apostle saith that hee transformeth himselfe into an Angell of light . And an ancient Writer telleth of a Monke , who was a strict and religious liuer , that the Deuill , b purposing by a custome of Visions to winne him to the beliefe of a futur● illusion which hee intended for him , did for a lo●g time , as a messenger of truth , shew him all true Visions . And when by this meanes ▪ hee had gained credit to be beleeued ▪ then by another Vision , hee perswaded him to renounce Christ , and to become a Iew. And it is an vsuall obseruation among Christians , that the Deuill will tell some truthes , that hee may gaine afterward the more credit to his lyes . And therefore it can be no doubt , but that the Deuill desireth not to be reputed a lyer ; and would gladly put off from him all such imputation , if by any trickes hee could deuise how to effect it . Now lay these two positions together : first , That the Deuill wanteth no wit to deuise reseruations ; and secondly , That hee wanteth no will , by this or any other such deuice , to auoid the discredit of a lyer : and then it will follow , that in reason wee cannot imagine , that the Deuill euer would or did tell a lye , if by an equiuocall reseruation hee could cleare himselfe . And hence againe it may be deduced , that as our Equiuocators doe challenge vs for slandering them ; because wee call them lyers , when they sweare falshoods by imagined reseruations : so the Deuill himselfe might challenge GOD ( be it spoken with reuerence to his Maiestie ) for iniustice and slander , because hee hath branded him with the note of a lyer , and calleth him the Father of lyes . But these consequents are most absurd : and therefore the Doctrine of Equiuocation , from whence they follow , is most false . Thus , by Gods grace , I haue declared , and I trust , in some measure also cleared the poynts propounded in the beginning . Now , for conclusion , I will onely commend one Caueat to the well-meaning Christian ; and that is , to beware of trusting them , whose profession is to equiuocate . For such men are both more impious and more dangerous than any other sort of lyers , that I know beside . First , They are more impious , because among men of other Religions , though there may be vicious persons , that make too common a practice of lying deceits ; yet that is the fault of the men , and not of their Doctrine . But in the Church of Rome , their great Doctors doe not onely practise this deceit , but praise it too : and commend it to their Disciples , as a good Arte ; very fit fo● scrupulous consciences . Which doctrine cannot be conceiued to be without great dishonour to God , and much disgrace to Religion . Secondly , They are more dangerous then any other sort of Lyers , because they come masked vnder a vizard of truth , & armed with resolution to protest , and sweare , and pawn their soules and saluations , vpon the truth of that which they say , notwithstanding that for so much as they vtter , and for all that you can heare or gather by them , all is most false , which they speake . From the consideration whereof , I inferred before , that it was not safe to beleeue a Iesuite , or any of his fellowes or schollers ; for that a man may as soone be deceiued by an Equiuocating Iesuite , as by a lying Deuill . Now I adde , therefore wise Christians must beware of them ; and if wee will not be decei●ed , wee must not beleeue either their words or oathes , in what businesse soeuer wee haue to doe with them . This Caueat , that it may the b●tter appeare how farre it is to be extended ; I will , for example sake , set downe some speciall cases of ordinarie vse , in which it will 〈…〉 to beleeue them . 1. ●irst then we may not safely beleeue them , when they are disputing ▪ and arguing for their Religion , and deliuering points of their faith . For they tell vs , that Iesus our Lord did equiuocate , when hee preached of Prayer and Sacraments , and of his office of iudging the World , &c. And I trow , Iesuites will be ready to imitate the example of Iesus , whose name they beare . But we need not doubt of their meaning in this case ; for they therefore alledge the example of Christ ; that they may defend and make good their owne practice . And therefore when I heare a Priest or a Iesuite telling of Popes Pardons , and preaching of S. Patricks Purgat●rie , &c. and when for these , he telleth me , of the consent of the ancient Church , and alledgeth many Fathers to confirme his Assertion ; how can I be sure , that hee doth not equiuocate with mee in that case ? or what reason haue I to thinke , but that he speaketh against his knowledge , and conscience ? or how can I , without a note of rashnes and temeritie , beleeue that he● doth not wilfully belye the Fathers , and other Authors to serue his owne turne ? and when he hath done all , make vp all with a secret Reseruation , that I neuer dreamed on ? Secondly , Wee may not beleeue them , when they giue Answers , or beare witnesse in a Court of Iustice , or before a Magistrate ; no , not though they sweare what they say , and take it vpon their soules and saluations . For they professe to equiuocate in such cases , if either the Iudge be incompetent , or if he proceed incompetently . And when I heare one of them speake and sweare before any of our Gouernors or Rulers , either Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill , what can I tell , but hee may thinke either the Iudge , or his proceedings to bee incompetent , and vniust ? Nay sure , in most cases , in which they haue to doe before our Gouernors , they are knowne to hold , either the Iudge , or the proceeding , or both , to bee incompetent ▪ And therefore I cannot see how wee may safely beleeue them , when they make answere , or giue euidence vpon their oath . Thirdly , Wee may not beleeue them , when they tell of great wonders and Miracles , done by men of their Order and profussion ; and by Saints and Images of their owne making . For they professe to equiuocate , when it may bee for some good to themselues , and therefore much more when it may proue so great a good to their Order , to their Church , and to their Religion . And therefore , when they tell mee of many great miracles don● by their men in the Indies , and by the Ladies of Lauretto and Hall ; how can I tell , that they doe not fitten and deuise all that vpon their fingers end , to gaine credite to their profession ? Fourthly , We may not beleeue them , when they publish and disperse disgracefull tales and reports against the professors and Doctors of our Church . For the disgracing of these men , may breede great aduantage to their Religion : and beside , it is an Axiom of theirs , He must bee disgraced , because he is an Enemy to their order . And therefore , when they tell mee of Luther , and Caluin and Beza and Bucer and such others , that they either despaired , or recanted , or renounced their Religion ; how may I beleeue them , that they doe not Equiuocate ? Nay it is certaine , that in the forging of these reports , they did either lye , or Equiuocate , or both . And therefore when they now tell vs , that many of our Reuerend Bishops , and learned Preachers and Schollers , are of their opinion , and thinke them to be in the right , but that for the worlds sake , they dissemble their iudgement ; how can I giue credit to their words , or to their writings ? And when they tell vs , that such a Doctor , vpon his death-bed ; and such a Bishop toward his latter end , turned Papist , and renounced in their eare , what he had taught in the Pulpit , and was reconciled to the Church of Rome , by one that came and went inuisibly ; shall wee beleeue them to speake as they thinke ? Nay , wee should rather spit in the Lyers faces , that presume vs to bee so simple , as to beleeue an Equiuocator in a case so auaileable for his Order , and in a thing so vnlikely and absurde in it selfe ; that the narration of such a thing , might call in question the truth of a knowne honest man. Fiftly , We may not beleeue Equiuocators in matters of common life , and ciuill conuersation . For they professe to equiuocate in most cases of common practice , and in all cases in which they are not bound to reueile the Truth , if the thing may be for their aduantage . And therefore if one of them should contract to marry a mans daughter amongst vs , how can any of vs tell , that th● Equiuocator thinketh himselfe bound to lay op●n his heart , and to speake the truth in this case ; and that therefore in his opinion he may not equiuo●ate and deceiue vs ? And if he promise to pay me a summe of money , how can I tell that he keepeth not a reseruation behind , that may disanull his promise aforehand ; as that he will pay it , if himselfe shall thinke it necessary , or if he shall haue so much to spare , or if hee haue nothing else to doe with his money ? &c. And so , if he vndertake to be my Sollicitor for my Law-businesses , or my Physitian for my body , or my Counsellor in any doubtfull case , &c. how shall I be assured that I may beleeue his word , and that he doth not for some secret reasō kept to himselfe , think it lawfull to cheate me by a mental reseruation ? Surely , for mine own part , if I may know him that professeth the Art of Equiuocation , I wil trust him no further then I would doe a common and noted Lyer , that is no further then I do see him . ( ⸫ ) FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A07210-e100 a Pr●efa● praefixâ Sex Pre●lection . cap. 1. & cap. 1. de Mendac . num . 12 , 13 , 14. a D. Morton B. of Lichfield and Couentry , Confutat , of Equiuccation . b Persons , who by occasion of the Bishopps booke wrote a large Treatise in defence of Equiuoca●on . a Mitigat . cap. 9. nu . 81. p. 403. Notes for div A07210-e410 * Sheldon of the mira●les of Antichrist , ca. 4. pag. 52. * Apologie of Eccles. Subordinat . cap. 12. in the very end . Matt. 24. 5 , 23 , 24. Ez●k . 33. 4 , 9. Gal. 5. 10. Gal. 6. 18. Notes for div A07210-e940 Quaestio philosophica in Comitis Cantabr . Vide passi● Horatij Satyram quintam , & Plauti Pseudolum , cui●ste supp●r . a Sic Blackwellus Archipresbyter in sua ad Cathol●cos Epistola . dat . 7. Nouemb. 1605. b V●nculo cucae obedicnlpe obstringi omnes Iesuitas & no●itios Seminariorum pullos abunde noluin est ; Quo tenentur , quidquid Superior imperaverit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exequi , c I●upus Iupus nouit , &c. d Arij haeresiarchae sophiticuns & Acquivoc atorium coram Imperatore Constantino iusiurandum recole apud S●cratem Hist Eccles . lib. 1. c. 25. e Plautus in Pseudolo Act. ● . Scen. 4. Pseud. Onerab●meis praeceptis Simians Quid agat , ne quid titube● , doctè vt hanc sera● sallaciam . f Apocal. 9. 11. g Quod olim femplarijs , quid ●i tandem Iesititis accidat ! Aristot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. cap. 1. h Act. 2. Sc. 2. Pseud. Tu inventus verò meam qui 〈◊〉 fidem ? i Act. 2. Sc. 3. Pseud. Dy immortales 〈◊〉 contra non 〈…〉 k Act. ● . Sc. 8. Nimis 〈◊〉 mortalis d●●tus , n●mis 〈◊〉 , nimis m●bes Superavit do●●m Troianum at●●● 〈◊〉 Pseudolus . l Act. 2. Sc. 2. Pseud. Hic mihi incusest , procudam ego hodie hine multes delos . to mule reseruatio●un mentali● Ies●ui● vsitatae . Non no●i i.e. 〈◊〉 . Non vidi . 〈◊〉 c. visione b●ati●ic●i . Velnon vt dicom tibi . m Act. 2. Sc. 1. Pseud. Ego in m●o pectore ita param c●pias dupli●ts triplicis dolos Posidies , vt vbiet●nque 〈◊〉 hostibus congrediar malorum mcor● Fr●tus virtute dicam mea indust●a & maltitia Fraudulent●a Facil● vt vin●●l , facile vt ●pelicm mcos perducllis me● persidijs . n Act. 1. Sc. 3. Quid ais quanti● terra tegit hominum 〈…〉 &c. Bal. fat●or . Cal. nempe conceptis verbis . Bal. ●tiā consultis quoque . Cal. Periurauisti o Ibidem . Pseud. Non potest pietate obsisti ●uic , vt res sunt 〈◊〉 , Deos quidē , quos maximè aequum est metuere , cos minimini facit . p Act. 5. Sc. 4. Pseud. Quid 〈…〉 Ch. Anguilla est , el●bitur . q Act. 4. Sc. 6. Bal. Malum & s●clestum , peri●●rum arebant esse me . S. P●l haud mentitu● st . Bal. 〈◊〉 iratus fui . 1 Act. 4. Sc. 1. Pseud. O heminem lepidum ! It quoque etiam dolis Atque etiā menda●●s . Iupiter te mihi seruet . * Aequiuocatio circularis . s Act. 4. Sc. 1. Vt ego ob tuam , Simia , perfidiam te amo , et metuo , & magnifacio . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u Act. 4. Sc. 3. Pseud. Peiorem ego hominem , magisque versutè malum , Nunquā aedipol quenquam vidi quàm hic est Simia , Nimisque ego illum hominem metuo , & formido male , Ne malus item ergame sit , vt ergaillum fuit ; Ne in resecunda mihi obuertat cornua . Notes for div A07210-e3950 Quaestio philosophico ptoposita in 〈…〉 . Affirm● . * Guido Faux . * Garnet les . * Parenthesis includit mentalem Iesuitae rescruationem . Notes for div A07210-e4350 a Thes. 2. 7. b 1. Tim. 4. 1 , 2. c Luke 4●1 . d Lequendo cum Arte dissimulationis vitatur peccata , quae comuuiter , committuntur , &c. Rodrique● sumâ , v. menda● . nu . 4. e Acquiuocatio , quam ●citam 〈◊〉 omnino ad mendacia 〈◊〉 , vitanda consert . Heissias Re●ut . Aphoris . cap. 4. Aphor. 4. nu . 130. f Siue recreationis gratiâ , siue quocunque al●o fine , iuret se non fecisse aliquid quod reuera fecit , intell●gendo intra se aliquid aliud &c. reuera non mentitur . San●ho● oper . moral . to 1. l. 3. c. 6. nu . 15. pag. 25. g Per 〈◊〉 doctrinam singularem , postumus euitare innumera peccata , 〈◊〉 passim aliquot neg●gentiores admittimus negando vel assumando passim sine aliqua subintellectione , cum qua coniuncta essent vera . Nauar. Commen●●n C. Humanae aur . q. 3. nu . 13. h Proceeding against Traitors . 〈◊〉 l. 1. a Mitigat . cap. 8 nu . 10. pa. 314. a Ibid. nu . 15. b Ibid. nu . 10. c Refut . Apho●r . cap. 4. Ap●ons . 3. nu . 129. ● . Ioh. 3. 20. Psal. 1. 6. Math. 25. 12. Acts 19. 5. Acts 20. 27. Ioh. 11. 11. a 1. Sam. 16. 1 , 2. a 〈…〉 maximè in liber● s●rmone , hoc quidem sensu vti licere nemo dubitat . Abbot Antilog . aduersus Eudaemono loan . cap. 2 fol. 18. b Sit per illam ce●ndus consiligs , tegend isque arca●● suuo locus . Ibidem . c Tuscias taciturnitates illas , quas narra● , Confessionum & consi●●orum , vbi amphibologijs , & ambiguitatibus consistunt , noble non improbari : damn●ri prors●s à nohis , vt mendacio tegantur : d Si appellatione Acquiuocationis , simplicem quandam & modest● reticent●am signisicet , aut dissimulationem consiliorium in hac miscra vita saepe necessariam ; planè cum ipso sentio . Casaubon . epi. ad Fronton . Duc. pag. 110. a Mitigat . cap. 9. nu . 53. pa. 382 b Mitigat . ca. 12. nu . 3 p. 484. c Posium absque mendico 〈◊〉 verba vsurpari , etiams● exs●● significatione non suit ambigua , nec eum seasum verum admittant exse , nec ex circumstantijs occurrentibus , sed tantum verum serisum reddant ex aliqo addito mente proferentis retento , q●●●elique illud sit . Sanch. oper . moral . l. 3 c. 6. nu . 15. a Mitigat . cap. 8. nu . 10. pag. 313. b Mitig. cap. 11. nu . 14. pag. 447. a Mitig. cap. 10. nu . 22. pag. 424 Risum teneatis , amici ? a Mitigat . cap. 10. nu . 14. pag. 418. a Mitigat . cap. 10. num . 23. pag. 424 b Tom. 3. disp . 5. q. 13. punct . 2. pag. 1136. c 〈…〉 sine propria sponte ; sine recreationes gratiâ sitie quocum● alio sine iurets● non secisse aliqurd quod reuera fecit , intelligendo ●●tra se aliquid al●●d , quod nonfecit , velal am diem ab eain qua fecit , vel quodius aliud add●●um verum , reuera non mentitur , &c. Sanchez op . moral . l. 3. cap. 6. num . 15. p. 25. d Mitigat . cap. 11. nu . 29. pag. 459. e Mitig c. 10. nu . 22. p. 424. a Mitig. cap. 8. nu . 55. p. 344. b 〈…〉 dito , mente proferentis retento quodcunque illud sit . Sanch. op . moral . l. 3 c. 6. nu . 15. pa. 25. c Siiste aliud mente cogitauerit , verbi gratia , promitto dare aut sacere , si à Iudiac ●oactus fuero , vel si coelum ruat , aut quid simile , tune à peccato erit immunis . Decis . Aur. par . 1. l. 2. ca. 17. nu . 12. d Oper. mor. l. 3. c. 6. nu . 26. pag. 28. Proceeding against Traitors . litt . l. 1. a Mitigat . ca. 11. nu . 17. pag. 449. b Mitig. c. 11. nu . 43. pa. 468. c Mitig. c. 7. nu . 14. pag. 284 d Cap. 7. nu . 22. pa. 289. e Cap. 7. nu . 2. pag. 274. a Mitig c. 12. nu 3. pag. 484. b Sensus est , an licea● alios fallere , decipere aut cludere per Aequiuocationes . Manual Controu . l. 5. c. 21. pag. 530. c Aliquando licet vti aquiuocatione , & fallere audientem . Tolet. Instruct. Sacerd. l. 4. c. 21. nu . 9. d Mitig. cap. 8 nu . 58. pag. 346 & 347. See also , Sober Reckon . c. 4. nu . 89. pag. 285 Mitig. c. 7. nu . 2 pag. 274. Cap. 7. nu . 5. pag. 276. Cap. 13. nu . 3. pag. 548. See Persons also in his Sober Reck. ca. 7. nu . 22 , & 23. pag. 484 , 485. a Sober Reck. Append. nu . 16 pag. 682. b Sober Reck. in append . nu . 24. pag. 687. a Clerici Rebellio in Regem non est 〈…〉 S● . Aphor. v. [ Clericus ] printed at Antwerp , 1599. and allowed and commended by Silu. Pardo , the Inquisitor . Cuius●cne ficio , qui ad normam men●iatur aut peicret , baud ille periurio aut mend●cioreus c●nsendus sit . b Abbot . Ant●log . adu . Eudeaemon-Ioann . c. a. in prine . fol. 11. fac . 1. a Hospinian . Histor. Iesuit . l. 4. c. 2. p. 228. b Quos Autores habuerit , non 〈…〉 Casaub. epist. ad ●●ont . Du●●um . pag. 108. a Mitigat . c. 7. nu . 12. & 13. p. 281. & 282. a Nu. 16. p. 285. b cap 9. nu . 17 , &c. and repeateth it again● in his Sober Reckon . cap. 7. nu . 26 , &c. Da mihi vnum exemni homiuii antiquitate , Ethnica , luda●●a , Christiana ; davci vnum , cut Reseruatien●s istae tuae probat● su●t , misi siq●i forte in infamni●● not al● , &c. Abbot Anti. cap. 2. fol. 25. a Voces co modo significant , quo 〈◊〉 à populo : populus autem Christianus , ●um audit Sacerdotem iurantem se nii●l scire , nihil intelligit de 〈◊〉 quae noiut in Confessione : Qua●e verba illa solum significant nihils● sciire extra confessionem . Soto Relect. de Secreto , mem . 3. q. 3. Concl. 2. § Hi●reto . b Relect. de secreto memb . 3. q 3. Cond . 4. § Hactenus opinionem . pa. 312. a Ineptisima interpretatio 〈◊〉 , non occidit , ut dicam . b Quia facta non habent or dinem immediatum ad hoc quod est , dicere ; sicut scire & alia verba sensationum . Soto ibid. pag. 314. c Quod liceat ei diceu se nō fecisse , nullatenus est sustentabile . Soto de Ius●it . & Iure , l. 5. q. 6. art . 2. prope finem . d Quoniam , Non feci , nullo modo amplecti potest sensum , Non seci , ut dica . [ facere ] enim non habet 〈…〉 cum eo , quod est , ut dicam , quaem habet [ scire . ] a Potest secundi● omnes Doctores respondere quòd nihil de sacto ille 〈◊〉 , velcertè , quod non 〈◊〉 . Adrian . in 4. de Sacr. Cons. ●esp . ad 2. prin . pag. 143. col . 4. b Descientia , en quatil●● eat reuolare . c Nescio qui s●nt ill● omnes De●tores : fateor me nullum legisse . De Secreto , mem . 3● q. 3. Concl. 4. p. 316 v. etiam de lustit et Iute , l. 5. q. 6. art . 2. d Se●sus ille violent●ssimu● est &c. e Nemo veterum & nobilium Theologorum , quod equidem sciam , affirmauit . Sepulu . de rat . dicend . testi● . cap. 17. f Quorundam iuniorum Theologorum decretis consentan●am . g ●llam veterum 〈◊〉 summorum Theologorum consensu damnatam opinionem . h Nastrâ & patrii memori● superiores , qual● est Aqui. Thomas . Quam vsita●us sermo citra mend●cium ferre possit . Soto de lustit , & lure l. 5. q. 6. art . 2. 〈◊〉 ex industria aliud praeter ea mente liquatur . a Nauar. Com. in c. Humanae aures , q. 1. nu . 4. & nu . 8. & 9. a Praefat. ante initium Commentar . in c. Human. aures ▪ a G. Abbot in the Preface to his Sixe questions . cap. 1. pag. 7. 8. &c. b Quidam dicunt , — posse respondere aliquid subintelligendo , vt non esse , s●z ●ta vt e● dieere teneatur ; ve●se non habere , scilicet vt ei d●t . At alij id non admill●nt , & sortè potiori ratione . c Et sortè potiori ratione . d Sober Reckon . cap. 4. nu 76. pa. 276. e Ibid. nu 80. pag. 279. f Ribaden . Catalogo Scriptotum Soc. Iesu. in ●man . Sa. a Relation . nu . 33. fol. 36. a Histor. Iesuit . l. 4. cap. 2. pag. 228. b 〈◊〉 non immeritò Autores & inuentores eius esse vulgò dicantur . c Constat multos vestri 〈◊〉 Theologos — ●am 〈◊〉 magna cura , & expli●uisse & asseruisse . Sed qui p●aecipnè Acqui●oc catione● ex●o●uerint , ●os video fuisse Anglos . Cas●ub . Epist. ad Front. Ducaeum , pag. 108. e Reply to Father Persons Libell , fol. 22. &c 23. f Quodl . 2. art 6. pag. 39. g Quodl . 3. art . 4. pag. 66. h Quodl . 2. art . 4. pag. 31. a Prefixed before the second tome . b Se suamque Societatem Pontisieijs imperijs more pro●sus nouo mancipauit . c Manual . Controu . l. 5. cap. 21. & Opusc . Theolog. tom . 1. Opusc. 17. in Respons . ad Aphoris . 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. & tom . 2. Opusc . 1. in Append de fide Haer. seruandâ in exam . 4. propositionis . a Quod lib. 3. art . 4. p. 66 , 67. b Cap. 17. in the very end pag. 331. a Quaro eur h●nc fallendi artem appelles Aequiuocationem Iesuiticam . to● . 2. Opusc. 1. in Append. in examinatione ● . propos . a Mitigat . cap. 7. nu . 7. pa. 277. & cap. 10. nu . 23. pa. 424. & cap. 11. nu . 31. p. 460. & cap. 13. nu . 2. p. 547. b Mitig. c● . 11. nu . 23. p. 454. a Mitig. cap. 13. nu . 3. p. 548. b Sober Reckon . in Append . nu . 25. pag. 687. c Mitigat . cap. 9. num . 25. & seqq . d Mar. 13. 32. e Ioh. 8. 15. f Mar. 16. 16. g Ioh. 6. 51. h Ioh. 16. 23. a Comm. in c. Human. aures . q. 3. nu . 1● . b Per hanc doctrinam singularem possunius euitare innumera pe●cata , &c. c Passim enim interrogamur , Quò vadimus , quid comedimu● , &c. d Subintelligendo aliqua , quibus fient vera quae annuimu● , vel falsa quae negamus . e Ita vt tenear vel conueniat illi praestare , tradere , dicere , &c. a Summa v. mendac nu . 4. pag. 385. b Quae doctrina deb●t notari . c De praecept . 2. §. 1. nu . 8. p. 49. d Causam habeat non illam dandi . e In comm●●n loquutione interrogato de re , quam secretò seruare exp . dit , licitum est dicere , se nescire , intelligendo , ita vt expediat dicere . Sanchez O. per moral l. 3. c. 6. num . 25. f Mitigat . c. 9. nu . 81. & 83. pag. 403 , 404. g In c. Human. ●ures . q. 2. nu . 12. h Verum & iniustum damnum . a De Aequinocatione ita censio . In rebus moralib . & cōmuni vsa vitae , quando veritas inter amicos requiritur , vti aequ●ocatione haut licet : id enim Societati hominum magno mala cedere● . Quare hoc remedio in istis null●● loc●● . Quoties verò de necessari● defensione agitur , dequs , iniuria aliqua euitanda , aut damno , aut de consequando aliquo non parui . momenti hon● , sine vll● cuiusqua●r periculo , tum luita est . Aequinocati● . Casaub. Ep. ad Fronton , Du● . pag. 1. 1. a Proceeding against Traytors , lit . u. 4. b Ea etiam vti licet , quum iustè quis interrogatur , si datur rationabilis causa non responderdi ad metem Interrogantu . Fernand. Exam. de praec . 2. cap. 5. § 1. nu . 8. p. 49. c Non solum Qu●● iniuriosa est interrogatio , sed etiam absque culpa interroganti , saepe non tenemur ad mentem eius respondere , quandocunque scilicet Interrogans non habet ius impe●a●● responsionem , & Interrogato id●nea miniineq , leuis illius dene gandae causa suppe●t . Nam cui tacere licet , 〈◊〉 praeter quaesita , aliud quid cum Deo Coelitibus , aut sec●●n loqui po●si , seu ●ocall , seu 〈…〉 se● mixta , ●i . partim vocali , partim mentali . Heiss. Refut . Aph. c. 4. Aph. 2. nu . 117. p. 191. a Persons mit . c. 10. nu . 23. pa. 424. Greg. de Valent. tom . 3. Disp. 5. q. 13. punct . 2. §. Ad. 2 Arg. Sanchez moral● . 3. c. 6. nu . 16. p. 26. b Causa iusta vtendi his amphibologiis est , quoties id necessarium aut vtile est ad salutem corporis , honore , res samil●ares tuenda , vel ad quemlibet alium virtutis actum : ita vt veritatis occultatio censeatur , tunc expediens ac studiosa . Sanchez op . moral . l. 3. c. 6. num . 19. c Dum Sotus ait non esse culpam Amphibologus uti joco , & in ridiculis , intelligo quando absque iuramento id fieret . Tunc enim honestus ille ludus , recreationis iusta causa exereitus , honc stum redderet amphibologiae vsum . At si iuramentum adesset , est manifesta culpa , propter vanamet indiscretā Diuini Nominis vsurpationem . Sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 22. a Mitig. cap. 10. nu . 2. pag. 407 , 408. b Vltimò , Deducitur Poenitentem temerè rogatum , an hoc vel illud peccatū fassus sit , posse iurare se non confessum , intelligendo ita vt teneatur illi explicare . Sanchez mor. l. 3. c. 6. nu . 44. c Si contra iustitiam petit , et iuridice eum non interrogas , potest vti aequiuocatione , et iurare secundum propriam mentem . Tolet . de Instruct. Sa. l. 4. c. 21. num . 10. d Iisdem amphibologijs potest vti Reus , quando Iudex interrogans non est legitimus Interrogati Iudex , aut in hoc casu peculiari , Sanchez l. 3. c. 6. nu . 27. e Mitig. cap. 10. nu . 11. and in the rest following . f Si quis hominē ignorāter , putans esse feram , occidat , aut in propriam defensionem-potest de eo facto rogatus in iudicio , id negare . Sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 29. g Quando taxa alicutus rei est iniusta , si pluris vendens , aut defraudans in pondere & mensura , ita vt sibi satisfaciat propretij injustitia , & reddat correspondentes merces pretio date ; potest hic interrogatus à Iudice , an pluris vendiderit vel desecent in pōdere aut mensura id negare , assacreque se pretio taxato vendidisse & integre pondus & mensura●● tradi ●isse , intelligendo haec , ita ut pluris vendens aut deficiens in pondere aut mensura deliquerit . Sanehez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 29. a Si reperto cadanere , quis interrogatur , an gladius ibi repertus fit suus , vel tali ho●● illaec transierit , quae vera sunt , & petuntur ab eo , tanquam illiu● homi●idiji indi ●ia quod verè no commisa potest negare . Sanch l. c. nu 30. b Ratione optima docent cum , qui nummos mutuò acceptos soluit , posse a Iudice rogatum de mutuo , iucarese illud non accepisse , intelligendo ita ut teneatur id soluere . — Atque idem credo si tunc non teneretur soluere , eò quod terminus , ad quem matuum datum fuit non est impletus ; vel prae paupertate excusatur debit or a tunc soluendo . Sanch l. c. nu . 31. c Nonò , deducitur Creditorem virtute Instrumenti publici exigeteur eoram Iudice debitum , — et si pars illius sunun●● debita s●luta sibi sit . &c. Si Debitor reconcentat eoram Iudice Creditorem , vt iuret an pars illius debiti soluta sit sibi , potest iuarare solutam non esse , intelligendo vt modò non sit tantundem sibi debitum . Sanch. l. c. num 36. d Vndecimo deducitur , co●ctam aliquam actipere in sponsam , quam ducere non tenetur , posse iurare se accepturum , intelligendo in●●a se , Si teneor vel si postea placuent mihi . Sanchez ibid. num . 39. Tolet. de Instruct Sacerd. l. 4. 21. nu . 11. a Si vir ab vxore petat an sit●dultera , ista potest dicere , Non sum , squam●is verum fuerit eam adulterium cōmississe ) intelligendo , vt tibi reuelem Tolet . Instruct. l. 4. c. 21. nu . 11. Sanch. moral . l. 3. ●6 . nu . 41. Persons , mitig . c. 10. nu . 37. pa. 436. b Contraxit quit matrimonium per verba de praesenti , qua de re postulatus corum Episcopo , potest ad●ibito iuramento respondere , non se contraxisse per verba de praesenti ; seruata sibi clausula , ita ut matrimonium fuerit . Treatiso of Equiuocation , allowed by Blackwell and Garnet , cited by D. Abbot Antilog . cap. 2. fol. 13. and Casaub. Epist. ad Front. pag. 115. c Decimo quintò deducitur , eum ti quo mutuò pecunia petitur , quam reuera habet , posse iureiurando affirmare se eam non habere , intelligendo intra se , ut det . Sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. num . 43. & Nauart . Com●n c. Human. aures , q. 3. num 13. Persons mitigall . cap. 9. num . 81. pa. 401 , 403. d Iondino quis , sauten●e ibi peste , proficiscitur Countriam , qu●m magistratus de vebis suae imolumitate soilicu● , diuersai ìibi non pert●untur , misi prius iuret se Londiat nuper non fuisse , non ende venisse , turare poterit non se venisse Londino , cum hac reseruatien● mentis , ita ut insectus po●le venerim . Treatise of Equiuocation , apud D. Abbot Antilog . c. 2. fol. 13. The like is said by Sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 35. by Tolet. de Instruct. l. 4. c. 21. num . 12. by Nauarre Enchirid. cap. 12. nu . 19. e In communi loqtuitione interrogato de re quam secre●ò seruare expedit ●citum est dicere se nescire , intelligenda , ita vt expediat dicere . — potest estam — uti quauis alia amphibologia &c. Sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. num . 25. a Obseruandum quoties ●icitum est ad se tuendum vti aliqua aequiuocatione , id quoque erit licitum , etsi interrogans vrgeat excludens illam aequiuocationem . and , Quatum cunque reduplicet iniquus Interrogator , vt inret se nulla aequiuocatione vti , & absque omni prorsus aequiuocaione id intelligere : adhuc id iutare potest intelligendo its vt planè debe at loqui et explicare vel aliquid aliud mente concipiendo , quo verum id reddatur . Sanchez moral . l. 3. c. ● num . 45. and the same is said in the Treatise of Equiuocation apud D. Abbot Antilog . fol. 13. fac . 2. a Vide intanta astutia quanta sit simplicitat , Quii omnem sec●●ritatem in eo i●●amento sibi statuisset , talam se m●dum iuramenti , tot circumstantijs conne●●●isse existim●bat , qui , saluâ conscientiâ , nulla ratione à quoquā dissolui posset . Sed videre non potuit , si Pontifex iuramentum dissoluerit , omnes illius nexus , siue de sidelitate Regi praestanda , siue de dispensatione non admittenda , peritor dissolutos fore . Immo aliud dicam admirabilius . Nosti , credo , iuramentū iniustum , si tale esse euidenter s●tatur , vel aperte declaretur , neminem obligare ; Reg● iura mentum iniustū esse , ab ipso Ecclesie Pastore sufficienter declaretam est Barthol . Pacenius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epistol . Monit . Iacob . Regis lit . ● . 2. & 3. b Vades igitur tam in sumum ab●●sse Illius obs●gatione ; vt vnculii quod à tot sapientibus ferreum putabat●● , manus fit quam stramilie● . a In c. Human. aur . q. 3. nu . 14. pag. 353. Monarcha ●um prim● maximu● . b Creditur enim ita excipere & audire ad se vementes , & sic ijsdem respondendo , significare tam gestu , quàm verbis & factis , vt placeaut eis , cum quibus rem gerit , intellecta secundum intentionem illorum , licet sint in se falsa , &c. c Ibid. nu . 15. d Hanc doctrinam & artem bonam . * He that knoweth not to dissemble , knoweth not to raigne . a Eccles. 10. 20. b G. Abbot praelect . de mendacio . pa. 50. nu . 13. & R. Abbot Antilog . cap. 2. fol 13. fac . 2. c Proceeding against Traitors . C● . 2. a Proceeding against Traitors . Y. 3. a Quum in Catholicis veteribus alij● , plurim●s feramus c●r●res , & extenuemus , excusemus , excogitato commento persaepe negemus , & commodum ijs sensum offingamus , dum opponuntur in disputationibus aut in constictionibus cū Aduersarijs : non videmus cur non eandem aequit item & diligentem recognitione mereatur Be●tramus . Index Belgic . lit . B. in Bertramo . pag. 12. in 8● . b Mitigat . ca. 7. num . 34. & seqq . c The Author and the Publishers of the Iesuites Catechisme . d L. 1. c. 18. fol. 64. e L. 1. c. 17. fol. 62. f Ibid. g Relation of Religion , num . 33. Beza Red●●● . Epist. ad Gul. Stuck . a In vita Luther● pag. 152. b Directed to the Reader . c Fallitur cum tota sua caterna diebolus , &c. See the Iesuits Cate chisme , l. 1. cap. 17. f. 62. a Vise morti vicinum sensit , ●oram pleno Sena●u Geneuensi palinodiam 〈◊〉 . Beza Red●●● . Epist. Coloniâ misaâ , pag. 9. 〈…〉 . a Reply to Persons Libel . pag. 18. a Comment . in c. Human. aur . q. 3. nu . 13. b Reply to Persons Libel . pag. 23. c Reply to Persons Libel . cap. 3. pag. 57. True Relation pag. 55 , 56. Quod● . 3. art . 4. pag. 66. in the Margin . d Answere to a Letter of a Iesuited Gentleman , p. 104. Gen. 20. ● . Gen. 27. 19. Exod. 5. 1. & 8. 27. 1. Sam. 16. 1 , 2. 1. Sam. 21. 2. Ier. 38. 25 , &c. a Comm●n C. Human. aures q. 3. nu . 7. Gen. 20. 11 , 12. a Apologie for Eccles. Subo●d . c. 12. in the end fol. 202. b So S. Aug. interpreteth this place , lib. contra mendac . cap. 10. a Haec quando in Scripturis sancti● legimus , non ideo quia facta credimus , etiam faciend● cred●mus , ne violem●● praecepta , dum passim s●ctamur exempla . Aug. contra menda● . c. 9. p. 18. A. b Contra mendac . cap. 10. in Gen. 27. 19. Relect. de Secreto memb . 3. q. 3. Conclus . 7. pag. 3●1 . a Ier. 18. 7 , 8. b Ezek. 33. 13. c Ioel 2. 14. d Dan. 4. 27. a Ionah 3. 8 , 9. b Isai. 38. 2. c Contra Mēdac . cap. 2. pag. 14. A. d Luk. 24. 28. a Mar. 13. 3● . b Ioh. 7. 8. Persons Mitig. c. 7. num . 29. pag. 293. c Matt. 26. 48. d Ioh. 13. 26. a Facta nihil huc auin●● , nisi certam & expectatam 〈◊〉 altera parte sine siga● ficat●onem si●e quasi respension● contra 〈◊〉 de●●●u . Abbat . Antilog . c. 2. Pag. 26. And againe , Otio●è totum hoc de shategemets vs●●satcy quia nulla ibi consiliorum Communicatio , nulla signorum intercessio , quae mentibus nostris inui●em aperiendis constituta sunt . Ibid. pag. 26. b Non magis in ●oc facto video inendacij specie , quam in eo quod simulauit se peregrinum seu ●●ator●m . Lucas B●ugens . in hunc locum . c Magaum discrimen est inter voba & opera● verba exp●●ma iustitutione , significandi vim habent ; non item opera . a Barrad . to . 4. l. 8. c. 1● . pag. 356. 2. a Ribera in Amos 2. nu . 21. pag. 344. b Si enim eum non 〈◊〉 , tra●●●sset sine dubio , & iss●t lo●gi●s . c Mitig. cap. 9. nu . 58. pa. 386. d Mitig. cap. 9. nu . 72. pa. 397. e Mitig ca. 9. nu . 45. pa. 378. f Mitig. cap. 9. num 48. I. c. nu . 49. Gen. 22. 12. Deut. 13. 3. Rob. Abbot An●●l . cap. 2. pag. 22 , & 23. a Roman . Correct . Ioh. 7. 8. a Cap. 1. p. 1● . b Pers. mitig . cap. 8. num . 8. c Pers. ibid. num . 15. d Pers. ibid. num 8. e ibid. num . 15 f Pers. mitig . cap. 8. num . 10. pag. 313. Vt reliqui ●ures , carum rerum quas cepericat , signa commutan● : sic illi — nomina , tanquam rerum notas , mutaucrunt , Cic. de finib . bon . & mal . l. 5. nu . 74. pag. 111. a Mitig. cap. 8. num . 16. pag. 310. a Aug. conta mendac . c. 12. b Tolet Instr. l. 8. c. 54. c Non est mendacium , dicere quod nou ita est , sed dicere aliter quàm homo putat . Tolet. ibid. d Qui aliter qu●● sentit proloquitur , alterū fallit , et fallere intendit . Non etenim sic profert , nisi vt diuersam opinionem in animo alterius generet . Hoc autem est fallere . Tolet. ibid. e Pers. mitig . c. 12. num . 2. pag. 484. & cap. 10. num . 22. p. 424. a Cap. 1. pag. 16. num . 6. b Mihi vsque ad●o videtur ille animus fallendi necessarius ad rationem mendacij ; quòd sine illo mendacium esse non possit . Vt v. g. fi Petrus absque aliqu● teste proferat propositionem , qu● scit esse falsam ; ille non mentitur , quamuis dicat folsum in voce . Similit●r si Petrus dicat ●oann● ; Tu 〈◊〉 es Ioctnes : 〈◊〉 non mentitur , quamuis dicat falsum , quia illud non potest dicere animo fallendi ipsum Ioannem . Huius ratio esse potest , quia mendacium est fiotio quaeda , quae est in voluntate , propterca quòd est ad alteris per quam intendit homo , vt alius credat aliter , quam sentit ille , qui fiugit , & mentitur . Quòd autem menda●●ū sit ad alterum , patet . Nam 〈◊〉 veracitas , quae est virtus oppofila , est ad àtterum , quum sit pa●s iustiti● ; vt ai● S. Tho. Dominic . Baunes to . 3. in 2. 2. q. 1. art . 3. Dub. 1. § Pro decisione . pag. 16. a Aut non est credendum bonis ; aut credendum est ijs , quos credimus debere aliquando mentiri ; aut non est credendum bonos aliquando 〈◊〉 . Horum trium primum pernici●sum est secund●● stultum . Restat ●rgo , vt nunquam ment●antur boni . Augustin . de Mendac . cap. 8. pag. 6. f. a Leuitie . 19. 11. b Ephes. 4. 25. c D Ely in his Notes vpon the Apologie . cap. 9. pag. 311. D. Bagshaw in his Answ. to Persons Apologie , pag. 42. Reply to a briefe Apologie , cap. 2. pag. 11. a Apologie for Subord . cap. 12. in the latter end . a 2 Corin. 11. 14. b Quum volens eum consuetudine visionum , ad credulitatem futurae deceptionis illicere , verissima quaque multo tempore , Diabolu● , velut veritatatis nuncius , reuclasset : ad ●x●●emum , &c. Cassian . Collat . 2. cap. 8. 


