# fulltext

id: A39387
fulltext:
   The emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the Protestant princes of the empire. Empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. English. 1682 Cerdan, Jean-Paul, comte de. 1682 Approx. 115 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39387 Wing E716 ESTC R27323 09811643 ocm 09811643 44145 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39387) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44145) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1355:28) The emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the Protestant princes of the empire. Empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. English. 1682 Cerdan, Jean-Paul, comte de. [2], 128 p. Printed for B.M., London : 1682. "Published for the satisfaction of all good Protestants." Attributed to Jean Paul Cerdan--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- France. Protestants -- France -- Early works to 1800. Dutch War, 1672-1678 -- Early works to 1800. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE EMPEROUR And the EMPIRE BETRAY'D : By Whom and How. Written by a Minister of State residing at that Court , to one of the Protestant Princes of the Empire . Published for the satisfaction of all good Protestants . LONDON , Printed for B. M. at the Duke of Lorrain's Head in Westminster . 1682. TO THE READER . THE extraordinary Conduct of the Imperial Court and Council for some years past , having rais'd the Curiosity of a great Prince of the Empire , to find out at any rate the true Causes and Grounds of Counsels and Actions that had so much surprized him , he made choice of a Minister whom he judged best capable to execute this Design , and having given him Instructions for the purpose , dispatched him privately under other pretences to the Emperours Court at Prague The Minister acquitted himself well , and gave his Master an ample account of his Business by Letter , of the 13. of February 1680. The Master ( a right German , and truly generous Prince ) laid his Commands on me to publish those important Secrets , the value whereof will soon appear by the reading , from which I will no longer detain you . Farewell . THE EMPEROUR AHD THE EMPIRE Betrayed . AND By Whom , and How. In a LETTER . My Lord , 'T IS the duty of a Servant not to conceal any thing from his Prince and Master , especially when he is pleased to honour him with his Confidence , as your Higness hath done in sending me to this Court : To clear my self from the Guilt and Reproach of having been wanting to this Duty , I take the liberty to give your Highness a faithful and candid account in Writing ; what I have discovered most pertinent and Essential to the business , you were pleased to employ me in . I shall do it with the less scruple and reserve , having sent this Letter by an Express , in whom I have entire Confidence , and doubt not but he will , according to my order , deliver it into your Hands . To begin with the best part of what I have to deliver , I am to inform your Highness , that His Imperial Majesty is , in my Opinion , a pious Prince , good natured , and of a sweet and gentle Disposition , and not at all inclined to contend with the Princes his Neighbours , or make War on his Inferiors : That , pursuant to this natural Inclination for Repose and for Peace , this Prince hath an Antipathy against any thing that disturbs or opposes his quiet Disposition , and hath eased himself wholly of the management and direction of his Affairs of State , and of War , by committing all to the Conduct of his principal Ministers . 'T is hard for a Prince to intrust a Minister with Affairs of this mighty Importance , without opening to him all his Mind , and imparting the greatest and deepest of his Secrets : And from hence , I believe it hath unhappily followed that this Prince , having by degrees accustomed himself to leave the greatest part of his Affairs to the Conduct of his Ministers , hath reserved to himself only the Title and Pomp , the Splendour and Name of the Dignities and Grandeur proper to his Character . In a Word , had his Imperial Majesty never so little minded his great Affairs , he would never have yielded to sign that shameful and ignominious Peace with France , subscribed by the Imperial Embassadours at the Congress ad Nimiguen ; the unhappy Effects whereof we have seen in seven Particulars of great importance . First , His Imperial Majesty , by those few strokes of his Pen , hath in all probability , lost for ever the Esteem , the Friendship and Confidence of the Princes his Friends and Allyes ; who would have generously defended and preserved him from ruine , by the force of their Arms. Seconldy , That his own Troops have been shamefully forced to quit all the Countries of the Empire , while those of France have been actually there , and continue to this day insulting and Domineering as they please over the Princes , the Cities , the Countries and Provinces of the Empire . Thirdly , That by the Execution of this Peace , the Estates , the Persons and the Courts of the three Ecclesiastical Electors of the Empire , and of the Elector Palatine of the Rhine , stand in a manner expos'd every hour to the violences and irruptions of the Arms of France ; and consequently , in case of an Election of a King of the Romans , we may probably find by their Suffrages what may be expected from Slaves to that proud and ambitious Crown . Fourthly , That his Imperial Majesty having by that Peace tacitely consented to the late Cession on made by Spain of the County of Burgundy to the Crown of France : It follows , that if His Imperial Majesty , ( in Case of failure of Issue in the House of Spain ) should in his own Right , or in the Right of the Arch-Dutchess his Daughter , the Heir to the Estates of that Monarchy , he hath by that Article of the County of Burgundy , released his Right to it , and deprived his Successors , and the Empire of the Convenience that Country might upon a favourable Revolution have afforded them to lead an Army without opposition into the heart of France : And should Lorrain be ever restored to the Empire , yet this Article will be an infallible means for France to maintain continually an Army on the Frontiers of Germany , and invade it as often as it shall appear to be for the Interest and Grandeur of the French to attack the Germans . Fifthly , That though Swizzerland be throughly convinced by the building the Fortress of Hunninges , of the Ambitious designs of France , and consequently concerned and inclined to make a League with all , or part of the Princes of the Empire , in defence of the Common Liberty ; yet the unfortunate Session of the County of Burgundy hath furnished the Pensioners of France , ( whom no Counsel or Caution of that Republick is free from ) with a plausible argument , to perswade that Republick not to stir in its own defence , till it be perhaps too late , and out of its power to help it self : For , say they , What shall we do ? The Cantons of Bern , Fribourgh and Sollurre cannot subsist without the Salt of that Province : Besides the Forces his most Christian Majesty keeps actually on Foot there , may justly alarm us to be cautious to the utmost , what measures we take , and consider all things before we ingage in any : By such discourses as these ( though groundless if we suppose an Union of the Forces of the Empire with the Swisse , which would infallibly draw in many more ) it may fall out that this Republick ( if the lowest party prevail not against those Traytors to their Country ) may to its own mischief , and the ruin of others , lye still and look on , as unconcerned , and consequently be a Member wholly useless to the Publick , for defence of the Common Liberty , which would be in the present Conjuncture of more mischievous Consequence han most are aware of . Sixthly , That by this peace the Duke of Lorrain , who hath had the honour to Marry a great Queen eldest Sister to his Imperial Majesty , hath found as little respect in this Peace , as if he had married the Daughter of a Burgo-Master of Colmar ; and hath been violently robb'd , and intirely dispossest of his Dukedoms of Lorrain and Bar , and several other Lands he held in Soveraignty , being his Hereditary Estates , and descended to him by unquestionable right of Succession : Which others looked on with so little concern , as if this Prince ( stript of all he could call his own ) had lost no more than a Ring , or a Farm of a thousand Crowns value . Seventhly , That his Imperial Majesty , and the Empire by Signing a Peace ( to give it its right Name ) so unbecoming and unworthy , have raised the courage and hopes of the most Christian King to that height , that he looks on both with so much indifference and scorn , that he hath openly undertaken at once three things , which ( I believe ) were ever heard of in the Empire , at least when it had the advantage of a Head that had the least jealousie and care for its Glory . The first , that without any Lawful Mission , the Emperor being young , and in perfect Health , he solicites vigorously the two Electors of the North side of the Empire , for their Suffrage at the next Election of a King of the Romans . I mention only these two Electors , for as for the others , he makes no doubt by fair means or by force to dispose of them as he shall think fit . The second , that , as if he were dealing only with the Farmers of his Revenues , or the Poysoners of Paris , he hath by a Declaration erected at Metz ( as formerly at Brisak ) a Court compos'd according to the course of that Kingdom , of a dozen Hangm — where though the smallest Duke and Peer of France , is not obliged to appear ; His most Christian Majesty , as Judge and Party , cites by some Catchpole of that Clandestine Jurisdiction , Princes of the most ancient Illustrious Houses of the Empire ( which he hath nothing to do withall ) to make their appearance , to give him Account by what right they possess what their Predecessors have for three or four hundred Years peaceably enjoyed . This invention , with the help of the Knight of the Post , and a Map of the Country drawn out at pleasure , ( but of the old fashion , the better to colour the business ) is the ground of his pretensions , that the greatest part of Lorrain , the whole Dukedom of Deuxpents , and the best part of Alsatia , as far as Lauterbourgh , are ancient Dependencies of the Bishopricks of Metz , Toul and Verdun , and must consequently be re-united to the Demeans of that Crown with as much ease , as the Lands of some wretched Treasurers of France have been resumed by his Majesty . The third is , that to the end his new Paper-pretences , may be as effectual as the right of devolution of the low Countries in 1667 and 1668. He hath upon the Frontiers on this side considerable Forces in readiness to Execute the Reunion , or rather , under that pretence , to do what he shall think fit in the Empire ; when all this while , neithe his Imperial Majesty , nor any Prince of the Empire dares openly stir . As if what hath already been done to the Duke of Lorrain , and other Princes and Cities of the Empire in Alsatia , were not only a certain presage , but an unquestionable President , whereby all other Princes and States of the Empire of what quality and degree soever , may clearly see the Fortune of those Princes and States , who have the misfortune to hold of that Crown , or be Neighbours to its Dominions : The consequences that naturally follow so untoward , and so unhappy a State of Affairs will oblige us to Conclude ; Woe to his Imperial Majesty , if he do not wholly alter his Conduct , and God grant I speak not prophetically and truly , as Micajah when I say His Imperial Majesty will dearly rue his trusting his Council with the direction and management of Affairs of this Nature : And wo to His Imperial Majesty and the Empire , they ever signed that false and fatal Peace , whereby both will naturally fall ( unless God by special interposition prevent it ) under the slavery of that absolute and despotical Dominion . Yet I would not be thought to be of Opinion , that if all His Imperial Majesty's Council were such as it ought to be , Affairs would be in that ill condition we find them ; but the greater part of that Council being weak or corrupted , as I dare say it is , we are not to doubt , but if it continues , things will still grow worse and worse : I have been bold to say , the greater part of the Imperial Council is Weak or Corrupt : And to make my words good , I will proceed by degrees from smaller matters to those of greatest importance , to prove what I affirm by unquestionable Instances . The first Instance . Commissary General Capellier surpriz'd the Steward of his House in the very act of Traiterous Correspondence with the Minister of France , to whom he gave an exact Account of all he could discover at his Master's House . The Letters he sent to the French Minister and those he received from him were seized at the Imperial Post Office at Frankfort : And though this happened in the heat of the War between the two Nations , and the Traitor upon discovery of the matter was arrested , and carried to Philipsbourgh , & From thence to Vienna , yet he ( a Fellow worth nothing ) found at Court such powerful support , that he was set at Liberty , and cleared as a gallant Person . The second Instance . The Siege of Phillipsbourg , being form'd by the Imperial Troops and those of the Circles , and the place so much straitned that they began to want Powder in the Town , two Brothers , Burgesses of Franckfort , corrupted by a French Minister , undertook to buy several Waggon Loads of Powder in the Empire , and to conveigh them into Phillipsbourg with other Ammunition . But the Convoy for executing the Design having been surprized by the Imperialists , and one of the Rogues taken and sent to Vienna , he was not long there but he was set at liberty as a very honest Fellow . The third Instance . He that commanded in Fribourgh , when taken by Marshal Crequi , could not deny himself notoriously guilty of Cowardice , or Treason ; being arrested for his Crimes , and carried first to Inspruck , and thence to Vienna : he was look'd upon as a Sacrifice necessary to be offer'd to expiate so hainous an offence against Equity , Policy , and the Discipline of War ; but because he was related to a principal Minister , or rather because a Great One was afraid he might ( if put hard to it ) make some discoveries : He was fully acquitted , and cleared from all that was laid to his charge ; and in such a manner , that he retired home as confident , and unconcerned , as ever the French Governour of Phillipsbourgh could have done , after the generous defence he made of the Post he commanded . The Fourth Instance . The Duke of Saxe Eisnach having had the Command of a little Army on the Rnine , being an active and brave Prince , neglected not any thing that might conduce to the worthy discharging the Duty of his place ; those of the Imperial Council , who took part with France , having designs contrary to those of that Prince , were as active on the other side , by close and sudden wayes to bring two things to pass : The first was to raise and establish a mis-understanding between this Prince , and his Highness of Lorrain ; Commander in chief of the great Army of the Empire : The Second was , to order the distribution of Ammunition necessary for the Army in such a manner , that when it was provided of one sort , it should certainly want another : When it had Cannon , it wanted Carriages ; and when it had both these it should have neither Powder nor Bullet : And to give those of the Council their due , their designs took effect to admiration , for the whole story of that Campaign is ( in short ) no more but a misunderstanding between these Princes , and want of Ammunition . But this was not enough , for the malice of these Emissaries , they poceeded further to hire one under the name of Dela Magdelaine , who having been instructed by the Major Domo of the Abbot S. Gall ( of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter ) was set on to seduce and surprize this Prince : In a word , he came to the Duke of Saxe Eysenach to propose to him the surprizal of a Fortress belonging to France in the higher Alsatia : The proposal was guilded over with so much probability of success , that the Duke animated with zeal to do something great for the Glory of his Imperial Majesty , and the Interest of his Country , greedily hearkned , and quickly embraced the proposal . After some necessary precautions for the Enterprise , Duneewald was commanded to undertake the Execution , and having in the Action discovered the Cheat , the Duke us'd his endeavours to have the Criminal Arrested : But all to no purpose ; for the Major Domo had already secured him in a place of safety : I make no doubt but every one will grant me , this Rogue deserved death , and had not any colour of pretence , to find esteem or safety in the Empire : But it proved quite otherwise upon his Capitulation , ( I mean that with the Major Domo ) for the Rogue , having play'd this excellent trick , had the impudence to go to the Emperours Court , where he was very well received , and highly treated , and sent thence to Breslaw , where Count Shaftkutsch , President of the Imperial Chamber in Silesia , pays him constantly , by order from above , annually a considerable Pension : This arrant Cheat goes now as formerly under the Name of Cygale , and gives out he is a-kin to the Grand Signior : But it hath been made appear in France and England , that he is a Native of Maldavia , and was Groom to a Prince of that Country : This is the true Character of him , the rest that is said of him are but inventions of Jesuits and Monks , who go snips with him in the Presents he receives on his Lying pretences . I have been more particular in my account to your Highness of this Fellow , to arm you the better against a surprize , by his Fictions and Artifices , which he continues to practise every day in hope to get something from those he can impose upon . The Fifth Instance . By what I have said formerly of Swizzerland , it may appear of what importance it may be to the Emperor and Empire to make that Republick sensible of their true interest , and treat with them for a League and Union of Forces in defence of the Common Liberty ; and ( to bring this about ) to employ in the Negotiation , Persons not only capable and faithful , but acceptable to those they are to treat with : Yet as if the Emperor's Council made it their business to do in this as other particulars , only what may gain them the favour , or the Gold of His most Christian Majesty . 'T is fit to know the Person the Emperor's Council employs in all those important Negotiations they have with that Republick . It is no other than the Abbot S. Gall's Major Domo , above mentioned , called Monsieur Fidelle , ( Mr. Faithful , ) but by the same figure of speech our Divines call the Prince of Darkness an Angel of Light : For this Fellow is notoriously known and confest to be the falsest of Men. Yet being a Person of a very ready wit , a lively fancy , and naturally active in what he undertakes , sometimes he openly acts on the part of France , and publickly solicits Suffrages in this Republick in favour of that Crown ; sometimes he turns his Coat , and is on the sudden all for the House of Austria : This man from a petty Pedler of Italy , is become excessive Rich , which I mention as a circumstance whereby it may be the better known what a Man he is , how fit to negotiate the Interests of his Imperial Majesty , and to be the Confident and Councellor of the Ministers of State ; His Council sends into these parts : And to make appear their Wisdom or Collution in this particular , I must acquaint your Highness with a matter generally known throughout the Swisse Cantons . That this man is owner of a Moity of two Swisse Companies , now actually in the Service of the French , under the command of his Son in Law : ( An Ordinary Traffick among the Swisses ) That his most Christian Majesty hath within these three years bestowed on him a Rich Canonry , in the higher Alsatia , or Brisgow , which one of his Sons is invested in : That 't is this faithful Minister of the Imperial Court , hath since the beginning of the last War , bought all the Horses his Christian Majesty had need of for his Armies , and caused them to be transported from the Port of Wasserbourgh in Germany ( where his Master hath a Bayliff , and no small Power ) to the Port of Rochas , in Swizzerland , which is a place whereof his Master is Soveraign Prince : That this man being the principal incendiary and Fomenter of all the troubles and broils hapned in Swisserland , these last twenty years ; is so generally hated by all good people of that Nation , that to procure the miscarriages of any affair of the Dyets of Baden , there is no surer means than to make the Assembly suspect this man hath a hand , or is any way concerned in it . This appeared clearly in the affair of the County of Burgundy , for Count Cazatti , the Spanish Embassadour , having very unadvisedly resolved to make use of this mans Counsel and Conduct in a matter of that importance , that mighty affair was utterly ruin'd by that very means : Notwithstanding all , this man is the Confident and privy Councellour of all the Ministers his Imperial Majesty sends to that Nation ; and their first business , when arrived there , is to visit him , to consult him and communicate to him all their instructions : This about three years since , occasion'd a pleasant passage at the Dyet of Baden : An Envoy of his Imperial Majesty , ( whom I purposely forbear to name ) according to the Custom of his Predecessors in that Employ , and the Orders establisht , went presently after his arrival to consult this Oracle ; going afterward to Baden , the Envoy was strangely surprized to find that Gravelle the French Embassadour had already Communicated to the Assembly all the private Instructions the Envoy had received from the Council at Vienna : Thus that Envoy's Nogotiations came to nothing , and so will all others his Imperial Majesty shall permit to be managed by the false and Corrupt Conduct of a Man so base , and altogether unworthy the honour of that Employment . The Sixth Instance . 'T is an infallible Maxim , that every Prince dispossest of his Estate , may hold for certain , there will be nothing omitted on the part of the Usurper , or a Conquerour in possession to ruin him , if possible , and all his Generation . Therefore 't is not strange , that the Ministers of France ( though perhaps in this particular against the intention and without the order of his most Christian Majesty ) leave no stone unturned for the destruction of his Highness of Lorrain : But it may surprize any man to find that the Imperial Governour of Phillipsbourgh , should ( so openly and notoriously , as he did ) have attempted the destruction of that Prince , by the trap he caused cunningly to be made in the bridge of that place , for that purpose , through which the good Prince fell headlong to the bottom of the Ditch : May we not justly infer , this Governor had capitulated and agreed with some Minister of the Enemy to commit so vile a Treason ? May we not conclude so black an attempt against a Soveraign Prince , Brother in Law to the Emperor , and at that time representing the Person of His Imperial Majesty , under the Character of Generalissimo of his Armies , unquestionably merited exemplary punishment ? No honest Man but expected the Criminal should have been made a Sacrifice to Justice and Vengeance , when he was taken and carried under a strong Guard to Vienna . But all that was meer shew , for the Favourers of France had that influence over the Council at Vienna , that this Villain , as the former , past altogether unpunished . The seventh Instance . It appears publickly his most Christian Majesty since the Peace Arms by Sea and Land more powerfully than before ; and France being not sufficient for the Levies he makes , he is come by his Ambassadour to the Center of the Empire , to Frankford and to Prague to compleat them . He causes Fortresses and Places of strength to be every day built on Saar , the Rhine , and all the Frontiers of Germany , I think there needs no better evidence of his having a Design to reduce Almayn into a condition of disability of help it self , when he thinks fit to attacque it ; if we consider farther , that he causes his Commissaries to buy up all the Corn in Swabe and Franconia , which is daily carried away into his Magazins in Lorrain , Alsatia , and the County of Burgundy . Let us examine on the other side the conduct of the Head and Natural Defender of the Empire , or rather of his unhappy Council : This Prince hath since the Peace reformed all his Troops ; and in particular the Garrison of Rhinefeld , which is of principal consequence : Let us weigh the matter without prejudice : He hath disbanded most of his old Regiments , and kept on foot only part of the new . A man must be blind , and void of common sense , who comprehends not that the Imperial Council hath in this particular acted by inteligence with the Council of France , and by their direction , to deprive the Emperor of the only Officers and Soldiers capable to defend him , and to make them immediately go over into the service of France : The matter hath fallen out according to their design , and I leave it to any man versed in matters of State or of War , to judge what a Conduct so extraordinary as this doth naturally signifie . I should be too tedious to give you all the Instances I know whereby to prove the Emperour is certainly betray'd by the greater part of his Council . But to be short , let it be observed , that the same Council that cleared the Steward of Commissary Capelliers , the Traytors of Frankfort who would have furnished Philipsbourgh with Powder in the Siege , and the Governour of Fribourgh : The same Council that hath protected at Brestaw the Villain who abused the Duke of Saxe Eisnach , and procur'd a Pension to be setled on him ; the same Council that hath setled the Major Domo of the Abbot S. Gall. to be the Imperial Minister in Switzerland , and prevented the exemplary punishment of the Governour of Phillipsbourgh ; the same Council that advised His Imperial Majesty to reforme the greatest part of his Troops , and in the manner I have told you ; this is the very Council hath clearly acquitted and approved of all the Conduct and publick Robberies and Insolencies of Commissary Capelliers , and others : and by causing His Imperial Majesty , to sign the late shameful Peace , have reduced the too good Prince into such a Condition , that ( without a special Providence of God to the : contrary ) no Prince will henceforth without much difficulty and caution relye on his Word or his Signet : So that considering the Activity , the Power and Interest of his Enemy , with the credit and influence he hath in the Emperor's Council , His Imperial Majesty , as to his Elective Imperial Crown ( and I know not what to say of his Hereditary Dominions and Estates ) seems reduced to the Condition of a Chilperic , or a Charles in France ; for he hath more than one Pepin , or one Hugh Capet to deal with . Nor do I see he hath any greater Authority than had those two unfortunate Kings , who were violently thrust out of their Thrones ; which neither they , nor any of their Posterity ever regained . The better to convince the World how foully His Imperial Majesty is betrayed by his Council , and in him all the Princes and States of the Empire , and that there hath been of a long time a horrid and villainous Plot carried on against them with great cunning and caution , give me leave to observe that it proceeds from the secret Engines of this Plot , that His Imperial Majesty's two Sisters were Married to Princes , both Robbed of their Dominions and Estates : As to the Duke of Lorrain , Husband of the Elder , he continues to this day stript of all his Estates , and if the late Peace hold , I see little hopes of his Re-establishment . And it cannot be deny'd but that the Duke of Newbourgh , though restored by the Peace to the Dukedoms of Juliers and Berg , was out of possession of both at the time of the Marriage of his Son to the Emperor's younger Sister . The Reasons of these Marriages were , that the Princesses being Married ( as they are ) to Princes uncapable to afford His Imperial Majesty any Succour at need , neither His Majesty nor his Allies might have any benfit by the Marriages . And that when ever France should be desirous of Peace , there might be those in the Imperial Councils and Court , whose Interest would oblige them to desire and procure it , in order to their restoration and re-establishment in their Estates , and to free themselves from the necessity of begging their Bread elsewhere . It hath happened accordingly as to the Duke of Newburgh at least , for having not wherewith to bear the Charge of the Marriage of his Son with the Emperor's Sister , without being restored to the Dutchies of Juliers and Berg , which could not ( at least so speedily ) be effected without a Peace , what wonder is it , that this Prince hath for the time past ( being forced by his Necessities ) joyned with that part of the Emperor's Council that was for Peace , and assisted them in perswading His Imperial Majesty to sign it on any Condition : Nor can it appear strange , if this Prince for the suture joyn with the same Council , and use all his Credit and Interest with His Imperial Majesty , never to enter into a War with France , though he have never so great Reason for it . For when wants and Necessities enter in at the Door , Honour and Friendship flyeth out at the windows . His Highness of Lorrain ( to give him his due ) hath done bravely on his occasion , having generously chosen to run the Risque of losing all , rather than sign so shameful and unjust a Peace , as that proposed to him by France : And I shall be very much deceived , if he or his recover not their Estates rather by this than any other Conduct : For Revolutions are Common to all , and I have particular Reasons to believe it may one day happen so in the Affairs of his Highness . This I think is more than sufficient to Evince that His Imperial Majesty hath been basely betrayed by his Council . My next business is to shew by what sort of People he hath been chiefly betrayed , and with what Covers they have guilded those Pills , which they have made this Good and August Prince swallow from time to time . To find the bottom of this business , we must look a great way back , as far as the beginning of the War , which France by Concert with England , the Elector of Cologne , the Duke of Newburgh , and the Bishop of Munster , made against the United Provinces in 1672. After several Alliances with the Deceased Elector of Bavaria , and Duke of Hanover , and others , which were but too visible during that War. Several pretences have been made use of to colour that Rupture , but the truth is , it was fomented only by the Court of Rome and the Jesuits : To give your Highness full and clear satisfaction in this particular , be pleased to permit me to put you in mind , that a little before the breaking out of that War , his Royal Highness of Savoy Deceased , having taken his Measures with the Court and Council of France , made open War against the Republick of Genoa . The Court of Rome wisely judging the Duke of Savoy would not have engaged in that Enterprize without assurance before hand of Succour and Protection from France , if needful ; and that those petty Sparks might raise a General Conflagration in Italy , which in time might draw over thither all the French Forces , and consequently expose that Country to inevitable Ruin ; that subtil and cunning Court , to save themselves from the storm , applied themselves seriously , In the First place , to put an end upon any terms to the War between the Duke and the Republick , which Monsieur Gaumont soon after effected . In the next place , being sensible what formidable Forces His Most Christian Majesty had then on foot , and that that Monarch could not forbear breaking out into a new War ; the Court of Rome resolved to use all their endeavours to divert from themselves and their Neighbours , the Effects of the French Arms , and cause them to fall on some other Country of Europe , the most remote that might be from Italy , and where it might be most Convenient for the Interest of the Pope : The Jesuits having given directions to this purpose , the affair was manag'd with that subtilty , the Storm fell altogether on the United Provinces , the Court of Rome assuring it self , that if that Republique were once destroy'd , the whole Protestant Party would naturally come to ruin , and the Papal Authority in a short time recover it's primitive Grandeur and Glory . Great Obstacles were quickly discovered against the carrying on this mighty Project : The most Christian King who clearly saw what the Court of Rome aim'd at , was , or pretended to be , unwilling to engage in Open War against the United Provinces , but on two Conditions . First , That the Court of Rome should secretly consent and give way that he might , if he could , joyn the Provinces of the Spanish Netherlands and Lorrain , with what he could Conquer from the States of the United Provinces , to form or restore the Ancient Kingdom of Austrasia . Secondly , that the Court of Rome should assure him , to their Power , to procure his Majesty and the Dauphin , ( who was designed the New King of Austrasia , ) the Imperial Crown . As to the point of the Spanish Netherlands , it must be observ'd , that to bring about the Design , it was absolutely necessary to manage his Majesty of Great Brittain , ( whose interests there were very considerable ) and there could be no hopes to give him satisfaction without Sacrificing to him something very considerable of what belong'd to the Spaniard . It would have been almost impossible for any but the Jesuits Interests , so different , to reconcile and overcome so great and Numerous Difficulties . The two Branches of the most August House of Austria , had heap'd most considerable Favours , and showed their Bounties , on the Society of Jesuits : But when they are concerned for the Grandeur of the Pope , and the Interests of the Miter ( which ( by the way ) the Society looks on with the same Ardour a young Prince in Love would eye the advantages , the Glory and Interests of a Beautiful and rich Queen , whom he made no doubt but he should one day enjoy ) all Thoughts and memory of the favours received from the August Family , are wholly laid aside on that occasion ; the Jesuits fell immdiately to find out Expedients for two Reasons , full of Justice and Equity , according to the Politick Maxims of that Blessed Society . The first was that whereas the House of Austria in the present Conjuncture was notoriously unable to raise the Roman Bishops to their former Estate of Grandeur and Glory , and that there was not any but His most Christian Majesty , who by his Forces and Interests could work this kind of Miracle it was absolutely necessary to remove all Difficulties and Obstacles that might hinder the effecting an enterprise so Profitable and Glorious . The Second , That in case the Design should take effect , the Society was assured of having in recompence of their pains , two great Abbies , Heads of their Orders , the one in the Ancient Kingdom of France , the other in the New Conquests : Which Abbys were to be added to the vast Patrimony of this Society , besides the assurances they had by the protection of France , to obtain a Settlement in Amsterdam , and elsewhere . Upon these Grounds they procur'd the Treaties to be privately sign'd between France and Rome , and between France and England , by vertue whereof the War was quickly begun against the United Provinces . I pass over in silence the satisfaction his Majesty of Great Brittain was to have , as impertinent to my present business : It may be observed , that as under the Reign of Philip the second France was to have been made ( as far as it lay in the Power of Rome ) a Sacrifice to the Interests of the Papal Miter , and the Monarch of Spain , 't is now become the turn of the most August House of Austria , ( according to this Project ) to be Sacrificed to the interests of the Papacy , the Jesuits and his most Christian Majesty . And that as the principal design of the Jesuits , and of France , was the absolute destruction of the Protestant Party , it was from hence it proceeded , that a League was form'd and sign'd by most of the Catholick Princes of Germany , and incorporated into the Treaties above mention'd , wherein every of the Confederates had , or at least thought to have had his design , and compass'd his ends , as afterwards appear'd : Hence also it proceeded that France , having anciently had very strict alliances with the Protestant Princes of Germany , conceal'd very carefully the present design from all its ancient Allyes of that Communion . The Court of Rome , and the Society as carefully conceal'd it from both branches of the House of Austria ; and all this for reasons , than which nothing is more easily apprehended : For the same reason it was , that in the beginning of this War , nothing was omitted by the Popes Nuncio , the Jesuits , and their Emissaries , to lull asleep the Councils of Vienna and Madrid ; and that afterwards they did with all possible diligence reveal to the Ministers of France , all they could discover of the deliberations of the Imperial Council , or the Spanish . For the same reason it was , that his Imperial Majesty by the clear Remonstrances of the Elector of Brandenbourgh being made sensible of the Trap cunningly laid for him by the French , and having commanded an Army to joyn with that Elector on the Rhine , those Emissaries of Rome laid all their heads together , and for their Master-piece to carry on the Design , effected two things . The first was the Rebellion of the Male Contents in Hungary , not yet Suppressed , whereby they endeavour'd , if possible , to give the Emperour so strong a diversion , that it might not be in his Power to assist his Allies . The second , I have from an Anonimous Author of an Essay of the Interest of the Protestant Princes and States , Printed in the year , 1676. and treating of several things , in this respect very considerable : The Author in my Opinion deserves the more Credit , in that he hath lash'd the Society to some purpose in his Discourse , yet not one of it's Patrons or Partisans hath undertook to refute him : The account he gives of the first Campaign , I will repeat Word for Word from the Original , as very sutable to my purpose . In the Year 1672. when the Arms of France were so prosperous , that all Europe looked on the States of the United Provinces as very near Destruction , His Electoral Highness of Brandenbourgh wisely foreseeing the Consequences to be expected from the Ambitious Enterprizes of France , if not stopped in time , gained himself the Reputation , not only of having been the first Prince of Christendom who drew his Sword in Protection of that broken State , but by vigorous Remonstrances to the Court of Vienna , was the cause that His Imperial Majesty , awaking out of the Lethargy some corrupt Counsellors had cast him into , resolved to Arm vigorously , and joyn with his Electoral Highness in Defence of that Republique : His Electoral Highness in pursuance of this Resolution being advanc'd towards the Rhine , with a considerable Army , and Count Montecuculi being on his way thither in the Head of an Imperial Army , with design to act jointly , and to do something considerable in favour of the Republique . France , allarm'd by the March of the two German Armies , had detach'd Marshal Turenne , with a Body of an Army to observe the motions of the other two : But by the several Marches and Counter-Marches these two Armies had made , especially that of Brandenbourgh , sometimes making as if they would pass the Rhine in several places , sometimes in being ready to fall upon the Allies of France beyond the Rhine , Turennes Army was so tyr'd out and harassed , that about the end of the Campaign it was almost quite dissipated , and found it self in so miserable a Condition , that 't is certain all Turenne was able to do , was to be on the defensive against one of those Armies , and that if both Armies had join'd , Turenne had been inevitably lost , as was publickly confest . His Electoral Highness of Brandenburgh knowing how easie it was to destroy Turenne , and the Consequence of his Defeat , caused a vigorous Remonstrance of all to be made to the Council of Vienna ; it was so effectual , that positive Orders were sent Montecuculi to join his Electoral Highness and Fight Turenne , without further loss of time ; which would have broken all the open and hidden Measures of France , and by one blow freed the Empire and Holland from Oppression . But other matters were in hand for the Interest of Rome . His Majesty of Great Brittain had permitted himself to be perswaded to publish about that time , a Declaration ( whereof he made Report to his Parliament , ) whereby a Tolleration and Indulgence was granted in favour of the Nonconformists of his Kingdom . Though it may be thought it was not so much for favouring the particular Conventicles of the Sectaries of the Protestant Party , as , under the name of Non-Conformists , to introduce Popery again into that Estate , though contrary to the Designs and Intentions of His Majesty , who granted it only in favour of the tender Consciences of his Protestant Subjects : This Step towards Popery being the First Fruits the Court of Rome had promised it self from the Ruin of the States of the United Provinces , 't is no wonder that Court set all hands at work to effect that Ruin. The then principal Obstacles of the Design , was the Resolution of His Electoral Highness against Turenne , the Destruction of his Army being capable to Re-establish the States of the United Provinces , and that Re-establishment would have destroyed all the Projects of the Jesuits in England . Here it was the Jesuits plaid their part to prevent the blow from fallin on Turenne , and they acted it too well for the general Good of Europe : for Montecuculi instead of receiving Express Order to joyn Brandenbourgh's Army , and fight Turenne , received Orders quite contrary ; whereby he was absolutely forbidden to do the one or the other . To drive this Nail to the head ; the venerable Society ( whose impudence nothing can parallel ) made it their business several ways to infuse into his Electoral Highness a jealousie of the Emperour , as insincere in his intentions : this was effected with the greater facility , for that his E. H. of Brandenbourgh , having received from the Court of Vienna , a formal Letter , which gave him an exact account of the true order his Imperial Majesty had sent Montecuculi to join him and fight the French , and his E. H. having summoned Montecuculi to execute that Order , Montecuculi , who knew he had Orders quite contrary , but knew nothing of the former , of which the Elector had account , could do no less than refuse the one and the other , nor could his Electoral Highness choose upon the refusal , but suspect the sincerity of the Emperor's Intentions . This was not enough for those Masters of mischief , for at the same time those Emissaries omitted nothing that might instill into Montecuculi , a suspicion of the sincerity of the Elector's Intentions . These Jealousies being but too deeply established , especially on this last side , 't is no wonder His Electoral Highness was at last perswaded ( as these Emissaries had by a third Hand infinuated to him ) that the House of Austria treated under-hand a separate Peace with France : Which appeared the more probable , by the daily Advice he had of the miserable estate of Turenne's Army , growing every hour worse and worse , and the obstinacy of Montecuculi , neither to joyn him , nor fight . The Emissaries foreseeing this misunderstanding would vanish intime time , when the truth should appear , made use of that conjuncture to set on the Duke of Newbourgh to manage a particular Peace between his Electoral Highness and France ; which the Electoral , jealous of the Imperialists , and vext at their proceedings , was at last perswaded to accept , and with so much the more reason , that as to Holland he pretended they had not satisfied their Engagements to him , and as to the Interests of the Empire he reserved himself intire liberty to arm in its defence , if France should attacque it . The Elector was concerned in Reputation to make the Emperour sensible of his just Resentments of Montecuculi's proceeding : Montecuculi was strangely surprized , when at his return to Vienna his Master called him to a strict account of his Conduct , and the Reasons why he had neither joined Brandenbourgh's Army , nor fought Turenne , when express Orders had been sent him for both . But if Montecuculi was surprized at the Question , his Imperial Majesty was no less at the Answer , when his sage General produced for his discharge an Order of his Imperial Majesty , in very good form , expresly forbidding him either to joyn with Brandenbourgh or fight Turenne : And 't is certain , this General found all the justice of his Cause , and the assurance his Master had of his fidelity , little enough to clear him of this unhappy Affair . I know this business is one of those Riddles never to be decypher'd , unless the Author will voluntarily give us the Key . I know 't is from hence it proceeds , that one of the principal Wretches of this Court hath been formerly charged with this Forgery : But to speak the truth , the whole guilt of this Affair lies at the Doors of the Emissaries of Rome in this Court , who by secret Contrivances with those of France , found the means to intercept the true Original Order , and in the same dispatch to transmit a false one , but very well Counterfeit both the Hand and Seal : And that by People who are not now to learn that Trade . It being certain we should not have seen so many Troubles in Hungary , as daily are there , had these Emissaries less credit in the Emperours Court. His Imperial Majesty , the Elector of Brandenbourgh , and Count Montecuculi know the truth of all that concerns them in this Affair : But I am well assur'd not one of the three knows the secret Engines set at work in the business . What I know thereof comes not from them , but from a place where every particular of this Negotiation was known , and by whom it was animated . Certain it is , if the point of the Catholicon in England had not been found ; the Ministers of France could not have so easily compassed this Forgery ; but by that every thing became feasible , the Directors of the Society having voluntarily undertaken to master all Difficulties . By the ingenious Deduction of this Relation , where the Author speaks plainly , as a man well instructed and acquainted with the fineness , and superfineness of the management , and by what I have said before , on the same Subject , and every one may of himself apprehend it appears that it proceeds from a Principle of a Papal , or Jesuitical Ambition , the Council of Vienna , from the beginning of the War , hath been so well penetrated , directed , or altered , that all the Expeditions of the Imperial Army ( except with convenient distinctions , the considerable Important taking of Bonne , the long and langushing Siege of Phillipsbourgh , and the taking it at last , and the death of Turenne , which was meerly accidental ) I say all the Expeditions , these three Points excepted , have been from the beginnings of the Campaigns to the end of them , but so many Processions and Pilgrimages of Shame and of Misery , of Disorder and confusion , as the Subjects of the Empire know too well , who have been flay'd to the bone , and had their Marrow suckedout by Winter quarters , without consideration , or mercy , but especially the Protestant States and people , and other Princes , Lords , Magistrates , Countries and Towns , who have felt the smart of that fiery Tryal . From the same principle it is , that when by the Expulsion of the Swedes out of the Patrimony of the Empire , his Electoral Highness of Brandenbourgh , and his Highness of Zell and Osnabourgh were in a condition ( notwithstanding the particular peace of the United Provinces and Spain ) to transport the chief of their Forces upon the Frontiers of France , and by so glorious an Action , to oblige France infallibly to make a peace with the Empire in general and particular , according to Justice and Equity , then were the Emissaries of Rome , so powerful in the Council at Vienna , that they obliged his Imperial Majesty , to the prejudice of all his Treaties , to seal privately such a peace with France , as we have mentioned before ; which hath been manag'd with so much dexterity , that that good ( but for that time too credulous ) Prince did believe , and perhaps is still of the same mind , that he acted according to the most judicious Maxims of Religion and Prudence : And because it may concern your Highness to be inform'd what Artifices were used by the Jesuits and Ministers of France , who went hand in hand , acting by concert in all this Affair , to engage his Imperial Majesty to sign that fatal Peace , there were sent from France under other pretences the Dutchess of Meclenbourgh to the Court of Zell , and the Count of D' Epause to that of Brandenbourgh , and at the same time the Jesuits labour'd so effectually , that his Imperial Majesty was made believe ( though certainly without just ground ) that the Houses of Brandenbourgh and Lunenbourgh had already agreed , or were just upon agreeing , to a separate Peace with France ; whereby his Imperial Majesty would be left alone a prey to the French Ambition . True it is , if those Princes were in that Conjuncture ( as is very probable ) very willing to keep what they had conquer'd from the Swede : I think they had done well to have dismist those Envoys from their Courts , which had they done , it would at least have taken away from the Emperours corrupt Council , all pretence of rendring them suspitious to his Imperial Majesty , and hastening him in pursuance of that suspition to sign the peace under Consideration . To sum up all , we may from what hath been said , reasonably infer these three particulars . First , That his Imperial Majesty hath been basely betrayed by the greater part of his Council ; for I am not so malicious and unjust to confound the innocent with the guilty , and not to make an exception ( out of the general clause ) in favour of those of his Council , who are men of Integrity and Honour , who in truth I think are very few , and not much in Credit . Secondly , That his Imperial Majesty being so villanously betray'd by his Council , the Empire in general and particular , through the indissoluble union of the head and Members cannot but miserably participate the misfortune and sufferings of its Soveraign , as is very well known by a fatal , and too long experience . Thirdly , that 't is easie for his Imperial Majesty , and the Empire , to know whom they have equallly cause to complain of , and from what Principle not only this Treason is derived , but all the mischiefs that have afflicted Christendom , for above an Age , but especially the Empire since the beginning of the late War : I say for above an Age , as to the General ; because that which his most Christian Majesty , instigated by the Jesuits , undertakes in our days , is but the same , which , by instigation of their predecessors , Charles the first , the Emperour Fardinand the Second , and Philip the Second of Spain , did in their days . As to the Empire in particular I say , since the beginning of the last War ; because 't is certain his Imperial Majesty hath been since that time by the means I have mentioned , so closely beset , and so strictly observed , that 't is not in his power to speak , to advise , to wish , or do any thing , but the Society knows , and absolutely destroys it , if not suitable to their particular Interests and Designs : There is not a person in the Emperor's Court , but knows , that no man without certain ruin dare oppose in that Court that Cabal in any matter though never so little : To conclude this Point , His Imperial Majesty , as a Slave to the Society , as things stand at present , serves only to Authorize his own Ruin , the Ruin of his August Family , and of the Empire in general and particular : For the very Moment I write , France publickly solicits in the Empire , ( as I said before ) the Nomination of a King of the Romans in favour of the Dauphin , which in all probability will be managed with so much dexterity and subtilty , that his Imperial Majesty , if he follow the advice of his Council , Spiritual or Temporal , will think himself obliged in Conscience voluntarily to give way to it . This , my Lord , is the true state of his Imperial Majesty , and his Council since the last Peace . Three things remain to be considered . First , The particular Advantages the Court of Rome , and the Jesuits procured themselves by the late War. Secondly , What Advantages they design'd themselves by the late Peace , and its consequences . Thirdly , What the Empire in general and particular may expect from the present state of Affairs . The Advantages the Court of Rome and the Jesuits procured themselves , by the late War , have not been so great as they promised themselves , for God having preserved the United Provinces , whose utter Destruction they had projected ; 't is certain , most of their Projects in England , and elsewhere , were defeated : Yet the Advantages of the Papacy over the Protestant Party , in the late War , are very considerable ; and consist in five Particulars . 1. That by the fire of War , kindled by the Artifices of Rome , and the Jesuits , between England and the United Provinces ; those two Protestant Powers have unhappily consumed very considerable Forces in Men , Money , Ships , Ammunition , and loss of Trade , the Soul and Substance of the Riches of both Countries . 2. That the United Provinces have in defence of themselves against France and its Allies in Germany , been forced to spend their Men and their Money , besides loss of Trade during the War. 3. That Swede , Denmark , Brandenbourgh , and Zell , have consumed their Forces during all this War , kindled by the Artifices of the same Party , between Swede , and the three Princes of Denmark , Brandenbourgh , and Lunenbourgh , both by Sea and Land. 4. That under pretence of this War , the Protestant States of the Empire , as well during the Campaignes as by Winter-Quarters , have been miserably harrassed and exhausted with Exactions , Burnings , Contributions to that degree , that most of the Protestant Imperial Towns are almost ruined ; and several of them as well as the Palatinate , and other Countries , out of hopes of recovery in an Age ; while the Hereditary Countries , and Bavaria , and many other places of the Roman Communion in the Empire , have been preserved as the Apple of an Eye , or so little opprest they scarce feel it . 5. That France by this War , having conquered the County of Burgundy , and kept it by the Peace free from Condition of Exchange , it is to be observ'd , that whereas this Province , belonging heretofore to Spain , was , by reason of its distance from the heart of that Kingdom , not in a condition to hurt the Protestant Cantons of the Swisses ; now that it belongs to France , we art not to flatter our selves , but it belongs to a Power which may every hour make a sudden irruption into the Canton of Bern , and under the specious pretence of Religion put the Protestant and Roman Cantons in disorder , and by degrees work their inevitable ruine ; unless that Republick have the Courage and Judgment to enter into confederacy with those that ought to preserve it from destruction , which the building the Fortress of Hunningen , may sufficiently instruct them , is certainly intended them . I reckon all these to be real advantages the Court of Rome and the Jesuits have by the last War procur'd themselves against the Protestant Party : For where resolution is taken to ruine an Enemy under several heads , the best way to effect it , is to divide the Powers , and engage them as much as may be in War , one against another , to the Consumption of their Forces ; and to fortifie your self on their Frontiers , that you may make sudden Inroads into their Countries when you please : The Court of Rome , and the Jesuits , by the Access they have had to the Council of France , and the House of Austria , and by the help of the Counsellors there , and in the Protestant Courts , have with great dexterity put these Maxims in practice during the late War : For His Majesty of Swedland , managed by France , His Majesty of Denmark , His Electoral Highness of Brandenbourgh , and His Highness of Zell , managed by the Imperial Court , will take the pains to search to the bottom , by what Motives and Artifices they have been all four engaged in a War , which hath ruined their Estates for more than ten years . I doubt not ( with the respect and submission that is due to them ) but they will find that the modern Romans have with great insolence and perfidiousness practised upon them what the ancient Romans did for divertisement to their Gladiators : for when these men had by bloody , and oftentimes mortal Combats , sufficiently diverted the Spectators , and the Magistrate made them a Sign to give out , they were bound to do it , and in what condition soever they were to go every one home , as these four Princes were in the end forced to do . This may serve for an excellent and important instruction for England , Holland , Swede and Denmark , and all the Protestant States and Princes of Germany , to avoid effectually the snares the Court of Rome every day lays for them the ways I have observed , with a setled design to destroy not only their Religion but their Temporal Estates . The Second Point . The Advantages the Court of of Rome and the Jesuits proposed to themselves by the conclusion of the Peace between his Imperial Majesty and France , may be reduced to three principal Heads . 1. By the Maxims observed in the first part of my Letter , to fix ( without danger of any probable variation ) the Designs of France , and the Efforts of their Arms , against the Empire and Northern Countries , as most remote from Italy , and most convenient by the progress of those Arms to ruine the Prorestant Party and consequently to advance the re-establishment of the Papal Grandeur and Authority , the fall of the one producing naturally the exaltation of the other . And for attaining this end , to procure this Peace to be so made , that his most Christian Majesty might be fully perswaded the Court of Rome and the Jesuits ( in prejudice to all other Powers of Christendom ) studied nothing more than his exaltation , and an effectual setling and establishing in time an absolute Monarchick Authority over Europe : And that this project might be made appear so facil and easie to this Prince that he might be the better tempted to undertake it : In order to these ends , the Court of Rome and the Jesuits could not have done any thing whereby more effectually to demonstrate their zeal and close adherence to the Grandeur and Exaltation of the most Christian King , than by making ( as they have done with so much craft and perfidiousness ) a Sacrifice of the Emperour and Empire ( with all that concerned the Glory and Interest of both ) the better to carry on the Designs of the French : Their project in this particular hath proved so effectual , and discover'd so many divisions , so much ignorance , weakness , and baseness , in the Empire , that his most Christian Majesty may by these appearances rationally judge he may probably succeed in whatever he shall attempt against the Empire ( though I am not of opinion he will find it so easie a matter as he hath been made believe ' t is . ) But we are to believe this Prince is perswaded , that to attain all his ends , the Empire being the natural obstacle against an Universal Monarchy , it must be his business to attempt the Empire in the first place . Nor can it be doubted , but the Court of Rome and the Jesuits , making full account the most Christian King will be very well able by his Forces to master the Empire , have hastened with all diligence possible the signing the Peace between his Imperial Majesty and France , upon design that his most Christian Majesty being by this expedient of the Peace free from War , in case the perpetual Plots of the Court of Rome , and the Jesuits in England , or elsewhere , should be so prosperous , as , with the help of Forreign aid , to effect the re-establishment of the Popes Authority there , they might make use of the French Forces to invade that Kingdom , or other Countries , for the ends I have mentioned : And if by Gods Providence the perfidious and damnable Conspiracy of the Jesuits against the King the Religion and State of England had not been discovered the last year , I believe England had e're this felt the Effects of what I observe . Be pleased to allow me leave on this occcasion to say , that unless his Majesty of Great Brittain be willing to fall , with all his People , under the slavery of the Pope , the Jesuits , and France , he hath great Cause to take heed left the Warlike Preparations of all sorts made by the French in all their Ports , and on the Coasts of the Ocean , be not made upon some such design ; for by the Scheme of the Plot Ireland is looked upon as a Country which may unquestionably procure France the absolute Dominion of the Sea , and of Trade , and the Conquests of the West Indies , according to their ancient and primitive project . 3. The Court of Rome and the Jesuits having that influence over the Imperial Council , that it was in their power to do what they pleased there , there is no doubt but the signing of the Peace was prest on this farther design , that His Imperial Majesty ( the Peace concluded ) finding himself in a condition to dispose of the greatest part of his Forces , they might easily perswade him to employ them to root out the Protestant Party in Hungary , and perfect the pretended Reformation in Silesia : And it was well for that People that God provided for their safety by very extraordinary means , I mean the Plague ; for had not that broken out , it is not credible but Dunewald the Apostate , now a formal Creature of the Jesuits , had been sent thither with an Army to do something . Happy would it be for His Imperial Majesty , if by just and solid Reflections on the Disasters successively fallen upon his August Family , for having too much espoused the violent and cruel passions of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits , and by considering this Scourge of God which hath forced him to quit his Capital City , and in a manner follows him visibly wherever he goes , he would be sensible the Hand of God is not stretched out against him , as heretofore against David , for his Sin , but because he hath stretched out his hand to oppress the only Congregations of Christians in his Dominions , whose Worship is not infected with Idolatry , and who according to the Precepts of the Gospel adore the Soveraign and Supreme Creator in Spirit and in Truth . But far happier should His Imperial Majesty be , if by such reflections God would give him the Grace , as he did to the Emperor Charles the Fifth before de died , to acknowledge and own the Truth he persecutes ; and ( setting aside Policy ) embrace generously the Profession of it . God Almighty would then certainly bless him , and 't is credible he would not deny him the Power to humble the Proud , and those who by their enormous . Ambition , put all Europe into Combustion . I beg your Highnesses Pardon for this Digression ; which the Matter I treat of , and my Zeal for the Faith and Salvation of others naturally led me to . The Third Point . To make some solid Prognostick , in a matter so dilicate , I say , as to what the Empire in general and particular is no expect from the present state of affairs ; we are to believe his most Christian Majesty ( unless notably changed in his dispositions ) would boldly and couragiously carry on his business , I mean his pretension to make his Son , the Dauphin , King of the Romans : His Marriage with the Princess of Bavaria , the Envoys and magnificent Presents he sends to the Electoral Courts of Saxony and Brandenbourgh , and his arming so furiously , signifie sufficiently two things . First , His Contempt of the Alliances and Oppositions His Imperial Majesty may make against him . Secondly , That he will certainly pursue his pretension . 'T is of extream importance for the Empire in general and particular to know , whether it be for the interest of the Empire to favour this pretension , or to oppose it . This with your Highnesses leave , I intend briefly to examine ; and to observe some order : It is to be considered , 1. Whether it be better for the Empire in general , and every Member of it in particular , to live according to the ancient Customs , Rights and Priviledges , under which they have lived for many Ages ; or that the Empire , without striking a blow , submit voluntarily to the Yoke of a Government which acknowledges no Law , but that of a Power purely Despotical and Absolute ? 2. As a Dependent on the former Point , Whether it be better , as to the Revolutions since the Wars for Religion , that the Empire live occording to the Concordats and Agreements in the Peace of Munster , or Osnabrug , and the last Capitulations with His Imperial Majesty since his Election : or without regard to the one , or the other , that the Empire engage anew in a Civil War , which by a final Victory may decide the Quarrel in favour of one of the parties , concerning the Concordats , and those two Treaties of Peace , or the late Capitulations , as if never agreed or capitulated ? I think it the more necessary to examine before hand these Points , for that we may hold it for certain . As to the first Point . In case the Dauphin be ever Elected King of the Romans , that from the days of that Election , whatever Capitulations shall be signed to the contrary , the German Empire will be annexed to , and made an Hereditary Province of the Crown of France . To justifie this , you need only read several French Authors , who have treated of the Rights and pretensions of France , upon the Empire , particularly that of the Advocate Awbrey ; for though he hath with good reason been laughed at for his Writings , yet if that Election take effect , we shall find his discourse solid and well grounded . Besides , you may soberly weigh what France hath already practised upon that part of the Empire which hath fallen to its share , and the Neighbouring Parts , both in Temporals and Spirituals : as to the Temporal Concerns , France seizes all boldly and openly in the Face of the Sun , without pretence of other Law , or Right , but that of convenience , with as much freedom and confidence , as it would take possession of any ancient Patrimony of that Crown : The Dukes of Lorrain and Deuxponts , Mentbeleuard , and the Ten free Towns of Alsatia , sufficiently prove this ; as to Spiritual matters you need only read the publick Ordinance of the Bishop of Metz against the Lutherans of those Countries . For the Clergy in general , all the free Chapters of the Empire , whether Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Abbots , Deans , or Priors , may assure themselves , if this Election take place , they must go to France e're they come to those Dignities ; for to imagine the free Suffrages of the Chapters shall be continued , is sortishness and folly . The Bishopricks of Metz , Toul and Verdun , and ( I doubt not for the future ) Cambray , which were heretofore Principalities of the Empire , may teach us that under a French Government the only way to those Dignities is by a Writ of Presentation by the Kings , and consequently all that seek or depend on those Bishopricks must be Courtiers and Slaves . Not but that I believe if the Dauphin be chosen King of the Romans , his Council is too cunning not to make him promise expresly to maintain the Privileges and Ecclesiastical Benefices of the Empire : And that till he be fully setled they may be content to write Letters to the Chapters to chuse the person the Court shall recommend , but in such a manner there will be no fear of refusal : Yet this course is not to be expected to hold ten Years to an end : Which I believe the rather for that France pretends ( as hath been declared at large by several politick Treatises ) that most of the great Benefices in Germany have been founded by Emperors , Kings of France , and that consequently the Court of France is the true Patron of them . The Princes of the Empire , Ecclesiastical and temporal , of what Rank or Degree soever , may from the day of that Election , provide for three things which will certainly follow . First they shall be reduced to the natural Rents and Revenues of their ancient Patrimonies , which cannot with Probability be denied to depend upon the ancient Kingdom of Austrasia , ( which the Ministers of France suppose to be part of the French Monarchy ) and consequently all natural Rights there being subject to the Law Salique , admit neither of Alienation nor Prescription . For as to the Taxes and Contributions now paid these Lords by their Vassals and Subjects , there is no doubt but they will be obliged to disclaim them , and consent with a very good Will , that the Head of the Empire shall in this Case Order what Taxes and Exactions he please to be Levied , and all for his use : To pretend Capitulations or Reasons to the contrary , will be to insist on Trifles , or commence Suits to be decided only by Military Execution . Secondly , They will be Disarmed , it being against the Honour of the policy of France , to permit any Prince , or Lord , under their Dominion , to have the Power to defend himself by force , be his Right to do so never so ancient and authentick . Thirdly , To gain the favour of the Head of the Empire , the Head of every House of the Secular Princes must actually wait on His Imperial Majesty at an excessive Expence , or send in his stead his Brothers or Sons to make his Court , or to receive Orders and Caresses , and sometimes Repulses and Checks : And the Empire being full of Divisions and Jealousies , there is cause enough to fear the Princes will strive who shall be most Officious , as the Princes and other Great men of France have done , to their utter Ruin , and total Consumption of their Estates . As for the Counts , and Barons , and all Gentlemen of the Empire , who are Vassals to Electors and particular Princes , my Heart bleeds to think how certainly and strangely their Condition will be chang'd , if ever a French King be made Emperour . Is it probable the Ministers of France will have more pity of the German Nobility and Gentry , than the Dukes , Marquesses , Counts , Barons and particular Nobility of their own Country have found at their hands ? There is no doubt but the day they change their Master , they must bid an Eternal Adieu to all their Rights of Soveraign Justice and Free-hold : The Great Men and private Gentry of France , several of whom have the Honour to be descended in a right Line from Soveraign Princes , had no less Courage , nor were heretofore less Priviledged , nor less Jealous of their Rights , than many of the Body of the Empire are at this present . Yet have they been forc'd one after another to submit to the Yoke , and lose all their ancient Priviledges : Nor must they think any more ( though they have right ) to lay any imposition on their Subjects . For ( as I said before in the Article of the Princes ; ) This is a sweet bit , which the absolute and Despotical Dominion of France always reserves for it's own Tooth . They must never think more by Offices and Imployments under particular Princes , or the Head of the Empire , to render themselves considerable , make their Fortunes , or Recover their spent Estates , as they could have done heretofore : At least but few of them shall be ever able to do it . For as to particular Princes , they will in case of a French Emperour be absolutely ruin'd , and forc'd to Retrench themselves and their Families to a very low Condition ; and as to the Head of the Empire , whoever will have Office or Imployment in his House or Courts of Justice , must think of buying it with ready Money , there being not an Office or Imployment in the French Kings House , from the Steward of his House to the Scullion in his Kitchen , nor in his Courts of Justice , from that of Chief President to the meanest Serjeant , but is sold for ready Money . So that there remains not for the Nobility and Gentry of the Empire , any Office or Employ , but what must be bought , save only the Military : But the Nobility and Gentry of the Empire are too Judicious , ( at least , unless ( as the French Proverb is ) They are willing to be taken for Fools , ) not to know they have no reason to promise themselves in this particular of Military Employment , any greater Priviledge than is allow'd the ancient Nobility of France , and consequently , that to procure the favour of the Prince or his Principal Ministers , they must serve in the Wars at their own Charge , as the French Nobility have done . The necessary Expences of every Office exceeding yearly , by three fourths , the pay of the Prince : That is , they most resolve to consume the Bulk of their Estates to be known at Court , and frequently spend a real Patrimony in pursuit of vain and chimerical hopes , which will infallibly Ruin their Families ; and bring most of those who take these Courses to end their lives in Languishing Griefs and cruel Repentings : For thus it is , all the Nobility of France serve in the Wars , and such is the end most of them make . If we have heard of a Schomberg or a Ransan that became considerable in France by the Wars . Let the Nobility of the Empire be assur'd it was but a Lure which the Ministers of France ( who have long since Plotted the Conquest of the Empire ) thought fit to hold out to Delude and Cheat the German Nobility : They are like the Fires in the Night that lead them into Precipices , who are indiscreet enough to follow them : All this I know to be true , grounded on very Authentick Memoirs , and certain knowledge of the matters I mention . As for the Imperial Towns and free Cities of the Empire , Colmar , Schlestat , and Haguenau , and the rest of that Rank , situate in Alsatia , may teach their Magistrates and Councils , what value the Ministers of France put upon their ancient Rights and Priviledges , for those are the things the Ministers there , or their Envoys under the name of Commissaries or Intendants , call in Derision Stories to make one Sleep , Illusions , and Old Wives Tales , that is , things nothing worth . If ever France come to the Empire , all the Cities of that Order are with Metz , Toul , and Verdun , and ( last of all ) Bezanson to denounce and disclaim all Rights of Justice , Magazines , Garrisons and Impositions , and to prepare themselves ( at least all those that cannot , will be kept under otherwise ) to see built in the highest place in the Town a strong Citadel at their Charge , and a Garrison put into it , which they must maintain , and consequently by degrees undergo , as well as all the Subjects of Princes , Earls , Barons , and particular Lords ; and all Counts , Barons , and private Lords for their Estates in Land and all Necessaries for Life , with very little Exception , all the Impositions following . First upon Estates in Land , Money , and Trade . Ayde , Octroy , Preciput , Equivalent , Crue , Taille , Estaste , Subsistence de quartier d'hyver , Garinzons , Mortpayes , Appointments des Governeurs , Debtes & Affaires du Roy , Gratifications Extraordinaries , Den Gratuit , Frais de Recoua usemens & Contabilite . More upon Drinks . Aydes sur le vin , Bieres , & Cidres , Plus le huitieme denier , Le Souquet , Le Patae , Imposts & Billets . [ Instead of Censuring the Translation imperfect , in giving the Names of these Impositions ( as in the Original ) in French , let the Reader Congratulate his Happiness , that very few of these Most Christian Impositions have been Christened in England , and therefor they want Names in our Language . ] More upon things Eatable . The Gabelle on Corn and Meal , which is taken in Markets or at the Mill , in several places , under the Name of Mesure Coupee , or Octroy . The Toll called Pied Forchu , taken for all sorts of Beasts sold in Fairs and Markets . The Toll taken by Weight for every Pound of Meat sold in the Shambles . The Gabelle on Salt , which will raise the price of Salt so high , that what is now sold for a Florin , will then cost Fourteen Crowns . More upon all Necessaries for Life . The Mark of Paper , The Mark of Silver , The Mark of Tin , The Mark of Hats , The Mark on all Silk Stockins and Woollen , The Mark of Shoes , The Gabella on Perukes , The Gabelle on Tobacco , The Mark on all Stuffs of Wooll or Silk , The Mark on Linnen , The Gabelle on Ice , The Control of Exploits . More upon Noble Estates , from five Years , to five Years . The Tax of free Fifes , The Tax of new Purchases , The Fifths and Refifths , Amortissements . More upon the Offices of Judicature and the Treasury . The price of Valuation , The Mark of Gold , The two Sols in the Pound , The Seal duty , The Duty of Control , The Registers Duty , The Duty for Oaths ; The Prest for being admited to the Annual , The Annual or Paulette . Besides many other Taxes to be paid from time to time , and many Retrenchments of Wages to be yearly undergone ; for the Soveraign Courts have but three quarters Wages , the Subordinate but two , and the base or lowest Courts frequently but one . Add to all these the Reunion to the King's Demesnes , newly Executed throughout France on all Commonalties or Corporations of the Empire , that is , all that belongs in Common to any Commonalty , as Fewel and Pasture in Woods and Forests , Rivers , Ponds , and all other Common Rights of what nature soever . More on all sorts of Merchandises Imported or Exported . The Custom , The Custom for the Value , The Foreign . Besides the Custom of Lions , Burdeaux and Roan , which take their Names from the Places , and are levied with all Rigour imaginable , not only upon Importation into the Realm , or Exportation out of it into Foreign Countries , but in most of the Frontiers of the Provinces , upon passing out of one into another , within the Kingdom . And we may expect the like Exactions to be established in the several Provinces of the Empire , on several pretences . All these Subsidies , and many others , ( which , to avoid Prolixity , I pass over in silence ) are one way or other punctually paid , where-ever any Subjects of the French Monarchy live , with no other distinction , but that the Lords and Gentlemen have Right to hold free from Imposition so many Acres of Land , for their Maintenance , as may be Husbanded with two Yoke of Oxen , ( provided the Owner hold that Estate in Demean ) for as to what is let out to Farmers , as they pay the King Taxes for the profit of the Farms , they pay so much the less Rent to the Landlord ; so that in effect the Nobleman in France pays Taxes as well as the Boor : Which the Princes , the Nobles , the Magistrates , and Subjects of the Empire , of what Degree soever , have reason seriously to consider . For , 't is folly to fancy they can make their Capitulations so advantageous as to exempt them from paying these intollerable Subsidies . The Provinces of Guienne , Languedoc , Provence , Dauphine , Bourgundy , and Britain , and most of the other Provinces of France , had herefore their particular Princes , as most of the Provinces of the Empire now have ; and the principal Cities and Towns in these Provinces of France , had then as great Priviledges and Immunities as any Free Towns of the Empire : But the Kings of France having invaded all these Principalities , and seized the Liberties of the Cities , have , since the taking of Rochel , reduced them into so absolute Slavery , that the Citizens and Inhabitants have quite lost the Resolution and Generosity to endeavour a Recovery of their Liberties , and are so bridled with strong Garrisons and Citadels ( and we may expect the like in all Countries of the Empire , if ever under a French Government ) that they are not in a condition to stir , at least to any considerable purpose . This may suffice for the first point : I pass to the Second . The second Point . This deserves the more exact consideration , for that if ever the Dauphin be chosen King of the Romans , since the Court of Rome and the Jesuits , by the important Services these have done the Crown of France of late , and promise to do for the future , and the Cardinalships they flatter the Nephews and Relations of the principal Ministers of France with the hopes of , do what they please in the Council of France ; and what is published to the contrary , on the account of Regalities , now in controversie , is but Cheat and Illusion ; the cruel persecution raised and carried on some years last past against the Protestants of that Kingdom , the disgrace of Pompone , being not of their Cabal , and of Theatin the Princess of Brvaria's Confessor , intimating sufficiently the extraordinary Credit that Society hath in the Court of France : I say , if ever the Dauphin be elected King of the Romans , the Empire is to expect two things . First , To see him at the Head of the best Forces of France , ( upon the specious pretence of Religion , and restoring the Estates belonging to the Church ) undertaking in the Empire aganst the Protestant Party what Charles the Fifth , and Ferdinand the Second attempted to execute . Secondly , That this affair will be so obstinately fomented & protected by the Court of Rome , that the Empire will be in danger to be involved in a War more cruel , more bloody , and dangerous , than any the former Wars raised for that Cause . And there is reason enough to believe , that the late War , as well as the Peace since made , were hatched and carried on by the Court of Rome , in hopes of being able , by the Power of the French Forces , to work the entire Ruin of the Protestant Party of Europe , which we see every day decay by degrees : And I am much mistaken if the Money sent by the Pope into Poland was not design'd for a Project of this nature . Prince William of Furstenberg might , if he pleased , furnish us with clear Evidence of authentick Memoirs to this purpose ; but we are not to expect it from him , lest by such a Discovery he lose the Recompence the Court of Rome designs him for the Pains he hath taken , and continues , to bring to effect this Popish Project in the Empire , and consequently in all Europe . By what hath been said , your Highness may see the Fortune of the Empire , if ever it fall ( by any means whatever ) under the intolerable Yoke of the Despotical Government of France : And I think I need say no more to convince every Member of the Empire , and all the States of it in general , ( without any great depth of Policy , or knowledge of War ) what their Duty to Religion , their Glory and Interest oblige them to do , for preserving themselves from falling under a Yoke of that nature . But to preserve themselves effectually from this Yoke , I conceive it extremely considerable to enquire first , Whence all this Mischief proceeds ? Which known , will give us light what must further be done : And particularly , from what Part the first Attack may be expected , and what Defence is to be made . The Mischiefs I have mentioned unquestionably have their rise from the Designs and Fomentations of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits , who ( at present at least ) direct and dispose of the French Projects and Forces , and without any Mercy or Respect , pretend , with the Assistance of those Forces , and their own secret Managements of Affairs , to sacrifice all to the Re-establishment of the Papal Grandeur . I conceive in Right and Justice two things are to be done ; but I doubt much whether the one will be . The first is , That since the Publick Good and Safety of the Empire consists in living ( without Innovation ) according to the Ancient Rights , Immunities , and Privelidges , and the Concordats established by Law , ( which every Member of the Empire is obliged to observe ) and that the Pretensions of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits , are as inconsistent as those of France , with the Publick Good and safety of the Empire : Every Member of the Empire , without flattering themselves any longer with hopes of Favour from Rome or from France , and without distinction of Religion , applying themselves seriously to procure and promote the Preservation and Publick Good of the Empire , should without delay take such Measures , that neither the Court of Rome , the Jesuits , nor France , may attain their Ends. And in order to this , That every Member of the Empire should put it self into a Posture and Condition , by uniting their Forces , to oppose Force to Force : And if the Princes of the Roman Communion will Bona fide engage in this Union , it will be necessary , first , That his Imperial Majesty find means to gain the Amity and Assistance of the three Northern Princes whom I have formerly mentioned , engag'd in War by his means , and afterwards cruelly abandon'd to the Mercy of France and of Swede : Which ( by the small Intelligence I have of Affairs ) will be difficult enough to effect , especially with the Elector of Brandenbourgh , without giving him satisfaction in two Points , on which he doth with much equity insist . Secondly , That his Imperial Majesty gain over to the Interests of the Empire the Forces of the Crown of Swede ; which will be no easie Task . Thirdly , That the Emperour , and all the Princes of the Roman Communion in the Empire , banish and root out of their Councils not only all Jesuits and Monks , ( who by themselves or their Superiors have all Resort to their General at Rome ) but every one that any way depends on , or hath Society with these Hypocrites , or rather Free Spies of the Empire ; a Capuchin in this particular being as bad as a Jesuit . Though this be absolutely necessary , as matters now stand , yet ( to speak freely ) I very much doubt whether the Princes of the Roman Communion will have the Generosity and Courage to do it . The Second , and that I take to be the only solid means , is , That the Protestant Party being now clearly convinc'd that they are the sole Persons aim'd at , and that all that hath been done since the beginning of the last War was really in order onely to work their Destruction ; all Kings , Princes , and Magistrates of that persuasion are every one in his Sphere to apply themselves with all industry and vigour , first , To Arm with all their Power , that they may be able to oppose Force to Force : Secondly , To enter into mutual Leagues and Alliances , that by joynt Strength they may resist Forces so considerable as those of France , and others the Court of Rome and the Jesuits may by their Artifices bring over to that party . To begin so great and necessary a Work , we will for a while leave the Territories of the Empire ; and looking abroad , I am of opinion that England and the United Provinces ought without further delay to use all means possible to enter into a League Offensive and Defensive , which may ( if possible ) be indissoluble ; That Denmark and Swede are to follow that Example ; and , That all the Protestant Princes and States of the Empire , with the Protestant Cantons of the Swisses and the Grisons , ought to do the like : For , 't is not a Concern of particular Quarrels and Jealousies , but the Faith , the Religion and Temporal Estates of all the Protestant Party are now at stake . This I conceive will be more easily effected in this Conjuncture , for that by a special Providence of God there is no War at present between England and Holland , nor between Swede and Denmark , nor between the Princes of the Protestant Communion in Germany . If these three things be effected , and the particular Leagues incorporated into a General , and consequently , an intire Union of the Protestants of Europe , we need not fear the Designs or Attempts of the Court of Rome , or the Jesuits , or the Council and Forces of the French : for ( these things effected ) we shall have power enough not only to deliver the Empire from all just apprehensions of the Designs of the Court of Rome , the Jesuits , and of France , against its Liberties , but to reduce his Most Christian Majesty ( by way of justice & right ) to keep himself modestly within the Frontiers of his Kingdom , and ( in case of Refusal ) to do something more ; which would infallibly produce a sure and general Peace . I am the more induced to be of this Opinion , while England and Holland on the one hand , and Swede and Denmark on the other , are labouring to put an end to all former Quarrels ; and the Protestant Princes and Magistrates of the Empire endeavour ( as I suppose ) a League with the Protestant Cantons and the Grisons , that ( to say the truth ) I see no other solid and effectual Means to defend the Empire from the Oppression of France , and the Protestant Party in particular from the Oppression of the Court of Rome , the Jesuits , and France , all at once : For , ( to rid our Hands of all false Maxims at once ) What else can the Empire and Protestant Party reasonably ground their Safety upon ? Will they ground it on His Imperial Majesty , as they ought , and without doubt might have done , had his Council been guided with right and sound Maxims ? I cannot think , after all that his Council have caused him to do publickly , and what he still continues to put in Execution against the Protestant party , that any rational person of that party can expect the least Favour on that side , at least as long as the Jesuits and Court of Rome have that Credit , that Countenance and Support they have now in his Court. And that we have little reason to hope this Prince will rid himself of them , who have dangerously corrupted his Understanding and Reason , by their Education of him , and the prejudices instilled into him . And should the Protestants on this occasion expect help from the Court of Bavaria , as their Interest in the Empire obliges them , we may very well imagin the expectation will be vain , if we consider the late strict Alliance of that Court with France , or the ridiculous Monastick Bigotry reigning in that Court. If then you will rely on the Ecclesiastical Princes , who knows not their Disability , and that the greater part of them will do nothing but what the Jesuits shall insinuate into them ? So that for the future ( as well as the time past , at least , for the last Age , and more ) the Natural Defence of the Empire hath ( under God ) no solid Ground , but the Forces and Industry of the Protestant Party . It was that Party saved it from the intended Oppression of the House of Austria in former times : And in the late War , when France attempted to Master it by its Arms and Intrigues , it was the same Party not only preserved the Empire , but the Emperor , from the Yoke of the French. And it will be the same Party which ( by the Grace of God ) shall easily preserve it for the future ; at least , if the Potentates of that Party , or the greater part of them , apply themselves to do what I conceive they are obliged to . But to speak plainly , and make appear the necessity of such a Protestant League and Confederacy , we are to consider ; His Imperial Majesty will either effectually perform what he ought in defence of the Empire , by saving himself from falling under the Dominion of France ; or that he will do nothing but in shew and appearance . If His Imperial Majesty perform as he ought , against the Enterprises of France , such a League can never be more seasonably made to second the Imperial Forces ; nor can His Imperial Majesty in that case rely on any Forces ( the Nature of the Quarrel considered ) that will be more true to him than those of the Protestants . But if His Imperial Majesty intend meerly to look on , as unconcerned , and not to engage really and effectually against the French Designs , which he is so highly concerned to oppose , there can be no doubt , but the Court of Rome and the Jesuits have secretly carried on a close Intelligence and private League between their Imperial and Most Christian Majesties , for the Ruin and Destruction of the Protestant Party ; and , That by some private and mysterious Stipulation , some Protestant Estate in the Empire , or on the Frontiers , in the Low Countries , or Swisserland , is , according to their Project , designed a Recompence to the Duke of Lorrain , for the Dukedoms of Lorrain and Barre , which France hath taken from him , and hath no mind to restore . And by a captious Contrivance of this nature , the Protestant Party in the Empire shall find it self at once assaulted by the united Forces of their Imperial and most Christian Majesties ( who are both of a Communion . ) I leave to your Highness to judge , how much it concerns the Protestant party , by the Industry and Union I have mentioned , to prevent so great and dangerous an Inconvenience . My Suspicion of His Imperial Majesty is the greater , for that it is notorious there are in the Society of Jesuits Men of several sorts ; some of whom are dispenced with not onely to lay aside the Habit of their Order , but to Marry , and bear all sorts of Offices and Dignities : And that if his Imperial Majesty was in his younger days , out of too great a zeal for his Religion , unhappily engag'd in this Order , under the Dispensations I suppose , there is no cause left for wonder at his Proceedings against the Protestants : For , though he had been but of the Lower Order , which is that wherein Marriage is permitted , and a Capacity allowed of bearing Offices and Dignities ; yet as to all other things , and particularly in matters of Religion , he must have been under the Obedience of the General of the Jesuits , and consequently obliged to make Peace and War , as the General of the Society should judge most convenient for the Interest of the Pope and the Society . The continual War this Prince makes against the Protestants of Vpper Hungary , contrary to all the Maxims and Rules of sound Policy , and contrary to the Priviledges ( one of his Ministers told me , and I am otherwise well assured ) he hath sworn to that Nation ; the vast Gifts he hath bestowed on the Society in Bohemia , Silesia , Hungary , Moravia , and generally in all his Hereditary Countries ; with his shameful signing the late Peace , in prejudice , and contrary to all his Treaties with the Protestant Princes , smells rankly of an Obedience which acknowledges no Obligation , nor owns any Rule of Justice or Piety , other than the absolute Command of his Superior . And I see nothing in this Prince , as to his manner of Living , and constant Attendance at Jesuitical Comedies , Musick , and Pilgrimages , sometimes to one Relique , sometimes to another , with all that may make out his natural or acquir'd inclinations , that may any way convince this Opinion of mistake . So that if it be so , ( as to speak the truth ) I very much suspect it is ; and I am not alone in this Suspicion : I leave it to the Judgment of the Empire in general , and the Protestants in particular , what ground they have to relie on , or expectany Succour or Assistance from the Head of the Empire : For , in case this prove true , should his Imperial Majesty promise and design effectually to assist the Protestants , in defence of the Common Liberty ; yet if on the morrow the General of the Society should order him , for some greater Good , ( which , according to their Maxims consists frequently in a Massacre , a Poysoning , or Assassination ) to joyn at a precise Day and place his Arms to those of France , for the entire extirpation of the Protestant Party in the Empire , there is no doubt but this Prince would be obliged to do it , either on the account of Obedience due to his General , or for fear the Society , in case of his disobedience , should dispatch him , as they did by themselves , or their Emissaries , Henry the Third and Fourth in France , Don Carlos in Spain , Duke Bernard of Weymar in Germany , and lately the Illustrious Princess of Inspruck , second Wife of that Prince , the last Duke of Brieg in Silesia : or as they have newly attempted to do against his Majesty of Great Britain . For Incendiaries , Assassins , and Murderers are the faithful Servants and inseparable Instruments of that blessed Society . Your Highness will not be surpriz'd at the vehement Suspicion I have exprest of his Imperial Majesty , when you have considered , there have been two Kings of Poland of that Order , and that Philip the Second of Spain did ( out of Policy ) cause himself to be enrolled amongst them . But the Order of the Jesuits is compos'd ( as others ) of two sorts of People , whom Politicians distinguish by the Names of Directors and Directed : And we are to observe , the two Kings of Poland were in this latter Class . The former , by promoting too zealously the Passions of the Society , having lost the Kingdom of Swede , to which he was Heir ; and the second having by the same means incurred the irreconcileable hatred and aversion of the Nobility of Poland , to so extream a degree , that to avoid the threatning effects of it , he was forced at last to quit his Crown , from a Sovereign to become a Subject , and go end his days in a strange Country , with no better a Character than that of Abbot of St. German in France . But as for Philip the Second ( setting matter of Conscience aside ) considering him only in quality of a Politician ▪ I boldly assign him a Place in the Class of Directors ; for he directed his Affairs so well , he mist but little of subduing France , and effectually seised the Crown of Portugal , and the East-Indies as an Appurtenant . I am oblig'd , by the Respect I bear his Imperial Majesty , to leave it to your Highness to think which of the two Classes he is to be rank'd in . But whether his Imperial Majesty be a Member of this Society , or not , I have said enough to make appear to your Highness the absolute necessity of a League and Consederacy between the Protestant Powers of Europe , to enable them to defend themselves against the pernicious Designs of their Enemies . I will conclude with minding your Highness , That this is the Occasion that calls upon you , to shew to all the World your zeal for your Religion , and the Good of the Publick ; And that since my longer stay in this Court will be useless , your Highness will do me the Favour to permit me to leave it as soon as may be , that I may have the honour to wait on your Most Serene Person , and continue the performance of my most humble Services . To that happy time I respite acquainting you with many Particulars I dare not trust to Paper , ( though altogether confirming what I have most confidently affirmed , as to the most Essential Points of my Letter . ) And in hopes to receive speedily the honour of your Commands to that purpose , which I humbly beg , I remain with all due Respects , My Lord , Your Serene Highnesses most humble Servant , &c. Prague , 13 Febr. 1680. FINIS . 


id: A45249
fulltext:
   A letter to the Jesuits in prison shewing them how they may get out. From Mr. William Hutchinson alias Bury for fourteen years of their society; but now of the Church of England. Hutchinson, William, fl. 1676-1679. 1679 Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45249 Wing H3837 ESTC R219974 99831418 99831418 35881 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45249) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 35881) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2050:4) A letter to the Jesuits in prison shewing them how they may get out. From Mr. William Hutchinson alias Bury for fourteen years of their society; but now of the Church of England. Hutchinson, William, fl. 1676-1679. 4 p. printed for the author, and are to be sold at the Bear and Orange-tree in Prince's-street, [London : 1679] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Signed and dated at end: July, 30. 1679. William Hutchinson. Reproduction of the original in the Cambridge University Library, Cambridge. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2004-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER TO THE JESUITS in Prison , Shewing them how they may get out . FROM Mr. William Hutchinson alias Bury For Fourteen Years of their SOCIETY ; But now of the Church of ENGLAND . Honoured Dear SIRS , DO not vainly flatter your selves with the hopes of Martyrdom ; You know as well as I can tell you : 'T is the Cause , not purely Suffering , which makes a Martyr . If the State of Venice might lawfully prohibit you their Territories , so may our Gracious Sovereign lawfully prohibit you his Dominions ; provided he tolerate ( as he does ) a sufficient number of Christian Priests and Bishops to Preach the Doctrine , and Administer the Sacraments of our Lord Jesus to his People . Seing therefore ( contrary to His Majesties Prohibition ) you have entred his Kingdoms , to the disturbance of the Ecclesiastical and Civil Peace , and to the disquieting of his pious Subjects Consciences , by telling them they are damned for not communicating with a Prelate as their supream Pastor , a thousand Miles off , who has no authority over them : Confess your fault and ask pardon , and be gone ; or else heartily joyn with your Natural Liege and his Bishops , in reforming abuses crept into the Christian world through the negligence of Ecclesiastical Prelates , and in restoring the true primitive Christian Doctrine and Discipline to our poor Country . Say no more falsly , you are hardly dealt with , to be prohibited your Native Soyl under pain of being Hang'd , Drawn and Quarter'd , for loving your Neighbours as your selves , for gently admonishing them they are precipitating themselves into eternal Misery by all manner of sins and wickedness . Say no more neither , our Blessed Lord bids you go teach all Nations his holy Gospel ; but no says King James ; I except my three Kingdoms of England , Scotland and Ireland . You are mistaken , you are not prohibited England either by our gracious Soveraign or his Royal Grandfather , for your preaching Christs holy Gospel ; but for your superadded Doctrines of the Popes Temporal and Spiritual Supremacy , of new devised Indulgences and other Trashy Tenents and practices prejudicial to our Souls health , and destructive of the Civil Polity . Joyn your selves to our Communion , and bring a long with you as much zeal as you please against all manner of sin and wickedness , only leave your Treasonable and Trashy Doctrines behind you , and you are welcom . Know my Dear Friends , God is deservedly angry with your Society for your Deposing , and other Trashy Doctrines . Do not die with an Equivocation in your Mouths , but confess ( to the glory of God and the confusion of your Order , ) that not a man of your Society hath writ against the Popes power of Deposing Heretical Princes , but either they treated not the question , or else they positively held he had such a power : As have done you know , your Santarel , Bellarmine , Suarez and others . And if your later Writers teach no such Doctrine , 't is not because they hold it not , but because they are politickly prohibited to meddle with the Controversy . Your silence in this matter is a tacit consent , unless you would positively renounce what your prime Doctors have positively taught : If this be Christian Doctrine , doubt not to die for it , if not , abjure it . And know , if you suffer Imprisonment or other Grievances for such Treasonable Doctrines , you are in the sight of God no more Confessors , or Martyrs , then common Highway-men , or other Fellons . Acknowledge all your damnable Doctrines of Deposing Princes for Heresie or Mis-government , of Equivocation , and forswearing by Oath what you are guilty of , to defend your honor , &c. For these and your other damnable Doctrines God evidently punishes you and your Party . Heartily renounce these and God and men will favour you . To say you renounce King-killing Doctrine is an Equivocation : 'T is ill halting before a Cripple ; a Deposed King is no King , but an Usurper and Rebel , if he go on after his deposition to exercise Regal power : And consequently it becomes lawful to the next man that meets him to Kill him , if the next Heir so command . So that , whosoever holds the Deposing Doctrine , necessarily holds King-klling Doctrine . And therefore if it be your unhappy fate to die at Tyburn , which I hope it will not be , renounce candidly the Deposing Doctrine , and confess ingenuously withall , that your Writers universally either teach it , or else say nothing of the Question . Our Lord Jesus is purging his Church , he abhorres the Papal Infallibility , his Spiritual and much more his Temporal universal Supremacy , your Indulgence Doctrine , your Attrition Doctrine , &c. And so must you too , if you ever expect his favor in this World or the other . If ever any ones sin was legible in their punishment , your and your parties is : Take notice then of these seroius Reflections . By a Breue from the Pope your General Licensed Santarel's Book for Deposing of Princes for Heresie or Mis-government : And you are accused that your General by a Breue from the Pope appointed Officers Military and Civil in our Gracious Soveraigns Dominions . You commonly teach the people that our Blessed Saviours natural Body is in Heaven and on Earth at the same time ; and your chief accuser must ( you say ) prove himself to have been in two places at once to make his Testimony valid . You say its Pride and unsufferable Arrogancy to question the Decrees of General Councils , undoubtly after they are in a manner universally received ; and they are looked upon as willfully blind who question your guiltiness after a whole Parliament has resolved you guilty , especially after this has been also in a manner generally believed by the whole people . You falsly maintain an usurped Papal Power , and you are accused to make use of it to Treason and Rebellion . You have notoriously abused the power of Ecclesiastical Dispensation , partly by extending it to Divine Obligations in Oaths and Vows made to God , and manifestly by making use of it to avarice and gain : And you are believed to have a Dispensation for Lies and Perjuries in the very Article of Death . Your exacting a set mulct upon Priests for Concubins , looked much like a giving leave to keep one for the increase of the Church's Treasury : And you are accused to have leave to commit most horrid Villanies for the Church's interest . You have abused the Power of Absolution , to absolve as oft as customary sinners pleased : And you are accused with perjury to attest your innocency , and then to absolve one another afterwards . Not that I accuse you of the Crimes laid to your charge , I leave you to God and your own Consciences . But I say , your Doctrines are the just cause of all your sufferings . You have taught the World to equivocate and deny with Oathes the Crimes they are guilty of , and every one is laughed at as sensless who believes a word you say or swear in your own defence . If in your persons you be innocent of the crimes you are charged with , your Doctrines are more manifestly punished by the Providence of Heaven . At length acknowledge not onely your Personal , but your very Church-faults . 'T is a notorious cheat , that your Church is chargeable with nothing but the mistakes of General Councils . If I cannot meet with an immediate Ghostly Guide , one in ten but he teaches me dangerous Doctrines ▪ and Practises , my Soul is in no less danger by my being in your Communion , than if the Errors and Fopperies of every petty Confessor were so many Decrees of Oecumenical Assemblies . That which influences our Souls either to good or bad , are the notoriously known Sentiments of our immediate Guides , and not the secret and to few known Decisions of Christian Councils . I will not say with a Friend of yours , Calumny was your crime , and by Calumuy you are punished : yet I wish you would reflect how falsly and undeservedly you calumniated the Great Mr. White , and the Divine Mr. Arnauld ( and indeed whom you pleased ) in the Court or Rome , and disparaged amongst your Devotes their incomparable Writings with blind and surreptitious Censures . We are verily guilty concerning our Brother , in that we saw the anguish of his soul when he besought us , and we would not hear : therefore is this distress come upon us , Gen. 42. 21. You may say , and perhaps truly , you never were taught your selves the Deposing Doctrine , nor never taught it others ; because the teaching of it by some of your Authors made you odious to Christian Princes , and thereupon your General prohibited all medling with the Question . You may also perhaps truly say , you do not believe the Doctrine to be true , that is , as an Article of your Faith. But what security is this to Christian Princes , whom you deem Hereticks , if in your hearts you generally think it a probable opinion , partly for intrinsecal reasons , but manifestly for the Authorities of your own , and other Doctors of your Church ? Especially you commonly maintaining as you do , that it 's lawful to follow a probable opinion , though but even extrinsecally probable , as you speak ; and this without dispute , when great Good is likely to ensue upon your acting according to such an opinion . God forbid I should go about to add afflictions to your afflictions , but I would gladly shew you how you may appease God and Man's anger against you , by inducing you to an humble and penitent acknowledgment of your manifest and notorious faults . Your blind zeal for the Pope's Temporal and Spiritual Power , has brought all this evil upon you ; examine it well and impartially , at least now when God afflicts you for the idolizing of it , lest you hear , and deservedly , Jer. 2. 30. In vain have I smitten your children , they received no correction . Acknowledge the plain truth ; the Pope , as from Christ , has no more power in England , than the Bishop of Canterbury has in Italy . All Bishops are absolute Spiritual Monarchs in their Diocesses ; Archbishops , Primates , and Patriarchs , are purely humane inventions , for Union and Order sake , in the vacancy of General & Provincial Councils ; as for a Supreme Pastor , that would be as inconvenient , as a Civil Monarch of the whole World. The Government of the Church of Christ is not Monarchical , but Aristocratical ; St. Peter was no more the Vicar of Christ , than any one of the other Apostles , they were all his Vicars , and so is every Christian Bishop , and has power all over the World to ordain Priests , to preach the Gospel , and to administer Christs Sacraments ; but by mutual accord for Order's sake , and to avoid confusion , they exercise not this power out of their particular Diocesses . The twelve Apostles divided the World amongst them , that so their labours might be more profitable , and no place left uncultivated ; the like is done and to be done by all Christian Bishops till Dooms-day come . Consider attentively , whether seeing Jesus Christ resolved his Church should be spread all over the Earth , it be not as certain he would never ordain an Universal Monarch over it , as 't is certain he would not appoint a Government which would be impracticable , useless , and sensless . A Monarch even over the Western part of the World , what mischief has it not done , in making strange Doctrines and Practises universal ? such are the Doctrines of infusion of habitual grace by the words of Absolution , Indulgences , mock-Absolutions , &c. No less notorious mischiefs has it done , in exhausting vast Riches out of all the Provinces of Europe to satiate the avarice and ambition of one Pompous See. Besides , the unanimous belief and practices of several Christian Provinces in the same Faith and Rites , what assurance does it not give for their being Apostolical ? But when all are over-awed and commanded to believe or practise as one Spiritual Monarch pleases , their agreement has far less force . Nor is there fear of as many Christian Religions as there are Christian Provinces , provided they meet frequently in General and Provincial Councils , as they ought , and determine nothing of Faith to others which is doubtful to themselves , and resolve nothing to be Apostolical , but what is so clear to them all to be so , in the holy Scriptures , Tradition , &c. as they cannot doubt but it had its origin from the Apostles ; for what 's so clear to one Province , cannot be obscure to another , consulting the same safe means of not mistaking the holy Scriptures , holy Fathers , &c. Our Judgment are as agreeing as our Eyes ▪ and no twenty men can so clearly see an object at such a distance , so as they cannot doubt they see it ; but any three men of equal good eye-sight , at the same distance , must needs see the same . If Reformers have disagreed , 't was because they stuck not to this Rule , and therefore their disagreement ought to be no prejudice to those who are resolved rigidly to adhere to it . In my next I shall hint to you the Reasons of my Change , which so much scandalizes you , but indeed ought to edifie you , and all good Christians . Your real Friend , William Hutchinson . July , 30. 1679. London , Printed for the Author , and are to be sold at the Bear and Orange-tree in Prince's-street . 1679. 


id: A45528
fulltext:
   The papists new-fashion'd allegiance a letter lately seiz'd in the house of an eminent Roman Catholick in Hereford-shire, and produced at the late assizes there held / written by Father Harcourt. Barrow, William, 1610-1679. 1679 Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45528 Wing H696 ESTC R25409 08951468 ocm 08951468 42071 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45528) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42071) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1286:9) The papists new-fashion'd allegiance a letter lately seiz'd in the house of an eminent Roman Catholick in Hereford-shire, and produced at the late assizes there held / written by Father Harcourt. Barrow, William, 1610-1679. 4 p. s.n., [London : 1679] Caption title. Signed: W.H. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- England. Popish Plot, 1678. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-10 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2006-10 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PAPISTS New fashion'd Allegiance : A LETTER Lately seiz'd in the House of an Eminent Roman Catholick in Hereford-shire , and produced at the late ASSIZES there held : Written by Father HARCOVRT the Jesuit , lately Executed ; Concerning taking the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance . UPon a late search in Herefordshire , the ensuing Letter was found by a Justice of the Peace in a Papist's House , very choicely laid up amongst a parcel of Crucifixes , Reliques , and Popish Trinkets : It was written as from a Woman , as some Expressions would make one believe ; But both the Matter , Style and Character , evidently shew'd it to be in Truth from some Jesuit or Popish Priest , who now commonly maintain their Correspondencies in the Names , and by the Mediation of their Female-Disciples . For as that Sex is by Nature ignorant , Superstitious , and pertinacious in their Opinions ; so these crafty Seducers imitating their Father , the Original Deceiver , make special use of these weaker Vessels , to imbibe and propagate their false Doctrines . The Author of this Epistle therefore , is generally reported , and on good grounds believ'd to be no other than that late Executed Traitor , Father W. Harcourt , the Jesuit , as well because the Letters of the Name subscribed , agree with his , and that 't is certain he was intimately Familiar in that Family , and at that time sculking up and down the Countrey ; as also , because some acquainted with his Hand-writing conclude it to be of the same Character . And though the matter thereof seem to be good and commendable , as persuading , or if you please , giving leave to Papists , to do that which in it self is most lawful , and no more than their Duty , yet the manner and grounds on which this is here advised , evidently demonstrate , that 't is done meerly to serve a present Turn , and elude the Law by Swearing in such an abstruse Equivocating sence , as renders the Government never the more secure : The necessary preservation whereof , was the grand end for which these Oaths were originally enjoyn'd , and still impos'd . — The Letter follows . Dear Cousin , I Am glad to hear you continue so well after your hard Bargain , for I was afraid all our Friends had been quite lost , they have been so disturbed and Letters are so uncertain , that one dares not trust any but by a special Messenger , and scarce so . I might have been as happy as you , but the sudden Frights of Searchers , which I fear'd might have plunder'd in All , and hurried my good Gentleman to London , caused a Miscarriage , which went harder with me than Child-bearing . The Times are sad at present , but we ought not to despond , a little Patience may mend all . My privacy affords but little News , and how the Great Wheel turns , I am not certain , but hope and pray for the best . We are all well as yet , at our little Pathmos , and after serious Examination and Advice , which we think fit to communicate to you , and the rest of our Friends , Approve of it as requisite for a Catholick man to express his true Loyalty in such Circumstances to his King by taking the Oaths , when necessitated thereunto . For though there be much harshness in the words , as to exclude our Acknowledgment and Adherence by Faith and Obedience unto our purely Spiritual Head ; yet since we be admitted to make our own Sence , as indeed , whoever Swears cannot be hindred by any words impos'd from Swearing , in such Sense as is agreeable to his own understanding ; so that here we only swear within such bounds as the Catholick Church and our Duty allows , that is , only acknowledging a Temporal Power over Spirituals , as in Contentious Courts due to the Temporal Sword , and not in Foro Conscientiae , as by the Proviso in the Statute Quinto Elizabethae may be seen . Therefore to take off this Ignominious Censure of denying our Allegiance , and let the World know , that we may give to Caesar what is his due , we may not refuse the Oaths when legally tendered , especially at such a time when Catholicks lye under so many Suspicions and Scandals , in point of Loyalty , which 't is an indispensable Duty , incumbent upon us all , to prevent to the utmost of our power , and this especially when we are not compelled to the Rigour of the words , as formerly ; but only to allow His Majesty a Supream , Temporal Power in Spiritual things , and not a purely Spiritual Power , which is due only to the Supream Spiritual Pastor of our Souls . Without denying God his Right , we may attribute in a sound Sence to the King , that Spiritual Coercive Power , which he or his Ancestors gave to the Church . Now he claims it to himself , and with more Justice than the first Framer of one of these Oaths that began it by Pillaging the Church , and usurping its Power : For he now quietly possesses the Church Livings , and had not he the Authority in the Spiritual Courts , upon every disagreeing , the obstinately Contentious or best monied Litigants would Appeal to Rome , which would be as inconvenient to our Peace , as those harsh words , which some devout Catholicks now scruple at , though without reason , when their ghostly Instructors have signified their Concurrence , &c. For when the SWEET LENITIVE is admitted , by owning the King hath such a Temporal Coercive Power over Spirituals , we do not deny the purely Spiritual Power of our Supream Pastor . As for Example , The Pope creates a Bishop , and gives him Power to administer Sacraments ; This was the Power of the Keys given to St. Peter by our Saviour : But 't was Constantine gave St. Sylvester his Temporal Command , and had Constantius his Son , reassum'd it again , he had but destroy'd his Father's gift . Now then when all the Lands be in the Crown , we may acknowledge the King the Supream Head , and as they be called Spiritual Livings , because they belonged to the Church ; so he may not improperly be styled a Spiritual Head , that has Command of them ; which at his Pleasure he may again bestow upon Spiritual Persons . This is what I thought fit to signifie to you at present on this matter , wherein you desired Directions , and might have been more plain , would the Times have born it . I should be heartily glad to hear from you as often as you can , but you know the necessary Cautions . Pray present my Duty to my Aunt ; And so with my Prayers to Almighty God for you all , and most Cordial Love remembred , I ever am April the 12th . 1679. Your most Affectionate Cousin W. H. Though this Letter be written in so strange and affected cloudy Style , and those words , Miscarriage , Child-bearing , Husband , &c. cast in to make it the better pass for a Woman 's Penning , which yet possibly may have some other determinate meaning , well known by Confederacy amongst the Correspondents ; yet the main drift of it seems plain enough to be the signification of some Dispensation lately granted to English Papists , to take the Oaths ; and this merely suited to the present Juncture of Affairs , to avoid the Penalties of the Laws , prevent Scandal , and possess Protestants with a good opinion of their Loyalty : The better to dispose zealous and scrupulous Roman Catholicks thereunto , here is the use of Equivocation recommended , and such an unaccountable distinction framed about Temporal Power in Spirituals , and that so warily laid down , that the Jesuits may at any time give a different or clean contrary Interpretation , whenever Opportunity and their Interest shall require it . By these , and the like dealings of these Men , we may evidently perceive that they make use of Religion only as a Politick Engin , which they manage variously at their pleasure , as it may be most serviceable to their Designs : And that there is no Oath , Test , or Obligation , which by the help of an Equivocation and a Distinction they cannot accept , and presently evade or break through . FINIS . 


id: A46856
fulltext:
   The Jesuits Gospel according to Saint Ignatius Loiola wherein their impious doctrines against the Christian faith, their pernitious maxims against Christian princes, and their unjust practices destructive to all humane society, contrary to the Sacred Scriptures, the laws of God, and right reason are declared. 1679 Approx. 133 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46856 Wing J716A Wing S2573_CANCELLED ESTC R24520 08231532 ocm 08231532 41125 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46856) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41125) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1741:23, 1239:16) The Jesuits Gospel according to Saint Ignatius Loiola wherein their impious doctrines against the Christian faith, their pernitious maxims against Christian princes, and their unjust practices destructive to all humane society, contrary to the Sacred Scriptures, the laws of God, and right reason are declared. Sergeant, John, 1622-1707. [2], 35 p. Printed for Norman Nelson ..., London : MDCLXXIX [1679] Sometimes attributed to John Sergeant--cf. NUC pre-1956 imprints. Item at reel 1239:16 identified as Wing S2573 (number cancelled). Reproduction of originals in the Harvard University Library and Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Jesuits -- Controversial literature. 2004-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE JESUITS GOSPEL , According to Saint Ignatius Loiola WHEREIN Their Impious Doctrines against the Christian Faith , Their Pernitious Maxims against Christian Princes , AND Their Unjust Practices destructive to all Humane Society , Contrary to the SACRED SCRIPTURES , the LAWS of GOD , and Right Reason , are declared . Veni gladium mittere non Pacem : Sicut Serpentes . LONDON , Printed for Norman Nelson , at Grays-Inn Gate in Holbourn . MDC LXXIX . THE Jesuits Gospel , Acccording to Saint Ignatius Loiola . CHAP. I. Of the Pope . 1. THe Bishop of Rome is God. Dist. 96. Ca. satis evidenter . 2. The Pope is no Man. Lib. 1. Sext. de electione tit . 6. c. fundament . in gloss . 3. The Pope is neither God nor Man. In. Prolog . Clement in glossatore . 4. It 's lawful for no man to imagin or practise to transgress the Precepts of Apostolical See. Dist. 20. c. nulli Dist. 12. 22. 5. An Heretick is he who is not obedient to the Pope's Decrees . Ibidem . 6. The Pope is Lord of all Temporalties upon Earth . Lib. 3. Sext. tit . 16. c. Bericuloso . 7. No man ought to say unto the Pope , Why dost thou thus , or thus ? Decret . lib. 7. c. 5. gloss . 8. No mortal man may sit in Judgment upon the Pope . Dist. 40. c. si Papa . c. non omnes . gloss . 9. It 's lawful for no Creature to call into question the Judgment of the Apostolical See , or delay the Sentence thereof . Caus. 17. q. 4. c. memini . 10. The Pope may dispense against the Apostles . Dist. 34. Col. in gloss . Dist. 82. c. Presbyter in gloss . Caus. 15. q. 6. c. authoritatem in gloss . 11. The Pope hath Celestial arbitriment , lib. 1. Decret . Greg. c. 5. 12. The Pope's Will is a Law. Ibidem . 13. The Pope may cause an unjust Decree to be received for just . Ibid. 14. All Nations and Kingdoms are under the Pope's Jurisdiction . Ext. Com. tit . 1. super gentes . 15. God hath delivered over unto the Pope the power and rule of Heaven and Earth . Ext. Jo. 22. tit . 5. dist . 22. c. omnes . 16. The whole World is the Pope's right and inheritance ; therefore if Emperours or Kings have at any time given any Privileges or Lands , to any Pope , ( as they say Constantine did to Sylvester ) they did not give that which was their own to give ; but only restore that which was formerly taken from them by tyranny and injustice . Aug. de Anconade potestate Ecclesiasticâ , part . 1. q. 1. ar . 1. 17. The Pope is above all Principalities and Power , and every name that is named , not only in this World , but in that which is to come : and that he is the Sun and Light of the World. B. 20. de Roman Pontific . ca. 6. p. 56 , 57 , 58 , 66. Eph. 1. 21. 18. The Pope hath an Almighty Infallibility , and cannot err . Sanch. Suarez . G. Valentia . CHAP. II. Of the Papal Grandeur , or Greatness . 1. WHen the Emperour goeth to be crowned by the Pope , he , as soon as he espyeth his Holiness , is to kneel and worship him bare-headed , then to approach nearer and kiss his feet ; and the same is to be done by the Empress when she is crowned : Sacrarum Ceremoniarum , lib. 1. fo . 22. edit . Rom. 2. When the Emperour is crowned at the publique Procession before the people , he is to go to the Pope's House , and then to hold the Stirrup till his Holiness mounts on Horseback ; and then like a Lacquey must he hold the Pope's Rosinant some wayes by the reins . Ibidem , fo . 25 , 26. 3. This piece of Service must the Emperour , King or Chief Potentate perform when the Pope is chosen , in his Procession to the Lateran Church . Ibidem . 4. If there be two Kings present , then the Pope doth command the one of them on his right side , the other on his left must lead his Palfray along by the Bridle . Ibid. 17. And therefore when Frederick Barbarossa held the left Stirrup of his Holiness as he alighted from his Horse , his Holiness Pope Adrian the Fourth took great displeasure , because he held the left Stirrup of his Saddle and not the right ; which if he had intended to have honoured us , he would have held the right , which ought to have been holden . Funcii Chronicon . Bar. de vita Pontific . 5. The best Lay-man though he be Emperour or King , must carry Water for the Pope to wash his hands in , and must carry up the first Dish of meat to his Table . Ibidem , fo . 20. 6. If the Pope will not ride on Horseback , but be carried in a Chair , then four of the greatest Princes , yea though the Emperour be one of them , must put their Shoulders to the said Chair , and so carry him some space : Ibidem , lib. 1. fo . 17. By this all the Emperours , Kings and Princes of the Earth must learn to obey , fear and reverence him . 7. When his Holiness is Elected and carried to the Lateran , he takes up as much Money as he can in his hand , and throws it amongst the People , saying , Silver and Gold have I none , but such as I have , give I thee . Ibid. fo . 17. Act. 36. 8. We must bow at the Name of the Virgin Mary , and of the Pope , as well as at the Name of Jesus . Par. Crassus de Ceremoniis Card. & Episc. lib. 1. c. 22. 9. Whosoever obeyeth not the Command of the Pope , shall die the death . Ribadeniera , lib. 1. de Principe , c. 17. p. 108. 10. The Cross hath precedence before the Eagles or Ensigns of the Empire ; the Sword of Peter before that of Constantine ; and the Apostolick Seat judgeth , and is above the Imperial power . Baronius in Paraen . p. 9. 11. That the Pope cannot be judged by any person ; for it 's written , That the Spiritual person judgeth all things , but he himself is not judged , 1 Cor. c. 7. 12. All the Princes of the Earth must do honour and reverence to the Pope as a great God. Blondus lib. 3. Rom. instaurat , 13. An appeal can be made from the Council to the Pope . Johannes de Sylva de Beneficiis , part 4. p. 4. n. 28. T. 15. part 1. fo . 109. 14. No appeal can be made from the Pope to the Council . Jacobatius de Concil . ar . 1. n. 36. T. 13. part . 1. fo . 352. 16. 26. fo . 270. CHAP. III. Of the Power of the Pope . 1. THE Pope can do all things that God himself can do , only sin excepted . Jacob. de Griffiis decis . aureae . part . 1. c. 31. 2. The Pope hath no limits or bounds in the whole World , but those which it self had . Jacob. Fuligattus vitâ Card. Bellarm. lib. 3. c 5. 3. He hath power of making sin more sin ; and that which is no sin , to be sin . Bellar. contra Barclasum , c. 31. 4. The Pope can give Empires and Kingdoms to whom he pleaseth , and depose the possessors of them . Jul. Ferrettus de re & discip . militari , p. 516. Celsus Mancinus de juribus Principum , lib. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Greg. de Valentia , To. 3. disp . 1. 4. 12. punct . 2. col . 439. 443. 5. The Pope may depose Kings by his power , if they be either negligent in the administration of their Government , or do not extirpate all Hereticks out of their Dominions . Hostien . Sum. lib. 5. tit . de Haeretic . 8. quae poena . S. 11. Johannes de Tuzz . Cremala sum . de eccles . c. 14. propos . 44. Panormitanus , lib. 5. Decret . de Haeretic . c. 13. 6. If a King turns Heretick , he hath no right to his Kingdom , and so no man ought to think it strange if the Pope depose him . Dom. à Soto . in 4. sentent . dist . 25. q. 2. a. 1. n 3. Alphons . à Castro de justa hereticorum punitione . lib. 2. c. 7. col . 12. 45. 1246. 7. If Kings will not be obedient to the Church , then may the Pope by his great power from Heaven very justly turn them from all their Royalties and Government ; and the Subjects themselves , if the Pope bid them , must take up Arms against them . Gre. Nunnius Coronel . de vera Christi Eccles. lib. 9. p. 345. 8. The Pope can quit Subjects from the Obedience and Allegiance which they owe to their Kings . Joh. Maria Bellettus disq . clerical . part . 1. p. 282. p. 109. Panormitan . in Decret . de Haereticis . c. 13. 9. If the King doth tyrannize , and doth not execute his Office duly , or when there is any other just cause for so doing , then the people may dethrone him , and elect another . Em. Sa. Aphoris . 5. principis . 9. 2. Molina de just . tom . 1. Tract . 2. disp 29. col . 213 , 214. Jacob. Simonica de Cathol . Inst. 7. 9. § . 257. 10. The Pope may make an Ordinance contrary to the Epistle of St. Paul. Char. Ruinus Cons. 109. n. 1. Vol. 5. 11. The power of the Pope is greater than that of the Apostles , having power to derogate from the sayings and words of the Apostle . The Decis . of the Rota at Rome . Decis . 1. n. 3. Antonius Maria in addit . ad decis . novas , n. 9. 12. The Doctrine of the Pope is the infallible rule of Faith , and the Holy Scripture hath taken its force , and doth take it from his Holiness ; and he that doth not believe this is an Heretick . Silvester Prieras in epitom . resp . ad Luther . c. 7. To. 1. 13. The Pope is he by whom Kings reign , according to that which is said , By me Kings reign . Fr. Bosius de temporal . Eccles. Monarchia . lib. 1. ca. 3. 11. And therefore Henry the Fourth Emperour , being excommunicated by Pope Gregory the 7th , he puts off his Royal and Imperial Habiliments with his Wife and young Son bare-footed and clothed in Canvas ( being made a Spectacle to Angels and Men to admire at ) in a most bitter Winter , and most dangerous kind of Travel , cometh to Canasium , where the Pope then resided ; Fasting and Suiter like from Morning till Evening he danceth attendance ; for three dayes he patiently endureth this lamentable affliction , being often told his Holiness was not at leisure to attend his Suit , and denyed admittance ; but after great importunities and solicitations , and giving Oath and security for his good behaviour for the future , he is absolved . Nauclerus , p. 36. Urspergensis , Platina in vita Grego . 7. By this the Power and Supremacy of the Pope is to be seen over Emperours and Kings . 14. The Pope may do , what God doth . Decret . de Major . et obedient . c. solicit . 6. CHAP. IV. Religion , Prayer , Faith , Charity . IT 's in the Precept of Prayer , as in that of Faith , Hope , and Charity , there is no certain time wherein this Precept obligeth directly ; but only indirectly , to wit , When its necessary to acquire some good , or to remove some evil . He that prayes not to God in a temptation against chastity , sins only against chastity ; for he sins not in omitting prayer , but because of the danger he is in to violate chastity . Tamber . decal . c. 4. sect . 2. n. 5. So that we are not at any time obliged directly to pray unto God any more than to love him , believe , or trust in him ; but indirectly , and as it were by accident , when we have need , as in a temptation , or the like . 2. In our private prayers which we make to God , it 's not necessary to use any attention ; nor are we obliged to attend : for this obligation goes no further than to venial sin ; and those prayers which are made by command , in that case none is obliged upon pain of mortal sin , to an inward attention in saying his Office , provided he rehearse it outwardly and entirely . Fliut . Mor. q. q. Tom. 2. tr . 23. c. 8. n. 252. 3. Whatsoever distraction or evil thoughts there are in the mind of Man in Prayer , and when he rehearses the Divine Office , though it be voluntary , if it comes of negligence and not of contempt , it 's but a venial sin : when it comes from a formal and deliberate contempt , yet we fail not in satisfying the Church , and discharging our Duty . Escobar . tr . 5. exam . 6. n. 157. p. 679. For it 's not necessary to satisfie the command of the Church , to have any inward attention ; but it 's sufficient to give some outward respect , and behave ones self decently . Coninck 3. part q 83. art . 68. 247. n. 286. n. 301. p. 286. The outward act of prayer , which is done with the outward circumstances which it ought to have , is a true exterior action of the virtue of Religion , though it be done with voluntary distraction , which is it self a sin . Coninck , ibidem . For the outward adoration which is rendred to an Idol , is a true and outward act of adoration , and of idolatry ; though he who makes this adoration outwardly , hath no intention to adore the Idol . Bauny in his Sum. ch . 13. p. 176. So we must believe that they pray who recite the Office , though without intention , yet not without exterior decency and composure such as the action requires . Bauny . ibidem . 4. Christ commands us to receive Baptism , a Tyrant forbids us to receive it , upon pain of our lives ; we are obliged not to receive it . Escob . lib. 1. Theol. mor. sect . 2. 67. problem . 29. 5. In receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , it 's not necessary to have actual devotion ; for he who is voluntarily distracted in the receiving the Sacrament , provided he contemns it not , puts no obstacle to the effect of the Communion , because he sins not mortally . Fillut. Tom. 1. mor. q q. tr . 4. chap. 6. n. 163 , 164. p. 87. 6. If actual sin be committed in the very Communion it self , it hinders not at all from the receiving the grace of the communion ; because this Sin makes not the person unworthy of the participation of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ ; for there is nothing but mortal sin that is capable of causing this Unworthiness . Fillut. ibidem . 7. He who hath sinned mortally , and hath remorse for his sins , and hath confessed them , may absolutely communicate , though the very night before , or even a little before the Communion , he hath sinned mortally . Filut. tr . 4. c. 8. n. 224. 8. If a man after he hath communicated many times in a bad state , cometh to be converted , he shall receive in an instant all the graces which were due to so many Communions , though they were received in an unworthy manner . Mascarenhas . tr . 1. de Sacr. in gen . disp . 4. c. 5. n. 211. From this admirable doctrine it followeth , That a man may become most holy in an instant , and will surpass in holiness , many of those who have lived in innocency , when he was plunged in Sin ; and the greater and more sins he hath committed , the more holy he is . 9. It 's not necessary that the Priest who finds himself guilty of mortal sin , should confess himself before he administers the Sacrament . Discast . tr . 2. de Sacr. d. 3. d. 10. n. 200. 10. The Priest may administer the Sacrament to one who sinneth publickly , provided that he doth not receive it publickly through contempt of the Sacrament or of Religion , but for some other end ; and that he threaten the Priest with death or loss of reputation , or to do some great wrong to him in his goods ; and this is rather to permit sin in another for some just cause , than to co-operate therewith . Escob . lib. 4. Theol. Mor. c. 3. 11. In extream necessity we are obliged to do alms of such things as are not necessary unto life , though they be needful to support us in our condition . Escob . tr . 5. Exam. 5. n. 43. p. 632. By Extream Necessity , we must understand that on which the life of man depends ; so that if he be not assisted , he will surely dye : in this case we are obliged to give that which is superfluous . 12. A person who hath abundance , after he hath satisfied all his own necessaries , and those of his own family , having yet a superfluity , is not obliged in a public Famine to give unto the Poor , nor to any one whomsoever , if he see him not in eminent danger to die with famine . Escob . tr . 5. exam . 5. n. 47. p. 633. 13. We are not obliged to assist or give alms unto the poor with any notable diminution of our wealth , honour or life . Tolet. lib. 4. Inst. Sacerd. c. 10. n. 5. p. 635. 14. We may fulfill the Precept of Alms , by lending only , without giving any thing . Tolet. lib. 8. c. 85. n. 2. p. 1242. And that unless in extream necessity , ( in evident danger of death ) Alms are not commanded under mortal sin . Ibid. And in that case we are not obliged any further to provide for them , if we have not Wealth to spare , and Riches which are superfluous ; which very few persons believe they have , because Covetousness and Ambition make all men in a manner necessitous : so that it 's clear by the doctrine of these Doctors , the Rich are not obliged to give Alms , but out of their superfluity ; and not then , but in case of great necessity . Those things which may exalt us unto a better condition , as Honour , Preferment or Places , are not to be accounted superfluous . Granad . 22. controver . 4. d. 2. lib. 4. n. 18. So that rarely it happens that we can have superfluous goods ; and so by consequence we must rarely give alms . Tamb : lib 5. decal . c. 1. sect . 1. n. 14. 15. Amongst Christians there are few who are damned for failing to exercise the works of corporal mercy , none being obliged thereunto under mortal sin , unless in the utmost and greatest necessity of his Neighbour , which happens very rarely , so as to impose any great obligation on any particular person . Less . lib. 13. de perfect . divin . v. 22. n. 142. And though we are not to give Alms , but in the greatest necessity , yet when that happens , no person is particularly obliged to provide against it ; because the obligation is to assist our Neighbour in general to all those who have means to do it , but none in particular ; so that a poor man may die of hunger in the view of many persons who may and ought to assist him , while they expect and attend one another , none being bound in particular to satisfie an obligation which is in common to them all . 16. It 's certain , there is no obligation to love our Neighbour by any intern al act of the Will , expresly terminated in him ; whence it is , if you hate him not , and for his sake observe the outward works of good will , you love him sufficiently . Suarez . c. 5. d. 1. lib. 4. n. 4. Filut. Tom. 2. mor. q. q. tr . 22. c. 9. n. 283. p. 92. Of 32 Parables , which is the most frequent manner of Christ's discourse , he applyes but one for the recommendation of the love of our Neighbour , in the person of the distressed poor man abused by Thieves betwixt Jericho and Jerusalem . Sermond . tr . 2. p. 121. It 's no mortal sin to have such a hatred against our Neighbour , as not to be willing to keep company with him , to have such and so violent an aversion from him , as upon no terms or occasion to be willing to speak with him , nor help him in his business , nor at all to forgive him , when he acknowledgeth his fault , and offers satisfaction . Bauny's Sum. p. 81. 17. There is no absolute Commandment to love God , because every Command carries some threatning with it to keep them in their duty to whom it is made , and then some penalty or punishment against those who violate it ; now the Commandment which God gave us to love him , contains neither threat nor punishment , and so by consequence it 's no Commandment truly so called . Sermond in his Defence of Virtue , Tr. 2. p. 28. God commanding us to love him , contents himself that we should obey him in his other Commandments : for God hath not obliged us absolutely to testifie our affections to him , otherwise than by yielding obedience to him . Ibid. p. 11. And God hath not commanded us so much to love , as not to hate him . Ibid. p. 19. And all those which in Scripture are vulgarly called Commands to love God , they are Advices and Counsels , but not Commands . Ibidem , p. 20 , 21. God ought to be content that we love him a little as we please , because to love him more , and to a certain degree , is only an Advice ; it sufficeth that we love him much under what we could , if we would ; because the least degree of love , is enough for him , and to satisfie the Commandment . Amic . Tom. 4. d. 23. sect . 2. n. 21 , 22 , 19. Whereas it 's said we must love God above all things ; we must not extend these words ( All things ) to the rigour in its utmost extent , and according to its natural sence , so as it comprehend under it all Creatures , but that we must understand ( by all things ) only those which are evil , contrary to God , and which destroy the friendship we have with him by Grace ; ( that is to say ) mortal sin only . Amic . Tom. 4. disp . 29. sect . 2. n. 16. And if we be obliged to love God , we are not obliged to love him above three or four moments in our life , whereof the first is when we begin to have the use of Reason ; Secondly , at the point of death . Thirdly , every fifth year during life . Filut. Tom. 2. mor. qq . tr . 22. c. 9. n. 286 , 290. p. 93. The rest of our time we may love God or the World as we please . 18. If a man hath committed any mortal sin , he is not obliged to contrition and sorrow for the sin before the article of his death . Filut. Tom. 1. qq . mor. tr . 6. c. 8. n. 198 , 199 , 157. So that ( according to this doctrine ) who is in mortal sin , may with a safe Conscience persist voluntarily all his life in a state of enmity and aversion to God , and delay his Conversion until the point of death , demanding only forgiveness of God , when he is ready to die and can offend him no longer . 19. If a man being at the point of death , endeavours to do what he can , and having in his mind only an act of attrition present , he saith unto God these words , Lord have mercy on me , with design to pacifie him , he shall be justified , God himself supplying the want of absolution . Escob . tr . 7. Exam. 4. n. 122. p. 819. 20. Faith and Charity are not such supernatural Graces and Vertues as the World takes them to be ; for a man may be a Martyr and merit the Crown of Martyrdom , not only without any act of Charity , but also without any act of Faith ; and though he suffers without love to God , and though he never thinks of him , it 's sufficient that he be killed out of hatred to the Faith , though he have not so much as a thought of confessing it ; as it happens in a suddain eruption of Barbarians , one is killed in his sleep through hatred of Faith. Connick 3. par . q. 66. de baptis . a. 12. n. 136. p. 8. Celot . lib. 3. c. 3. p. 125. 21. It matters not , if death had been proposed to this man , the fear it would have brought on him , would possibly have forced him to forget God ; yet because this conditional supposition produces no real thing in the man , it cannot hurt him . Connick 3. par . q. 66. de baptis . p. 139. So then to be a Martyr , it 's not at all necessary to have so much as a conditional will to die for God , if occasions were presented , that the contrary disposition , rather to forsake God than lose his life on this occasion , cannot hurt him ; and by consequence it 's not bad , nor hinders a man from being in a state to receive a Crown of Martyrdom , if he die without ever thinking of it in this disposition by the hand of a Tyrant . 22. He who outwardly recites the Office of the Church , doth perform the duty of Prayer , though he doth it without any inward intention or devotion , so as the outward appearance and Precept be observed , which such an action requires ; for the outward action wherewith we attend on God , is of the same nature , and appertains to the virtue of Religion . Bauny in his sum . c. 20. p. 335. And the duty of prayer is satisfied though there be no intention . Escob . tr . 5. exam . 6. c. 13. n. 136. p. 677. For he that doth in substance , that is to say , outwardly , that which is commanded , satisfies truly the Commandment of the Church , though he hath no will to accomplish it , but rather the contrary . Layman . lib. 1. tr . 4. c. 4. n. 6. p. 49. 23. The Blessed Virgin is more easie intreated than Jesus Christ , therefore her protection is more assisting and helpful to us . Fr. de Mendoza virid . lib. 2. probl . 2. 24. There is as great efficacy , as to Salvation , in the Virgin Mary's Milk , as in our Saviour's Blood. Andr. Rivet . Apol. lib. 2. c. 5. p. 248. Idem , lib. 1. c. 19. p. 155. Idem , Jesuita vapul . c. 14 , 15. p. 3 , 307 , 808. 25. A man may be saved without ever loving God in all his life . Let. Provinc . 11. p. 160. 26. It 's lawful to consult a Conjurer . Addit . myster . Jesuit . p. 111. And that an expert Conjurer in diabolical arts is well worthy a reward . Let. Provinci . p. 116. And a Fortune-teller is not obliged to restitution , if he hath consulted the Devil . Addit . p. 20. § . 19. CHAP. V. Of Sin. 1. HE that from the impression of an inveterate custom , as it were dy a sort of impetuous necessity , is transported to do evil , as to speak words of Blasphemy , sins not at all ; because a man cannot sin without rational knowledg and deliberation . Layman , lib. 1. tr . 2. c. 3. n. 6. p. 20. An evil custom takes away the use of reason , and so by consequence it doth not augment but diminish sin ▪ nay , sometimes it takes it away ; so that man who hath these evil habits , is in a better condition than he that hath them not : and by often sinning , is put into a condition or state of not sinning any more . 2. Perjury , which one commits through natural inadvertency , or because of the custom he hath to swear , is no mortal sin , though he who doth it , hath his will effectually addicted to sin by an evil habit . Filut. Mor. Tom. 2 tr . 25. c. 1. n. 27. p. 173. By this admirable doctrine , although a man perjure himself , he having not a full knowledg , or transported with some violent habit , it 's no mortal sin in him . 3. If a man customarily curse his Horse , Dogs , Hawks , or other Creatures , which are without reason , setting aside choler by which he suffers himself to be transported , it 's no sin at all ; because this evil custom is become natural , and makes him do it without any passion , and even so as he perceives it not , therefore he commits no sin , in the most strange curses and execrations . Bauny's sum . c. 6. p. 73. c. 5. p. 66. 4. Those who in their Youth , have committed many actions of a vitious nature , which they did not believe to be such , are not obliged to confess one word of them , when they know and understand their nature . Bauny in his sum . c. 40. p. 650 , 651. Because when they were committed , they had not the full use of reason , and knowledg , and at most they were but venial sins , if any sin at all . 5. If any one shoots an Arrow by which he hits his enemy , supposing invincibly that it was a Beast , he is altogether innocent of this man's slaughter , though he was in such a disposition , that if he had known that it had been his Enemy , he would have killed him with more joy . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 13. p. 70. 6. The pleasure which is taken in an action of mortal sin , which is done in sleep , drunkenness , madness or through ignorance , is no sin . Filut. Mor. Tom. 2. tr . 21. c. 8. n. 290. p. 26. Ignorance is a great Asylum for innocency , for it doth not only protect men from the greatest sins , but it giveth them liberty and power to rejoyce and take pleasure in them as good actions , when one comes to know them or call them to remembrance . 7. He who knows that it is a mortal sin to commit an action , but knows not that it is a sin to command another to commit it , through invincible ignorance , is excused from sin in doing it . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 19. Therefore if a Peasant should hear it spoken by a man reputed to be Pious and Knowing , that it was a sin to steal , and commit fornication outwardly , but that it was lawful to desire the one or the other , in this case the interior act is exempt from all sin , because of invincible ignorance . Ibidem . 8. To sin mortally , it 's not enough to see the evil that is done , and the danger incurred in doing , but he ought to have a full and perfect knowledg , and besides this , both time and means to deliberate on it ; therefore such actions which are committed out of ignorance , evil habits , or passion , are not mortal sins ; it 's not enough to commit a mortal sin , to consider and to will with deliberation the evil that is done , but this consideration and deliberation must be full . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 21. Therefore when there occur in one and the same action two sorts of different wickedness , it 's not sufficient to perceive one , to make him guilty of both , but we must have or be obliged to have an actual knowledg of the other ; Therefore when a man lyes with a woman whom he knowes to be not his Wife , but is invincibly ignorant that she is his Kinswoman , he is guilty of Fornication , but not of Incest . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 1. n. 8. p. 2 , 70. Amic . Tom. 3. d. 17. s. 8. n. 172. p. 205. Escob . tr . 2. Exam. 1. c. 3. n. 8. p. 275. 9. He who doth some unlawful act , knowing well that it 's forbidden , but not remembring it to be such when he doth it , is exempt from mortal sin ; because forgetfulness or negligence which is the cause we think not of it , the evil we are about to do , is not imputed for sin , if it be not voluntary : and it 's not voluntary , if we bethink us not to consider that we are obliged to examin what we are about to do . Layman . lib. 1. tr . 12. c. 4. n. 6. p. 20. 10. To sin , it 's not sufficient to do the evil that is forbidden , or not to do that which is commanded by the Law of God , Nature or the Church ; but it 's necessary to have a knowledg of the evil that we do , and an intention to do it : By this rule we are free from the greatest sins , so we have a good intention in committing of them , or that we have no evil intention : we may wish evil or death to our Neighbour , without sin , when we are induced thereunto by some good motive , as that he is given to suing ; or that he is a person of good reputation for his well living , and therefore doth eclipse our credit . Bauny's sum . c. 6. p. 73. 11. He who doth maintain an Heretical Proposition without believing it , or who shall be a Communicant or Auditor amongst Protestants without having his Heart there , but out of pure derision , or to comply with the Times , and to accomplish his designs , he ought not to be esteemed a Protestant therefore ; be cause his understanding is not infected with their errors . Bonacina . d. 3. q. 4. n. 7. 12. He who hath knowledg of the Law , and is ignorant of the penalty which it ordains against those who violate it , doth not incur the penalty which he is to undergo if he obey not . Tambur . Decal . lib. 1. c. 2. sect . 10. n. 12. 13. God cannot command or forbid a matter that is in it self slight under the penalty of mortal sin . Em. Sa. verb. Praecept . n. 1. p. 575. Amit . Tom. 5. a. 5. de lege humana . s. 8. n. 194. p. 64. 14. He that hath a will to commit all venial sins if he were able , sins only venially . Escob . tr . 2. exam . 1. c. 12. n. 57. p. 385. 15. To make an action evil and unlawful , is required first to make it appear , that the reasons which prove the malice of the action be demonstrative ; that is , that they be such as whereunto no probable answer can be given . Secondly , that the reasons which prove this same action to be good and lawful , be not so much as probable . Thirdly , that the Opinions which maintain that this action is good , hath not sufficient authority to be held probable ; all these must be observed , otherwise the action is not evil . Caram . fund . p. 138. 16. To tell a lye in Preaching on any doctrinal Point , is but a venial sin . Escobar . tr . 7. exam . 4. n. 107. p. 816. 17. To perform the most sacred actions , as to administer the Sacraments , or to receive them , or to celebrate the Mass for vain-glory , is but a venial sin , though vain-glory be proposed as the principal end . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 3. n. 1. p. 9. 18. When a slight thing is commanded , the commandment obliges not unto mortal sin , although that be the intention of him who commands . Em. sa . verb. praecept . n. 1. p. 575. 19. The greatness of the sin ought to be estimated from , and according to its matter and subject . Escobar . Sanch. 20. No person is obliged to avoid the next occasion of sin , when thereby some great loss will befall him ; in this case it cannot be said that he wills this occasion , but permits it only ; because that he withdraws not from this occasion , is not that he would absolutely abide in it , but because he would decline the damage which this withdrawing would bring on him . Sanch. in select . disp . 10. n. 20. For this reason a man is not obliged to put away his Concubine , if her company be very advantagious to him , and in departing with her he lose any great benefit . 21. A thing is not the next occasion of sin , unless it be vitious and a sin of it self . Bauny's Theol. mor. par . 1. lib. 4. de poenit . q. 14. p. 94. 22. To sell a Woman paint , which he knowes she will use to draw young men to unchast love , it 's lawful ; otherwise he would lose a Customer , and suffer loss and damage : So to build the Temple of an Idol , or to sell an Idol it self , or to sell an Infidel a Lamb , which he knew he would use in Sacrifice to an Idol , is no sin . Tamb. lib. 5. decal . c. 1. s. 4. n. 38 , 34 , 35 , 36. 23. All the breaches of the first and second Table of the Decalogue are no sins at all , when they are committed by any out of ignorance , surprise or passion . Myst. of Jesuit . add . p. 125. London . 1658. 24. It 's no sin to contract a Marriage by personation , as if it were in a Play upon the Stage , by using equivocal expressions in the Church , when one is forced thereunto by great fear . Add. Myst. of Jesuitism , p. 45. § . 24. So that you may learn how comfortable and holy these Sacred Doctrines of the Jesuits are , and how far their Gospel doth exceed that of Jesus Christ ; for he hath made the way to Heaven so narrow , and the Gate so streight , that few can enter in : whereas by the indulgence of these holy Fathers the way to Heaven is made so broad , that the people may safely go thither without jostling one another , and may with less pains go to Heaven than to Hell ; and indeed let men do what they will , they cannot ( according to their pious doctrines ) go to Hell ; for none go thither but for mortal sins : and how difficult a thing it is to sin mortally , you may observe by what hath been delivered unto you ; and in case they go to Hell , these great and learned Doctors have a holy knack , and mysterious exorcism to fetch them out . CHAP. VI. Of Directing the Intention of good and bad Intentions . 1. TO do evil , there must be an evil intention ; but to do good , it 's not necessary to have a good intention . The Commands of God and the Church may be satisfied by an outward execution of what they ordain , though it be done without intention to fulfil them , or with an evil intent ; and contrary to the Commandment , and even with an express intention not to fulfil it , and on the contrary , to render a man guilty of having violated the Commands of God , and the Church , it 's not sufficient to violate them , but it 's required to have thereof a formed design and express intention . 2. Ecclesiasticks satisfie the Precept of the Church in saying Prayers , when they sing or read them , though they do it without any inward intention or devotion ; provided they observe outward modesty and decency : nay the Precept is satisfied , though the intention be express and formal not to satisfie it . Bauny's sum . ch . 20. p. 335. Escob . tr . 5. exam . 6. c. 13. n. 136. p. 677. So that the outward appearance is more necessary to Prayer , and to the actions of Religion , then the inward motions of Piety ; because they can subsist without this inward motion , but not without external shew : and we may perform the duty of Prayer , though we have a formal design not to obey the Church , and to despise its Commandement . If a man fast for vain-glory , or to content his sensuality in eating and drinking Wine ; and so act contrary to the intent of the Church , yet he doth not violate her Commands ; for he that doth in substance , that is to say , outwardly , that which is commanded , satisfies truly the Commandement , though he hath no will to accomplish it , but rather contrary . Laym . lib. 1. tr . 4. c. 4. n. 6. p. 49. 3. If a man hears a Sermon , or be present at the Divine Office of the Church , a bad intent thereunto joyned , as an intent of looking on a Woman dishonestly , is not contrary to the commandements of the Church , neither doth he therein sin , but fulfil the Precept of hearing Prayers . Fillut. mor. qq . Tom. 2. tr . 5. c. 7. n. 2 , 12. p. 128. 4. If a man speak never so dishonourably and irreverently of God , it 's no Blasphemy , if he had not a formal intent to blaspheme God and dishonour him . Bauny's sum . c. 5. p. 66. Bonacina . d. 3. q. 8. p. 2. n. 2. 5. No man is responsible for the evil effects which are adherent to any action , except he formerly intend and procure them ; therefore though a Woman knowes that a man loves her dishonestly , she sins not , how often soever she presents her self before him , and in his view , so as she hath not an intent to stir up the dishonest love which he hath towards her . Fillut. To. 2. tr . 28. c. 10. n. 232. because he that loves her dishonestly , doth rather take this occasion of offence from his own malice , then she gives it him by the use of her own right and liberty . 6. If a man be to do an act , and makes protestation that his intention is not to do any evil ; let the act be never so wicked , it 's no sin in him . Bauny's sum . c. 14. p. 219. Therefore to kill an Heretick , if your intention be to propagate the Roman Catholique Faith it 's no sin ; and an Usurer who giveth his Money to interest to make profit thereof , may deliver himself from Usury and Restitution , with protestation that it 's not in his intention to make any usurious contract , but to lend it him for his good , and that he would do nothing therein against God and his Conscience . Bauny . ibidem . 7. A Mother which desires the death of her Daughters for want of Beauty or Portions , because she cannot make them according to her desire , or because perhaps by occasion of them , she is ill treated by her Husband ; this good intention of the Mother is sufficient to excuse the Mother from all sin , who desires the death of the daughters . Bonacina . d. 3. q. 4. n. 7. 8. If a Servant by the command of his Master goes and tells a Woman with whom he knowes his Master intends to commit Adultery , that his Master will be found at home such an hour ; or if by the command of his Master he followes a Damosel to see and enquire where she lodges , if by his command he doth not only open the door , but shew her where his Master is , if he aid his Master to get up by the Window to enter the house where he is to commit the sin , the Servant by directing his intention , may free himself of any such or the like sin ; by intending that he did it for some good end , as for the just reward which he expected , or for fear of the loss of his Master's favour , or some other damage : and protesting that he is not pleased with this sin of his Master . Tamb. lib. 5. decal . c. 1. sect . 4. n. 30. 9. You may desire the death of an Enemy who might do you much hurt , not of hatred to him , but to avoid the damage and hurt which he would do you ; you may also rejoyce in his death , because of the good which you receive thereby . Em. Sa. verb. charitat . n. 8. p. 65. And all this may be done without sin , by that excellent Science of directing the Intention . 10. To lye with a Woman ( by the rule of directing the Intention ) whom he representeth to himself as under a condition , and as if he were married to her , is a thing which is not ill , and which on the contrary is good . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 2. n. 34. p. 9. Fillut. mor. Tom. 2. tr . 21. c. 8. n. 269. p. 27. 11. It 's lawful for persons of all qualities , conditions and sexes , to go to the the Stewes or places of common prostitution , ( intending to convert Women ) though it be very probable ( as frequently before ) they will there commit sins themselves . Myst. of Jesuitism . p. 146 , 147. 12. If any man hath done me an injury or wrong , I may pursue him , not with an intention to be revenged of him , or to render evil for evil , but out of an intention to preserve my honour . Reginaldus in praxi . lib. 21. n. 62. p. 260. There is no more to be done , than to divert the Intention from the desire of Revenge , which is sinful , to incline it to a desire of maintaining our honour , which is allowable ; and by this means you may acquit your self of all obligation both towards God , and towards Man , for you satisfie the World by permitting the action , and satisfy the Gospel by purifying the intention . 13. A man may accept of a Challenge and fight a Duel in maintenance of his honour ; and come to the place appointed , not with an express intention to fight the Duel , but only with that of defending himself , if he , by whom he was challenged , comes unjustly to set upon him ; for what hurt can there be for a man to go into the Field to walk there , in expectation of another , and to defend himself if any one sets upon him ? it's no sin at all ; for when the intention is directed to other circumstances , the Challenge is not at all accepted ; for the acceptation of a Challenge consists in the express intention of fighting , which such a man hath not . Provincial Letter . 7. 14. In the Indies in China , they allow their proselyte Christians to commit Idolatry by this craft , viz. that of enjoyning them , to hide under their cloaths an Image of Jesus Christ , to which they teach them by a mental reservation to direct those publick adorations , which they render the Idol . Cachins . Choan . Succum . Myster . of Jesuit . lib. 5. p. 53 , 54. CHAP. VII . Of Adultery , Fornication . 1. VIrgins have power to dispose of their Virginity without the consent of Parents ; for when that is done with the consent of the Maid , though the Father hath just cause to be troubled at it , yet neither she , nor the person to whom she hath prostituted her self , hath done him any injury , nor as to what concerns him , violated any Law ; for the Maid is in possession of her Virginity as well as of her body , she may dispose of it , as she pleaseth , and to whom she pleaseth , death or mutilation of member only excepted . Bauny's Sum. p. 148. 2. It 's no sin to let a House to a Whore , though he knows she will abuse his House to sin ; because he let his House to lodg in , and not to prostitute her self therein . Molina de Inst. & Jur. To. 2. tr . 2. disp . 500. p. 1122. Gre. Valentia . Tom. 3. d. 5. q. 21. Escob . tr . 3. Exam. 9. c. 4. n. 28. 8 , 9. p. 155. 3. To lye with a married Woman is not Adultery , if the Husband doth consent thereunto . Addit . to the Myst. of Jesuit . p. 110. § . 3. 4. If a Woman presents her self to the view of a man whom she knows to love her dishonestly , doth not commit any mortal sin , because she is not obliged to deprive her self of the liberty of standing at a Dore or a Window , or to walk forth into the Town . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 6. n. 16 p. 19. 5. To lye with a Woman considered as ones Wife , is no sin ; for the pleasure that the Will takes in a thing which is represented to it as good , is no mortal sin . Escob . tr . 3. Exam. 9. c. 4. n. 28. Therefore the Will may without mortal sin , not only desire this action , considered in this manner , but may regard it simply with pleasure . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 2. n. 34. p. 9. Filut. mor. Tom. 2. tr . 21. c. 8. n. 269. p. 27. 6. An Ecclesiastick is not faulty who procures an abortion , if he doubts whether the fruit of the Womb were quick . Myst. Jesuitis . addit . p. 93. § . 13. 7. That which one receiveth for being a Pander to a debauched person , or for committing of Fornication , he is not bound to any restitution , but may conscionably be detained , if the fact be already done . Filut. mor. 22. Tom. 2. tr . 32. c. 4. n. 103. p. 364. 8. If a drunken or mad-man lyeth with a Woman , it is no mortal sin , because there was no use of reason , and the action without liberty , and therefore indifferent as the coupling of Beasts . Filut. mor. tr . 21. c. 5. n. 290. p. 34. 9. If a Peasant hath heard it said by a man that is in reputation for a knowing or honest man , That Fornication is sin , but the desire of it is lawful ; this interior act of Concupiscence is exempt from sin , because the opinion was probable . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. p. 71. 10. There may be a dispensation granted for Fornication , because it 's not evident that it 's forbidden by the Law of Nature ; and it 's probable that it is only by the positive Law. Tamb. lib. 7. decal . c. 1. s. 2. n. 1. And so it may be made lawful when Authority shall think it convenient to take away the prohibition , which alone renders it evil and criminal . 11. A man may be invincibly ignorant that Fornication is a sin ; and in that case if he doth commit Fornication , it 's no sin , because invincible ignorance excuseth from sin , therefore a man in state of ignorance may commit Fornication without sin . Fillut. mor. Tom. 2. tr . 30. c. 2. n. 50. p. 389. Azor. Tom. 1. lib. 1. c. 13. p. 34. 12. Masters and Maid Servants , and Cosins of both Sexes living together , and mutually induced by that means unto sin , if their relapses be but once or twice a moneth , they may continue therein , when they cannot avoid them without finding the World matter of discourse , or running into some inconvenience thereby . Myst. of Jesuit . p. 146. 13. If the Concubine be very useful to the Fornicator to cherish him , and to keep him in good humour , so that without her he lives in Melancholy , and hath great distast of the food which is prepared for him ; he cannot be obliged in this case to put away his Concubine , because his satisfaction in these circumstances are more worth than any temporal good . Sanctius in select . disp . 10. n. 20. 14. If you be desired by your Friend to carry a Present to be given on the account of dishonest love , unto a Concubine , to whom he sends it , you may carry it without sin , if you have a just cause of fearing a considerable loss . Tamb. lib. decal . c. 1. s. 4. n. 30. as the loss of your Friend . 15. Absolution may be given a Woman who entertains at her house a man with whom she offends frequently , if she cannot handsomely send him away . Bauny's Theol mor. p. 1. tr . 4. de poenit . q. 14. p. 94. 16. It 's lawful for a married woman to retain to her self the price of her Adultery ; and the reason is excellent , because the Husband is not so Master of the body of his Wife , that he hath a perfect dominion over it ; but he hath only the power to use it according to the Law of Marriage , which certainly takes not from the Woman power to gain something by prostituting her Body . Tamb. lib. 1. decal . c. 2. s. 6. n. 12. 17. If a Concubine dyes or withdraws her self , it 's lawful for the Man to take another Maid-Servant , what fear soever he hath of falling into sin with her , if he cannot find some other who is capable to assist him in his affairs and conveniences ; for if this reason dispense with him for not putting her away whom he hath already taken , it will give him a right to take her whom he hath not as yet . Sanct. select . disp . 10. n. 20. 18. By the Bull Cruciata , a man may be dispensed with the vow he hath made not to commit Fornication or any other sin . Addit . to the Mysterie of Jesuitism . p. 95. § . 25. CHAP. VIII . Of Murder . 1. IT 's lawful for an honourable person to kill an assailant who would strike him with a Cudgel , or give him a box on the ear to affront him , if he cannot otherwise avoid the disgrace . Lessius de Justitia & Jure , lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 8. n. 41. p. 83. otherwise the reputation of the innocent person would be perpetually exposed to the affronts of the insolent . Azor. Inst. mor. par . 3. p. 105. Hurtado de Mendoza 22. disp . 170. s. 16. § . 137. 2. If a man endeavour to deprive me of my honour before a Prince , Judge or person of great quality , by accusing me of some feigned crimes , and I have no other way to divert this loss of reputation , it 's lawful for me to kill him secretly . Less . lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 12. n. 77. p. 81. And the same may be done against him , though the crime be true , so it be hid and secret . Bannes . q. 64. a. 7. dub . 4. And Molina gives the reason , because it 's lawful to imploy all sorts of means , and to make use of all sorts of ways , and of all sorts of Arms , to do that which is necessary for self-defence . Molina . de Just. & Jure . Tom. 4. tr . 3. disp . 2. n. 5. p. 175. 3. To defend our selves from an affront which would be given us , it 's lawful to prevent the aggressor by killing him , in the same manner as when a man endeavours to deprive us unjustly of life or member , it 's lawful to kill him before he execute his design . Amicus , Tom. 5. de Justi . & Jure , disp . 36. s. 7. n. 106. p. 542 , 410 , 407. 4. It any person doth unjustly detain your goods from you , you may kill him when you cannot without great trouble and difficulty recover them by the way of Justice . Less . de just . & jure , lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 11. n. 70. Dicast. lib. 2. tr . 1. disp . 10. dub . 5. n. 46. This is an excellent invention to cut off all Suits , there is no need of Judges or Counsellors ; but any may do themselves Justice ; and instead of sending a Serjeant to arrest the party who detains the goods , he may send one to take away his life . 5. If any person shall take from you an Apple , or any thing to the value of five shillings , and will not restore it , if it will be a shame to you not to take it out of the Thief 's hand , you may endeavour to take it from him , and even kill him if it be necessary . Less . de Just. & Jure . lib. 2. c. 4. c. 9. d. 11. n. 68. p. 88. 6. If a man hath committed a crime which is not publickly known , and he understands that another hath a design to inform against him , before a Magistrate , if he fears lest his Accuser should cause him to be condemned to lose his life , or goods , he may lawfully kill him . Molina de Just. & Jure , Tom. 4. tr . 3. n. 39. p. 121. Dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. disp . 12. par . dub . 2. n. 410. 7. It 's no Murder to kill excommunicated persons . Grat. caus . 23. q. 5. c. omnium & exam . fo . 460. Edit . Paris . 1531. 8. It 's lawful to kill all those who do us wrong , and all other persons who offend us , though we be assured that they shall be damned by dying in that state . Escob . tr . 1. exam . 7. c. 2. p. 1154. s. 1. n. 21. And this right doth not only appertain to one private man , against another private man , but to a publick person ; to a Subject against his Prince or Superior ; to a Son against his Father , or the Father against the Son. Amicus de Just. et Jure , disp . 36. s. 5. n. 76. p. 407. 9. If any person shall endeavour to take away from you your Estate unjustly by foul practices and vexatious Suits at Law ; it 's lawful to accept or give a Challenge ; nay , a man may dispatch his enemy at unawares ; nay in such occurrences a man need not confine himself to the ordinary ways of Duels , if he can secretly murder his adversary , and thereby put an end to the business ; for by that means he shall not only avoid the hazard he may be in , by exposing his life in sighting , but also not participate of the sin which his enemy would commit by the Duel . Sanch. Theol. mor. lib. 2. c. 39. n. 7. Provinc . Letter , 7. fo . 90. So if persons shall conspire to ruin you , or shall unjustly hinder your Creditors from paying you what they owe unto you , it 's lawful for you to kill them . Less . de Just. & Jure , lib. 2. c. 11. n. 67. p. 88. 10. A man may lawfully kill ( by ambush and behind his back ) an Informer that prosecutes us in any Court , provided there be a right direction of the Intention ; he may lawfully kill the false witness which such a prosecutor produceth against him ; and the Judge also , if there be any correspondency between him and the witness . Molina , Tom. 4. tr . 3. disp . 12. Reginaldus , lib. 21. c. 5. n. 57. Tannerus , tr . 3. disp 4. q. 8. n. 83. Provinc . Letter , 7. fo . 90. 11. A Priest is obliged to kill a Detractor . Myst. of Jesuit . p. 94. 97. 12. If a man hath made use of a woman , he may kill her if she offer to discover what passed between them . Myst. of Jesuitism , p. 18. § . 6. Caramuel . fund . 55 s. 7. p. 551. 13. When he who is assaulted be a person whose life is of importance , and necessary to the weal publique and others , whether it be in Temporals or Spirituals , he is obliged under mortal sin to kill if he can the aggressor in defence of his life . Molina de Just. Commutat . tr . 3. d. 14. p. 1754 ; because he cannot give away the right of those who belong unto him , to whom his life is necessary , being obliged to maintain and defend them ; therefore he sins mortally in not killing the aggressor if he can , for the preservation of his life . 14. He commits not the sin of Manslaughter , who kills him who invades him unjustly , though he gave him an occasion to assault him . Amicus de Just. & Jure , disp . 36. dub . 5. n. 25. p. 538. And when it 's lawful to kill an invader , it 's lawful to desire his death , as a means necessary for our defence . Dicast. lib 2. tr . 1. disp . 10. dub . 4. n. 4. 15. It 's lawful to kill him who says to you , You lie . Bandellus , lib. 3. disp . 24. n. 24. Provincial Letter . 7. fo . 93. 16. An Adulterer may lawfully kill the Husband of a Woman with whom he hath committed adultery , if her Husband , having surprised him in the fact , doth assault him . Molina de Just. & Jure , Tom. 4. disp . 14 p. 1765. Tamb. lib. 16. decal , c. 1. sect . 1. n. 7. This is an excellent way for an Adulterer to expiate his crime , by making away the Husband's life , after he hath taken away the Wifes honour . 17. A Thief being entred into a House to steal , may in consequence kill him who would kill him for his Theft , if he cannot escape death . Molina de Justitia & Jure , Tom. 4. p. 1766. n. 2. 18. If a Thief fly away on Horseback , he may be pursued with a Weapon , or killed with a Pistol-shot , when after he hath been threatned to be killed , he cease not to bear away what he hath taken ; and though he be not threatned nor admonished thereof , because time permit not , and there is danger never to recover what he carries away . Dicast. lib. 2. tr . 1. disp . 10. dub . 5. n. 46. 19. It 's not against charity to kill a Thief who robs me of things which I cannot recover at Law without much trouble . Dicast. ibidem . 20. If an honourable person be assaulted , and in danger to lose his reputation , if he fly , though by flying he might preserve his own life , and his who assaults him , he is not for all that obliged to fly ; but it 's lawful to kill him , who invades him unjustly in defence of his life and honour . Mol. Tom. 4. p. 1778. For when a man hath only his honour to defend , he is not obliged to fly , because he is to set more by his honour , than money or goods ; therefore there is no reason to oblige Christians to lose possession of so pretious a thing as Honour ; by flying from him who assaults them so unjustly . 21. It 's lawful to kill a slanderer or false witness secretly in an affair , wherein not only life , but even outward goods also of great importance are in question . Amic . Tom. 5. de Just. & Jure , disp . 36. sect . 4. n. 76. p. 537. 22. If any one assault you , and makes use of an innocent person to shelter him , you may kill him , that you may hit him who invades you . Escob . tr . 1. exam 7. n. 52. p. 121. If a man fly from his enemy and cannot escape but through some strait way , wherein he will crush to death some Infant or lame person , he may kill or ride over him , though he be assured that he will die thereof ; because every man hath right to defend himself , and his meeting with or interposure of an innocent person doth not take away his right . Less . de Just. lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 9. n. 57. p. 86. You may observe how highly this new Theologie of the Jesuits hath obliged the World , in granting this liberty to defend mens lives , honours and goods against any aggressor , which the Gospel of Jesus Christ hath denyed unto them . By this Indulgence people are kept in obedience from invading the rights of others , and peace established amongst them , for fear of offending , when the person offended , is both Judge , Party , and Executioner ; by their divinity you may kill an Enemy , a Slanderer , a Thief , an Informer in false crimes , and even in true ones , but secret ; and which is yet more , an innocent person , and from whom you never received any displeasure ; an Infant , a Prince , a King , without excepting Fathers or Mothers ; you may Challenge into the fields , assassinate publickly , kill by surprise , cause to die secret , by poyson or otherwise , for preservation of the life , honour or goods , and even for the least thing , as for an Apple ; and all these without sin or punishment ; what mortals can desire more , we know not . CHAP. IX . Of Theft . 1. THeft is no mortal sin , if he that steals doth believe that his Father , Master or he from whom he steals the goods , would have given him them , if he had asked him , or if he had known he had need of them , or when he makes no account of the goods which are stollen from them , or when he is of such a disposition , that he would not have him that had stollen them from him , obliged therefore to any great punishment . Less . de Just. & Jure , lib. 2. c. 41. d. 9. n. 79. p. 496. 2. Theft , which Men and Maid-Servants commit in Meats and Drinks , are no great sins , though insensibly they amount unto a notable value ; if they steal them only to eat and drink them , themselves . Less . de Just. & Jure , lib. 2. c. 12. d. 8. n. 48. p. 118. Escob . tr . 1. Exam. 9. n. 25. p. 162. 3. A Woman may take and purloin money from her Husband upon divers occasions ; and amongst others , she may take it to game withal , to buy her cloaths , and to get other things she stands * in need of . Escob . tr . 1. exam . 9. n. 13. 4. The poor in extraordinary necessity may steal from the rich with a safe Conscience . Vasquez de Eleemosyna . c. 4. n. 45. Provinc . Letter . 11. fo . 177. Tambur . lib. 5. decal . c. 1. sect . 1. n. 12. 5. He who taketh what is anothers , doth him no wrong if he made no use of it , or was not like to use it ; neither is he obliged to restitution . Em. Sa. verbo , Furtum . c. 6. p. 292. 6. He who steals frequently by little at a time , so to gather together a notable sum , is not obliged to restitution when it 's not done with intention to steal this great sum . Exam. Sa. verb. Furtum , n. 8. Escob . tr . 1. Exam. 4. n. 23. p. 161. 7. Where a man hath by many petty Thefts proceeded unto a great sum , he is not obliged under pain of damnation to restore any of it , because he only sinned venially . Bauny in his Sum. c. 10. p. 143. By this a man may enrich himself with the goods of another , provided he takes not too much at once . 8. If a man finds any thing which doth belong to another , he may appropriate it to himself ; and though the true owner appears afterwards , he is not obliged to quit the possession of it ; and if he shall alienate or spend it without fraud or unjust contrivance simply and honestly , the Owner comes and presents himself , he is not obliged to restore any thing unto him , but what he hath put out to use , and whereby he is become more wealthy . Bauny in his Sum. c. 13. p. 185 , 186. Layman . lib. 3. tr . 1. c. 5. n. 24. 9. A person after he hath made a renuntiation of his Goods unto his Creditors , may in Conscience substract and keep one part of his Goods to maintain his Family and his Port. Bauny's Sum. c. 11. p. 154. 10. It 's lawful for Servants to rob their Masters to make their Wages proportionable to their Service . Myst. of Jesuit . p. 126. Letter . 6. fo . 8. 11. A religious man may quit his habit , and go and steal , as well as go incognito to the Stewes . Myst. of Jesuit . p. 69. 12. A Son may with a safe conscience steal money from his Father . Addit . to the Myst. of Jesuit . p. 93. § . 12. CHAP. X. Of Deceit . 1. AVintner who hath better Wine than ordinary , for that he may not sell it by reason of some publique order , above the common price , he may recompence himself therein by mingling water therewith , because those who buy this Wine have no prejudice thereby . Escob . tr . 3. exam . 6. n. 70. p. 423. The same may be done with grain , he may mingle so much of Rie with his Wheat to reduce it to the quality of common grain which is sold at the same price with his . Amicus de Just. & Jure , disp . 21. sect . 6. n. 87. p. 282. 2. A Treasurer , a Factor , Solicitor , a Servant , and such like , may Traffick with their Master's Money without his privity , and retain the profit for themselves . Escob . tr . 3. exam . 4. n. 95. p. 392. 3. A Taylor who hath been accustomed to buy Cloath or Silk by command from another to make his cloathes , goes on this occasion most commonly to a Shop of a Merchant , who for this reason sells him a good pennyworth ; the Taylor may retain to himself the benefit of his good Market ; because the Merchant finds his advantage therein , therefore the Taylor ought to have his advantage thereof . Secondly , because this practice is past into a custom . Fillut. Tom. 2. tr . 35. c. 6. n. 149. Escob . tr . 3. exam . 6. n. 60. p. 421. 4. If the Magistrate hath regulated the Price and Weights of Flesh , and the Measures of Wine , so that the price is not sufficient for the charge , and for their pains , and the wayes of those who sell these Merchandizes , they may diminish the weight and the measure so far , as is necessary , to satisfie all these things . Amicus , de Just. & Jure , d. 21. sect . 6. n. 87. p. 282. And being examined by a Judge , whether he hath sold it too dear , or hath changed the Weight or Measures , he may say he hath not , and assure him , That he hath sold according to the price appointed , and that he hath observed the weight and measure intending , according to the money that he hath received . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 29. p. 28. 5. If one thinks and probably believes that the price which is set upon any Merchandize , is unjust , and that for this reason , he who sells recompences himself for this injustice by selling by false Weights , or by some other way , being afterwards examined by a Judge upon these facts , he may deny all upon oath . Escob . tr . 1. exam . 3. n. 34. p. 75. 6. If a man hath run into debt to supply his debaucheries , he may frustrate all his Creditors , and continue to live in luxury , by renouncing his estate ; for he that renounceth his estate with safety to his Conscience , may retain so much thereof , as is necessary for him and his Family to live in honour . Escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 163. 7. If a man gets mony unjustly , and mingles it with his other the like money which did belong unto him , insomuch that one cannot distinguish them ; by this means he gains to himself the property of the money , and is become the just owner and lawful possessor of it : Therefore if a Merchant or Tradesman hath received more mony of his Customers than is due to him , if he mingles this with his other mony that they cannot be distinguished from each other , the party who hath paid this mony comes to the Merchant and demands it , he is not obliged to repay it ; because that he received it in payment and so took it on good account , and in honest simplicity . Esc. tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 107. p. 362. Vasquez de Restitutione , c. 9. sect . 2. dubium ultimum . 8. When Children are grown up and are imployed by their Fathers in their Shops , Trades , or other their Affairs , if their Fathers do not content them and give them a just recompence for their pains , it 's lawful for them in conscience to take so much of their Father's Goods secretly for their recompence according to the proportion of their labour and pains . Escob . tr . 1. exam . 10. n. 31. p. 163. So that Children are permitted to estimate and rate their own labour and pains , and pay themselves with their own hands ; and this estimation depends on their own Judgments and Wills. 9. Cheating is lawful by virtue of the contract Moliatra : as when a man buys a Commodity for 30 l. to be paid within a year , and then sells it immediately to him of whom he bought it , for half so much mony . Myst. of Jesuit . p. 10. He who prudently maketh use of these Maxims of the divinity of the Jesuits , may do all his affairs by deceipt , and yet not pass for all that for a Cheat ; and it 's but reasonable , that if a Butcher , Vintner , or other person be ill husbands , or an ill chapman , or suffer himself to be cheated or buy too dear , that the Publique pay for all this : for if the Merchant be an ill buyer , he may be a wicked seller ; and cheat in selling , because he was cheated in buying . CHAP. XI . Of Oaths , Promises , mental Reservations , and of Equivocations . IN conduct of affairs to be well instructed in the subtilities and inventions of the Jesuits are of great use ; which may be referred to equivocations in words ; and want of intention in Oaths and Promises : The one is a means to say what you will without lying ; and the other an expedient to swear and promise all things without being obliged to perform any thing . 1. A man may make a promise without any intention to promise ; but in case he had an intention to promise , but no intention to perform , then he is obliged to his promise , but not obliged to perform what he promised ; the same of an oath . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 10. n. 7 , 8. p. 42. Gr. Valentia . 22. d. 6. q. 6. p. 1. 2. A man may make a promise without any intention to promise , and so he is not obliged to perform ; because he had no intention to promise : and therefore if he be asked if he made any such promise , he may with a safe conscience say , No ; intending that he had not promised by any promise to oblige him ; and by consequence he may also swear ; for otherwise he should be constrained to pay that which he owes not . Fillut. Tom. 2. tr . 25. n. 323. p. 161. And therefore he may safely say , That he owes not that which he hath promised , and that he lies not , in forswearing it ; because , in promising and in swearing , he had no intention to promise or swear , no more than to perform what he promised . 3. If you have made a promise or an oath , and you doubt whether you had an intent to oblige your self ; it 's probable you are not obliged to keep it . Tamb. decal . 1. c. 3. sect . 7. tit . V. n. 6. 4. To feign in an important matter , and to vow only with ones lips , is but a venial sin , because it 's only a lye which contains no irreverence towards God. Tamb. decal . 3. c. 12. sect . 1. n. 3. 5. If to promise without an intention to promise , and to promise without an intention to do what is promised , be not sufficient , the better to carry on designs , and to cause your projections to prosper , and to gain belief , it 's lawful to add an oath . 6. He who desires not to swear , ( the better to obtain belief ) may find out many wayes to speak , and to affirm , which passeth commonly for oaths , but indeed are not ; as for example , If I swear by God , wherefore do you not believe me ? If this be not , I have no faith in God , I renounce God. This is as true as the Gospel ; Before God this is so ; God knows it 's so ; On my faith , by my faith , God be my witness ; I may swear by God , by Jesus Christ ; I will swear by God ; though the ignorant , and those who do not look nearly to them , take these speeches for oaths , but they are not , because they assert nothing , and they are imperfect discourses , and have no determined sence . Escob . tr . 1. Exam. 3. n. 17. p. 72. Sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 2. n. 16 , 17 , 19 , 20. p. 8. 7. When one is resolved to swear , you may choose words of double meaning , and make use of a mental restriction the better to effect your ends ; and this is warrantable according to the most Learned Doctors amongst the Jesuits : for no man is obliged by virtue of his oath , beyond his intention ; for an oath cannot oblige in conscience beyond the intent of him which swears ; and by consequence he that hath no intention to swear , cannot be obliged to any thing at all . Sanch. op . mor. lib 2. c. 10. n. 12 , 13. p 49. 8. The art of mental restriction or reservation , is an art of great use , and must be well studied , and none can teach the Theorie or Practice of it so well as the Jesuits ; they being the great Doctors of the faculty of Equivocation . This doctrine shall be illustrated by some few Examples ; If a promise by oath to pay a certain sum of Money , be drawn from a man unjustly , or by force , he that swears in this manner , may use an equivocation in these terms ; I swear to you , I will , give this mony ; intending that he would give it to him , to whom he sware , or to some other ; because these words may receive either of these two sences . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 2. c. 10. n. 37. p. 29. If a Woman be excommunicated for departing from her Husband , because she knows of some secret impediment which makes the Marriage void , being at the point of death , she is obliged , that she may receive absolution to swear , That if she recover her health , she will return to her Husband ; she may promise and swear it , intending in her mind , If I be obliged thereunto , or if it shall please me at that time . Sanch. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 40. p. 30. 9. If in the tongue in which one express an oath , the name of God signifie divers things , it will be lawful to swear by the Name of God , taking it in some other signification : According to this rule a man may safely swear by the Name of Jesus Christ , because there are others named Jesus , besides the Son of God , and that this word , Christ , is attributed to divers Persons in Scripture , and that not only Christians , but to Jews . 10. When one is required to make oath unto a person in a case in which he believes that he is not obliged to swear ; he may do it without fear of Perjury ; he may make use of the one or the other of these two expedients ; First to take the words wholy he uses in swearing , and which are false in their true sence , in a quite different sence , such as he pleases , provided it be true : Secondly , to give no sence at all to his words , and to take them materially , that is to say , as sounds which signifie nothing . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 10. p. 24. 11. If a person be ignorant , and cannot make right use of mental reservation , upon occasion , he may swear plainly without obliging himself in any sort whatsoever , provided he hath no intent to swear , nor to perform that which he swears . Escobar . tr . 1. exam . 1. n. 37. p. 76. 12. To establish this knowledg of equivocation in the World , and to facilitate the practice of it amongst all sorts of people , the Jesuits have delivered to their disciples divers excellent rules , and examples for the perfecting of them in this marvellous art of equivocation ; therefore , if you be asked , If you have eaten of such a dish ; you may answer , I have not eaten of such a dish ; intending in your mind , to day ; though the intention of him that asked , was to know it you had ever eaten of it . Fillut. op . mor. Tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 11. n. 327. p. 204. If one enquire whether the Prince be at Court , he may say and swear it too , without any great sin , that he is there , ( though he be not there ) intending that he is there in picture . Escob . tr . 1. exam . 1. n. 35. p. 76. If one demands of a man to borrow mony , which he indeed hath , but which he will not , and which he is not obliged to lend ; he may swear that he hath it not at all ; meaning not to lend him , or meaning not in another place than in that where he laid it up to be kept . Fillut. op . mor. Tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 11. n. 15. If a Witness be interrogated juridically if he know a thing ; provided the Judge ask him not whether he hath heard it spoken ; he may swear he knows it not , having only heard it spoken . Fillut. op . mor. Tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 7. n. 5. p. 32. If he be interrogated by a Judge , Whether he had done such a thing ? he may safely swear he hath not done it , when he hath done it ; intending in his mind some other thing , which he hath not in truth done , or some other day than that on which he did it , or some other circumstance as he pleases , so it be true ; he doth not lye , neither is he forsworn . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 15. This is a rare way to justifie all manner of lies , and perjuries : The greatest Impostors may make use hereof to maintain themselves in these crimes . And it 's always justifiable when necessary , or advantagious in any thing that concerns a man's Health , Honour or Estate . Zanch. op . mor. p. 2. lib. 3. c. 6. n 12. Provinc . Letter . 9. § . 129 , 130. Fillutius assigns a way much more secure than the former , to avoid lying ; and that is when a man having said , I swear I have not done such a thing , he adds , whispering to himself , this day . Fillut. tr . 25. c. 11. n. 331. This is to speak truth towards himself , and lie to others . Men will be often at a loss if they have not this Science . 13. It 's not enough to know the Rules of any Mystery , if it be not known how to reduce them to practice . Therefore there are two Rules given by the Jesuits , that men may have change , and make use sometimes of one , and sometimes of the other . The first is , to have an intention to pronounce the words materially , that is to say , as if they signified nothing ; and to take from them in his mind their proper signification not desiring they should have any at all . And that this method may be made easie to understand , take this example : If a man be interrogated by a Judge if he did such a fact ; he may safely swear he did it not ; with this mental restriction ( this day ) , though he did it at another day . Fillut. op . mor. Tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 12. n. 328. p. 204. The second rule or method is , To have an Intention to compose ones discourse , not only of words , which are audibly pronounced , but also of those which are secretly reserved in ones mind , it being free for those who speak , to express their thoughts wholly or in part . Fillut. ibidem . 14. It 's lawful in our defence at all times to make use of equivocation , though he who doth examine us , do press us and make us swear not to use them , but to answer him without making use of equivocation : he may safely swear , understanding secretly that he doth it as far as he is obliged to speak clearly , and to expound himself , or by forming some other thought , which may make him answer true . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 45. p. 30. If any one be examined by a Judge if he did such a thing ; he may swear he hath not done it ; intending his answer , Not in that manner as the Judge examins him maliciously , but in the manner he ought to examin him in the quality of a Judge . Sanch. ibidem . 15. When a Prince commands a Subject to do such a thing when he receives his orders , he promises to obey him ; though he be resolved to do nothing of that he shall command him , by making use of this mental restriction , saying in himself , I will do this not as you command me , but as you ought to command me . Sanch. ibidem . 16. A Wife or Children being called before a Judge to declare and confess what they have put aside or taken out from , or usurped of the moveables or Goods of the deceased , are not in conscience obliged to confess , or declare the same ; but because they may be brought to swear , they may make use of this expedient that they may not lie , and so doing forswear themselves , the prudent Confessor may teach them that they are to frame a conception in their mind , according to which they may form their answer and oath , which they may make by the command of the Judge , to justifie and make him believe their innocence . Bauny his Sum. c. 11. p. 156. 17. One is discharged of his oath , though in doing what he swears to do , he hath an express intent not to do or fulfil it . Less . lib. 1. c. 37. d. 10. n. 59. 18. If I swear to do such an act , and have no intention to swear , though I do not perform the act , I am not forsworn , because an oath depends on the intention of him who swears . Em. Sa. verb. Jurament . n. 1. p. 295. 19. If a man lies in using equivocation without any necessity obliging him thereunto , and swears to confirm this Equivocation , he doth neither lie nor commit perjury ; because he that speaks and swears in that sort , hath no intention to speak or swear falsly . Fillut. To. 2. tr . 25. c. 11. n 331. p. 205. This Maxim is of admirable use to licence the Lies and Oaths which some do make use of ordinarily to deceive others , and those who forswear themselves before Judges . 20. Oaths , which are made without actual advertency and consideration , which of themselves are sufficient to a mortal sin , are not of themselves new sins properly , because of the custom of swearing , how great soever they be , though no retraction be made of them . Sanch. mor. par . 1. lib. 3. c. 5 , 8 , 28. p. 21. 21. If one commit Perjury through natural inadvertency , or because of an ill custom he hath to forswear , it 's no mortal sin ; because he doth forswear himself without perceiving it at all . Fillut. mor. To 2. tr . 25 c. 1. p. 173. 22. When a man blasphemes customarily without having full knowledg thereof , he doth not sin mortally . Fill. ibidem . 23. It 's a less sin to swear in common talk by the holy Name of God , than it 's to eat an Egg in Lent. Sanch. Fillut. 24. It 's lawful as well in Judgment as out of Judgment , to swear with a mental reservation without any regard to the intent of him who obliges a man to swear . Myst. of Jesuit . p. 10. 25. To call God to witness to a light inconsiderable Lie , is not so great an irreverence , as that a man should or must be damned for it . Myst. of Jesuitism , p. 10. s. 5. CHAP. XII . Of the Doctrine of Probability . 1. THat Opinion is probable which hath one only Author of Reputation , or one reason to maintain it ; and that which is supported by a probable opinion , is simply good and lawful ; and a man may safely in Conscience act by it . Em. Sa. verbo Dubium . n. 3. p. 183. Nay , though many Doctors do positively hold the contrary , yet if any one Doctor who hath examined and weighed the Reasons of those who hold the contrary , doth say , That the action is good and lawful ; the opinion is probable , and you may in Conscience act by it . Therefore if a Priest , of whom I have a good opinion for his integrity and parts , shall tell you ; It 's lawful for you to burn a City or any other place , though it be against the Principles of Justice or Charity ; yet to you it 's probable , and so you may safely fire the City without sin : And the most universally condemned Crimes may become lawful to you for to act , if a Priest in whom you have a Confidence for his Learning and Honesty , shall tell you they are lawful . Escob . in praefat . Theolog. problemat . And in case you have a great desire to do any thing , and can find no opinion to rely on , and to assure you it 's probable ; it 's enough that you are probably assured , that the opinion is probable ; so that probability is not only sufficient to excuse sin , but probability of a probability . Tamb. lib. 1. decal . c. 3. sect . 3. n. 126. 2. When two opinions are probable , the one as well as the other , we may justly prefer in the practice that which is less probable , though not so safe , if you like it best , or may be more acceptable to others . Azor. lib. 2. c. 16. p. 126. Dicast . de Confessione , tr . 4. d. 9. d. 8. n. 134. A Councellor at Law may counsel his Client that adviseth with him , not according to his own opinion , but the contrary which other Councellors hold probable , if it be more favourable and acceptable to the Client , though he doth know and believe assuredly that the opinion of the other Councellor is false in the Theory , and therefore not to be followed in the Practice . Layman . lib. 1. tr . 1. c. 5. Nay , a Learned Councellor may give to Plaintiff and Defendent , counsels quite contrary according to contrary probable opinions . Layman . ibidem . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 20. 3. It 's lawful in Conscience for a man to quit his own proper opinion , though more probable to follow the probable opinion of another though less sure ; because , he who believes an opinion probable , acting according to that opinion , ought not to be deemed as rash and imprudent : Upon this Principle Pilat acted when he put Jesus Christ to death , quitting his proper Judgment , by which he believed him to be innocent , to follow the opinion of the Jews , who maintained that he was worthy of death . Nay , Pilat herein , according to the Jesuits , ought to be justified , because he followed a probable Opinion , and more than probable , because it was not the opinion of one Doctor , but of all the Doctors and Priests of the Jews , That Jesus was a Malefactor and deserved death . Matth. 25. 4. When one believes assuredly that an Opinion is false , and that we cannot follow it directly in the conduct of some person , we may send this person to those who hold with it , and counsel him to follow their advice . Layman . lib. 1. c. 5. p. 7. 5. If you meet with two contrary Opinions , you may follow them both in different affairs , and even in the same affair also , acting and giving contrary counsels , now after the one , and then after the other . Layman . lib. 1. c. 5. p. 6. 6. A man may hold an opinion probable , when he is persuaded that he himself or some other can answer the reasons upon which that opinion is grounded ; and it 's safe in Conscience to act according to such a probable opinion . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 6. p. 28. 7. When a Superior and those which are under his charge be of different opinions , the Inferior is not bound to obey his Superior : and therefore when a Subject believes according to a probable opinion , that the Commands of his Prince are unjust , or that he exceedeth the bounds of his Jurisdiction , he may disobey him , because it 's lawful for all men to follow a probable opinion . Escob . in praem . Exam. 3. n. 31. p. 30. 8. The priviledges of Probability cannot only dispense with an Inferior for the obedience which he owes to his Superior , but may elevate him above his Superior , and to oblige the Superior to obey his Subject . Upon this Principle a Confessor is obliged to follow the probable opinion of his Penitent , and quit his own opinion , though more probable ; because the Penitent grounding himself upon a probable opinion , hath a right unto absolution . Escob . in praem . Exam. 3. c. 6. n. 27. p. 25. And the Confessor is obliged to absolve the Penitent against his own proper opinion , when the Penitent following the Maxims of a probable opinion , believes that he may do that , which the Confessor believes he may not do , according to his probable opinion . Amicus . Tom. 3. disp . 15. sect . 2. n. 90. p. 212. 9. It 's probable that an Excise is justly established by a Prince ; it 's probable on the other side ; that it 's unjust ; you being at present appointed by the Prince to collect this Impost , require it according to this Opinion , which maintains that it 's just , and therefore it 's lawful for you to levy it without doing any injustice : but if to morrow , or the same day , you being a Merchant , may secretly defraud this Impost or Excise , following the Opinion that it 's unjust . Tamb. lib. 1. Theol. c. 3. sect . 5. n. 1 , 2 , 3. p. 21. 10. A man may , relying on an Opinion sweet and indulgent , but probable , disobey his Prince or Superior in a thing in which it's probable that he is not obliged to obey , but it 's more probable that he is obliged to the Prince or Superior following the Opinion which is more safe , judges that he ought to obey , and therefore that he hath sinned ; the Prince or Superior hath reason to command obedience , the Inferior hath reason not to obey , both founded upon probable Opinions ; inthis case the Prince or Superior is rash , if he judges that the Inferior sins , because it 's not probable , that he sins who follows a probable Opinion , and so it being probable , that the Inferior hath not sinned ; the Prince or Superior shall be unjust , if he treats him as guilty ; for where there is no fault , there is no punishment . Cat. in Com. in Reg. 6. Bernard . lib. 1. n. 65. 11. He who believes that it 's more probable that we cannot in Conscience follow that of the two Opinions which is most probable , may yet follow it himself , if he believes that it 's also probable that he may follow it . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 17. p. 30. 12. It 's probable , that the loss of Reputation may , and may not be compensated with Mony ; therefore this day , you being defamed , desire satisfaction in Mony , and to morrow or this day you having defamed another , may safely deny to allow him the same compensation . Tamb. lib. 1. Theol. c. 3. sect . 5. n. 1 , 2 , 3. p. 21. 13. A lawful Prince doth publish Just Laws for his Subjects to obey , and they have no cause to complain thereof ; or just reason to refuse them : the Subjects do sin , and it may be said they do not sin at all ; for there is great Authority and Reasons on each side to make both Opinions probable , and to give liberty to which the Jesuits please ; but the more safe , and more probable is to disobey . Esc. Tom. 1. lib. 5. s. 2. c. 14. prob . 13. p. 160. But Priests and Ecclesiastics , must be exempted from obedience to the Laws of Princes ; for they are not Subjects of necessity and obligation , but only out of respect and good example towards Princes Laws , which regard the Government of their States , and which derogate not from the Ecclesiastic State. Escob . Theol. mor. To. 1. lib. 5. c. 15. prob . 19. p. 162. 14. All probable Opinions are of themselves as safe the one as the other ; but the more pleasant , though they be less probable , are always more profitable and more safe , because they are more easie , and by consequence more favourable to Temporal Interest . Cat. in Com. in Regal . Sancti Bernardi . lib. 1. d. 6. n. 58. Idem , Theol. fundam . p. 134. 15. As it 's impossible that an Opinion which hath the approbation of many Learned Doctors should not be probable , so it 's impossible to reject it ; none of their Propositions can cease to be probable , if the contrary doth not become an Article of Faith. Layman . lib. 1. c. 5. p. 2. By these Maxims , following a probable Opinion , you are exempted from all sin : you may act , do , or say what you please , and you are safe . The Gospel of Christ made men sinners , but these make them all innocent . If there be two persons which do the same thing , he who knows not this doctrine , sins ; and he who doth , sins not . If things and actions should be measured by the Scripture and the Fathers of the Church , they could not be done without sin ; therefore it was necessary that the Jesuits should by their Prudence moderate things so , that those things which persons could not act by the Law of God without sin , they may safely do and act by these Maxims . They have discovered many new ways to Heaven , which were heretofore unknown to the Church and Jesus Christ himself , who hath not spoken any thing of them in his Gospel ; if he doth , it hath been only to condemn them . Following the Principles of these good men , you will find it 's not only easie to be saved , but it 's almost impossible to be damned ; There can be no affair of Conscience so troublesom or so desperate , for which Expedients may not be found ; nor any Crimes so black , which may not easily be excused and justified ; there was never a better contrivance invented in the World , than this of probable Opinion ; for there are but two Conditions required to make an Opinion probable ; First , that it be founded on Reasons in some sort considerable , which will be very easie ; for no man hath formed an Opinion , but doth believe that the Reasons which he brings are good enough to support what he maintains . The second condition , That there be no convincing reason for the contrary ; which is no less easie than the former ; for a reason may be convincing in respect of one man , which is not to another : and an obstinate man will always think his Reasons best ; but in case you cannot answer the reasons on the contrary , you may persuade your self some other more Learned may do it ; and so it doth remain probable , and you may safely act in Conscience by and according to it , though that which you act or do be against the Divine Law , and condemned by God in Scripture . Sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 17. p. 30. CHAP. XIII . Of Judges and Witnesses . 1. IF the right of the parties seem equal on both sides , the Judg may take money or a present of one party , to give advantage whether he pleaseth , because he may do favour , and this favour may be valued by money , and because for the most part the Judg loseth the friendship of one of the parties . Esc. tr . 3. ex . 2. n. 111. p. 363. 2. If the opinions are so doubtful and divided , that its in the power of the Judges to follow which he pleaseth ; if one of the parties make him a present to gain him to his side , the Judg doth not offend against Justice in receiving that which is given him to follow one of the two Parties rather than the other . Esco . tr . 6. Exam. 6. n. 44. p. 743. 3. A Judge giving Judgment , may follow a probable opinion , leaving that which is more probable ; nay he may judg against his own proper opinion , as did Pilat , who condemned Jesus Christ , after he had declared publickly , that he believed him innocent . Escob . in proem . Exam. 3. c. 3. n. 10. p. 25. 4. When the right of the Parties is not clear , or when it happens that there are different opinions concerning the sence of the Law ; when the one opinion is as probable as the other , it 's in the power of the Judge to chuse which he pleaseth , and to follow it in his judgment . Sanch. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 45. And he may , if it gives no scandal , judge one while according to one opinion , and another time according to another opinion . Ibidem . For if he may choose of two probable opinions , that which he pleaseth , it follows , That he may follow sometimes the one opinion , and sometimes the other , as he pleaseth ; but if one of the two opinions be more probable than the other , the Judge may pronounce judgment according to that he likes best , and even to follow that which he believes to be less probable . Ibidem . And the Judge doth not herein behave himself imprudently or rashly , guiding himself as he doth by a probable opinion . Ibidem . 5. If a person who hath born false witness through ignorance or inadvertency , which occasions the condemnation of a man , and the loss of life or member to another ; he is not obliged after that he understands the truth , to retract his false testimony , for fear of exposing himself to great evils . Tolet. lib. 5. c. 59. Dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. disp . 8. dub . 7. n. 92. For it 's lawful to kill an innocent person , after we have slandered him , rather than to expose our selves to danger by retracting ; though it 's not so much the offence or Hang-man , as the false witness which puts him to death : 6. If a Witness corrupted by Mony , hide or retire himself before he hath been legally examined or cited into the Court ; he is not obliged to restore the mony he received in this manner . Dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. d. 4. dub . 8. n. 156. 7. If a man is accused of a Crime which cannot be legally proved by the Accuser ; he may not only deny the crime , but say , That the Accuser lies and slanders him . Tamb. lib 9. decal . c. 2. sect . 2. n. 2. For it 's no lie to say unto a man he lies , when he knows that he speaks truth , and to slander an accuser as a slanderer , where he accuses us of a crime which we have committed , of two accusers the one speaks the truth , the other lies ; the one objects a true crime , and the other a false , yet in that saith the truth is the liar ; and he who objects a true crime , is a slanderer ; which is admirable divinity , and may be made use of in conduct of affairs . 8. If a man cannot defend himself against a false and unjust Witness but by slandering of him , he may without sin impose on him so many false Crimes as will be necessary for his defence . Tamb. lib. 9. decal . c. 2. s. 2. n. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. If he doth it , he sinneth not against Justice , and by consequence he is not obliged to restitution . Ibidem . So that by this Maxim to defend our selves from true but secret crimes , and whereof there is no publick proof , we may say to the honestest man in the World , who would inform against us in a Court of Justice , That he is a Sodomite , Heretick , Excommunicate , &c. And we may for proof of this Slander , make use of false witnesses , counterfeit false Deeds and Writings , and corrupt publick Notaries to subscribe them , without committing of any injustice at all , though the Scriptures do forbid it as a Sin. So that you may observe the Pious Care of these holy Fathers , in framing Maxims stable to all times , persons and things . The Gospel of Christ may be useful to some ends and designs , but being not equally serviceable to all , many times it 's to be laid aside ; for if you make too much use of it , it will give a check unto your actings , and obstruct your designs if you act according to its directions . 9. A false Witness , is he who chargeth one with a false Crime ; an unjust Witness , is he who accuses one of true Crimes , but secret , and which he cannot prove according to the form of Justice . That Witness is to be held for a slanderer , who cannot prove the crime which he accuses one of ; and by consequence having accused unjustly , he is obliged unto restitution . Dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. d. 12. p. 3. dub . 18. n. 285. CHAP. XIV . Of Restitution & Satisfaction . 1. THey which by Traffick , Merchandize , Usurious Contracts or Bargains , believing them to be good , have gained great Wealth , being invincibly ignorant , that such manner of dealings were forbidden , and unlawful , are not obliged to make Restitution of those Goods so gotten , although they have so gained them , they not being informed of the injustice of such Contracts . Bauny in his Sum. p. 156. 2. If you intreat a Souldier to beat his Neighbour , or to burn the Farm of a man who hath offended you ; if the Soldier doth these Outrages , you are not obliged out of your Estate to repair the damage , which proceeds from thence ; for no man is obliged to restore , if he hath not viola●●d Justice ; and he doth not , who submits himself to another's pleasure , and only intreats of him a favour . Bauny in his Sum. c. 11. p. 200. 3. A person who is indebted for very great Sums of Money , to the prejudice of his Creditors gives away part of his Goods ; he to whom the gift is made , is not obliged to restore any part thereof to his Creditors , if he be not constrained thereunto by Law. Bauny in his Sum. cap. 11. p. 200. 4. There is no natural Precept which obliges us in this Life to make Satisfaction for Temporal pains . Fillut. mor. tr . 6. c. 9. n. 213. p. 159. 5. God punishing sins in Purgatory , when satisfaction is not made in this life , the Sinner may without injustice refer satisfaction unto the other life . Fillut. Ibidem . And though the Sinner defers satisfaction until the next life , he loses not by this , neither Bliss or the Love of God ; and though he retards the injoyment thereof , yet the loss made by this delay may be repayed . Ibid. 6. That which one receives for doing any dishoncst action , as to cause a man to be killed , for committing of fornication for defaming our Neighbours , for bearing of false witness , may in conscience be detained , and is not subject to restitution , if the action be done . Fillut. mor. Tom. 2. tr . 32. c. 4. n. 103. p. 364. But if the action be not done , you ought not to pay him till he hath performed the action , as if a man promises to pay unto Titius 100 l. to assassinate Caius . till he hath done the fact ; he can require nothing , and if he hath executed it , common right requires that you pay him what you promised to him . Layman . lib. 3. tr . 4. c. 6. n. 8. p. 377. For the pains which he hath taken , and the danger which he exposed himself unto for your sake , deserves to be well recompensed with money . 7. A Judge who hath taken money for an unjust Judgment , is not obliged to make restitution , no more than a Murderer who hath taken money to commit a murder . Lessius de Just. et Jure , lib. 2. c. 14. disp . 8. n. 54. p. 145. But if the Judge hath taken money to give a just sentence , he is obliged to restore that which he hath received , because he hath done no more than he ought to have done ; but in giving an unjust Judgment , he runs the hazard and loss of his place , and so is not bound to restore that which he hath received . 8. This Divinity of these good Fathers is very indulgent , and merciful to Sinners ; for by their Doctrine , this Judge doth deserve a reward ; but by the Laws of God , a most severe punishment . 9. If a man hath done wrong unto another , he is obliged to make restitution , if he did it not expresly on design , and with knowledg . Escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 8. p. 348. For only Sins of malice oblige us to restitution , and not those of Infirmitie or Ignorance . 10. Where it 's impossible to make restitution without diminishing ones retinue and expence , so as to be taken notice of ; he is not bound to restitution . Escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. c. . 4n . 37. p. 353. 11. Whatsoever wrong a man hath done or caused to be done , to ones Neigbour to hinder his wealth , or to procure his hurt , no restitution is to be made if he hath used no violence , but only Prayers , Promises , Presents to deceive him or cause another to deceive him or wrong him . Escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 160. p. 370. 12. A man is not obliged to restore what he hath stollen , by trivial and inconsiderable Theft , whatsoever the total sum thereof may amount unto . Add to the Myst. of Jesuitisme . p. 112. § . 16. A Summary Account of the Sacred Doctrines , Holy Principles , and Pious Maxims , contained in this Gospel , necessary for all Christians to understand , and which will much advance Devotion and Holiness of Life . CHAP. 1. 2. 3. 1. THe Bishop of Rome is God. 2. THe who is not obedient to the decrees of the Pope , is a Heretick . 3. The Pope is Lord of all temporalties upon Earth . 4. No man ought to say unto the Pope , Why dost thou thus ? 5. The Pope may dispense with or against the commands of Christ or the Apostles . 6. The Pope's Will is a Law. 7. All Nations and Kingdoms are under the Pope's Jurisdiction . 8. God hath delivered over unto the Pope , the power and rule of Heaven and Earth . 9. The whole World is the Pope's Inheritance . 10. The Pope hath an almighty infallabilitie and cannot err . 11. The Pope can do all that God himself can do , only Sin excepted . 12. He hath power of making Sin , to be no Sin ; and that which is no Sin , to be Sin. 13. He can give Empires and Kingdoms to whom he pleaseth , and depose the Possessors of them . 14. The Pope may depose Kings by his power , if they be either negligent in their Administration of their Government , or do not extirpate all Hereticks out of their Dominions . 15. If a King turns Heretick , he hath no right to his Kingdom ; and no man ought to think it strange if the Pope depose him . 16. If Kings will not be obedient to the Church of Rome , then may the Pope by the great power from Heaven , very justly depose them ; and the Subjects themselves if the Pope commands them , must take up Arms against them . 17. The Pope can quit Subjects from their Obedience and Allegiance which they owe to their King. 18. The power of the Pope is greater than that of the Apostles , having power to derogate from the Sayings and Words of the Pope . 19. The Doctrine of the Pope is the infallible rule of Faith , and the holy Scripture , hath taken its force , and doth take it from his Holiness , and he that doth not believe this is an Heretick . 20. The Pope is he by whom Kings reign , according as it 's said , By me Kings reign . CHAP. IV. 21. THere is no Precept which obligeth us directly to pray to God to love , believe or hope in him , but only when it 's necessary to acquire some good , or to remove some evil . 22. He who prayes not to God in a temptation against Chastity , Sins only against Chastity ; for he Sins not omitting prayer , but because of the danger he is in to violate Chastity . 23. In our private Prayers which we make to God , it 's not necessary to use any Devotion or Attention ; nor are we obliged thereunto : and in those which are made by command , we are not obliged unto any inward intention , provided that we rehearse them outwardly , and behave our selves decently and with respect . 24. Whatsoever distractions or evil thoughts come into our minds when we are at prayer , if they be not on contempt , but negligence , the sin is but venial . 25. Christ commands us to receive the Sacrament of Baptism , a Tyrant forbids us upon pain of our Lives , we must obey the Tyrant rather then Christ. 26. In receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , it 's not necessary to have actual Devotion ; for let one be distracted with evil thoughts in the receiving the Sacrament , provided he contemns it not , yet he is a worthy receiver , and only sins venially ; and so if he commits any sin , in the Communion it self . 27. He who hath sinned mortally , and hath remorse for his sins , and hath confessed them to a Priest , may well Communicate , though a little before the Communion he hath sinned mortally . 28. If a man after he hath communicated many times in a bad state , cometh to be converted , he shall receive in an instant , all the graces which were due to so many Communions . 29. It 's not necessary that the Priest who finds himself guilty of mortal sin , should Confess himself before he Administers the Sacrament . 30. A Person who hath abundance , after he hath satisfied all his own necessaries and those of his Family , having yet a superfluity , is not obliged in a publick Famine to give unto the poor , nor to any one whomsoever , if he see him not in eminent danger to dye with Famine . 31. The precept of giving Alms may be fulfilled ; by lending only , without giving any thing . 32. Rich men are not obliged to give Alms but out of their superfluity , and not then , but in case of great necessity ; those things which may exalt us to a better condition , as to Places or Preferment , are not to be accounted superfluous : Therefore Alms are rarely to be given ; for it seldom happens that we have goods superfluous . 33. There is no obligation to love our Neighbour ; it 's sufficient not to hate him . 34. There is no absolute Commandment to love God ; but when in Scripture we are commanded to love God , they are but Counsels and Advices , and no Commands ; for God hath not commanded so much to love him , as not to hate him ; and he ought to be content that we love him , as little as we please , and it sufficeth that we love him much under that we could if we would ; for the least degree of love is enough for him . 35. If we be obliged to love God , we are not obliged to love him above Three or Four Months in our Life ; whereof the first is when we begin to have the use of Reason . 2. At the point of Death . 3. Every Fifth year during Life . For the rest of our time we may love God or the World , as we please . 36. If a man hath committed any mortal sin , he is not obliged to contrition or sorrow for that sin before the Article of his Death . 37. A man may be a Martyr not only without any act of Charity , but also without any act of Faith ; and though he suffers without love to God , and though he never thinks of him . CHAP. V. 38. HE that by custom is transported to do evil , as to Swear or Blaspheme , sins not at all , because a man cannot sin without reason , but by an ill custom the use of Reason is taken away ; so that he who sinneth out of those ill habits , is in a better condition than he that hath them not ; and by often sinning , is put into a state of not sinning any more . 39. Perjury which one commits through natural inadvertency , or because of the custom he hath to Swear , it 's no mortal sin . 40. Those who in their Youth , have committed many actions of a vitious nature , which they did not believe to be such , are not obliged to confess them , when they know their nature ; because when they committed them , they had not the full use of Reason ; and at most they were but venial sins , if any sin at all . 41. The pleasure which is taken in an action of mortal sin , which is done in sleep , drunkenness , madness , or through ignorance , is no sin . 42. He who doth some unlawful act , knowing well that it 's forbidden , but not remembring it to be such , when he doth it , is exempt from mortal sin ; because forgetfulness or negligence which is the cause we think not of it , the evil we are about to do , is not imputed for sin , if it be not voluntary , if we do not consider that we are obliged to examine that we are about to do . 43. God cannot command or forbid a thing that is in it self slight , under the penalty of mortal sin . 44. He who hath knowledg in the Law , and is ignorant of the penalty which it ordains against those who violate it , doth not incur the penalty . 45. He who hath a will to commit all venial sins , if he were able , sins only venially . 46. No man is obliged to avoid the next occasion of sin , if some great loss will thereby befall him . 47. A thing is not the next occasion of sin , unless it be vitious and a sin of it self . 48. To tell a lye in Preaching on any Doctrinal Point , is but a venial sin . 49. All the breaches of the First and Second Table of the Decalogue are no sins at all , when they are committed by any man out of ignorance , surprise or passion . CHAP. VI. Of directing the Intention . 50. TO do evil , there must be an evil Intention ; but to do good , it 's not necessary to have a good Intention . 51. Ecclesiasticks satisfie the Precept of the Church in saying Prayers , when they read them without any inward Intention or Devotion , so they observe outward Decency . 52. If a man speaks never so dishonourably and irreverently of God , it 's no blasphemy if he had not a formal intent to blaspheme God and dishonour him . 53. If a man be at Prayers , and hath a bad intent thereunto joyned ; as an intent of looking on a Woman dishonestly , it 's no sin . 54. If a man be to do an act , and makes protestation that his Intention is not to do any evil ; let the act be never so wicked , it 's no sin in him . 55. A Mother may wish the death of her Daughter , because she cannot match her according to her desire for want of a Portion . 56. You may desire the death of an Enemy , who might do you much hurt ; not of hatred to him , but to avoid the damage he might do you . 57. To lye with a Woman , when he representeth to himself , that he is Married to her ; it 's no evil , but good . 58. A man may accept of a Challenge to Fight a Duel , not with an intention to fight the duel , but only of defending himself . CHAP. VII . Of Adultery or Fornication . 59. TO lye with a Married Woman is not Adultery , if the Husband doth consent thereunto . 60. A Virgin may dispose of her Virginity , and prostitute her self without the consent of Parents , and it 's no injury to them . 61. To lye with a Woman considered as his Wife , is no sin . 62. If a drunken or Mad-man lyeth with a woman , it 's no sin ; because he hath not the use of Reason . 63. There may be a dispensation granted to commit Fornication , because it 's not forbidden by the Law of Nature . 64. Men and Women being together , and by that means induced to sin , if their relapses be but once or twice a month , they may continue therein , if they cannot separate without some inconvenience . 65. It 's lawful for a woman to retain to her self the price of her Adultery . CHAP. VIII . Of Murder . 66. IT 's lawful for an Honourable Person to kill an assailant , who would strike him with his Cudgel , or give him a box in the Ear. 67. If a person endeavour to deprive me of my Honour or Reputation before a Person of great Quality , by accusing me of some Crimes ; I may kill him , and the same may be done against him , though the sin be true , so it be hid and secret . 68. To desend one's self from an affront which would be given us , it 's lawful to prevent the aggressor , by killing him . 69. If a man doth detain from me my Goods , and I cannot in course of Justice receive them without much trouble ; it 's lawful for me to kill him , though the Goods be but an Apple , or to the value of five shillings . 70. It 's no Murder to kill an Excommunicated person . 71. It 's lawful to kill all those who do us wrong , though we be assured that they shall be damned dying in that state . 72. If any person shall endeavour to take away from you your Estate unjustly by foul practices and vexatious Suits at Law ; it 's lawful for to kill him . 73. A man may lawfully kill by ambush and behind the back an Informer that prosecutes in any Court , and likewise the Witness which the Prosecutor produceth ; and also the Judge , if he holds a correspondency with the Witness . 74. If a man hath made use of a woman , he may kill her , if she offer to discover what passed between them . 75. He commits not the sin of Man-slaughter , who kills him who invades him unjustly , though he gave him an occasion to assault him . 76. It 's lawful to kill him who sayes to you , You lie . 77. An Adulterer may lawfully kill the Husband of a woman with whom he hath committed adultery , if her Husband , having surprised him in the fact , doth assault him . 78. It 's not against Charity to kill a Thief who robs me of things which I cannot recover at Law without much trouble . 79. It 's lawful to kill a Slanderer or false witness secretly in an affair , wherein not only Life , but even outward Goods also of great importance are in question . CHAP. IX . Of Theft . 80. IT 's no mortal sin in him who steals , that doth believe that his Father , Master , or he from whom he steals the Goods would have given him them , if he had asked him , or if he had known that he had need of them , or when he makes no account of the Goods which are stolen from them , or when he is of such a disposition that he would not have him that had stolen them from him , obliged therefore to any great punishment . 81. Theft which Men and Maid-Servants commit in Meat and Drink , are not great sins , though insensibly they amount unto a great value . 82. A woman may take and purloyn money from her Husband to Game withal , and upon divers other occasions . 83. The Poor in extraordinary necessity may steal from the Rich with a safe conscience . 84. He who taketh what is anothers , doth him no wrong , if he made no use of it , or was not like to use it . 85. He who steals frequently by little at a time so to gather together a great Sum , is not obliged to restitution , when it 's not done with intention to steal the great Sum. 86. If a man finds any thing which doth belong to another , he may appropriate it to himself though he knowes the Owner , and he demands it . 87. It 's lawful for Servants to steal from their Masters , to make their Wages proportionable to their Services . 88. A Son may with a safe Conscience steal Money from his Father . 89. A Religious Person or Priest may quit his habit , and go and steal ; as well as go incognito to the Stews . CHAP. X. Of Deceit . 90. A Treasurer , Factor , Solicitor or Servant , and such like , may Traffick with their Master's Money , without his privity , and retain the profit for themselves . 91. If a Tax be imposed upon Wine , the Vintner having better Wine then ordinary , to recompence himself may mingle water with wine ; and he that buyeth , hath no loss thereby . 92. A Taylor who is imployed to make Cloathes for another person , buyes a good Bargain of Cloath of a Merchant of whom he uesth to buy ; the Taylor may make his benefit of this good penyworth , and make his Customer pay what it's truly worth . 93. If the Magistrate regulate the Price and Weights of Flesh , and the Measures of Wine , so as the Price is not sufficient for the Charge , Pains , and the wayes of those who sell these Merchandizes ; they may diminish the Weight and Measure so far as it 's necessary to satisfie all these things ; and if they be examined before the Magistrate concerning the same , they may deny all upon oath . 94. If a man hath run into debt to supply his Debaucheries , he may frustrate all his Creditors , and continue to live in Luxury by renouncing his Estate ; for he may with safety to his Conscience retain so much thereof , as is necessary for him and his Family to live in honour . 95. If a man gets Money unjustly , and mingles it with his own , so as they cannot be distinguished the one from the other ; by this means he gains to himself the property of the Money , and may justly detain it . 96. Cheating is lawful by the Contract Moliatra . CHAP. XI . Of Oaths , Promises , Mental Reservations and Equivocations . 97. IF a man makes a promise without any intention to promise , or makes a promise without any intention to perform ; in neither case he is obliged to perform what is promised , though an oath be superadded , because he had no intent to oblige himself either by his promise or his oath . 98. If you have made a promise or an oath , and you doubt whether you had an intent to oblige your self , it 's probable you are not obliged to keep it . 99. To seign in an important matter , and to vow only with one's lips without any intention , is but a venial sin ; because it 's only to lye , which is no great irreverence towards God. 100. He who desires not to swear ( the better to obtain belief ) may find out many wayes to speak and to affirm , which commonly passeth for oaths , but indeed are not . 101. When one is resolved to swear , you may choose words of double meaning , and make use of a mental restriction , the better to effect your ends ; no man is obliged by his oath beyond his intention , so by consequence if you have no intention to swear , you are not obliged . 102. The art of mental restriction or reservation is of great use , and must be well studied ; if a promise by oath be drawn from a man unjustly by force to pay a certain Sum of Money ; he that swears in this manner may use an equivocation in these terms , I swear to you , I will give this Money , intending to give it to him to whom he swears , or to some other ; because these words may receive either of these two Sences . 103. If in the Tongue in which you swear , the Name of God signifies divers things , it will be lawful to swear by the Name of God , taking it in some other signification . 104. When one is required to make oath unto a person in a case in which he believes he is not obliged to swear ; he may do it without fear of Perjury , though that he saith be false . 105. If a person be ignorant and cannot make use of mental reservation upon occasion ; he may swear plainly without obliging himself in any sort whatsoever ; provided he hath no intent to swear , nor to perform that which he swears . 106. This art of Equivocation in the conduct of affairs is of marvellous use , and the Jesuits have given many Rules and Examples for the facilitating of it . If one desires to borrow money of a man , which indeed he hath , but which indeed he will not lend ; he may swear he hath it not at all , meaning , not to lend him . 107. It 's lawful in our defence at all times to make use of Equivocations , though he who examines us , do's press us , and makes us swear not to use them ; yet he may safely make use of them . 108. One is discharged of his Oath , though in doing what he swears to do , he hath an express intent not to do or fulfill it . 109. It 's a less sin to swear in common talk by the Holy Name of God , than it 's to eat an Egg in Lent. 110. If I swear to do such an act , and have no intention to swear , though I do not perform the act , I am not forswern , because an Oath depends on the Intention of him who swears . 111. If a man lyes in using Equivocations , without any necessity obliging him thereunto , and swears to confirm this Equivocation , he doth neither lie nor commit perjury ; because he that speaks and swears in that sort , hath no intention to speak or swear falsly . 112. If one commit Perjury through natural inadvertency , or because of ill custom he hath to forswear , it 's no mortal sin ; because he doth forswear himself without perceiving it at all . CHAP. XII . Of the Doctrine of Probability . 113. A Probable Opinion is that which hath one good Author , of Reputation , or one Reason to maintain it ; that which is supported by a probable Opinion is simply good , and we may lawfully and safely in Conscience act by and according to it . 114. Where two Opinions are probable , the one as well as the other , we may justly in the practice prefer that which is less probable ; though not so safe , if you like it best , or may be acceptable to others . 115. It 's lawful in Conscience for a man to quit his own opinion , though more probable , to follow the probable opinion of another , though less sure . 116. If you meet with two contrary Opinions , you may follow them , both in different affairs , and even in the same affair also , acting and giving contrary counsels now after the one , and then after the other . 117. A man may hold an opinion probable , when he is persuaded that he himself or some other can answer the reasons upon which that Opinion is grounded ; and it 's safe to act in Conscience accordingly . 118. He who believes that it 's more probable , may yet follow it himself , if he believes that it 's also probable , that he may follow it . 119. All probable Opinions are of themselves as safe the one as the other ; but the more pleasant although they be less probable , are alwayes more profitable and more safe . CHAP. XIII . Of Judges and Witnesses . 120. IF the Right of the Parties seem equal on both sides , the Judge may take Money or a Present of one Party , to give the advantage to whether he pleaseth . 121. If the Opinions are so doubtful and divided , that it 's in the power of the Judge to follow which he pleaseth ; if one of the Parties make him a Present to gain him to his side , the Judge doth not offend against Justice to receive that which is given him . 122. A Judge giving his Judgment may follow a probable Opinion , leaving that which is more probable . 123. If there be two probable Opinions , the Judge may give Sentence according to which he pleaseth ; and one while he may judge according to one opinion , and another time according to another opinion . 124. A person who hath born false witness through ignorance , who occasioned the loss of life , after he understands the truth , he is not obliged to retract his false testimony , for fear of exposing himself to punishment . 125. It 's lawful to kill an innocent person , after we have slandered him , rather than expose our selves to danger by retracting . 126. If a man be accused of a Crime which cannot be legally proved by the Accuser ; he may not only deny the crimes , but slander the Accuser , and may impose so many crimes upon him as will be necessary for his defence ; and he sinneth not against Justice . 127. A false Witness is he who chargeth one with a false Crime ; but an unjust Witness is he who accuseth one of true Crimes , but secret , and which he cannot prove . CHAP. XIV . Of Restitution . 128. IF any man hath by Merchandize , Usury , or otherwise , being invincibly ignorant , gained a great Estate ; though afterward he be informed of the injustice , he is not obliged to restitution . 129. There is no natural Precept which obliges us in this life to make satisfaction for temporal pains . 130. A Sinner may refer Satisfaction without injustice , unto the other life , if he maketh not satisfaction in this . 131. A person who is indebted in great Sums of Money , and gives away part of his Goods , to the prejudice of his Creditors ; he to whom the guift is made , is not obliged to restitution . 132. That which one receives for doing of an unjust action , as for bearing of false witness , for killing of a man ; he is not subject to restitution . 133. If a Judge hath taken money to give an unjust Judgment , he is not obliged to restitution ; but if he hath received money to give a just Judgment , he is obliged to restore what he hath received . 134. If a man wrongeth another out of ignorance or infirmity , he is bound to make restitution . 135. Where a man cannot make restitution without diminishing his retinue or expence , he is not bound to make restitution . 136. Where one hath done wrong to another not by violence , but by Promises , Prayers or Presents ; he is not obliged to restitution . 137. A man is not obliged to restore what he hath stollen by trivial and inconsiderable Thefts , whatsoever the total Sum may amount unto . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A46856-e120 It 's true of Pope Joan. True of Pope Clement the 7th , when he was cooped up by Charles the 5th in the Castle of St. Angelo ; then Papa non potest errare . God Commands one thing , and a Tyrant another ; we must obey the Tyrant rather than God. ●ide contr . ●oh . 13. 34. ●o . c. 15. v. ●2 , 17. Mar. ● . 22. v. 40. By this maxim , he that doth not know that Hell is the punishment of mortal Sin , shall not be in danger of going thither . * A Gallant . 


id: A46857
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   The Jesuites intrigues with the private instructions of that society to their emissaries : the first, translated out of a book privately printed at Paris : the second, lately found in manuscript in a Jesuites closet, after his death : both sent with a letter from a gentleman at Paris to his friend in London. 1669 Approx. 117 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46857 Wing J717 ESTC R18023 13165371 ocm 13165371 98227 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46857) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98227) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 423:4) The Jesuites intrigues with the private instructions of that society to their emissaries : the first, translated out of a book privately printed at Paris : the second, lately found in manuscript in a Jesuites closet, after his death : both sent with a letter from a gentleman at Paris to his friend in London. Gentleman at Paris. Compton, Henry, 1632-1713. [14], 62 p. Printed for Benjamin Tooke ..., London : 1669. Original title for "The Jesuites intrigues" undetermined. Second part of work is a translation of: Monita Secreta Societatis Jesu. Translated by Henry Compton. Cf. DNB. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- Controversial literature. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Jesuites Intrigues : WITH THE PRIVATE INSTRUCTIONS OF THAT SOCIETY To Their EMISSARIES . The First , Translated out of a Book privately printed at Paris . The Second , lately found in Manuscript in a Iesuites Closet , after his Death . Both sent with a LETTER from a Gentleman at Paris , to his Friend in London . LONDON , Printed for Benjamin Tooke in Duck-lane next dore to the Anchor . M.DC.LXIX . A LETTER sent from a Gentleman in Paris , to his Friend in London . SIR , I have taken this opportunity of my Friends going over , to send you the enclosed Papers : which , if you think to find your account by it , you may publish , only I would have you by no means to disclose my name , while I continue abroad , for reasons you may easily guess . THE first of these two little Tracts ; I met with here at Paris , printed in French. If it be not so quick and smart , as should Answer the reproof of so great Offenders : at least I am sure the length of it cannot be tedious . It is in a manner but a Table of the Iesuites Conduct in managing their Worldly Interest : and so you ought rather to expect truth in it , than wit. The Other is what I met with in Manuscript , and ( I believe ) never yet Printed . The Copy I made use of , was written in French , and not very Correct : But however there may be mistakes in some little words ; I dare undertake in the whole it is true ; not to be denyed , but by an impudence whose practice will give it self the Lie at the same instant . It was found amongst the Papers of a Iesuite , that Died not so near his Friends , as he might have wished . And therefore he that found it , placed this Text under the Title of it : There is nothing covered , that shall not be revealed ; and hid , that shall not be known . It may be some , who either have not so well Considered the general Transactions of the World , or are partially devoted to the Society , will judg these accounts too extravagant for the Iesuites ever to undertake . But if they please to go along with me a little further , I make no doubt but they will change their minds . Let us then but look round Christendome , and see in what posture these good Fathers stand . The Emperour is by the confession of all men beset with them : whose head they fill so full of Musick , That by their good will they would leave room for nothing else . The King of Spain is a Child , but his Mother ( the Queen Regent ) has taken care that the Iesuites shall not lose their share in him , having placed Father Nidard her Confessour the first in her Council , as Chief Minister . How well he has answered that Trust , let the Revolt of Don Iohn , and the high discontent of all the Nobility witness : now in a time when the lowness of Spains fortune lays them open for a prey to all their Neighbours . The King of France his last Confessour was Father Anat , whose peaceable and quiet behaviour appears sufficiently out of the Writings of the Iansenists . Flanders is wholly rid by the Iesuites . England gives as great a Testimony of their busy spirit , as any other Countrey : where by their Rule of not suffering any of another Order to succeed Confessour in the room of one of them , they have almost thrust out all other , Regulars as well as Seculars . Of which there is no small complaint made in these and other parts . Nay , the late Pope himself had a Iesuite his Confessour , Cardinal Palavicino , without whom he would resolve nothing of Religion or Conscience , which were managed accordingly , as may be seen in several Accounts of his Worthy Deeds . It would be too much to set down their present Condition in every little Court and Common-wealth ; since it is manifest by what has been said , that they insinuate themselves into Princes and other Great Men , for no other good , but their own . I had forgot the King of Poland , who was brought up a Novice among them . However , to give light into their particular actions , I will only make bold to hint at two or three passages . The first shall be that of their dealing with the Dominicans in Spain , concerning the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary . The Dominicans as more addicted to truth , denied the thing : upon which the Iesuites took occasion to shew that hatred they had always bore them , under pretence of their zeal for so considerable a Superstition . And therefore they have recourse to the Pope , pressing him to decide the Controversie on their behalf . He not willing to determine a point that had so little reason , and no Antiquity for it ; would not resolve ; but only in some measure to gratifie their importunity , sends a kind of Declaration into Spain — That though it was true , The Immaculate Conception could not be made out , so as to enjoyn the Believing of it : yet he esteemed it as the more reverend Opinion , and could wish all Christians rather to be of it . But though his Holiness would not speak out himself , the Iesuites made him . For upon these very words they raise a persecution against the Dominicans , telling the people , that though the Pope had not in express terms Condemned the Dominicans , yet Implicitly he had , by declaring his own sense so much for the other : Thus did they put the cheat upon the peoples understandings . But that their Industrious influence may appear the more ; you shall see they will not forbear to pick pockets when time serves . For in Sivil they set up a Bank , where any man might put in his money , to be remanded again at pleasure . This they kept in great credit , and maintained by their Trade in the West-Indies . At last , when they perceived most of the stock of City & Country was got into their hands , presently they returned all over into the Indies , and broke . The people came upon them for their money , They as Church-men pretend exemption from the Civil Courts : and have so baffled the deceived people , that I believe e're this they are in despair of recovering one farthing . And now I have taken notice of their traffick in India , let me refer you to the Letter of Iohn Palafox de Mendoza Bishop of Angelopolis in America , &c. to Pope Innocent the X. dated the 8 th . of Ianuary , 1649. And the Memorial presented to the King of Spain , in Defence of Don Bernardino de Cardenas Bishop of Paraguay in the West-Indies , &c. against the Iesuites , both put out in French. In both which , the insolence , ambition , and wickedness of the Iesuites is so discovered , that were it not recorded upon such publike Acts , the proceedings would be Incredible . For it appears there , that to serve their own ends , they made use of Pagans to shed Christian blood , endevoured to murder their Bishop , and such other horrid attempts , as must , no doubt , render them odious to all posterity . The Eighteenth Canon of the Council of Calcedon was so little in their minds , that they did not so much as observe the common dictates of Humanity . But when a Raviliac has been found amongst them so near hand ; and not only Libells scattered abroad to justify such proceedings , as Admonitio ad Regem Ludovicum xiij , and Mysteria Politica ; but Books publikely owned and authorized by Themselves , written by Mariana , Aquaviva , and others , but chiefly by Santarel , who was censured for it by all the Vniversities of France , with the approbation of the Parliament of Paris , as may be seen at large in the Book called , The pernicious Consequences of the Iesuites new Heresie . I say , when we have such sufficient testimony so near home : we need not make any long voyage for their discovery . Now , that it may appear they have all qualities alike , do but consult the Provincial Letters , and you will find the Morals of these men , as notoriously faulty , as the rest . For it is plain there , from the pens of their own approved Authours , Tannerus , Emanuel Sa , Hurtado , Castropalao , Fagundes , &c. that Murder , Sacrilege , Intemperance , Fraud , or any other sin , may by the small change of a thought , or easy application of an intent , either be turned into a virtue , or at least lose its vitiousness , and become an innocent action . And why should we then wonder at any thing that is reported of these men ? For certainly , of late Times , the Devil has not found more effectual Instruments for the peaceable damnation of Souls , than the Iesuites . The great Enemy that so often foyls him , is Conscience : which these decoys of Satan do so sweeten and blind with religious evasions , that they draw whole flocks after them into the kingdome of darkness , with as much alacrity , as a Saint goes to Heaven . But that I may not be thought to write an Invective ; I do declare , I have no pique against any of that Society : but rather an obligation to wish their practices more open and generous , and more suitable to their profession ; that so many great Wits , as they have among them , might be Conversed with , without hazard of a mans being brought into some inconvenience . Indeed the only reason that made me think it requisite to lay them open in English at this time , is to let all men see , what a pack of Knaves we should be pester'd with , if ever Popery crept in . But , God be thanked , we have a Prince knows them too well to trust them : and a Government well enough fortified against their Invasions . However , as a restless sort of people , that will compass Sea and Land to gain Proselytes , and will leave no stone unturn'd to promote their Interest : all the discouragement imaginable shall not hinder them from making their attempts . And therefore , since they are not able to break in at the fore-door , they try to steal in the back way , by the help of their Journey-men , the Phanaticks ; by whose means , having once wrought a Confusion , they hope the more successfully to fish in troubled waters . And thus they make themselves as sure of the booty , as the Ape did of the Chesnut , when he made use of the Cats foot to pull it out of the fire . For this is that they flatter themselves with . They look upon the Phanaticks as a giddy-headed rabble , without any foundation or principles , to establish any Religion upon : Fit for any impression , but the right . And so they brag here abroad , that if they could but once see a Toleration , it should be the same satisfaction to them , to find a Minister of State 's or any Great Man's Coach at a Conventicle door , as if it stood at the Queens Chappel . For they do not in the least despair of success , if they could get the Reins of Government slackned at this rate . Because , say they , there is none but the judiciously virtuous part of the Nation can escape our hands : which will make so slender a party , that it will not be very difficult to overcome them . For first , the Male-contents will naturally fall into our Nets , or the Phanaticks . Next , all Knaves , that either want preserment , or would have more , take to the Side that is for Change , which we know by experience to be the Phanaticks . And lastly , which make up the body of most Countreys , those effeminate spirits , whose reasons are drowned in their fancies , will , as the Apostle testifies , by the spiritual debauchery of those Creepers into houses , be drawn into any wickedness . But no doubt these Cunning Deceivers reckon without their host . The Cheat is too fresh in every ones memory to take again so soon . For to think the King would give up that Sword of the Unclean Spirit , by which God 's Anointed and his People were destroyed , into the hands , not of another generation , but of those very men , who by open violence did for several years declare their Contempt of His Government , Hatred to His Person , and Rebellion against His Authority : were a folly not to be exceeded , but by that of Trusting them . And now I have shot the Bolt of Paris , Feb. 13. S N. 1669. Yours , &c. Imprimatur , Maij 5. 1669. ROB. GROVE R. P. D. Episc. Lond. à Sac. Dom. THE JESUITES Intrigues . THe Laws and Constitutions upon which the Order of the JESUITES is established , make it plainly appear , that Father Ignatius had a very holy design in it . And truly in its first Infancy it gave great hopes , that it would prove a very fruitful Branch of Christianity : For as long as these good Fathers continued in works of Charity , following the Rules of their Order : They really did much good , as well by an excellent Education of Youth , as by converting Souls , and maintaining the Faith. But as the Divel would have it , who is no less industrious and cunning in perverting godly designs , than good men are to advance them , He takes occasion from the considerableness of the Order , and the mighty progress they had made in so short a time , to destroy the end , it was first ordained for . So that by his subtlety , instead of their great Charity , which at present is almost wholly frozen up , he has possessed them with the two most pernicious affections of the World , Ambition and Covetousness . Which brings so great a mischief upon Christendom , that a greater is hardly to be imagined , as I shall make appear by the following Discourse . Only first , I protest before God , that it is neither Interest nor Passion , which moves me to Write ; but only my zeal for the publick good : For the advancement of which , I hold my self obliged to employ the utmost of my power , in hopes that their hypocrisie and practices being laid open to the Great Men of the World , they will find some expedient to remedy the Abuse . The first thing then to be known is , That the Iesuites Order being particularly applyed to the Education of Youth , of which there is no Kingdom nor Town , but stands in great need ; it was sought to , in the beginning far , and near , and highly favoured by many Princes : Insomuch that within a few years it was got to as high a pitch , as others have attained to in many Ages . But this Greatness , which very often is accompanyed with change of Manners , stirred up in the Successors of Father Ignatius so great a love toward their own Society ; that perswading themselves it was of more use to the Church of God , than all the rest , and more proper for the Reformation of the World ; they concluded amongst themselves , that they were to apply all their skill and endevours to the aggrandizing of it , since in that they should encrease the true Militia of Jesus Christ , the good of the whole Church , and the ancient Patrimony of the Lord , to use their own terms . And here it is , that I had need have Aristotle's Subtilty to discover , and the Eloquence of Cicero to express the strange Method ( which many , perchance for its novelty think it incredible ) by which these Fathers go on , daily advancing their Society . But I will content my self to observe only some particulars , leaving the rest to be made out , as shall seem most probable to each mans fancy . So that , all I intend to do , is , to give some certain heads , and directions that may serve , as I guess for good grounds to any , that will make reflections , or discourses upon this Subject . First , these Father Iesuites concluded they should never bring Their Society to that considerable pitch of Greatness as They aimed at , barely by Teaching , Preaching , Administring the Sacraments , or by their devout Offices of that nature . For though from the very beginning they had gained upon the affections of a great many , as I told you before : yet perceiving that after a little time that kindness cooled , they much question'd , whether their Order had not come short in the effectual Captivating of minds . And therefore they devised two other means for attaining to their Greatness ; First , to endevour with Princes , and all others to make the rest of the Orders cheap , by finding some great . Defects in them . So that by this wicked application having set up their own Greatness , by the abasing of others , they have made themselves Masters of divers Monasteries and Abbeys , and other considerable Revenues , depriving the other Orders of Them ( which before were in possession ) by slander and calumny : The next way was , by insinuating themselves into affairs of State , engaging to their interest the greatest part of the Princes of Christendom by so cunning and artificial expedients , as are not easie to imagine . Their Father General , to whom they all pay an absolute obedience , resides constantly in Rome . He has made choice of certain Fathers , who , because they are always with him are called Assistants ; and there is at least one of every Nation , from whence they take their distinction , one calling himself the French Assistant , the other , the Spanish , the third , the Italian , the fourth , the English , the fifth , the Austrian , and so of all the other Kingdomes and Provinces . The charge of each Assistant , is to inform the General of all Transactions of State that pass , either in the Kingdom or Province , of the which He is Assistant . This He does by His Correspondents , who residing in the principal City of that Kingdom , or Province , make a diligent enquiry of the estate , nature , inclination and designs of the Prince : of which they advise the Assistants , giving them notice especially of the discoveries they have made , or any thing that falls out new . Thus when all their Pacquets are come to Rome , the Father General calls together His Assistants , who lay open to Him the affairs of the whole World , discovering to Him the interest and practices of all Christian Princes . After which when they have consulted about all that is written , and examined and compared the several accompts , They draw the conclusion , which is to assist one Prince , and oppose another , according as it suits with Their interest and profit . And as the stander by sees more , than the Gamester ; so These Fathers having before Them , the interest of all the Princes , do with much more ease contribute to the affairs of Him , They know disposed to serve Them. The next point best worth consideration is the great pity , that Regulars should interest Themselves in affairs of State , when Their Order obliges Them only to attend the saving Their own Souls and others . For the Iesuites , who do concern Themselves more in the Civil Government , than the Seculars Themselves , make it absolutely necessary that some course should be taken to prevent so great a disorder , for fear of most dangerous Consequences . First , the Iesuites Confess a great part of the Nobility of the Popish States , for the more effectual carrying on of which , the poor are no longer admitted to Confession , besides very often They are Confessors to the Princes Themselves . By which means is it not hard for them to dive into all the designs , and sift out all the resolutions , as well of Princes , as of Their Subjects , of which immediately They give notice to the General or His Assistants at Rome . How eafie is it then to judge , what prejudice this may do to Sovereigns , when it is by a party that drive on nothing but their own advantage ? For doubtless all the World will grant , that nothing can be more essential to the preservation of a State , than Secrecy , by the disclosing of which the other frequently is broken . And this is certainly the reason that all wise Princes conceal Their minds so carefully , learning by experience what advantage They get by knowing the designs of others , which , for the better carrying on of Their affairs , They spare no cost to inform Themselves of by Embassadours , and Spyes : though the intelligence proves oftentimes not so faithful for want of employing skilful Officers . But I dare always undertake that the Father Iesuites , that is , the General and His Assistants have the advantage of true information one way or other , of all things that pass in the most private Counsells , what by Confessions , and inquiries of Their Correspondents placed in all the principal Cities of Christendom , and by the Mediation of other Their Complices , of which we shall say more hereafter . Thus They know what strength , revenue , expence or designs any Prince has , than He Himself . And all this at no more charge , than the portage of Letters , which indeed are something chargeable too . For , as I have been informed by the Post-Masters , each Courier costs Them Fifty or Threescore Pounds , and sometimes more , to the Sum of an Hundred Pounds . By which you may easily conceive , having so perfect notice of the interest of each State , They are likewise able to lessen one Prince to another , weaken Their authority over the People , raise against Them , what enemies They please , and make insurrections at home so much the easier , because by the same means of Confession , and Sifting , They get into the very Souls of Subjects , and so find out , who are well , or ill-affected . For , by those accounts They have of all State-affairs , They may easily set Princes at variance , and possess them with a thousand Suspicions : and by understanding the Subjects minds so well , They may with the same facility encourage Their contempt of government , to the breaking out into all manner of sedition and confusion . From all this every man ought to conclude , that interest of State forbids any Prince to choose for his Confessor of that sort of men , who are so industrious in prying into affairs of State , and make that benefit of what they are acquainted with , to use it for a means , to ingratiate Themselves with other Princes . And much less reason have Princes to suffer Their chief Ministers and Counsellors , or the Officers of Their Houshold to Confess to Them : Especially since we live in an Age replenished with Persons , which , neither yeelding to the Iesuites in learning , or piety , may be as serviceable , without running such a hazard , being such as only concern Themselves in the Direction of Souls and Discharging Their Ecclesiastical Functions . But for the better understanding of what we have said hitherto , and what hereafter shall be said : it must be abserved , that there are three sorts of Iesuites . The first consists of certain Lay-people of both Sexes ; which having associated Themselves with that Society , live under it in the performance of a certain blind obedience , steering all Their actions by the Directions of Iesuites , and are ever in a readiness to execute , what They command . These are for the most part Gentlemen , and Ladies that pass the rest of Their dayes in widowhood , as likewise wealthy Citizens , and rich Merchants , who like good Fruit-trees bring plenty of good things to the Iesuites , that is , store of gold and silver . Of this sort are those women , which are commonly called Rigotes , who being perswaded by These Fathers to despise the World , are by Them in requital made a harvest of , being wheedled out of rich moveables , and other considerable matters . The second kind takes in only men , of which some are Priests , and others Lay , who though They live abroad in the World , and many times by the Iesuites good word obtain Pensions , Canonries , Abbeys and other Revenues , are yet under a Vow to take the habit of the Society upon the first Order from the Father General , for which reason they are called Iesuites in Vow . It is by these , the Father Iesuites carry on their business so smoothly , for the establishing Their Monarchy , keeping Them in all places , and in all Princes Courts , and in short , wherever any thing of moment passes throughout Christendom , and this for such service , as shall be declared in the seventh particular . The third sort is of those politick Iesuites , in whom all the authority rests , who hold the reins of government over their Order , and who being accosted by the Devil with the same temptation our Saviour underwent in the Desart , All these things will I give Thee , if Thou wilt fall down and Worship Me , have taken Him at His Word , and thus in compliance with Sathan do with might and main prosecute the Universal Monarchy . Now as almost all the important affairs of Christendom are passed at Rome , and that There it is , the chief of These noble politicians reside , that is to say , Their General with a great number of the Order ▪ So is it upon the same place They have determined to begin Their Dominion , as They may easily perceive , who will but take notice of Their behaviour There . Very hardly shall you transact any thing in that Court , but the Iesuites who have notice of all that passes of importance will presently meet in Counsell to determine an issue that may be favourable to Their interest . There you shall find Them running to the Cardinals , the Embassadours , and the Prelates , where bringing about the discourse to the affair Then in treaty , or to be treated of They represent it , as They please , always considering Their own advantage , and for that cause often so disguising the matter , as to make White appear Black , and Black White . Thus the first Relation , especially from men of a religious Order , making the greatest impressio● upon the Spirit of Him , that hears , it falls out frequently that business of importance proposed by Embassadours and other Great men to the Court of Rome , hath no● that success , as Princes could wish : and all this by having spirits prepossessed by These Worthy Iesuites wit● partial accounts , which forestalls the Credit , that ough● to be given to others , who explain Themselves with mor● truth and sincerity . Nor is this at Rome alone that The impose these Cheats : but likewise in other Courts , eithe● by Themselves , or the Iesuites of the second rank Whence we may conclude , that the greatest part of the Affairs of Christendom pass through the Iesuites hands , and that those only succeed which they think not fit to oppose . All this while I must confess , that their address to engage themselves in Affairs , either for the 〈◊〉 or favouring of them , is so artificial , that 't is im●●●ble throughly to see into it , so as to give a perfect description : However it shall be no hard matter for any particular Prince to discover so far as his own Concern requires , if he will but take the pains to peruse this short Account that I shall give ; because I know it will make him reflect immediately upon what is passed , by which calling to mind the several circumstances of his former Treaties , by comparing them with my observations , it is impossible but he must descry the subtle dealing of the Society . Notwithstanding this sly ▪ and close management be the chief Engine they work with , to accomplish their Monarchy , which is their principal aim ; yet they do not omit other means now and then ( so has their Passion blinded them ) that lays open their Ambition to all the World. Was it not a pleasant request they made , under pretence of a publick good for the Church , to Gregory the Thirteenth , That he would give Order to his Legates and Nuncio's , each of them to take a Iesuite for his Confident , to advise in all business ? The fourth thing that requires our consideration , is that by these devices , and their understanding in Affairs of State ; the Principal Iesuites are struck into a great league of Friendship with many Princes , Temporal and Spiritual ; whom they make believe , that they have done them great service : And from this one advantage have proceeded very great mischiefs . The first is , that by making ill use of the Princes kindness , they take upon them to wrong a great many private Families , which though Wealthy and Noble , have been brought to utter ruin by the Iesuites ingrossing of Widowes Estates , and by indirect means ▪ inveigling many young Gentlemen into their Order , th●●●ave been sent to their Colledges for Education . F 〈…〉 w often do we find it , that when these young Gentlemen grow sickly , or are found uncapable of performing the Duty belonging to their Order , they are dismissed without ever having restitution of their Estates made to them , or theirs , the Iesuites having got possession before ever they would let them Profess ? This is far from that justice Ignatius has enjoyned them ; and no way consonant to that first intention their Founders had , who left them not according to their insatiate avarice , but enough to keep them in a condition to serve the Church . The second misfortune , which follows from the access these Iesuites have to Princes , is , that the Fathers boast , and cunningly make the World believe , their intimacy with Great Men to be more , than indeed it is . And by this they awe the very Ministers of State , and cause them to seek their Favour , and Petition them for whatsoever they would have pass . Nay , their vanity is encreased to that degree , as they are so impudent to boast themselves able to make Cardinals , Nuntio's , Lieutenants , Governours and other Officers , so far that some had the face to say , Their General could do more , than the Pope himself ; and others , That it was better to be of that Order which could make Cardinals , than be one themselves . I am not at all afraid , that what I have said will make me pass for a Slanderer ; because the Fathers speak it all so openly themselves , that hardly any one , who has conversed with them , has not heard them say the very same thing . The fifth point is , after the foundation of Policy laid , that the first thing they demand of those Princes , into whose good opinion they are got , is to obtain leave to advance or suppress whom they please , always pretending Religion , to make their request more acceptable . And when it so unfortunately falls out , that they have their will , which is but too often ; you must not expect that they fill up Vacancies with men of desert , and such as are best able to discharge the Duty of the Place ; quite contrary , if any one recommend such Persons to the Prince , they shall use all their interest to hinder it , unless they prove to be some of their Intimates , such as are wholly devoted to their service . But those they recommend and stand for , it is no matter how ill affected they are to the Prince , or how great Knaves , capable of the Imployment or not , that does not at all concern them . By which ordinarily we find , that such Officers , as they prefer , serve for nothing but to torment their Prince , and cherish the People in Discontents , which in the end break out into Sedition . The sixth observation cannot be made out better , than by the comparison of the Captain of a Ship , who perceiving a favourable Gale for his Voyage , has no sooner given notice by his Whistle , but all the Slaves are at their Oars , to make for the Place appointed . For it is almost after the very same manner , when the General has concluded with his Assistants , that such a person should be so preferred ; the first notice he gives of his purpose to those that reside upon the place , has a general influence to set them all at work , tooth and nail , to set 〈◊〉 the Person so marked out . It follows then that he which has received so signal an obligation , must be very ungrateful , if he does not requite it , when it lies in his power , By which it comes to pass many times , that they esteem themselves more beholding to the Iesuites , than the Prince who gives them the Office , and so more devoted to their Interest , than to his Honour and advantage . Thus are Princes fooled , who whilst they fancy they have got a faithful Servant , have taken into their breast a Spy of the Iesuites , who oftentimes by that means work the ruin of the Prince , that raised him . This and all the rest I have mentioned are so great Truths , that I could easily give many Examples of them by sad experience . But because I would not unnecessarily contract an odium upon my self , I shall omit them , and content my self to draw only this conclusion from what I have said in this last point , That this Device of the Iesuites to place their own Creatures in great Charges , is perchance the reason why they call their Order a Great Monarchy ; forasmuch as by this way they dispose of Princes and their Ministers . And therefore it ought not to seem strange , that one of their chief Fathers , having a publick Address to make to a Great Man in the name of the Society , let fall this arrogant expression , You know very well ( Sir ) that our Society have alwayes held a fair Correspondence with your Highness ; importing , no doubt , that they were Monarchs , as well as he . In the seventh place , these Fathers endevour , as much as in them lies , to make the World believe , that all those that receive any favour from a Prince , are to acknowledge it from their Intercession , or some of their Creatures . And this gives them a greater power over the Subject , than his natural Prince ; which cannot certainly be without very great danger ▪ It being against all reason , that such froward and amb●●ous Youths , as the Iesuites are , should have the Will of Ministers of State at their Dispose . For besides that they have an opportunity by this means to work what Treason or Distubance they please , they have an infallible expedient by these Ministers ( their Creatures ) to place their Iesuites in Vow , of which we spake before , about Princes , either in the capacity of Counsellors , Secretaries , or what else offers it self . And no sooner these are in , but that they plye the Prince night and day to perswade him to take a Iesuite for his Confessor , or Chaplain at least , and all to make Spies for the Father General , to whom they give account of the most private passages . Which is , no doubt , the cause that it so often comes to pass , that what has been thought to have been carryed most secretly , has become publick when least dreamt of ; and that we find undertakings of the highest importance frustrated , without being able to imagine who was the Traytor ; and what is yet worse , oftentimes they undergo the blame , who least deserv'd it . The eigth particular to be noted , is , that as it is natural for the Subject to follow the inclination of his Prince ; so all those who have given themselves up to the Father General , when they observe his close and passionate application to State-Affairs , and that he makes it his own business , by this means to aggrandise and enrich his Society , they , like Apes , immediately take after their Leaders , and turn all Politicians to help in carrying on , as they suppose , so glorious a project . To this end they set their Relations and Friends at work to get into the hearts of Princes , and discover their most secret thoughts , ever making report to the Assistants and General upon the first notice . For being well assured , that it is the only way to procure their Superiors good will , and by consequence Preferment ( which is bestowed upon none but such as are thought capable of exalting their Society to that pitch they aim at ) they make it their business to recommend themselves , by some politick Atchievement , that they may be looked upon as fit to manage greater Affairs . My ninth observation therefore shall be , that as by virtue of the Alembeck , Chymists know how to extract Ointments for the Cure of almost mortal Wounds , and as the Bee makes her honey up of the choice of diverse flowers ; so the Iesuites by strength of Reason , compose their own Interest out of the faithful Intelligence they have of the Concerns of all Princes , and of all Occurrences of State ; by which they do not only refresh that inward thirst of becoming Great , but make likewise a mighty advantage in understanding their own emolument , in prosecution of which , they beat down all before them to accomplish their ends . But , what is most remarkable , when , as we have said before , they are got into the hearts of Princes , they are used to play them off , by assuring them , what excellent expedients they have for putting such a plot in practice , and to bring about such a design . But scarcely will they have begun in their assistance according to engagement , but that upon consideration of some inconvenience this addition of Greatness to a Prince , whom they have hitherto fed with fair hopes , may bring to them , they create a thousand delaies , like Advocates in a Process at Law , and then upon a sudden , by some excellent sleight of contrivance , turn all into confusion , and so break the neck of that Plot themselves had laid . He that will but reflect upon the League of France , which being carryed on , and concluded by them , was likewise detected , when they saw the King was like to get the better ; and upon England , which they so often promised to the Spaniards ; will need no other proof to make out the truth of what I have said . May we not then very justly draw this conclusion from the whole , That the Iesuites having no real or sincere kindness for any , nor will oblige the World beyond their own Interest , neither Prince nor Prelate can make use of them without injury to themselves . For at the same instant they pretend a like respect to all , becoming Monsieurs with the French , Dons with the Spaniard , and so with all other Countreys , as occasion serves , and hopes of advantage . They are very indifferent who it is they do harm or good to . And , no doubt , it is that excessive Self-Interest , and the little regard they have to any mans Concern else , which makes few enterprises succeed , in which they have a hand . However I must allow , that they have an incomparable art in concealing this indifference , some of them still pretending a great zeal for the Crown of France , others for that of Spain , others for the Emperour , and for all the rest of the Princes from whom they expect any favour . But if it so fall out , that some one of these Princes takes a Iesuite into his Cabinet-Counsels , this fellow shall no sooner know any thing , but that he will advise the Father General of it , who presently sends back his result upon it , in order to which he proceeds , without consideration either of his Princes Will or Service . And though these I have already declared , are very great inconveniences ; I will shew you yet greater . The first is , That the Iesuites being fully informed of the several Interests and Counsels of Princes , they amongst them that feign themselves to be of the French Faction , propound to the King , or his chief Ministers , certain considerations of State , which may be of some weight , such as have been sent from Rome in their politick Letters . Those which flatter the Court of Spain or any other Government , where they have access make other propositions in these places , quite contrary to the former , or at least such as may keep Christian Princes at a distance to be in perpetual jealousies one of another , which disturbs the common Peace more than can be imagined , and brings a misfortune upon all Christendom . For , such a defiance hinders all possibility of joyning against the Common Enemy ; and indeed makes all Treaties of Peace between Princes signifie very little . The second inconvenience is , That by these subtle practices they have so opened the eyes of all people , that no body minds any thing else but the Politicks : So as nothing is done now a dayes , that is not first weighed in this balance , nor any business that is not directed by this Iesuitical Compass . But all this would be nothing to what mischief would ensue , if they of the Reformed Churches should take up this example , and abuse their Interest with Princes after this manner . For then in stead of Lutherans ( with whom some accommodation may , it is hoped , be found out one day ) we should have spring up a politick brood of irreconcilable Antichrists . And to make it appear , that I have said nothing but the truth , when I have charged the Iesuites with such abominable Artifices , and Collusions , above all when they are upon insinuating themselves into the favour of Princes , I must not forget what was done amongst them some years since upon the Concern of Great Britain . One of their Fathers , an Assistant of that Kingdom , called Father Parsons , having writ a Book against the Right of the King of Scots to the Crown of England ; Father Criton with others of the same Order defended the Kings Cause , in a Book Intuled , The Discourse of the King of Scots against the Opinion of Father Parsons , or to that purpose . And though you may suspect by this , that they are divided among themselves ; yet I do assure you , they do understand one another perfectly well . For this Game was played by the directions of their General , to the end , that if the Scotch were disappointed of the Succession , then should be shewed , to whoever came in , Father Parsons his Book ; or if otherwise , Scotland should carry it , then they should ingratiate themselves by presenting Criton's Work : And so whatever came uppermost they were provided with that should make their Society acceptable . By which you may judge how true it is , that I told you , Princes are the main object of all the Iesuites Designs and Actions , and therefore reason good , they should esteem their Order a Great Monarchy . Nay , is not this an undeniable argument of my assertion , the small care they take to please any Prince , when their Interest comes in competition ? We have have many experimental Examples that convince it beyond dispute , if it were worth the trouble to set them down : I will only give you one , which shall be as good as a thousand . Every one knows , that there is none in the World , that the Iesuites are in so high a nature obliged to , and to whom they owe more fidelity , than the Pope , not only for the particular Vow of Obedience they make to his Person , but for many other reasons besides . And yet for all this Pius Quintus of blessed memory , having a mind that these Fathers should officiate in the Chore , and do all things after the manner of other Regulars ; they would never obey him , but pretended still some great prejudice it would bring upon them : Only there were some amongst them that submitted to His Holiness , and did as they were commanded . But how did the rest serve them ? Were they not by way of reproach called Aviatins , or Starters aside ? And was ever any of them afterwards preferred in the least ? Just so they set themselves against that worthy Person Charles Boromeo Archbishop of Milan , when , as Legate à Latere , he would have visited their Society amongst the other Regulars . But ( alas ! ) what is all this ? They break even the holy Canons by trading , expresly against their injunctions , in Pearls , Rubies and Diamonds , which are brought them from the Indies . And it is generally believed , that the greatest part of the Jewels which come from the Indies and are sold at Venice , pass through their hands . Neither is this a bare rumour spread abroad by their enemies ; for I have it from those very men , whom they imploy , as Brokers to put them off . I could produce other Stories , that should make it as clear , how ill they serve the Pope , and how dishonestly ; but because I can say nothing in it , without mentioning a Prince , who would not very well relish my discourse , I will be silent . For I desire to serve all the World , and offend no man , not so much as the Iesuites , which otherwise I honour , and against whom I do not in the least pretend to write an invective ; only a little to abate their pride , and , if possible , make them behave themselves with more moderation , than hitherto they have done . For who is there almost that has not reason to complain of the Iesuites ? And yet , just as it falls out many times with men in desperate diseases , whilst they make lamentable complaints to heaven , such as startle every body that hear them , though each patient very well knows what kind of a Disease he is visited with , yet not one in a thousand can tell from what inward cause it proceeds ; so , notwithstanding all the World cries out upon the Iesuites , some for being oppressed by them , others for not being so honestly dealt with , as was to be expected from men of their Robe ; yet the inconvenience continues , few perceiving what is the original of this Mischief . However if one would but look a little into the business , it would appear plainly , that the immoderate and boundless passion of making themselves Great , provokes them to neglect the satisfaction of Princes , and to deceive them , to oppress the poor , embezel Widows Estates , ruin great Families , raise suspicions and promote enmities betwixt Christian Princes , to introduce themselves into their Affairs . But would it not be a strange irregularity in nature , if one of the meanest parts of the body , which was made only , as a servant to the more noble , should take to itself the best blood , and the greatest share of the vital spirits ? Could one after such a disorder expect less , than a dissolution of the whole ? The abuse in Church and State is no less ; when we see the Iesuites Order , which is come in , one of the last , and erected for the Conversion of Infidels , and drawing sinners to repentance , assume to itself the Concerns of Prince and Prelate , drawing out the best , and very life itself of their Affairs for their own use : Which most assuredly cannot be done without , both a publick and private disturbance , by keeping under those subjects who most deserve advancement , and raising none , but the unworthy , with thousands of other Divels , such monstrous proceedings must call up . I could easily bring many reasons here from experience , besides those I have given , to prove of what a vast extent the ambition of the Iesuites is , and that there is no measure in their desires of growing Great . But because I hate to be tedious , I will only lay before you the project of Father Parsons upon England , as he himself has set it down , in his Book called The Reformation of England . Where after he has fallen upon Cardinal Pole ( a man of singular piety and worth ) and has observed certain faults and defects in the Council of Trent ; he concludes at last , that supposing England should fall back to the Church of Rome , he would put it into the Condition of the Primitive Church . For this purpose , all the Ecclesiastical Revenues must be brought into one common Stock , the care and dispensation of which , he would have committed to seven discreet persons , taken out of the Iesuites Society , to distribute , as they should think fit . Moreover , he would have all other Orders forbid coming into this Kingdom under severe penalties , only such as they shall permit , which according to his judgment must be none but the begging Orders . But as it is the usual fate of self-love to blind those it has mastered , and be they never so wise , make them guilty of the greatest follies : I do not much wonder at what this Father adds , England ( says he ) being once brought back to the Truth , the Pope must not , for at least five years after , think of making any profit out of the Church-Revenues , but remit the whole entirely to the seven , who shall dispose of them , as they think best for the Churches advantage . In good earnest a man must be very dull , that should not perceive their whole design to be to amuse , or rather cheat the Pope by such a proposal , hoping at the five years end to find out some other trick , which seldom fails them , to keep it five years longer , and so by degrees shut His Holiness quite out . Does not this demonstrate their greedy ambition to an undeniable degree ? Can any man after this , doubt of their aspiring thoughts of a Monarchy ? Do not the arts they use , put it past dispute ? And do they not at the same time , make it manifest , that so they have their Ends , they are indifferent , as to the rest , whether advantaged or ruined by it ? In the time of Gregory the Thirteenth , they made it their request , to be invested with all the Churches of Rome , no doubt that they might found their Empire in the Capital City of the World : But that which was deny'd them for Rome , was upon their importunity , granted them for England , where they made him confer the Dignity of Arch-Priest upon a Iesuite in Vow , who instead of protecting the Ecclesiasticks , plays the Divel against all Priests , that have no dependance upon the Iesuites , so far as to hinder their communication one with another , though but to discourse , which has made them almost desperate . Therefore it is no marvel if at present most of all the Priests in England are Iesuites in Vow ; since , besides the reasons I have already given , they admit none into the Colledges , but such as pass their word to take the habit of the Society . So that if England should slide back again , there is no question of it , but that it would give beginning to an established Monarchy of the Iesuites ; because the Bishopricks , Dignities , and generally , all the other Benefices and Church-revenues would be bestowed upon Iesuites . No wonder then , if after this we hear of so few Converts , especially in that Nation we last spoke of . For first , the old Stock of Priests which formerly made a great harvest , that the Iesuites falsly attributed to themselves , is near worn out . And these Youths are more zealous in promotihg their own Interest , than in saving of Souls . And then besides the Protestants observing the tyranny of the JESUITES over other Priests of their own Religion , and how they juggle in all their dealings , have taken so great an aversion , that for fear of coming under the same lash themselves , they think of nothing less , than a change . I will say nothing here of their imaginary pretences to a certain State , nor the discourses they continually buz in a Princes ears of the great share they boast to have in the hearts of his people , by which they make him believe , they keep them in their Allegiance and Loyalty towards him . It shall suffice for conclusion of my Discourse , only to propose four Considerations . I. That Men so ambitious , and that drive on such Designs , must needs be lovers of change and novelty . And therefore being able to create them , when they please , by putting men in Arms , the Conduct of which I have shewed you , how good they are at , it is in a manner impossible they should forbear ; Hence you may easily judge , That no Prince ought to have any kindnes● for them , who loves Peace and the preservation of hi● State. For I have already made it appear , they can do him no more service , than what may , as well be don● by others : But then they may ingage him in a thousand troubles , and it may be , promise his Dominions to another , if he entertains them in his Territories , and does not shew them respect enough , by governing himself after their Directions , which is of equal danger . II. If without any temporal Jurisdiction they make suc● a bussle in the world ; what would become of us , if unluckily any of them should happen to be Pope ? No doubt , h● would fill the Consistory with Iesuites , and so entail th● Papacy upon themselves . Going on then , as they have done and setting their Interest for a Rule , and having a Pop● with all his power to back them ; were it not to b● feared that the Dominions of many Princes would be in jeopardy , especially those that bordered upon St. Peter'● Patrimony ? III. Such a Pope , chose out of their own Society , would certainly do his utmost to invest them with some Town and temporal Jurisdiction , which could not be done without injury to some Prince . IV. If the Consistory were filled with Iesuites , the whole Patrimony and Revenue of the Church would be in their hands ; and as we see a man that has a Dropsie , the more he drinks , the dryer he is ; so doubtless , these Fathers with such an addition of greatness , would be but the more covetous of Riches and Honour , in prosecution of which , the whole world should be disquieted . Now , all the world knows , nothing is so liable to change as States , especially where there are those , that never want boldness to attempt . So that it is very likely the Iesuites in the case we suppose them , would quickly alter the present state of Affairs , to bring it to their fashion , and thus to confirm their absolute Monarchy . For , though hitherto they have done their best to make themselves acknowledged Monarchs , by drawing into their Company the Sons of Free Princes , who were to give up their Rights to them ; yet could they never compass it , because still some other power perceiving their aim , has crossed their purpose . But if a Iesuite once came to be Pope , then would be their time , after full possession of the Church-revenues , by their crafty methods to attain to that so long wished for Condition . However I hope , though such an accident might not prove so fatal , yet the apprehensions of what may fall out , will be so well considered in behalf of all Free Princes , that the Conclave will never run the risk of so dangerous an importance . From what I have said we may gather this general Consequence , that it is necessary for the preservation of the publick peace , and the security of Government , that His Holiness and other Christian Princes give some check to this Society , whose ambition is got up to that excessive pitch , as without some speedy prevention will become remediless . When my advice shall be asked for the effecting of this , I am confident they shall be so far from taking it amiss , that they will give me thanks for it . All I would have , being only to make them Monarchs of their Souls , which are the Elect of Jesus Christ , and leave off the thoughts of this World , which is but Dirt : And I offer in Charity to contribute all the help God has inabled me with the power of . THE JESUITES PRIVATE INSTRUCTIONS . CHAP. I. How they must behave themselves in any place upon their first entrance into a New foundation . TO make our Order acceptable and welcome to the Inhabitants , amongst whom we are to settle , it is very requisite to make them understand the rule of our Constitutions ; that it is to no other end , but as much as in us lies , to procure the Salvation of our Neighbour and our selves . For that reason we ought with all submissive and humble deportment frequently to visit the Hospitals , the Sick , and those that are in Prison , to Confess them ; that by a Charity to the Poor not known to other Orders , and being New-comers , we may have the reverence , and respect of the best , and most eminent persons in our Neighbourhood . Care must always be had to remember that written Rule , to request , with all modesty and shew of piety , leave to perform our Functions , and to make sure of the good will both of Clergy and Laity within the Parish , whose favour or power may avail us any thing . We must go far and near , and beg the little Collections for the Poor ; that the Inhabitants , taking notice of our necessities , may be the more liberal . We must appear to have but one soul , and one design amongst us all ; that by the shew of a submissive compleisance , every body may approve of it : And if any be obstinate in this point , let him be thrust out of the company . We must inform our selves of the value of all Estates personal and real , but seek our acquaintance with them rather through liberality , than purchase . And if we get any thing that is considerable , let the purchase be made under a strange name by some of our friends , that our poverty may still seem the greater . Such revenues as we have near any Town , in which there are any Colledges of ours , let our Provincial assign them to some other Colledges more remote , that neither Prince nor people may discover any thing of our profits . We must never settle in a Town that is not rich and wealthy . And this must be pretended in imitation of our Saviour , who went not up to Ierusalem , or any other place , but to save Souls . And doubtless he understood Iudea much the better by so often frequenting it with his Disciples . And this more is to be said for a populous place ; If our Society design the saving of Souls , They have the Proverb their own , Where the people is , there must the prey be made . As well for our advantage , as that we may be thought poor , we must search and scrape up all that can be spared in Town or the Villages adjacent . Our Preaching must be directed by the humour of the people we live amongst ; and it must be insinuated that we are come to catechise and teach their Children . And this we must do gratis , without regard had to any quality ; and yet so , as in order to serve our selves , by not seeming burdensome to the people , as all other Begging Orders are . We must profess to be of the number of the other Begging Orders , till our House has got a sufficient Income , to which we must have a particular aim . CHAP. II. What must be done to get the ear and intimacy of Princes and Great men . THere is great care to be taken in this business . To bring over any Prince to Us , we must be sure to take off that prejudice of believing , They have no need of Us , and perswade Them , what interest We have , That no man dares lift up his hand against Us. Princes have always desired a Jesuite Confessour , when They have been engaged in hateful practices , that They might not hear of reproof , but still have some favourable interpretation put upon Them. This often falls out upon Matches contracted with near Relations ; which are very troublesome , by reason of the common opinion , That such Marriages never thrive . And therefore when Princes are set upon such things , We must encourage Them , and espouse Their Concerns , putting Them in hopes , that We can have what we will of the Pope , and alledge some reasons , opinions , or examples , which may feed the humour , by shewing how Matches of higher consequence have been approved of for a publick good , and have many times been indulged to Princes for the greater glory of God. Thus when a Prince attempts any thing ; as for example : He has a mind to make War ; We must go along with Him ; fix His mind and resolution upon it , without enquiring into particulars , for fear , if things should happen otherwise than well , the fault should be laid at our door . And this We may do by pretending Our Rule , which forbids Us to take knowledge of affairs of that nature . To confirm the good will of Princes , it is good to undertake some little Embassy , always provided it bring us in some advantage : by which We may render Our selves as necessary , as welcome , and let Them see how great Our power and credit is , as well with the Pope , as all other Princes . There is no better way in the world to win Princes , and Great Men at Court , than by Presents , which though never so mean , are better than none at all . And to give Them a full testimony of Our affections , manners and inclinations , We must , than which nothing is more acceptable to Princes , discover to Them the deportment and manners of those They have an aversion to . By this means we shall creep into the hearts of Princes and Grandees . Now if They be not married , when we receive Their Confession , We must propose to Them the Matching into some noble Alliance , to some beautiful Lady , and a great Fortune , and such , as if they are not related , at least are very intimate with some of Ours , set out such Virgins with Commendations suitable to our End to please These Great Ones . Thus We may by preferring a Wife make new friendships , as we find by experience in the House of Austrich with the Kindomes of Poland , and France , and the Dutchies . When Women of condition come over to Us , We must possess Them with as great a love to Our Society as is possible , and that as well by those that are Our Friends of their Relation , as by Our selves , to the end they may become the more liberal towards Us. Now the way to gain their affections , is by little Services and trifling Presents , which will make them lay open their hearts to Us. To conduct the Consciences of Noble Persons , We must follow the opinions of those Authors that write in a more gentle stile against the rigorous Morals of the Monks : Which will make Princes reject the latter , to embrace Our advice and counsel : And thus They shall wholly depend upon Us. Therefore to have the good Will of Princes , Prelates and other Great Personages , it is requisite that They be acquainted with Our great Deserts , and that We shew Them , how considerable We are in all parts of the World , and that We are able in a high measure to dispense with reserved cases , which other Monks cannot do : as to absolve from Fasting , or Paying any just Debt , Untie the impediments of Marriage , and a thousand other Obligations and Vows . We must endevour to breed dissention among Great Men , and raise seditions , or any thing , a Prince would have Us to do to please Him. If a chief Minister of State to any Monarch that is Our Friend , oppose Us , and that Prince cast His whole favour upon Him , so as to add Titles to His Honour ; We must present Our selves before Him , and court Him in the highest degree , as well by Visits , as all humble respect . CHAP. III. How we are to deal with persons of Great rank , that are not rich , but have great power in the Common-wealth , that we may make Our advantages by Their Credit . IF They be Secular Lords , We must under the protection of Their assistance and kindness , carry any process against Our enemies , and make use of Their partiality to hook in Houses , Villages , Gardens , Quarries of Stone for Building , especially in the Towns where we have Colledges , always purchasing under a strange name of some Confident of Ours . We must be very careful to uphold the Bishops and Parishioners revenues for Us ; lest They should hinder the exercise of Our Function , where They have to do . For , In Germany , Poland , and France , the Bishops have great power , and can with a great deal of ease obtain from their Prince any Convenience for Us , as Monasteries , new erected Parishes , the priviledges of Serving at certain Altars , places devoted to holy uses , and other things , which must be facilitated by stopping the Seculars mouths with some small consideration . Besides , We may transfer to Our own use , what foundations We please , where Catholicks and Hereticks inhabit together . These Bishops should be made 〈◊〉 ●●derstand , that besides the meritoriousness of the act in such a case , they will reap a great benefit : Whereas the Secular Priests and the Monks would pay them with nothing , but a Song . They ought to have immortal praise for their zeal in so good a deed , that are the Cause of Our getting into the foundations of some Seculars , and Canons , which may be effected with ease by the assistance of These Bishops . We must see , that when the Bishops and Princes are founding any Colledges , we have a perpetual Licence conferred upon Us to assist the Vicar of the Parish-Churches in the Cure of Souls ; and that for some time the Superiour be a parishioner himself , so to have the Church wholly at Our dispose . The Bishops must be perswaded to build us Colledges in those Universities that are our Enemies , and where the Catholicks and Hereticks hinder Us from having any foundation ; and that as well There , as in any other great Town , We may have liberty to Preach . When there is any design of Canonizing one of Our Order ; the business must be followed by Letters of Grace from Great men to His Holiness . If occasion so require , that the Princes must appear in person to solicit , We must look to it , that no Regular go along with Them , or attend Them , with whom we hold not Correspondence , for fear they steal away the Princes affection from Us , and procure our Colledges , where they have any thing to do already , to be joined to them to Our prejudice . Therefore when any person of quality comes within Our Walls , We must treat Him with all modest respect , and shew of piety . CHAP. IV. The Duty of Chaplains and Confessours to Princes , and Great Lords . THat Princes and other men of Degree may be fully satisfied that Our whole design is the Great glory of God , which Our Society has chose for their particular cognisance ; We must pretend all the resolution and sincerity in the World. And afterwards try , how pliable They are to Our Instructions , not all at once , but by degrees , screw Our selves into their politick Concerns of Government and Revenue . To arrive thus far , We must often inculcate , that They ought not confer Honours , Charges , Offices , or other preferments , but upon such as are able , and of integrity , and that have merited by some notable Service . Make them sensible , how great a sin it is to do the contrary , always dissembling our intention to meddle in any thing of that nature , protesting against it with all asseverations , making it only a Case of Conscience , in the station We are to speak the truth . If then the Prince be put to a stand what to do : He must be told , what endowments and capacity They ought to have who are to fill up such or such places , and how they ought to demean themselves . We must suffer none to come in , that are not of our Intimates . Therefore let the Prince hear again and again , that to employ men of integrity and good lives , will be highly for His honour , absolutely necessary for the maintenance of true Religion , and the good of His people . Which persons must never be nominated by any we are not sure of , but by some of our fast friends . Thus we shall strike up a mutual obligation , and be the more cheerfully served upon all occasions . The Confessours and Chaplains must get out of our Friends , what Lands or Money the eminent men have , whether virtuous , and bountiful , and be sure to keep a Catalogue of their names , and then neatly recommend them to the Prince , that so the way may be laid open for preferment , when any falls worthy of them . But they must mark out those in the first place , that by Confession they discover to be well enclined to Us. Above all , they must be sure to handle Princes , and others , with all easiness and satisfaction , and not to press them too much in their Confessions , or Sermons . They that retain to Princes must have very little money , and be mean in their furniture , contenting themselves with some poor little hole , as in appearance most mortified persons , and avoid the suspicion of flattery . For by such a discreet carriage they may prevail easily with the Prince to do nothing , in Church or State without their advice . All diligence must be used to get the names of all the Officers of State , to change or continue , as shall be thought most expedient , but without giving ground to suspect the removalls come from Us. And this must be brought about by some of our friends , that are near the Prince , who may effect it without mistrust . CHAP. V. What must be done with those Orders that comply with ours ▪ and by that means often get , what should otherwise have fallen to our share . VVE must disgest this sort of people , as a Medicine for a Mad Dog. And therefore to remedy the mischief , as much as in us lies , we must possess any Prince , that will give us the hearing of the perfection of our Order above all the rest , and that if the other seem to excel us in the strictness of Discipline , yet ours in the whole is the most glorious star in the Church's firmament , and that the rule of other Orders is wholly directed by ours . We must lay open the defects of other Orders , and shew how they that concur with us in the same designe , come fart short of us in the performance . We ought to set our selves chiefly against those Orders , that ape us in the education of youth , Principally , in those places , where it depends upon our credit , and where good advantage may be made . Such Orders must be represented to the Prince , as contentious , and apt to cause tumults and seditions . The Universities must be made believe , that those other Orders are like to prove much more pernicious to them , than ours . And if such chance to have Letters recommendatory from the Pope , or Cardinals : We must procure the Prince to mediate on our behalf to His Holiness , that we may produce more authentick authority for our selves . We must get the good word of the Inhabitants of that Town where we have Colleges , to confirm the excellency of our Institution , uprightness of our conversation , and incomparable method in teaching Scholars . Besides it must be suggested , that the opening diversity of Schools will be liable to breed opposition and tumults , especially if under the tuition of several Orders . All possible industry must be used to make our studies flourish , and win applause , giving proofs thereof to Prince and people . CHAP. VI. How to procure the friendship of rich Widows . FOr this purpose must be called out some of the Fathers of the livelyest fresh complexions , and of a middle age . These must frequent Their houses , and if they find a kindness towards our Society , impart to Them its great worth . If they come to our Churches , we must put a Confessour to them , that shall perswade them to continue in their Widowhood , representing to them the great pleasure , delight and advantage will accrue to them by remaining in that state : and this they must be assured of , and promised an eternal reward , and that this only thing will exempt them from Purgatory . Set them up a little Chappel , and an Altar neatly furnished , the minding of which may put the thoughts of a Husband out of their heads . For the better effecting of which , frequent Masses must be said there , and Exhortations given . To facilitate the business they must be induced to lessen their family , and to take Stewards , and other Officers of our recommendation , and place some of our Creatures about them in the House . So that by degrees , having got a perfect knowledge of all the circumstances of their Concerns , and their devotion to our Society , we may at last place what Officers we please about them . The first thing that their Confessours are to do , is to get into their Counsels , and to let them understand how necessary it is for the good of their souls to give themselves wholly up into their hands . They must be advised to Receive often , to assist at Divine Service , to repeat the Litanies over , to take a daily examination of themselves , and their Confessours must assist them in choosing out some Men and Women-Saints for their Tutelaries , especially recommending the Founder of our Order . Let them be exhorted to make an entire Confession , that knowing their faults , humours , and instructions , from beginning to end , it may serve them as a direction to bring them about to our purpose . Twice or thrice a week must be given them a Lecture in commendation of a Widows life , and how many thousand vexations and charges a second Marriage incurrs . Being thus induced to continue in Their Widowhood , presently they must be put upon entring into some religious Order , not in a Cloister , but after the manner of Paulina . Thus when they are caught in the Vow of chastity , all danger of their Marrying again is over . They must then be earnestly pressed not to admit young people into their Court , such as are given to Courting of Ladies , Play , Musick or Poetry ; That they avoid much company . But let all this be done with such a moderation , as may prevent any complaint of our rigour towards them , for fear of a just repriment . All Presentations , Chaplains , and the like , in their gift , must be disposed of by us . By this we shall insensibly get ground upon them , perswading them to deeds of charity , and giving alms , without which they can never gain the Kingdome of Heaven . Always provided , they never bestow any charity without the advice and consent of their ghostly Father : because it is very material to be assured upon whom , or how a charity is placed to make it acceptable to God. For they must understand , that alms ill-bestowed will rather do hurt , than good . And if they do not believe , how much it contributes to the expiation of their sins ; they must neither be allowed so much liberty nor liberality . CHAP. VII . How to keep Widows to our selves , so far as concerns the disposing of their Estates . VVIdows must be frequently minded of continuing in their devotion , of performing charitable offices , to let no week pass without doing some good work of their own voluntary motion , to the honour of the holy Virgin , cutting off all superfluous expences , and distributing something extraordinary to the poor , and the Churches of Jesus Christ. Now , if besides this general good disposition , they give any testimony of a particular bounty towards us , whether by any great sum of money , or otherwise : we must make them entire partakers in the merits of our Company , and to set the better gloss upon it , let it be confirmed by the Provincial , or if need be , by our General . If any of our Widows break their Vow of chastity , they shall be shrived by their Confessours twice a year with a renewing of their Vow , that the freshness of the memory of it may oblige them the more to us . And upon the day of their reconciliation , they may have leave to recreate themselves with any civil divertisement . It must be proposed to them to live after our Rule , and if they think fit , that all their Attendants and Domesticks do the like . They ought to be perswaded to come to Confession every month , as well upon the Feasts dedicated to our Saviour , as Those to the holy Virgin ; The Apostles , the Patron they have made choice of , and principally St. Ignatius , and St. Xavier . Place Syndikes with them to have an eye upon both men and women in their Court , and to discover their miscarriages , for our better information , but not to take any notice of the Widows vow of Chastity . The Domesticks must be forbid to look scornfully , or talk of things behind peoples backs , which grows ordinarily into contempt . And therefore offenders in that kind are to be severely chastised , or else by the Widows leave turned out of doors . These Widows must be served by civil Maids of our recommendation , such as have skill in working several ornaments for our Churches , which may be a means to give their Ladies a pious divertisement . We must place a Governess over these Maids of our own choosing , that may keep them constantly at work , and have a strict eye over them . Visit the Widows , as often as we may be welcome , entertaining them with pleasing discourses , and godly stories , and keep up the cheerfulness of their humour , and never be too severe with them in Confession , lest they take distaste at us : unless there be no hopes left of making any advantage by them . We must comfort them , and advise them to go often to Confession , that in relyance upon this consolation , They may be wholly ours , body and goods . If there be any hopes of frighting them into good nature , we may be a little more rough with them : But a Confessour must do this with great caution , and not before he hath consulted with the Superiours . It is of great importance for the gaining a Widow's friendship , to give Them a particular privilege of coming into our Colleges upon some solemn performances , as the acting a Tragedy , or such like : and not to let Them go abroad in extreme cold weather : and to dispense with Their Fasting , or wearing Sack-cloth , which may be taken off by Alms. That thus They may be satisfied we are not less sollicitous for the health of their bodies , than their souls . We must hinder Them , as much as in us lies , from going to the Churches of other Orders , upon their Festival days : and convince them , that all the indulgencies of other Orders are comprised in Ours . Let them be as sensual as they please , provided they are liberal , kind to our Society , and handle the matter so , as not to give scandal . When they are in consideration , how to dispose of their Estates : they must have laid before them the perfection of the Saints , who have forfeited their blood , parents and friends , and cheerfully relieved the poor Members of Christ. Here it is , that we must represent that Crown they shall receive , if they give themselves , and theirs , up to us . To induce them the more willingly to this mind , we must let them see the 123 Articles in the 4 th chap. of our Constitutions , That by this means they may be informed of the drift of this perfection , and may be weaned from that fondness after their Relations . So that their whole affections may be set upon the glory of God , by the advice of their ghostly Father ; who must therefore lay home to them the great hazard of death worldly grief carries along with it , which does constantly attend the too great tenderness for near kindred . The escaping of this danger wholly proceeds from that sincere resignation of themselves up into our hands : which nevertheless was wrought by our importunity ; A thing all other Orders are strangers to ; Then tell them of others , who for this only act of resignation have obtained the kingdome of heaven : and that they may one day be canonized , if they will be diligent to prosecute so glorious a design ; promising them moreover under the Seal of Confession , that they shall be sure of our interest with the Pope for the effecting of it . When therefore the Widows are ready to put their Estates into our hands , and to give themselves up to the directions of their ghostly Father ; to avoid clamour and opposition , they must immediately confirm this Conveyance , if they be willing , and that they are fully perswaded that such counsel comes from God , the Protectour of Widows , who has greater care of their souls , than bodies . They must be likewise possessed that God takes great pleasure in good works and alms bestowed upon religious Orders , and such poor people , as give themselves up to devotion . And this advice their Confessour must give them , letting them understand , that a cheerful giver is a delight to God , when he acts within the bounds of obedience , which is the sister of humility . But they must be sure , when they determine any charity , to give an account to their Confessour , that he may add , retrench or alter , as he shall think fit . Above all , they must be forbid the visiting of other Orders , lest they intice them away from us . For generally , this Sex is unconstant . They must therefore be made see , that our Order is superiour to all the rest , more necessary to the Church , of greater reputation in the Cities , and has greater interest with Princes . So that it will be impossible for them to make a better choice . For the other Monks have none of these advantages : nor ever look after the salvation of their Neighbours , being generally ignorant , dull , heavy , sottish fellows , that mind nothing but their bellies , and voluptuous living . When we have got good store of money and other things out of our Widows , for fear they should take a freak to marry again , we must put discreet Confessours to them , who will take care that they assign us pensions , and certain tributes , or alms , to help pay the yearly debts contracted by our Colleges , and professed Houses , particularly for those at Rome , and such Colleges where the poorer sort of our Order study ; as also for the re-establishing of Novitiates , who have long since been dispersed . Dispose them to lay out a good sum yearly for the buying of Chasubles , Chalices , and other accommodations for Altars . Before a Widow comes to die , if she has not left us to be Executors , for fear of displeasing her friends , want of affection , or any other cause , let her be acquainted with our poverty , the number of our new Colleges not as yet endowed , the zeal and numerousness of our Order , the great want our Churches are in , and advise her to finish those buildings of our Colleges which are left imperfect , and to be at the charge her self , for the greater glory of God , of erecting Temples , Refectories , and other foundations , of which we poor servants of the Society of Jesus Christ stand in need . And let all this be done warily and with dispatch . After the same method must we treat Princes , and other Benefactours , that have raised us any great structures , or founded any Place . First , letting them understand , that their good works are consecrated to eternity , that they are the true model of piety , that they are those , we make a particular remembrance of , and that they shall have their reward in the next world . But if they object to us , that Jesus Christ was laid in a manger at his Birth , and that he had not where to lay his Head ; and therefore that we who are in a more particular manner his Companions , ought not to enjoy the perishable vanities of this world : then must it be pressed home to them , that indeed at the beginning , the Church was in that condition , but that now by divine providence she is become a Monarch ; she was then but a broken rejected stone , but is now grown into a high rock . CHAP. VIII . How to draw into our Society the Sons and Daughters of our Devotes . THat the Mothers may the more willingly consent to this enterprise , we must perswade them gently , that they must be a little harsh with Daughters that are stubborn , whipping them with rods , if young ; with mortification , and threats of worse usage , if more gone in years . They must be chastised , and denied what were otherwise befitting their quality . But if they will comply with our Rules , they must be cherished with all tenderness , and promised a greater portion , than if they should marry . The Mother must lay before them the austerity of a Husband , and the chargeableness of that condition : represent to them the hardships and vexations of Marriage , the torments and anguishes they are to endure , and that nothing but sorrow is to be got by it ; whereas the entring into some religious Vow , brings along with it all content . The same doctrine must be applyed to Sons that are inclinable to marry . We must get familiar with their Sons , and invite them to those Colleges we think fittest to place them in , carrying them into our Gardens to walk , and to our Countrey-houses , where we go for diversion . Shew them the great content those retreats afford , and how great respect all Princes pay us . In short , we must make it our business to draw in the youth , by carrying them to our Refectories and Chambers , letting them see the agreeableness of our conversation , and how easy our Rule is , which has the promise of the glory of the blessed . Our sharpness in disputations of Things appertaining to this world , or that to come , the eloquent discourses that are made amongst us , from delightful entertainments so heavenly pleasant , which seem to be bestowed upon us in the name of the holy Virgin , by way of revelation , must not be omitted , as so many inducements to bring them to our Order : convincing them how great a sin it is to resist a call from heaven . Let them likewise be present at our Exercises , to see what that will do . The Preceptors that teach Widows Sons in the house must be of our preferring ; who must be perpetually inviting them over to us , and promise them , rather than fail , that if they will enter into our Society , they shall be received gratis . We must order it so , that their Mothers disappoint them of their necessaries from time to time , to make them consider into what troubles , and difficulties their affairs are fallen . CHAP. IX . How to encrease the Revenues of our Colleges . NOne of our Order shall be admitted to the last profession ; so long as they are in expectation of any inheritance to befall them : unless he has a Brother amongst us younger , and more likely to live than himself , or for some other beneficial reason . In the first place , above all things we must endeavour the aggrandizing of our Order according to the will of our Superiours , who alone must be acquainted with these things , and must do their utmost to advance the Church of God to the highest sphere , for his greater glory . To which end , the Confessours of Princes and rich Widows , must be sure to tell them , that since they receive at our hands spiritual good , for the salvation of their souls ; it is but reasonable , they should make us partakers of their temporal good things . We must refuse nothing that is offered us . And if they promise us any thing , it may be committed to writing , if there be any danger of giving them distaste by over-hasty importunity . We must prefer no Confessours to Princes , or others , but such as are able and fit to prevail with them , and to reprove them now and then for not being kind enough to the Society . And therefore if any of them act not their part , as they should do , let them be called back immediately , and others sent in their room . For we have found to our grief , that many times persons have died suddenly , and by their Confessours neglect have left nothing of value to our Church . And the reason was , for want of being dexterous enough to make them sooner ours , whilest they lived : which might easily have been done , had we watched to have taken them in the humour , and not waited any other opportunity . We must visit the Nobility and rich Widows , and sift out with a Christian address , whether they will leave any thing to our Churches , as well to get remission of their own sins , as those of their Relations and Friends . After the same manner must we handle Prelates , and others of their Diocess , which will bring us in no small gain . Our Confessours must be sure to enquire of those that come to Confession , their names and sir-names , allies and friends , what they intend upon the hopes of any Succession , how they resolve to bestow themselves , how many brothers , sisters , or heirs they have , how old , what estate , of what vocation , or breeding , and perswade them such an information imports much to the cleering their conscience . Then if there be any hopes of advantage , let them be enjoined for penance to Confess every week : that what was omitted in the first weeks ▪ Confession , may be made out in the next . Thus when all is got out of a Penitent , the Superiour must have notice , and resolve how he shall be managed for the future . What has been spoken in the Concern of Widows , must as well be executed upon rich and wealthy Merchants , that are married , and have no heirs , and upon rich Virgins that have an esteem for Us. For if we once get into their estates , we shall soon make them ours . But we must by no means be too forward in driving on such a design , lest we spoil all . To procure any mans good will , we must take our measure from his Conversation , and study to humour him in his inclinations . And our Provincials must send discreet persons to those places , where the people are rich , that a good account may be given to the Superiours of a hopeful success . As soon as our people find they are got into their favour , they must presently cry up their great bounty and deserts : which the other poor begging Fryars , never think of doing . Our Receivers must take an Inventory of all the Houses , Gardens , Quarreys , Vineyards , Villages , and other Emoluments , in and about the Town they reside in ; and , if they can , learn how we are beloved among the Inhabitants . Moreover , they must find out every man's Imployment and Income , what Land he has , and what encumbrances are upon his Estate . Which may be done easily by Confessions , the discourse at several meetings , by way of entertainment at Visits , and by the assistance of our fast Friends . So soon as ever a Confessour has discovered a man to be very rich , and that there is hopes of working upon him ; he must immediately give notice . They must likewise inform themselves exactly of such , as will part with any thing considerable , in exchange for their sons , whom we have admitted into our Society . Enquire if any of those , that wish us well , have any inclination to be Benefactors to our Colleges ; or if they have made any purchace , upon condition to return it to Us after their Decease : Or what better advantage , we are to expect from them . Every body must be acquainted with our great necessity , the Debts that swallow us up , and the continual great Charge we are obliged to be at . When our Friends bestow any thing upon us , we must get it to be upon this condition , that after a little time , we may have power to incorporate it into the rest of our Demains . If any of our Women-friends , that are Widows , or marryed , chance only to have Daughters , we must neatly perswade them to put them into a Nunnery with some small Portion , that the rest of the Inheritance may be ours . So for Sons , when they have any ; we must do all we can , to get them into Our Society , by terrifying them first , and bringing them under perfect obedience to their Parents . Afterwards we must make them despise all things here below , and shew them the greater Duty of following Jesus Christ , who calls them , than their Parents , if they regard their souls . It will likewise be a sort of Sacrifice to Our Order , to draw in one of the younger Children , unknown to his Friends ; whom we must take care presently to send to some Novitiate , a great way off , having first given notice to the General . If a Widower , and Widow marry , that have Children by their former Marriages , and likewise by the latter . Those of the last Venter must first be sent into a Cloister , and then the former will easily follow . If a Widow has sons and daughters , that will not be induced to a Monastick Life ; the Superiour must for the first default , blame the Confessour , and put another in his room , that may be more likely to bring the business about . But if that fail ; then must the good woman be perswaded to make money of all that she has in her power ; and give it us , for the expiation of her own sins , and her husbands . When we meet with a Widow that has no Heirs , and is wholly devoted to us , and gives her self up to prayers , and is in possession of Land , or any other Estate : we must perswade her to assign it over to our Colleges , and content her self with some small yearly allowance from Us , that she may have more leisure to serve God , and be quit of the incumbrances of this World. Afterwards take off her pension , and maintain her in Common with our selves , that under pretence of mortification and poverty , she may become as one of our Domesticks . For we must bring her thus to our Bent , lest some wicked Relation of hers should take her off from so good a Work. Therefore it will be very convenient to send her to some remote place to spend the remainder of her days ; telling her , that such a course will be in the nature of an Hermitage , which is held the most devout and commendable of all ways . That our Friends may be the more easily induced to beleeve our poverty , our Superiour must borrow of the moneyed men , giving Bond before a Scrivener . Perchance , when they lie a dying , they will send to the Scrivener , for the good of their souls , to deliver us up the Bonds . And a piece of paper is easier given up , than the counting over a heap of money . For the same reason , we should take up all the money we could of our Friends , though we put it out again : that so being sensible of our great indigency , this may be a more ready way to provoke them in compassion at the hour of death , to leave us the whole , or a good share , for the erecting some new College . We must not fail to be in Fee with the Physicians , that they may recommend us to their Patients upon all occasions . Our Confessours must be sure not to neglect visiting the sick , especially those that are in despair , laying before them the pains of Purgatory , and Hell , which are no ways to be avoided without Charity . They which have been formerly covetous are used for the most part to be very liberal to our Society : and , it may be , put all their Estates presently into our hands ; which our people must press , as much as they can , for fear the opportunity should slip by . If a Woman in Confession , blames the vitious and harsh humour of her Husband , that hinders her from observing our Discipline , and that she be rich , and well inclined towards us : She must be convinced , that she can do nothing more pleasing to God , than to lay out a good Sum of Money unknown to her Husband , or else spare it out of her own allowance , as being the only means to procure her quiet for the future , and remission both of her , owns sins , and her Husbands . And we find many times by experience , that this course has abated much of the Husband's rigour . CHAP. X. Of the Rigour and Discipline within Our Society . THe Superiours shall declare the rigour of this Discipline to be such , that , excepting some reserved Cases , whosoever among us , of what age or condition soever , shall have taken off any of ours , or our Friends , from doing us good , or put them upon entring into any other Order , but Ours , or upon bestowing their Patrimony on Us shall shew a coolness and backwardness , and rather perswade them to give it to some other Order ; or if any that receive Confessions , shall perswade their Penitents to bestow their Charity upon their poor Kindred : such ought to be esteemed mortal Enemies to the Society . And though they must not be dismissed immediately , yet let them be forbid hearing any Confessions , and mortified by undergoing the most vile and abject Offices , be put to teach the lower Forms in the School , hindred from taking any Degree , and as well in private , as at Meals , let them be perpetually jobed , grumbled at , debarred of all recreations , and solemn Meetings ; whatever they value most in their Chambers , let it be taken away ; that being thus hard put to it , they may first complain themselves ; Which is the best way to get rid of such incorrigible Fellows . They which scruple the procuring any manner of advantage for the Society , shall be turned out without any more to do . In short , the Superiour must never stick at dismissing any , that continue not in perfect obedience and submission . CHAP. XI . How to order a Dismission . TO the end , that they we turn out , become not irreconcileable to us : we must handle them after this manner . Before they are dismissed , they shall give it under their hands , and confirm it over the Sacrament that they will never speak , nor act any thing against our Society . Hinder their access to Great Men , whether of the Spiritualty , or Tempralty : for fear they should curry favour with them to our prejudice . Lay open their Vices , and Miscarriages , and ill Conditions ; with a testimony of our great resentment , that they should so far forfeit themselves with us , past hopes of reconciliation . Write word to all our Colleges of their names , and sirnames , we have dismissed , with a large account of their Mis-demeanours . In whatever power or credit he may be , that is turned out ; we must still be before-hand with him , in our address to the sober , and powerful Men , letting them understand , what hainous Offences he has committed , that were the cause of his Disgrace . Then lay before them the love , power , reputation and advantage , our Society has brought to the Church of God , by the approbation of all men ; the great esteem is had of our Learning , for which Kings , and other Great Princes , take us for their Confessours and Chaplains , and admit us into their most secret Counsels . And besides , if we acknowledge our selves obliged in Christian zeal , to have a particular love for our Neighbour ; how can it be imagined , that we should do the least wrong to any we have admitted Companions under the same Rule with us . We must have a great care , how we let any of those , we have dismissed , into a Benefice , before having first cried Peccavi , given us a good sum of Money , and assigned all they have , over to our Society : or at least given some particular and sufficient testimony that they are ours , body , and soul. CHAP. XII . What choice ought to be made of those Novices we take in amongst us , and how to keep them . VVE must be very careful in choosing Youths well-disposed , of good parts , and comely persons , well born , and rich . To intice them , they must be carryed into our Gardens , or into our best appartments , by the Prefect of the Classes , who shall satisfie them , how acceptable an undertaking it is to God their coming into our Society . The Governours of our Colleges must be very gentle with them , to let them see what an affection we have for them ; which to manifest the more , when any others chance to be in the same fault with them , we will pardon them meerly for their sakes , and then let them privately understand as much . We must tell them with some seeming kind of passion , that Youth is always ill-disposed : and if they render not up themselves upon such warning , they must be threatened with eternal Damnation . For the more easie winning upon them , we must present them with some small trifles , little Images , Books , or the like ; walk with them in the Gardens , and there give them some of the best Fruit , sweeten them up with good words , place them in the best seats upon any publick Solemnity , and sometimes entertain them in our Refectories , giving them a tast of our best and choicest Wines . We must perswade them that God has designed them for us , and that we are most assured of it , by the revelation of our Holy Fathers . But they must have a care not to speak of it again to any body . Then must we threaten them , that they are eternally Damned , if they despise the Call of the Holy Ghost , who has inspired them to enter into our Order . When they come to desire to be admitted , it must not be granted them presently , but put off a little , to try the strength of their resolution . They must be advised to conceal their intention , not to let their Relations know any thing of it , nor so much as their Play-fellows at school . All this while we must cherish their good purpose , of coming into our Society , with the best words we can give them . So that by heightening their desire every day more and more , they may covet their admission with more pleasure and satisfaction . But , if it so fall out , that any change their mind ; and would go out again : they must be remembred , why they sought this admission with so much zeal and earnestness ; and made know , that this inconstancy will turn to their Damnation . Now , because it is very difficult to draw in , and afterwards to keep the Children of rich Magistrates and Lawyers , if we have them in their own Countrey : therefore in such a case , we must send them privately to the Novitiate in Rome , having first advertised the Provincial and General . And if any Germans come to us into France , with any such Design , as entring into our SOCIETY ▪ they ought to be admitted without any farther Dispute . We must be sure to send such , as there is any danger of keeping , to some Novitiate , where the Governour of the place is our Friend ; lest the insolency of the people should prevail against us . Now , to reconcile the Friends and Relations of these Young-men we have admitted : we must extoll the bravery of their resolution , particularly in that they have put themselves into the number of the faithful Servants of Jesus Christ , without any leave of Parents , and that the whole drift of our Order is to live in all Holiness , and good Doctrine , to the admiration of all men . And therefore Great Princes have been pleased to do us that honour , as to enter into our Society , for a retirement there to end their days . Lastly , we must tell them , how acceptable so great a Devotion is to God , when so young a man puts himself into the List , to fight under the Banner of Jesus Christ. CHAP. XIII . Concerning our Women Devotes . OUr Confessours must have a great care , to use our Nuns gently : because they are our greatest Benefactrices for the endowing our Colleges , and many times give us half their Estates , when they enter into a Monastery . We must get out of our Devout Women to vow Chastity and Obedience in our presence , that we may be sure of them . Let them know , how well God is pleased with their vail and spiritual subjection , which comprehend Chastity and Obedience , and their voluntary poverty , which argues their service to God , to be from the whole heart and will. Thus into whatever good way we put them , they will certainly recompence us with all their Temporalties . CHAP. XIV . Of reserved Cases and Dismissions from the Society . BEsides the reserves in our Instructions , which our Superiour , or an ordinary Confessour , with leave , has power to dispense with : there is in the case of Sodomy , Adultery , Fornication , a Rape , or any other uncleanness , or any thing committed against the honour , or profit of the Society , a private order to let such know , that their offence amounts to a Dismission , which can have no pardon without first promising out of Confession to the Superiour all the particulars of their enormity . No Confessour shall accuse a Penitent once Dismissed , and out of Confession . But if any such acknowledge his fault freely , let him be turned out : and if he will not own it ▪ he must be kept up for some time . When any of our Confessours take the Confession of an Extern , and that they accuse themselves , for having been dishonest with one of our Society : let them have no absolution , before they have first acknowledged their fault out of Confession . Which if they do , let ours be well chastised , and give the others absolution . If a Woman that is a stranger to us , has committed simple Fornication , and confesses that she has been naught with some of us : let her not have absolution before she has sworn never to reveal what has been done , and that upon receiving absolution , she shall declare with whom she committed this folly . When two of our own people have committed Sodomy one with the other : he that disowns it , shall be turned out , and he that first confesses it , shall be kept in . But with such mortification , as shall make him afraid ever to do the like again : and presently after , whether willing or no , let him be dismissed . Such as are lewdly given amongst us , whether in word or deed , we must avoid ; and having first acquainted the General with our reasons , let us use them with all severity , deny them whatsoever they desire , be it never so inconsiderable , and appoint such over them as shall never let them lead a happy hour , put them upon all the meanest Offices : till they begin to murmur , that we may have occasion to set them Going . And be sure , we never suffer such to stay with us , as rebel against their Superious , or that can never agree with their Companions . But chiefly if any seem to be dissatisfied with their Superiours , for making unjust acquisitions for our Society , cross our interest , diswade people from being charitable to us , or do not set themselves against those , that bear us an ill will : they must never be suffered . For , we must take this for a rule , that if any scorn their obedience to their Superiours , and presume to be governed by their own fancies : they will have as little regard for Christ's own commands . It is sufficient cause of Dismission to commend , or have any esteem for a State or University , that is enemy to our Society . At the Dismission of any one , he must be more severely , and sharply reproved , and have it laid home to him , what a fault he has committed in forgetting his Duty . He that shall be appointed at dinner , shall lay open the crimes of such heinous offenders , so as they themselves may be convinced of their errour , and sensible of our just resentment . But we must never think of keeping such fellows . For they can only serve to bring a Scandal , and breed Dissention among us . CHAP. XV. Concerning those of the Society that are appointed for entertainment and conference . SUch as have the care not only of our spiritual affairs , but temporal also , for the improvement of our Company , as the Confessours of great Princes and rich Widows our Preachers and Directors of these private Instructions , must be ranged with the first of our Society . When the Confessour of a rich Widow is grown old , let him be changed for one that may be more proper for the place . But in the mean time , let the good old man that has done us so much Service , have whatever he shall demand , either for meat , clothing , fire , or any thing else that his age may require . The Superiours shall not vex him with penance , nor take much notice of his faults , for the profits sake , and good harvest he has brought into the Society by his industry , and well disposing of Souls . And as to their Servants and Under-waiters , Bedels and others , they must not be roughly handled , lest their decrepit age become more chargeable to us . It would not be handsome for us to send away the old knaves that have taken so much pains in our behalf , for faults , which the infirmity of old age makes them liable to . Their Relations , that wish both them and us well , would never forgive us . All incouragement must be given to our young Jesuites that are noble and rich , and bring us in , Benefactours and Founders : they must have all they can desire . We must be kind to those that have not yet given their estates to us , and that expect large inheritances ; and not forget those that have been instrumental in drawing in such youths , or have any way shewed their affection to our Society . CHAP. XVI . Of the Devotion of the Society . VVE must all of us take up this opinion , that the Rule of our Society is much more excellent , than that of other Orders , and therefore particularly press this to all our friends , that they follow the Doctrine of our Fathers , and that our Society is that foretold by Vincentius Ferrerius , as has been proved out of the Revelation by Abbat Ioachin , our whole design being to pursue the prescription of the Son of God , Jesus Christ Crucified , and that it is our business to avoid giving any Scandal in the least , so that we are the paterns of all government , and are they that make learning flourish , and give education to most people of quality . For it is our sense , that whosoever shall do or say the contrary must not stay with us : Because a Kingdom divided against it self must needs fall . And therefore we are the more zealous in keeping up these Principles by which we expect to prosper . Our people must be sure to take all occasions of declaring , that it is impossible the Church should flourish under any Monarchy without the concurrence of the Temporal power : that by this means we may win upon the Great Ones , ever making appearance of living after the strictest rules of any upon the place we are . This shall be sure , not only to make us welcome to Princes , but procure us a reputation of Wisdom , which in time will bring us into their most secret Counsels . Where though we serve the Society , all must be pretended for the publike good , which will advance our Credit . Above all things we must still lay before us the glory of God , and good of our Society . Following the proverb , that bids us love our selves in the first place , and afterwards our neighbours . Therefore no matter what mischief we create ; since the advance of our Society is above all other considerations . For we see by experience , what a help the Dissention of Princes is to us , as likewise their ordinary follies and weaknesses . But we must be cautious not to be suspected as the fomenters of War , or to meddle in State-affairs : though we avoid no means to serve our Society . When we are got into good credit : We must teach , that learning is needless in a Parish-Priest , being only requisite for Regulars , that write controversies : and that if they understand the Gospel , it is sufficient : Thus shall we at last make them beholding to us for Doctrine . So soon as our reputation is got to the height , and that we are well advanced in Riches , Learning and the favour of Great Men : Then is our time to enter upon Canonical Cures and Abbies . Which other Orders are never able to attain to , for want of parts , and discretion . Thus we may be in hopes one day to govern the whole Church ; which would be our golden age , and is a blessing we may expect from God , as Protectour of our Society in a more peculiar manner . For we have so ordered it ; that for the time to come , if we look well about us , nothing can fall out but peace and tranquility : Since our Society has taken Jesus Christ for its Shepheard , who will not fail to make it flourish in all respects . CHAP. XVII . Concerning the contempt of Riches . THat we may not seem too greedy after gain , it will sometimes do well to omit taking up the lesser alms , that are given to discharge our ordinary expenses : though on the other side , we must not refuse the least thing that is profered us by our good friends . But when we are in pursuit of a great sum , we must now and then let slip a less . There shall be no Monuments or Epitaphs set up in our Churches , though it were for any of our best friends ; lest the number of them should make people mistrust how rich we are ▪ — Nay we must not permit it so much as to a Widow , that we have drained to the last Mite . Our Society being made up of choice persons ; if any of them grow Scrupulous , and effeminate in their devotion : let them be dismissed . Also , he that conceals any thing from us , or that is dull , or sickly , or becomes mad by over-studying himself , though he has given us all he had : we must not give him a farthing back again . But to make his Dismission the more Plausible , we must pretend to keep what he brought to us for defraying the great charge we have been at with him . Those that are rich we must avoid being rude with in the least : but send them away quietly , as out of Compassion , and great kindness . For by this means , when they die , they may leave us all they have . Therefore we ought to cherish their devotion , and if they seem inclined to a Monastick life , advise them to make choice of St. Francis. As for such as are very rich and nobly born , we must not dismiss them for any fault whatsoever : For it is an easy matter within our own Walls to conceal their miscarriages . And therefore we must do it , for fear their wealthy Relations should take it ill , if we handle them so rudely . CHAP. XVIII . What the Superiours ought carefully to observe . THe Superiours must keep these Instructions very private , and look upon them , as the true directions they are to observe : Nor may they impart them but to very few of us , and those such as have occasion to make use of them . Now , forasmuch as the greater part of our Order , that have made the last vow , is acquainted with these Private Instructions : Therefore the Society has provided , that none that are capacitated to know these things , shall have it in their power , to enter into any other Order but the Chartreux , whose austerity , and perpetual silence will keep them safe enough . We must be very careful they fall not into the hands of our enemies , who may make an ill interpretation of them . But if it should happen , which God forbid ; we must absolutely renounce them , and deny that ever our Society so much as dreamed of them . And therefore in their stead we must produce our general Rule , that is in Print , and which is quite contrary to these Private Instructions : Our Superiours must be very inquisitive to find out , whether any of our people have given a Copy of them to an extern . No Superiour shall have them transcribed without leave from the General : And if the Society find that any Superiour has been backward in executing these private Instructions ; let him be sent straight to the Chartreux . No man must know what revenue we have in the several Provinces : Nor what advantages we make of the Church-revenue . FINIS . 


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   The Jesuits justification, proving they died as innocent as the child unborn Oldham, John, 1653-1683. 1679 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46858 Wing J718 ESTC R37030 16187290 ocm 16187290 105022 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46858) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105022) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:105 or 21241:104) The Jesuits justification, proving they died as innocent as the child unborn Oldham, John, 1653-1683. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1679] In verse. Attributed to Oldham by NUC pre-1956 imprints. Imprint suggested by NUC pre-1956 imprints. With ms. correction in next to last line and ms. note at head "by Dr. Peter Chamberlen." Reproductions of originals in the Harvard University Library and British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- Controversial literature. Counter-Reformation -- Controversial literature. Anti-Catholicism. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE JESUITS Justification , Proving they Died as Innocent as the CHILD UNBORN . THey that can do no hurt are innocent As Child unborn , so the Dead are meant : Therefore they said they died , not lived so , Else their last Breath had them oppos'd with no. Which fill'd the Air with Poison in their Word , Able to turn the Edge of Justice Sword. Had it been true , but Truth is not their Guise , Their Sacred Order Lives and Thrives by Lyes . Yet they die Martyrs all . Why ? what 's the reason ? They die all for Religion ; which is Treason . Idolatries , Lyes , Blasphemies and worse , Are their Religion , bound up with a Curse . Poysons , Rapes , Massacres , are Saint-like Ware , And Holy Dictates , of the Roman Chair . Perjuries , Murthers , are their Laws ; 't were sin Not to be still found Dutiful therein : To Kill all Hereticks , is no Plot now , But true Devotion , and Religions Vow . Kings are Usurpers , that hold not their Crown Derived from Roman Mitre , and must down . They are more Troublesom than Egypts Frogs , And must be Kill'd as Vermine , or Mad Dogs . Thus they Promote the Scarlet Interest , In Honour to the Whore , and to the Beast . Apollyon , Abaddon , bids them Burn , And Root out Nations that will not Turn . Therefore they merit the three Crowned Horn ; And die as Innocent as Child unborn . FINIS . 


id: A50897
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   A vindication of His Majesties government and judicatures in Scotland from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets and news-books, and especially with relation to the late Earl of Argiles Process. Mackenzie, George, Sir, 1636-1691. 1683 Approx. 88 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A50897 Wing M211 ESTC R31147 11780927 ocm 11780927 49047 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50897) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49047) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1487:3) A vindication of His Majesties government and judicatures in Scotland from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets and news-books, and especially with relation to the late Earl of Argiles Process. Mackenzie, George, Sir, 1636-1691. 52 p. Printed by the heir of Andrew Anderson ..., Edinburgh : 1683. Attributed to Sir George Mackenzie by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. "Reflections on the Earl of Argil's Process" begins on p. 18. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Jesuits -- Scotland. Church and state -- Great Britain -- 17th century. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF His Majesties GOVERNMENT , & IUDICATURES , IN SCOTLAND ; From some Aspersions thrown on them by scandalous Pamphlets , and News-books : and especially , with Relation to the late Earl of Argiles Process . EDINBURGH , Printed by the Heir of Andrew Anderson , Printer to His most Sacred Majesty , Anno DOM. 1683. A Vindication of His Majesties Government , and Judicatures , in SCOTLAND , &c. ALL wise and sober Men in Scotland , do with a just mixture of pity , and contempt , Read those infamous Pamphlets , wherein this Kingdom is so maliciously traduced by some in our Neighbour-Nation ; and when they consider that the Licentiousness of the Press , does so much weaken all Government , corrupt all Intelligence , and blast so unavoidably the Reputation of the best , and most Innocent : They conclude justly , that to deny their King the necessary priviledge and prerogative of restraining the Press , were to refuse to the Master of a Ship , the power to prevent its Leaking : To deny the Magistrat the power of punishing these , who corrupt the Springs and Fountains of a City : And to refuse to the Master of a Family , the Power of Chastising his Servants when they rail at one another . I am very desirous also to be informed , how the King can by the Priviledge and Prerogative of His Crown , have the absolute power of making Peace and War ? Calling and Dissolving of Parliaments , and a Negative Voice in them ? and yet should be denyed the far less priviledge of restraining the Press : Especially after so many proofs of its having been so dangerous , and Seditious . How the Magistrats of the meanest Hanse-Town should enjoy this priviledge , and yet that it should be deny'd to the King of Great-Britain . Or how he should have the power to punish Lybels , and yet should want the power of stopping them , it being both much safer , and easier , to prevent , then to punish . Nor can I dissemble , that our Nation has found the happy Effects of discharging all Printing without Licence by an express Statute , whereby we find the publick Government , and every privat Mans Reputation most happily secured : Whilst on the other hand , It is very observable , that that Peer , who told it was not yet time to restrain the Press in England , has liv'd to see a famous Library of Libels and Pasquills against himself , for the Conviction of this Age , and the Information of those who shall succeed us . We glory also in the justice of our Law , that has by a special Statute , Ordained all such to be severely punished , who by Word , or Writ , Devise , Utter , or publish any false , slanderous , or reproachful Speeches , or Writs against the State , People or Countrey of England , or to the Dishonour of any Privy Councellour thereof : and therefore , we hope , that so wise and just a Nation as England , which punishes those who injure a privat Peer , will not suffer them to go unpunished , who rail at a Nation , that is obliged to hazard their Lives and Fortuns for their preservation . Unhappy Liberty which consists in the priviledge of doing ill , and which serves for nothing , but to make the Authors be contemn'd for want of Breeding , and despis'd for want of Sense : Nor does this Crime want a sufficient punishment , since it has convinced us , that the Enemies of the Monarchy are such liars , and so malicious , that they deserve neither to be believed , nor followed ; and how can any amongst us believe these in Matters of Right ? who every day lie so scandalously in Matters of Fact. Upon this Ground , I confidently believe , that no honest man , will think we in Scotland have owned his Royal Highness , because England had an aversion for him , as a late Pamphlet has maliciously asserted ; for as their worthy Peers did wisely reject the Bill of Exclusion ; so our Predecessours were obliged to this by so many Oaths , and through a Series of so many Ages , and GOD had so severely punished us in the last Age , for having joyned with our Rebellious Neighbours against our Native Prince , that we had been the greatest Fools and Rogues upon Earth , to have Relaps'd so soon into the fame Errors ; and especially in following the Example and Advice of those very Rebels , or their impenitent Heirs , who had in ten years Exercised that Arbitrary Government over us , against which themselves had Exclaimed , and to a hight , that we had never known , and as it is very well known , that every honest Man in Scotland rejoyces , when they hear of the prosperity of the Royal Family in England , and esteem highly ▪ and love passionatly all such as have , or do contribute to it ( an Union in Principles , being stronger then that of the Kingdoms ) So Scotland being the less powerful Nation , what can they gain in the contest ? Or why should they envy that which is their greatest Security , as well as Honour . The delivering of the best of Kings at Newcastle was no more a National Act in us , than the Murdering him after a Mock-Tryal , was a National Act in the Kingdom of England Rebels in both committed those Crymes , whilst honest Men suffer'd , with him , and for him ; and it is undenyable , that the honest Party of Scotland , were at that time fighting under the Great Montrose , against that pretended Parliament , which Voted his Delivery , and that even our Rebellious Countrey-men delivered him only up to such of our Neighbour Nation , as did Swear upon Oath , that they should preserve Him and His Crowns , and when they found that these Sectarians , neither regarded their Oath nor their King : they rais'd an Army immediatly , to Expiat their Cryme ; Nor wanted ever our Nation an Army , even under the Usurpers , to appear for the Monarchy , and from us , and Encourag'd by us , went that Army that Restor'd our present King : Let then no honest Man remember those National Errors , except either in his Prayers , when he Interceeds with GOD , For diverting the Curse which those Crimes deserve ; Or in Judicatures , when such are to be punish'd , as would lead us back into those Confusions . But why the Authors of these Pamphlets should condemn the very Actions , which they so very faithfully Copy , seems very wonderful , as it does how our Fanatick Countrey-men , should wish success to those who Rail at their Nation and their Principles . Open then your Eyes , my dear Countrey-men , and let not your own Fanaticism , nor their Cheats perswade you , that such as endeavour to lessen and asperse the Monarchy in our Neighbour . Nation , will be ever Faithful to you , who are sworn , even in your Covenant , to maintain it in this , to you who opposed them in the last War , in their grand Designs for a Common-wealth , and the Extirpation of the Scottish Race , to you who think that Presbytery jure divino , which they laugh at , and never use it as an useful Government in the Church , though they do some times as an useful Tool to Rebellion in the State , and to you whom they cheated so far , and opprest so dreadfully in the late Rebellion , that they know you cannot trust them . Was it the Church of England , or Sectarians that Sold you to be Slaves in their Plantations , that fill'd your Pulpits with Buff-Coats , and your Churches with Horses ; and did not they turn all your own Arguments against you , that you had us'd against Episcopacy ; for as you said the Bishops should not have Revenues , so they said your Ministers should not have Stipends , as you contended , that Lawn Sleeves were Popish ; they contended , that Gowns were so too ; they in Enimity to Ceremony , would cover their heads at Prayer , as you did in Churches ; and by the same Rule that you taught that Subjects might Reform Kings , they concluded against you , that they might Execute them . I shall likewise refer to your consideration , that it is the Duty of every good Subject , to obey the Laws of that Nation wherein he lives , since they must either obey the Magistrate , or overturn him ; and a Schism does breed so much Un-christian Heat , and so many Civil Wars , that no pious or reasonable Man should Engage in it , except he be necessarly Obliged to separate from the the Church , as absolutely Anti-christian : But so it is , that the Differences betwixt our Episcopacy and Presbytery , which have occasioned all these dangerous Disorders , are founded upon no express Text of Scripture , else Forraign Churches would not acknowledge ours to be a True Church , as they universally do ; nor had the Fathers of the Primitive Church owned a Government , which stood in direct opposition to the Word of God. And it seems strange , that God Almighty should have designed to express a thing in Scripture , as necessary for Salvation ; and yet we who are obliged to obey the same , should not be able to find it out . It is also very fit to be considered by you , that the Reason why Monarchy has always preferred Episcopacy to Presbyterian Government , proceeds not only from an aversion to Presbytery , as neither Establisht by Scripture , us'd in the Primitive Church , nor recommended by the Holy Fathers ; but because it has been observed , that your Government being founded on Equality amongst Presbyters , resembles more a Common-wealth ; and that you have always in this Isle , Reformed without the Monarchs approbation , if not against it , and so have Interwoven with your Religion , Principles opposit to Monarchical Government , resolving to ballance Establisht Authority , with pretences of Religion , from which necessity has at last forced many of you to oppose all Government . And it is still observable , that whatever opposes the Government of the Countrey where we live , must at last end in Anarchy and Confusion . Those great Idolizers of Parliaments , in speaking so much against our last , shew that they care no more for Parliaments , then they do for Kings , and think them only Infallible when they are such as themselves . For where was there ever a Parliament so unanimous as ourswas in the matter of the Succession , not one Man having proponed any one Argument against it . And what a Villanous thing is it to assert , that the Test is a Popish Contrivance , when in it we Swear expresly to own the Protestant Religion , and breed up our Children in it . And that without all mental Reservations , or Equivocations . And to shew how well contriv'd that Oath is , in opposition to Popery : Not one Papist in all our Kingdom has taken the Test. What more could his Majesties Commissioner have done , to show his willingness to have honest and loyal Protestants enjoy their own Religion . And who after this should believe these lying Authors ? Who would Impose upon the World , that , as a mark of Popery , which is the strongest Bulwark imaginable against it . And though we make not the Protestant Religion , the Instrument of Cruelty , the Stirrup of preferment , a Cloak for all manner Knavery , and a Trumpet of Rebellion : nor admire avowed Atheists , nor pay Salaries to such as deny the Divinity of Jesus Christ , if they be usefull to other Hypocritical designes , as some do ; yet our Nation has reason to suspect such as will have them passe for Popishly inclined , ( as if all Duty , when it pleases not them were Popery , ) for in our Chief City , and it's Suburbs , we have not 14 Popish Families , in the whole Diocess of S. Andrews , the far largest of Scotland , we have not three , and there are not 60. upon a sworn Report , to be found in the Diocess of Aberdeen , which is the most suspected of all others . These wise States-men , who think insolently , that they though privat men may reform our Laws , as well as their own Religion ; we appeal still to that Parliamentary Insallibility , which they here deny : And therefore we justly contemn these Pamphlets , which inveigh against the 25 Act of the third Session of His Majesties first Parliament , whereby the Estates of this Kingdom oblidge themselves , to send 22000 Men , into any part of His Majesties Dominions , wherever His Authority , Honour , or Greatness may be concerned , which was certainly their duty ; for if they defend it only at home , their defense may prove useless , both to themselves and Him , and since he is our King every where , we should assist Him every where : And that the King may call his Subjects , even without his own Territory , is clear by all Lawyers , and amongst whom ; I shall only cite , Castallio de Imperatore quest . 159. Where the question is expresly treated , and this decided from the Law of Nations : Nor need any honest Subject fear our assisting their King , and Traitors should be terrified . But in all this , we were much Loyaler then that Peer of England , who , when our Rebellion rose , in 1679 , affirmed , that His Majesty could not send down Forces into Scotland , without consent of Parliament ; because , by the Treaty of Rippon , it was declar'd , that the Subjects of one Kingdom , should not in vade the other , without the consent of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , which Treaty is Rescinded with us , and we believe England will not think that a mutual Treaty can stand , when one side is free : nor consider we Parliaments , as the Arbiters of Peace and War , that being the Kings incommunicable Prerogative , but this shews why our Acts are rail'd at , and what Loyal Men they are who do it . As also , since all lawfull Parliaments have ever since the Reformation , both Here , and in England , made very severe Laws against non Communicants , or Schismaticks ; either no respect is to be had to those Parliaments , or these Laws are Just , and fit : ard why the Laws should have been so severe to them in Queen Elizabeths Reign , before they had rebelled , and should now remit their severity , when by frequent rebellions , and extravagant Sermons , Books , and Assemblies , they have incorporated so many dreadful principles , inconsistant with all Government , into the bodie of their Divinity : I see not , and shall be glad to be informed , and if it be pretended , that their numbers having infinitly increased since that time , should prevail with a wise Magistrat to lessen his severity , we conclude just the contrary , especially , since we find , that an exact and firm , though moderat execution of the Law , is abler to lessen their fury , then an indulgence , there being now very few , who go not to Church , and almost all repenting , that they went not sooner , and I desire to know from these Authors , if their Partie in England thinks : that the true way of using Papists or if the Presbyterians allowed that way of arguing , when they prevail'd , and was it not that lenity , which drew on the last Rebellion , and our Slavery . A short view of our Laws , made on that Subject , with the occasion of them , will best clear this point . In the last Rebellion , defensive Armes , and that the people had power to Depose , or Suspend Kings , were the great foundation , and in defence whereof , several Books have been lately written , and therefore these were declared Treason , and it is admir'd , how any can be called good Subjects , who maintain them . The Parliament did see ; that the not going to Church , occasioned much Atheism and Ignorance : and that the hearing such as were not Authorized , was a certain inlet to all Sedition and Herisie : since every man might preach what he pleased , and therefore they discharg'd House Conventicles , and declar'd , that meetings in the Fields were formall Rebellion ; since Rebellion is only a rising in Armes , without , and contrary to the Command of Authority , and that sometimes there would be gathered together several thousands of people in Armes , who might joyn when they pleased ; and from a Conjunction , meerly of those , proceeded the Rebellions 1666. and 1679. and they punished these with moderat Fynes , far below the guilt . And how dare men be so dissingenuous , as to own themselves the only Protestants , and yet to inveigh against Statutes made to hinder Jesuites , Socinians , and others to pervert the people ; as we certainly know , they did for many years together , at those meetings , and how could this be prevented , since the poor commens know not what is Orthodox . And since they were perswaded not to ask who was to Preach , least they should be oblidged to Witnesse against him , and as the dangers on the onehand were great , so on the other , they were desired to go to that Church , which the greatest and soberest of their own Ministers did , and do still frequent . Some Ministers fearing , that their hearers might be led as Witnesses against them , infused in them , a dangerous and ridiculous principle , that no man was oblidged to depone , when he was called to be a Witness , and that no man was oblig'd to Depone , when the being at such illegal Meetings , was referred to his Oath : and this was called the accusing of ones self ; whereas all Laws under Heaven , oblige a man to be a Witness , else no Crime could be prov'd . And if this were allowed , we might have as many Masses as we pleas'd ; and when any thing is referred to a mans Oath , he does not accuse himself , for the Fiskal accuses him ; and do not all Nations prove Injuries and Misdemeanours by the Oaths of the Committers , if these are not to be capitally punished . And therefore the Parliament was forced to make a Statute , obliging them to Depone as VVitnesses . I need not tell the dreadful Equivocations lately invented to secure Rebels , as when a Witness Depones he saw a Hilt , and a Scabbart , but yet knows not if there was a Sword. The Pia fraus of Ignoramus Iuries , and a hundreth other Cheats , rather to be lamented , then related . And which tended to unhing all Property , as well as Religion , if God and zealous Magistrates had not prevented it . And yet the opposing these , which is a Duty , must be represented as a Crime , for deluding ignorant people . The Parliament then having for the necessary Defense of the Kingdom , by reiterated Laws , commanded those things to be put to Execution . Laws which did not only at first seem to be just , but were thereafter upon experience , found to be so . Are not they promoters of Arbitrary Government , who think , that the Judges and Magistrats of the Nation , should dispense with such Laws ? And whoever thinks he may dispense with the Law , must certainly think , that he is ty'd by no Law ; and that is to be truly Arbitrary . And it is most observable , that these who are Enemies to His Majesties Government , and His Servants : are of all men alive , most guilty of that Arbiltariness , which they would fix upon others . It cannot be imagin'd , that the King will contemn the Laws , since they are his own Creatures , as well as His Support , whereas such as oppose Him , or Rebell against Him , must first trample under foot , the Laws by which the King is Secur'd , and by which they are to be punish't , and it is not the Masters , but Robbers who break the Fences . 2ly , Are not these honest and good Countrey-men , who think it cruelty to punish such as did take up Arms twice in an open Rebellion ? and who own all the Cruelties that were committed in the late Civil Wars , who burn publickly the Acts of Parliament , and who joyn with Murderers . 3ly . Albeit those Crymes be very attrocious , horrid in themselves , and dreadful in the preparative , inconsistent with humane Society , and a Scandal to Religion . Yet have not His Majesties Judicatures offered Remissions to all such as have been accus'd , providing they would disown those Rebellious Principles ; so that such as dy , are the Martyrs of their own Crymes , and justifie their Judges , even whilst they are Exclaiming against them . And as no Government under Heaven , did ever shew so many Instances of Clemency , offering Indemnities when there was no necessity for them , Renewing and Pressing those Indemnities , when they were twice or thrice slighted ; and Remissions , when all those gentle Offers were contemn'd : so , has any man dy'd amongst us , by malicious Juries , or false Witnesses . 4ly , Has not the Privy Council in their Fyning such as were guilty , proceeded with such moderation , that albeit for many years , the Laws were absolutely contemned , after many Reiterations by the Parliament , and Proclamations from the Council , pressing Obedience to them : Yet they have Ordered Execution to be Suspended , as for bypast times , to all such as would Obey for the Future . And I must beg leave to Observe , that it has been upon an exact Review , found , that the Rebellious Parliament , 1647. did Impose more by way of Fyne in one day , than the Privy Council has done since His Majesties happy Restauration : Such as differ'd from their Government , Intreated for those Pardons , which are now refus'd . And it would have been then thought very ridiculous , to offer a man his Life ; who had been in Arms for the King , upon his offering to live peaceably . 5ly . If the Differences amongst us , upon which all those Rebellions were founded , were Matterial and did proceed from Conscience ; somewhat might be said to lessen , though not to justifie the Guilt , for Conscience should neither be a Cryme , nor a defence for Crymes . Yet what can now be said ? When all men willingly go to Church , which certainly they would not do , if their Conscience did not allow them . And it being now clear , that the former contempt of the Law , proceeded from Humor , and not from Conscience : who can blame Magistrats for preferring the Law of the Kingdom , to the Humor of particular Persons . Somewhat might be likewise said for those Differences , if we did not find , that they necessarly , and naturally produced Principles of Rebellion , Assassination , contempt of Magistracy , and of Masters , with a thousand other Impieties , and Immoralities : Whilst it is very remarkable , that Episcopacy never bred a Rebel , nor inspir'd a Murderer ; but gentle , like the Christian Religion which it professes , it Preaches Obedience under the pain of eternal Damnation , and practises mercy to that height , that it is now become the Temper of the Men , as well as the Doctrine of the Church . 6ly , In Matters of Government , We must Ballance the Safety of the whole , with the Punishment of a few . And in our Case , We must consider that a Civil War would be much more severe , then a few Executions , or Fynes can be . And we need only remember the vast Subsidies , the extraordinary Cruelties , and boundless Arbitrariness of the last Age to be convinc'd , that it is not Severity ; but kindness in the present Government , which forces them , as a Physician , rather to draw a little Bloud , than to suffer their Patient to run into a Frensie ; especially when they know the Patient has been lately inclin'd to it : and when they see the usual Symptoms that foretel the approaching fit , to grow very remarkably every hour . This may be further clear'd , by comparing a little the condition , wherein His Royal Highness found this Kingdom ; with that State to which it is now brought , under his happy Influence . It cannot be deny'd , but that before His Royal Highness came to Scotland , the Fields were every Sabbath cover'd with Arm'd-men , upon the pretext of hearing Sermons : Which Sermons were so far from being a legal Defense against Rebellion , that they were most Efficacious Incentives to it . His Majesties most undenyable Prerogatives , were upon all Occasions contraverted . Masters were contemn'd by their Servants , and Heretors by their Tennents . And it was very just , and consequential , that these Masters should have been contemn'd by their Servants , who did themselves learn them this Lesson , by contemning the King their Superiour , and Master . The Ministers of the Gospel were Invaded , Wounded , and Assassinated . Churches were either left Waste , or insolently Perturb'd , when they were frequented . Principles of Assassination were Preach'd and Practis'd . All such as own'd , or Serv'd the Government were affronted , and menac'd . Pasquils and Defamatory Libels , vvere publickly vented and prais'd . Dreams , Visions and Prophesies , portending the Ruine and Overthrovv of the Government vvere spread abroad to amuse the People , and fill the Heads of the vveaker sort vvith Fears and Jealousies . Lying vvas become all our Wit , and Hectoring of the Government all our Courage : Whereas novv , People are gathered in from the Fields to Churches . God Almighty is served with Reverence ; and the King as his Vicegerent with Respect . The Royal Prerogative is neither streatch'd , nor basi'd . The Privy Council have learn'd by his Royal Highnesses sitting so long amongst them , to shevv as much Clemency , as may consist vvith firmness : and to sustain their Justice by their Courage . All Animosities and Differences among our Nobility are Compos'd and forgot : and Thefts and Robberies in the Highlands , vvhich vvere formerly so great a Reproach to the Government , and a Ruine to the People ; are novv not only Secur'd against , by present Punishments , but prevented by suitable and proportional Remedies , such as Commissions of Justiciary , Security taken from the Heretors and Chiftains of Clans ; setling of Garisons in convenient places , and giving Money for Intelligence to Spy's . Ministers are so much Protected and Encourag'd , that one can hardly think , if he had not knovvn their former condition , that ever the People had had any unkindness for them : Men do not novv lust after Nevvs , nor Conventicles : But Employ those Thoughts , and that Time upon their privat Affairs , vvhich they formerly mispent , in follovving Expensive Field Preachers : Securing themselves and their Estates , by a pleasant peaceableness , from the Fears , as vvell as the Damnage , of Fines and Punishments . We have no Pasquils , nor hear of no Visions . Men honour the Lavvs by vvhich they are Protected , and those Magistrats , by whose Ministry they enjoy this Peace and Quiet : Whilst their Magistrats on the other hand , remember that His Majesty and His Royal Highness , hate the insolence of their Servants , though they may for some time suffer it : And that the preparatives they make to the prejudice of the People , will be lasting Snares and Burdens on their Posterity . Magistrats should pity the frailties to which themselves are subject , and the misfortuns which themselves cannot shun , and should cover rather than punish Escapes , which have more of mistake in them than of Guilt . By which paralel , our Countrey-men and Neighbours , may judge , whether His Royal Highness be so undesirable a Governour , that the Law of God , of Nature , and Nations should be brok , to Exclude him from his Right of Succession . Whether we Enjoy greater , and truer Liberty , under his Protection : than we did under our usurping Parliaments . And whether those Expressions of our Thankfulness , proceed from flattery , or from gratitude . REFLECTIONS ON The Earl of ARGIL'S Process . NExt to our Laws , our Judges are arraigned , and though all Nations presume , that Judges understand , and that we should presume them Just , being ordinarly men of Integrity , who are ingadg'd upon Oath , and have both Soul and Reputation at Stake ; And who know their Children are to be Judg'd by the preparatives they make . Yet our Phamphleters , who neither understand matter of Law , nor matter of Fact , stick not most soveraignly to decyde , that our Sentences , even in Criminals ( in which men cannot Err wilfully , without murdering deliberatly ) are absurd , ridiculous and inhumane ▪ And yet these same men ( the great Patrons of Iustice ) are the Secretaries of that Party , who after they had murdered Strafford , made an Act that none should dy by that preparative ; in imitation of which horrid Injustice , our Rebellous Zealots did Execute Sir Iohn Gordon of Haddo , upon a Statute made by them , after they had Condemn'd him as a Traitor , for bearing Arms against the three Estates , tho he had a special Commission from the King their Soveraign . And hang'd the great Marques of Montrose , with his Declaration , Emited by His Majesties Authority about his Neck , though they had Treated and concluded with the King that gave it , by whom so many Noble-men and Gentle-men fell for doing their Duty : and so many innocent Cavaleers were Massacr'd after they got Quarters . Then it was , That an Oath was taken by our States-men , not to spare the lives of either kin , Friend nor Ally . That three hundred were expos'd on a Rock to be starv'd , and as many murdered in cold Bloud after Quarter . And a Scaffold being Erected at the Cross of Edinburgh , on which in six Weeks time , multitudes of generous Gentle-men having dy'd , a Zealous Minister Thanked GOD for that Altar , on which so sweet smelling a Sacrifice was offer'd . Whereas our Merciful King , having had his Father Martyr'd , and being himself Banish'd ; Pardon'd even His Fathers Murderers . And granted not only Pardons , but Indulgences after two inexcusable Rebellions . And it was very wonderful , to see His Royal Brother ( this formidable Tyrant in our Pamphlets ) pleading for Pardon even to such as owned a hatred against all the Royal Family . Nor can it be deny'd , but there is a gentleness in the old Cavalier Party , which demonstrats that they are in the Right . And which is infinitly preferable to that soure Cruelty , and morose bitterness , which make the insolent Republicans , and bigot Fanaticks , humourous and dangerous . And as a Monarch the true father of his Subjects , thinks it generous to Pardon , so Republicans must be Cruel , to shew a Zeal for the Rabble which they Serve . Nor do I ever hear that any of those publick Spirited Authors , do turn the Edge of their Zeal against Ignoramus juries , false Witnesses , lying Scriblers against the Government , assassinats , &c. I am now come to take notice of a late Pamphlet , called The Scots-mist , wherein , because the late Earl of Argyl's Process is founded upon Points in jure , and consequently not so obvious to the consideration of every Unlearn'd Man , the Author takes pains to make it appear an unanswerable Instance of the Arbitrariness of our Judges . But before I answer his weak Reflections in Law , I must take notice of some few Particulars in Fact : As first , His Judges were not Judges in a Packt Commission ; but the learn'd and Ordinary Iudges of the Nation . 2ly , What Temptation could the King , or any who Served Him have to streatch Law in that case ▪ for that , as to his Life there was no design , is clear from the express Order His Royal Highness gave , not to keep him strictly after he was found guilty . Though great presumptions were offered to that generous Prince of a design'd Escape . And himself ordour'd in Council , that the most Learned Advocats in Scotland , should be prest to appear for him . Nor was ever a Prisoner us'd , either by Judges , or by the Kings Advocat , with so much discretion and respect . 3ly , His Jurisdictions , nor Estate could be no Temptation , for the late Advocat had Represented such Reasons against his Right to these Jurisdictions and Superiorities , as no man under Heaven could answer with any shadow of Reason : And the King got not one farthing of his Estate , for His Royal Highness by his generous Interposition , procur'd more of it for his Children , then belonged to the Family , Debts being payed . And the remainder was gifted by our gracious and inimitable King amongst the Creditors . And the Tithes possest by that Earl , returned to the Church . Happy Kingdom , wherein the greatest Instance of Arbitrary Government , is a Person , who having nothing to lose , save what the King gave , had a fair Tryal by sworn Judges and Jurors : and lost upon the Event , neither Life nor Fortune . And whose Family after three capital Sentences , two by Parliaments , and one by a Solemn Iustice Court , is left without envy in a better condition , then almost any who Serv'd the King in His great Extremities . 4ly , All these Narratives and Apologies are founded on great mistakes , as if the Earl had been desired to take the Test ; for we desire no man , but men in Office desire it , because they cannot enjoy their Offices till they take it : And that the Council was once pleased with the Explanation he gave , as if he had given in an Explanation : and the Council being pleased with it , allowed him to take it in these Terms : Whereas the true cas was , that the Earl had assured both His Royal Highness , and many others , that he would not take the Test. Notwithstanding whereof , coming in abruptly to the Council , he spoke something with so slow a Voice , that none say they heard him , and then clapping down-on his Knees , took the Test ; but some Copies being dispersed of what he said , all Loyal Men murmured at the preparative , as tending to destroy , not only the Parliaments design in the Test , but to unhing all Government . And the greatest Fanaticks in Scotland , owned they would take it in that Sense ; without prejudice to their Principles : and so they might , being allowed not to bind up themselves from endeavouring any alteration they should think fit for the advantage of Church and State : Which made the Oath no Oath , and the Test no Test. And therefore the next day , when he offered to take the Test , as a Commissioner of the Thesaury , he was desired first to give in his Explanation , which when he gave it in , it was enquir'd , if any man had heard that Explanation made in Council : and no man did remember he heard or understood it so . And thereafter it was Voted not satisfactory . And albeit His Majesties Advocat allowed the Earl to prove that the Council heard and approved it ; yet his Lordship failed in the Probation : and it is absurd to think the Council would have allowed an Explanation , which would have Evacuated the whole Act , and the design of the Parliament in it : as shall fully hereafter be prov'd . Whereas if the Earl had only designed to Exoner his Conscience , he might either have abstained , for no man is obliged to take the Test ; or if he had resolved to know if his meaning would have been acceptable , he might have given his Sense , and petitioned to know if that was acceptable , which had been a fair and sure way , both for Takers and Rulers . Whereas , first to take , and then give in his Explanation , is a certain way to secure ones own Employments , and a preparative to let in any , let their Principles be what they please , if they have the Wit to Salve their Principles by apposit Explications : and the dispersing Copies of that Paper , before it was presented in Council , cannot be said to have been done for Exonering his own Conscience , but is the ordinary way that men take , when they resolve to Defame the Government . Nor is our Government so unreasonable , as not to desire to satisfie such as scruple , without ill Designs . And this they shew in satisfying some of the Orthodox Clergy , who offered modestly some Scruples against the inconsistency of the Confession of Faith , with Episcopacy : And which Scruples being easily cleared , they all obeyed save nineteen or twenty , in the whole Kingdom at most , some whereof had also inclinations however to the good old Cause . Nor can I pass by here a strange abuse put upon the World in that Pamphlet , as if those scruples there set down , were only the Scruples of the conform Clergy , whereas many Papers bearing that Title , were drawn by the Presbyterians , and found amongst their Papers ; and the Paper ascryb'd to them in that Book , wants the chief Objection they stuck at , viz. That the Compylers of that Confession of Faith were Enemies to Episcopacy ; and in place thereof , it asperses our present Episcopacy , the Kings Supremacy , and the Act of the Succession , which the conform Clergy never did . For clearing this Process , modestly and meerly in defense of our Judges , I shal first set down the Earls Explanation , which runs thus , I have considered the Test , and am very desirous to give Obedience as far as I can — I am confident the Parliament never intended to Impose contradictory Oaths , and therefore I think no body can Explain it but for himself , and Reconcile it , as it is Genuine , and agrees in his own Sense . I take it as far as it is Consistent with it Self , and the Protestant Religion . And I do Declare , I mean not to bind up my self in my Station , and in a lawful way to wish , and endeavour any Alteration , I think to the advantage of Church , and State. Not Repugnant to the Protestant Religion , and my Loyalty , and this I understand as a part of my Oath . The first Cryme Charged upon the Earl from this Paper , is , that albeit by the 107. Act of Parliament 7. I. 1. It be Statute , that no man Interpret the Kings Statutes , otherwise then the Statutes bears , and to the Intent and Effect they were made for . And as the Maker understood , and whosoever does the contrary , shall be punished at the Kings will. Yet the King and Parliament having appointed an Oath to be taken for Securing the Protestant Religion , and the Kings Prerogatives . And having to evite the old Fanatick Juglings ; and Evasions of the Covenanters on the one hand ; and the Equivocations and Mental Reservations of the Papists on the other . The Oath does expresly bear , these Words : And finally I affirm and swear , That this my solemn Oath is given in the plain and Genuine Sense and meaning of the words , without any Equivocation , Mental Reservation , or any manner of Evasion whatsoever . The said Earl did , notwithstanding of that Statute , and the foresaid Clause in the Oath it self , take the said Oath in such a Sense , as did not only Evacuat his own taking of it , but did teach others how to swear to it , without being thereby obliged ; and path a Way to Posterity , for Evacuating all the Acts that ever can be made for Security of Religion , King and Government , in so far as he declares , that he did take the Oath with these Qualifications only . First , I will give Obedience as far as I ean . 2ly . I think no body can Explain it but for himself , and reconcile it as it is genuine , and agrees in his own Sense . 3ly , I mean not to bind up my himself in my Station , from making any alteration , I think to the advantage of Church or State , &c. Which is not to take it in the Imposers Sense , but his own , which will the more easily appear from these Reasons . First , That the Design of all Laws , but especially the making of Oaths , is that the Subjects should be bound thereby , according to the Sense of the Legislator . Which is very clear from the express words of the former Statute , and by the Reason whereon it is founded , which is , that the Legislator may be sure of Obedience , and may know what to expect from those who are to obey . And who have taken the Oaths prescrib'd . And in which , Divines agree with Lawyers , for they tell us , that verba ju ▪ ramenti intelliguntur secundum mentem & intentionem ejus cul sic juramentum , Sande : pag : 173. But this sense in which the Earl takes the Oath , does Evacuat all the designs of the Oath : For , first , Whereas the Oath design'd that this Act of Parliament should be simply obey'd , as a sure Foundation for the Security of Church and State ; the Earl promises only to obey it as far as he can , without telling in what he will obey . 2ly , Whereas the Oath is to be taken in the plain genuine Sense of the Words ; the Earl declares , that no body can Explain it but for himself . And reconcile it as it is genuine , and as it agrees in his own Sense . Which implys , that it had no plain genuine Sense , in which it could have been taken . 3ly , Whereas the Parliament design'd it as a Security for the Protestant Religion ; he declares he takes it only in as far as it is consistent with the Protestant Religion . Which implys , that in some things it is not consistent with the Protestant Religion . 4ly , It cannot be pretended , that the Parliament design'd to make an Act that had contradictions in it ; and yet the Earl says , he takes the Oath in so far as it is consistent with it self , which imports necessarly , that in some things it is not consistent with it self . 5ly , The design of this Oath was , to preclude all the Takers from reserving a Liberty to rise in Arms upon any pretext whatsoever ▪ but by this Explication , the Earl reserves to himself a power to make any alterations that he shall think , for the advantage of Church and State. By all which , I conclude , that the Earl has interpret this Oath otherwise than it bears , and to the Intent , and Effect it was made for . And otherwise than the Maker understood . And therefore this Explication does clearly fall under the foresaid Satute . 2ly . If this were allowable , no Member of Parliament needs hereafter propose any doubts in Parliament , but let the Parliament make what Oath they please , the Taker vvill Reform , and alter it as he pleases . When he takes the Oath . And I desire to knovv from any man of Sense , if the Earl would have obtained from the Parliament at the passing of it , that every man should have been allowed to take it as far as it was consistent with it self , and the Protestant Religion . Or if they would have suffered the other Qualifications in that Paper to have been adjected , as a part of the Act. Which does demonstrat ▪ that he did not only not take it in the Legislators Sense , as the former Statute Commands . But that he did not at all take the Oath that they made , but made a new Oath of his own . 3ly , If a man should oblige himself simply upon Oath , to make me a Right to such Lands , could this Sense be consistent with it , 〈◊〉 make it as far as I can . Or would the making such a Right , with that quality , satisfie the Obligation . Or could he who receives the Obligation , be sure of a good Right , if the Person Obliged were bound to no further than he could perform . 4ly , All Oaths must be so taken , as that the Taker may be pursued for Perjury ; but so it is , that when it is not known what the Taker is ty'd to , it cannot be known wherein he has fail'd . And consequently in how far he is Perjur'd . 5ly , I would willingly know , if the Covenanters would have allow'd any to have taken the Covenant with a Qualification that he should observe it as far as it was consistent with his Loyalty . And do not generally the greatest Enemies to the Kings Supremacy declare , that they are content to take the said Oath , in as far as it is consistent with the Word of God , and the Protestant Religion . 6ly , If this were allow'd , every man should take the Oath in a particular Sense , and upon his own Terms , nay and upon contrary Terms , according to mens contrary Interests . So that it would not be the Parliaments Test , but every mans own Test. And there should be as many different Oaths , as there are different Takers . 7ly , Former Statutes having discharged the Leidges to Convocat , or Assemble , or to enter into Bonds and Leagues without the Kings consent , the Covenanters did protest , that their taking the Covenant was not against these Acts ; because these Acts could not be mean'd against any Leagues , or Meetings holden for Preservation of the King , Religion , and Laws . And yet the 4 : Act Par : 1 : Ch : 2 : does positively declare , that all such Glosses are false and disloyal , and contrair to the true and genuine meaning of these Acts. And therefore this Glosse must be so too , because this Glosse is the very same , both in Words , and Design with those Glosses . But though this Poynt be very clear , and undenyable . Yet Mr. Mist ( for so I must call the Author for distinctions sake ) makes those three answers : First , That if the Authority which is to administer the Oath , do's accept the Takers Sense , the Taker is only bound in the Sense he gives , and no other . But so it is the Council accepted his Sense . And if they had refused , the Earl had not taken the Oath , nor had his refusal been a Cryme . To which it is replyed , That first , If it be a Cryme to Interpret the Kings Laws otherwise than they bear , and to the Effect for which they were design'd : Then certainly it may be debated with very good Reason , that though the Council had conniv'd at the Earls misinterpreting the Law , neither their negligence , nor their mistake could have prejudg'd the King ; nor have been in place of a Remission . For though the Council be a more eminent Judicature than others , yet they cannot pardon Crymes , when committed . And consequently their allowance , cannot make that to be no Crime which is a Cryme . And we have a particular Statute in Scotland , That the negligence of the Kings Officers shall not prejudge Him. Nor is that Statute so Reasonable in any Case as in this . For since this , and all other Oaths are oft times administred by very ignorant Persons , we should have them a thousand times cheated , and impos'd upon , by the adjecting of such Qualifications as these ; if the adjecting of such Qualifications as these were not punishable . Because he who did Administrat the Oath , did once allow them . And I put the Case , that if a man who had many Friends in Council , should have given in an Explication that was uncontravertedly Treasonable , by saying that he was content to take the Oath , but that he design'd not by it to preclude himself from rysing in Arms , when he thought fit , for the Defense of the Protestant Religion . Would it have been a sufficient Defense , that the Council did not challenge it in the mean time . And therefore it this was a Cryme in it self , the Councils allowing the Explication , did not at all in strict Law take off the Cryme . But the Judges ( resolv'd to do him all possible favour ) were more merciful then to straiten the Earl upon this Point . For if the Earl had given in an Explication to the Council , and told that he subjected that Paper to their Consideration , and that he would take the Oath upon these Termes , and no otherwise , the Judges would have Interpos'd for the Kings Favour , if he had been so ensnared by the Councils connivance , or mistake . Nor would the King have pursued it . But the true matter of Fact is , that the said Paper was not given in , till the next day after the Earl had sworn the Test. And though the Judges allowed him to prove that he had adjected these Words at his first Swearing of the said Test , and that they were allow'd , yet he fail'd in the Probation , and so the Judicature is no way to be blam'd . The second Defense is , that all that can be inferr'd from the above-cited Law is , that no man should put a Sense upon any Law that should bind another , or be the publick Sense of that Law to all the Subjects , which is most false , for the Words of the Law are general . That no man shall Interpret the Kings Laws , but to the Intent and Effect for which they were made . And consequently this must be Extended to all Cases , where the Law is abus'd , and the Legislator disappointed by a misinterpretation . Et ubi lex non distinguit , nec nos . And there is as great Reason to Punish such as take Oaths under such wrested Senses , contrair to the Design of the Legislator , as there is for punishing any Cryme . And much more then for punishing such as misinterpret the Law to others in other Cases . Since if this be allow'd every man may by misinterpreting the Oath as to himself , evacuat all Oaths , and make them ridiculous : And so not only enjoy Employments contrair to the Legislators Design . But likewise cut down the greatest Fence of Government , such as Oaths are now esteemed to be by all Christians . The third answer made to this Point is , that the Legislator is surest of those who give Explications of their Oaths ; for they deal honestly : And it is impossible that any man can take an Oath , but he must take it in his own Sense . But neither is this of any moment ; for if this Answer prove any thing , it will prove that no man can be challenged for adjecting any Quality . And consequently the Act of Parliament could take effect in no case . And so not only were this Act useless , but we would want an excellent Remedy for curbing such as resolve to abuse the Government , in rendring all Oaths that are invented for its Security , altogether ineffectual . And it is strange to see what absurd things men will run to , when they are put to Defend an Absurdity . And though every man must have a Sense when he takes an Oath , it does not therefore at all follow , that men must be allowed to adject Senses that are inconsistent with the Oath , or render the Oath useless . And since this is not an Oath , that all the Subjects must take , it having no other Penalty adjected to the not taking , but the loss of the Employment , they possess by the Kings meer Favour . Every good Christian ought either to be satisfied of the design of the Legislator , in the Oath , or else to abstain from it . And though the Mind of the Legislator might secure the Taker , yet that can only be when the Sense is previously offered to , and accepted by him , which cannot at all be said in this Case . And whatever favour may be pretended , where the Taker of the Oath condescends upon what he will oblige himself to ; yet that cannot be pretended in this Case , where the Earl does not condescend how far he can obey . And does not specifie how far he thinks it consistent with the Protestant Religion , or with it Self . But only that he will obey it as far as he can ; and as far as it is consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion . So that the Legislator is still unsecure , and the Earl himself still the only Judge . And I am desirous to know in what part of Europe such qualities were ever allowed . It is also very absurd to contend , that the adjecting of these qualities can put the Taker in no worse case , then if he had refused the Test. And since that cannot amount to a Crime , so neither can this . For it is contended , that these qualities do infer a misinterpreting of the Kings Laws , and a Defaming of the Parliament . And it is most absurd to think , that such things as these should be suffered , because they are thrown in into Explications : For else under the pretence of Explaining Oaths , we should have virulent Libels dayly against King and Palliament . Nor can I see why Equivocations and Mental Reservations should be condemned if this be allowed , for such as take the Test or any other Oath , may at the taking of them , Evacuat the Obligation of the Oath , by adjecting such qualities . And it is all one to the Legislator , whether he be openly or secretly abas'd . Only this I must observe , that the open Abuse is the greater , because it adds publick Contempt to the design'd Cheat : And whereas it is pretended , that the Magistrat may choose whether he will admit of the quality or not , which he cannot do in mental Equivacations . To this it is answered , that that could only hold if the qualities adjected to the Oath , were first offered by way of Petition to the Magistrat , that it might be known whether he would allow of them , which was not done in this Case , wherein without ever applying to the King or Council : The Earl did by his own Authority Swear in his own Terms . Though the Council and the Reverend Bishops took pains to satisfie some scrupulous Ministers ( whose Scruples were in Favours of the Government ) and got them the Kings Sense , and told them their own . And which indeed was the genuine Sense of the Parliament . Yet that did not at all allow the Earl , or any privat man to take it , in a Sense Inconsistent with the Oath . And that too without previously offering his doubt to the King and Council : And geting their Approbation as said is . Nor were they allowed to take it in such general Terms , as did ●●●ecure the Legislator , and admit the Takers to be Judges . The second Cryme fixt'd upon the Earl from this Paper , is , That albeit by the 10 : Act Par : 10 : Ia : 6 : It is Satute , That none of His Majesties Subjects , presume nor take upon hand , publickly to Declaim , or privatly to Speak , or Write any purpose of Reproach , or slander of His Majesties Person , Estate , or Government ; or to Deprave His Laws , and Acts of Parliament ; or misconstruct His Proceedings , whereby any misliking may be mov'd betwixt his Highness and his Nobility , and loving Subjects , in time coming , under the pain of death . Certifying them that do in the contrair , they shall be repute as seditious and wicked Instruments , enemies to his Highness , and the common well of the Realm ; and the pain of death shall be Execute against them with all rigour , in example of others . Yet true it is , that the said Earl did endeavour all that in him lay , to Defame the King , and Parliament , and Test , in so far as he did declare , That he would give Obedience to it as far as he could ; Which imported that the Parliament had made an Oath which could not be absolutely obeyed . And though the Parliament never intended to impose contradictory Oaths , yet no body can Explain it but for himself . Which did clearly import , that though the Parliament design'd not to make an Oath that was contradictory : yet they had made one that was indeed contradictory . And could not be made Sense without privat Reconciliations , and Explications . And by saying that he took this Oath only as far as it was consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion ; he did clearly declare to all the world that he thought it in some things inconsistent with it self , and the Protestant Religion . And since there is nothing concerns Governours more than to have themselves esteemed by the people , without which , or numerous Armies , Government cannot subsist . And therefore our Parliaments , have in place of Armies , consented in the former excellent Statute , that whosoever shall endeavour to deprave the Laws , or misconstruct the proceedings of King and Parliament , shall be punished to the death . And what can be a greater reflection upon King and Parliament , in the age wherein we live , than to have made Laws which cannot be obeyed , and which are inconsistent with the Protestant Religion . And there was no man that ever hear'd that Paper , except this Author , but did conclude , that upon the matter , the people would from it entertain those scruples . Nor are these the inferences of people that live far from the Sun , as the undiscreet Author does object against this Nation . But men must be as disingenuous , as he , not to confess that these are most just and natural Inferences . And the Inferences are so much the stronger , that both this Author , and all such as were enemies to the Test , did take pains to make the People believe , that the Contrivers of the Test , were in so far , friends to Popery , and consequently , there was nothing drawn from this Paper by Inferences , but that which was too publickly owned by all , who were in the same Circumstances with him who gave it in . Mr. Mist in answer to this part of the Accusation , does first cry out , that Crymes must not be inferred by Inferences , and Insinuations , seing these may be unjustly drawn against the design of the Party accus'd . And no man could be secure , if men could be made Criminal upon Insinuations , and Inferences . And this Paper having been given only for the Exoneration of his Conscience , it is not capable of any such Misconstruction , nor ought any such Construction be made , except where a malitious Design can be proved , in the Person accused . To which it is answered , That the Parliament having been very jealous of the honour of the Government , which ought to be Sacred . They discharg'd in general , all such Words , and Papers , whereby any mislyking might be mov'd betwixt the King and his Subjects . And therefore since the effect was the thing they lookt to , and that it is all one to the Government , what the Authors design was , if the effect was wrought , and the dislike moved . They therefore ordained the effect to be punished , without adding , as they do in other cases , that whosoever shall malitiously , or upon design , Write , or Speak , and it is very well known , that there are no Papers so dangerous , nor no Satyre so bitter as these , which are coloured with specious pretexts of Conscience , Respect and Kindness . And upon this accompt it was , that by the 9 : Act Par : 20 : Ia : 6 : All Papers that tend to renew the remembrance of the former feeds betwixt the two Nations , shall be punishable . And what can be more justly called Insinuations , and Inferences , then Tendencies are . And if the people be abus'd , and inflam'd , what advantage is it to the Government , that the Author design'd it not . And therefore it is much safer for the Government , as it is sufficiently safe for every Subject , that men rather secure their own innocence , by not medling in publick Matters of State , then that they should be encouraged to meddle , upon hopes , that they could not be reacht : since their design could not be prov'd . And which design and malice being latent Acts of the mind , can never be otherwise prov'd , than by the nature of the Action it self : And therefore , the dolus malus , or design , needs not in this case be otherwiseprov'd , than from the Nature , and whole strain of the Paper it self . Which was so fit to Inflame the people , and abuse the Parliament ; that dole and premeditat malice , could not have done more prejudice . But if it were necessary to clear the Earls Design , further then from the Paper it self . These Circumstances might be conjoyn'd with what results from the Paper . First , That the Earls Father and Family , had owned eminently the Principles against which this Oath was taken , viz. The Rising in Armes , for Reforming without the Kings Authority , and did still own the Covenant . Secondly , The Earl himself had taken the Covenant . Thirdly , The , Earl had all along opposed the Test in Parliament . Fourthly , The Earl had positively told his Royal Highness , he would not take the Test. Fifthly , Neither the Ministers , nor any other within his Countrey , upon whom he could have Influence , had taken the Test. Sixthly , I am affraid that the kindness shew'd to the Earl by the Fanaticks during his Tryal , and the noise they have made for him since that time : may clear too convincingly , that he design'd in that Paper to own that Interest , for they never manifest any concern , save for those of their own perswasion . And where have we ever heard them resent the injustice done to any Cavaleer , or shew more resentment than in this Earls Case ? So that this Author do's himself prove that design , which he desiderats , and add to the guilt , which he designs to lessen . All which Demonstrat , that he had an aversion for the Test , and so what he did against it , was done dolo malo ; and whoever writes for him , writes against the Test. 2ly , What juster measures could this Judicature take , then by considering what the Supream Judicature of the Nation , formerly did upon the like occasion . But so it is that the Lord Balmerino being accused for having misinterpreted the Kings actions , in a Petition given in to himself ; in which , against this Statute , he endeavoured to raise jealousies in the Peoples mind , of designs to bring in Popery , and that by far remoter Inferences than these now insisted on . He was found guilty , though his Lawyers Pleaded for many dayes together , that there could be no Cryme , but where there was a Design . And there could be no design of Defaming the King , in a Paper that was meerly a humble Petition presented to himself , and accepted , and Read once by him , without any show of displeasure ; and wherein nothing could be challenged , but by way of Inserence , and Implication . As also , this same Earl of Argyle being accused before the Parliament , in anno 1662 : for Leasing making , betwixt King and People , upon the Acts mentioned in the Earls Inditement . He was found guilty upon that Expression , viz. That that storm would blow over , and then the King would see their Tricks . Which Words , he pretended did relate to privat Persons formerly mentioned in the Letter , and not to the Parliament . And that every man should be allowed to Interpret his own Words , Which Interpretations being refus'd then , ought much less to be allow'd now , nam semel malus semper praesumitur malus , in eodem genere malitiae . In the next place , Mr. Mist endeavours to justifie the particular Expressions , against the Consequences drawn from them , by the Lybel : And as to the first , He tells us , that in that Expression , I will give Obedience as far as I can . He did not at all imply , that the Law was unjust , but only that he could notgiv Obedience to it : which cannot be Treason , since the refusing it absolutely would not be Treason . To which it is answered , that the Authors mistake is very grosse , for it was never design'd that Treason should be inferred from these Words : but that which was inferred from it was , that it was a gross Evacuating of an Oath , and a making it ineffectual , to say that a man should swear by way of quality , that he will obey as far as he can , and that he declares , this is a part of his Oath . For there is no man , but will take any Oath with that quality : and whatever he takes with that quality , is no Oath , nor Obligation at all , that can bind him in the Legislators Sense : and though we look upon it as no fault , nor Cryme , not to Take the Test ; yet to Take the Test so , as not to remain bound by it ; and so as to Teach others how to Evacuat it , and so as to defame it , as this Expression do's , is certainly an abusing , Evacuating , and Swearing to an Oath in express contradiction to the Act of Parliament , and to the Oath it self . And though it be no Reproach , not to Take the Oath at all , for then a man expresses no Opinion concerning it ; yet certainly , that with the subsequent Expressions being Dispersed among the People , could not but raise in them Jealousies , and a Contempt of the Government . For having made Oaths which men could not Take , though they were desirous ; and for which afterwards he Insinuats this Reason , viz. That though the Parliament designed not to make contradictory Oaths , yet he thinks , That no man can Take that Oath , lut in his own Sense . And whereas Mr. Mist pretends , that these Words are no Reflection upon the Parliament , since he do's not formally say , that the Parliament has made an Oath that has contradictions in it ; but on the contrair , That the Parliament did not Designe to make Contradictory Oaths . To this it is answered , That the Words are a very plain Reflection upon the Parliament ; for no man can hear one refuse to take an Oath simply , because , though the Legislator Designed not to Impose contradictory Oaths ; yet de facto , the Oath is such , as that no man can Take it but in his own Sense , and without a particular Reconciliation of his own . But the Hearer will certainly conclude , that the Parliament has been so Weak , Malicious , or Inadvertent , as to have contrived an Oath , which has in it self Contradictions . For else to what purpose was it said , That he believed the Parliament designed not to Impose Contradictory Oaths . And it is an extraordinary affront to a Parliament , to have made contradictory Oaths , though they did not design it ; and to have made made such an Oath especially ; That no man could Take it but in his own Sense : Whereby the whole Security of the Government is Evacuted . For the Security of the Government , as well as the Nature of Oaths , requires that an Oath should be Taken in the Legislators Sense . And can there be a greater moving of the People to Sedition , than to tell them that no man that Takes that Oath is bound by it farther , then he pleases , and further then his own Sense leads him . And that the Legislator is Ridiculous in having made Contradictory Oaths , which without Debating whether it be true or false , is a Reflection upon the State ; and is unlawful for any privat Subject . And if any such thing were suffered upon pretence that it were possible , or true . It should be lawful for every privat man to accuse the Government . As to these Words , I Take it in so far as it is Consistent with it Self , and the protestant Religion . Do's so far openly import ; That in some things it is Inconsistent with it Self , and the Protestant Religion ; that whosoever would perswade us to the contrary , must think us Fools and Idiots . And I almost charge my Self with Folly , for taking pains to clear this . Since , why should the Earl have Scrupled , to Take this Oath simply , and have thought it necessary to adject , that , He Took it only in so far as it was Consistent with it Self , and the Protestant Religion . If he had not thought it Inconsistent : and either he must say , he thought it Consistent , or not . If he thought it Consistent , why did he not Take it simply : and if he thought it not Consistent , then he owns that He thought the Parliament made an Oath which was Inconsistent with it Self , and the Protestant Religion . And this was to Inflame the People , who are so reasonably jealous of any thing that is Inconsistent with the Protestant Religion . Beside that it is a great Reflection upon their Prudence , and Conduct . And so every Expression in this Paper , do's clear up one another : and do's clear unanswerably , to all the World , that this Paper is a Defaming of the Parliament , and a depraving of its Laws , and a moving of the People to a Dislike of it . Which are the Words of the above cited Statute . And what can be a greater Depraving of a Law , then to make it pravam legem , a pernicious Law. And what can be more pernicious , then that Law which is Inconsistent with the Protestant Religion ? and which Tyes men to Swear things which are Contradictory ? and having affirmed all this upon Oath , and having dispersed these his Explications amongst the People , he did thereby shew a firm , and passionat Design , to make the People believe all these ill things of the Parliament . For no man uses to Swear any thing to another , without a great Design to have him believe it . Nor do's any man disperse Papers amongst the People , for the Exoneration of his privat Conscience . Nor could he have any Design in that , save to Poison them with those Jealousies against the Test , to which he himself had shown such an aversion in the whole Tract of the affair . I cannot but smyle at Mr. Mists Critical Learning , when he contends that the ' Earles Paper does only bear , that the Earl did Take the Oath in so far as it was Consistent with it Self , and the Protestant Religion . But did not adject the Word Only , as the Libel does . For he who Takes it in so far as it is Consistent , does Take it only in so far . And certainly the Author must confess , that either he Designed to Take it further then it was Consistent with the Protestant Religion : or , as far only as it was Consistent with the Protestant Religion , there being no midst betwixt these two : and so our Critick may choose any of the two he pleases . The third Cryme , is , Treason , which is Inferred from these Words ; I do declare I mean not to b●●d up my self in my station , and in a lawful way , to wish , and endeavour any alteration , I think to the advantage of Church , and State. No● Repugnant to the Proestant Religion , and my 〈…〉 this I understand as a part of my Oath . Which Treason may be founded upon many Reasons ; yet to convince any Reader , in a plain , familiar , and unanswerable way ; I lay down for a Position which I hope no man will deny ; that all Nations have made it Treason , for any privat man to assume , or reserve to himself , the power of Reforming Church and State. For that is the highest Point of Government . Which how soon any privat man arrogats to himself , he becomes presently Governour of that Kingdom , and Superiour both in Church and State , therein . And therefore by the 1 : Act 2 : Sess : Par : 1 : Ch. 2 : and 1 : Act 2 : Par : Ch : 2 : The power of Reforming is declared His Majesties sole Prerogative : and all the Civilians agree with us in this . Inter caeteras sollicitudines ( verba sunt Theodosi ) & Valentiniani in Novel : de Iudaeis sam : haer : & pag : ) quas amor publicus pervigili cogitatione nobis indixit , praecipuam Majestatis curam esse perspicimus , veram religionis indaginem . Cujus si cultum tenere potuerimus , iter prosperitatis humanis aperiemos inceptis . vid. Ziegler : de jur : Majest . cap : 13 : num : 1 : Arnis : de jur : Majest : cap : 6 : num : 15 : And which is most reasonable , for whoever pretends to have power of Reforming , must be greater then he who is Reformed . And we have found by woful Experience , that such as have endeavoured to Reform , have withdrawn themselves from the subjection of the Supream Power , under which they liv'd . And except they resolve to force the Supream Power as to this Point , there is no necessity of reserving a Power to themselves . From all which , I form this Argument ; First , It is Treason to any man to reserve to himself the power of Reforming Church or State , that being the Priviledge and Prerogative of the Prince , both by the Common Law , and the above-cited Statute : But so it is the Earl does reserve to himself , in this Explication , a power of Reforming . And therefore he commits Treason . The first Proposition is founded upon the Nature of the Monarchy , and the Reasons and Citations above-mentioned . The second Proposition is likewise very clear , because he who reserves to himself a Power to make any alteration , reserves a Power to make all Alterations in Church and State. And consequently reserves a Power to Reform , in Matters of the greatest Importance . For in all Languages , Any , comprehends All. As for Instance , Does not he who sayes he 'l do any thing for the King , say as much , as if he said , I will do all things for him . Or does not he , who confesses he believes any thing that is in the Scripture , Imply that he believes all things that are in the Scripture . And consequently , that Proposition of the Earls , viz. I întend not to bind up my self from endeavouring any alteration , I think to the Advantage of Church and State. Resolves in , and is equivalent to this Proposition . I intend not to bind my self up from making all alterations , that I shall think to the advantage of Church or State. And if that be not Treason , nothing can be Treason . The second Argument is , That all Lawyers are clear , that it is Treason to attempt against the Security of the Government , l 2. ff . ad l. Iul. Majest . But so it is , that he who reserves to himself a Power to Reform ; attempts against the Security of the State. Which is clear by all the Civilians , Amongst whom I shall only cite Arniseus , ad securitatem Majestatis & Reipublicae quietem nihil excogitari potest efficacius quam si summa religionis inspectio Majestati reservetur . My third Argument in Fortification of the Statutes , formerly insisted on at the Debate . And for farther clearing the extent of that Alleadgance , that is required by the common Law , is founded upon Act 2. Ses. 2. Par. 1. Ch. 1. The very words whereof are , Therefore the Kings Majesty and Estates of Parliament , Declare that these Positions , That it is lawful to Subjects , upon pretence of Reformation , or other pretence whatsoever , to enter into Leagues or Covenants , or to take up Arms against the King , or that it is lawful to Subjects , pretending his Majesties Authority , to take up Arms against his Person , or these Commissiona'ed by him : Or to suspend him from the Exercise of His Royal Government : Or to put limitations on their due Obedience , and Alleadgance , are Rebellions and Treasonable . In which Words it is observable , that it is not the doing of these Deeds , but the very asserting of these Positions , that it is Treason . 2ly , That no pretence or caution adjected to these Positions , can defend them from being Treasonable . 3ly , That the Parliament thought it not sufficient to acquiesce in the special Enumeration ; But so Jealous were they of such Tricks , that they subjoyn this general Clause , That it shall be Treason to put Limitations , on their due obedience , and alleadgance . From which Words , I infer most clearly , that for a Subject , to declare he is not Tyed up , To wish or endeavour any alteration , is Treason , whatever pretence it be done upon . For any alteration , comprehends all alterations : and what man of common Sense , or Ingenuity can deny , but this is a putting Limitations upon his Obedience , and Alleadgance , which is here declared Treason . For what is a greater Limitation , than to reserve to himself to be Judge how far he is Tyed ? And what Expression or Limitation can be Treason by this general Clause , if this be not ? Or of what use can this general Clause be , if it secure not against such Limitations as this ? Nor do I think this Limitation , wherein the Earl still reserves to himself to be Judge , a greater Security to the King , or Kingdom , than if a man should tell me , that he would lock my Money in a secure place , but would keep the Key of it himself , In which case . I am sure , he , and not I , were Master of that ney . 2ly , It being then Treason for any man to reserve to himself the Power of making such alterations as he shall think for the advantage of Church and State , viz. not repugnant to my Loyalty , and the Protestant Religion . The adjecting these Cautions cannot hinder this Paper to be Criminal ; else , 1. The Covenant had not been Criminal , for the very Words of this Caution are in Covenant ; The very Words of the Covenant being , Art. 1. That we shall endeavour in our several Places and Callings , the Preservation of the reformed Religion . And , Art. 3. We shall with the same sincerity , reality , and constancy , endeavour to preserve and Defend the Kings Majesties Person ; and Authority : In the Preservation , and Defense of the true Protestant Rèligion . That the world may bear witnesse with our Consciences , of our Loyalty , and that we have no Thoughts , nor Intentions to diminish His Majesties just Power , or greatness . Here are the very same Expressions , accompanied with many moe , in favours of the King. 2ly , That cannot be a sufficient Caution against Treason , which never hindred any man to commit Treason ; but so it is , that notwithstanding of these Words , all the Covenanters own'd that they might lawfully rise in Arms , hold Parliaments , impose Taxes , and Oaths , enter into Leagues with forraign Princes , Hang and Head for Serving the King , &c. Ergo , These Words are not a sufficient Caution , when subjoyn'd as a Caution to the power of Reforming . Which is uncontraverted Treason in its self . And did the great Protestations of Loyalty annexed to the Lord Balmerino's Petition , defend it from being condemn'd . 3ly , Do we not see dayly , that these who Rebelled in anno 1666 : and 1679 : did openly own , That they lov'd the King as well as their Accusers did . But when he was in opposition to Religion , it was lawful to rise in Arms against Him. So litle Security has the King in flowrishing Professions , when the Prosessors are to be Judges . 4ly , The adjecting of this Protestation , is called by Lawyers , protestatio contraria facto . Which kind of Protestation , all Lawyers under Heaven reject , as inconsistent with the thing , to which they are adjected . And thus the League of France , was Treason , though they did assert under the deepest Protestations , the sincerest Loyalty . 5ly , By the foresaid 4. Act Par. 1. Ch. 2d . All Glosses put upon the Laws of this Nation , in the late Rebellious Parliaments , to the prejudice of their Alleadgance , are declared to be false , and disloyal ; and contrary to the true , and genuine meaning of these Acts. And particularly that Gloss , or Explanation , that what they did , was for the Preservation of Religion . Which is the very Explanation put by the Earl upon this Oath . And from which it clearly follows by a demonstrative consequence , that Explanations and Glosses put upon Oaths , and Acts of Parliament , contrary to the meaning of the Acts themselves , are not to be respected . And being in Law holden and repute , as unlawful , they are so far from defending the Contraveeners , that they are themselves lookt upon as new Crymes . From all which , it clearly follows , that the Earl having reserved to himself in this Explanation , a power to endeavour what he should think to the advantage of Church and State. He did thereby commit Treason , and that this Treason is not taken off by the Cautions adjected , viz. The not Repugnancy to the Protestant Religion , and his own Loyalty . Whereas it is pretended ; First , That Treason requires a special Law from , which it ought to be inferred , I deny this Position , for our Lybels are oftimes found Relevant on the common Law , and the Laws and Customs of Nations , and the nature of the Monarchy . There was Treason before there was Law , for how soon Kings were Elected , it was Treason to rise in Arms against them , or to Murder or Betray them ; and many of our Laws being but lately made , declare oft times what has been Treason , not for necessity , but for the better Information of the Leidges . And though we have Laws declaring it Treason , to seek Benefices at Rome ; yet we have none declaring it Treason to assume the Title , or Power of the King in general , that being inherent in the nature of the Monarchy it self , Treason is the Fense of the Government , as Murder is of privat mens Lives ; and to rise in Arms was Treason before the Statute , King Ia. 1. Nor have we yet any clear Statute against Murder : and if special Statutes were requisit in every case of Treason , the greatest Treason should often escape unpunished . For Law thought it unnecessary to provide against these , and every age produces new kinds of Treasonable Extravagancies ; and Traitors would easily elude and cheat the express Words of a Statue , if that were all that were necessary . But who can deny that the Justices condemned a man justly for Treason , for saying , when he was askt if the King was a Tyrant : let his Coronation Oath , and his Actions , and particularly his usurping over the Church of Christ be compared : and that will be soon known . And yet here was no explicite assertion ; but yet what all men easily understood , and which reproacht , and mis-represented the King as much , as any open Expression : and there was no Statute condemning that Expression , expresly . nor can there be a Law for every Expression : But yet the Earls Treason is founded upon the express Statute abovementioned . And whereas it is pretended , 2ly , That the Earl might have as a Privy Counsellor , propos'd any thing to the King : and so a Reservation was necessar upon that account . To this it may be easily answered , that no Oath does hinder a man from doing what is Lawful ; and so there needed be no Reservation nor Exception upon that , or the like Consideration . For an Exception must be of some thing that could oppose the Rule . But so it is the Oath which is the Rule in that Case , did not exclude any lawful Endeavours , at the desire , or command of the Prince : and so there needed no Exception as to these . But the former argument still Recurs , viz. He that will not bind himself up , as to any thing , reserves a power as to all things , or at least it must be Interpret of unlawful things : For lawful things need no exception . And if this were sufficient , then the Parliament did unjustly , in declaring that it is Treason , to put limitations on our alleadgance : and that notwithstanding of any pretence whatsoever . Nor could any man commit Treason , if that were allowed ; for he himself would be still Judge . And whereas it is pretended , 3ly , That he disclaims the Covenant , and rising in Arms expresly in this Oath ; and so he could not reserve any thing , as to these . It is answered , that this were undenyable , if he took the Oath simply ; but having taken the Oath only , In so far as it is consistent with it Self , and the Protestant Religion . This Oath does not tye him , if he think the Protestant Religion shall require rising in Arms. And having taken the Covenant , if he still thinks the Covenant binds him , he renunces it not by his Oath : For this Oath tyes him only as far as he can ; that is to say as far as he is free : and no man is free who thinks himself bound . And taking it only , as far as it is consistent with it self , God only , and the Earl knows how far that is ; for he has not told us , how far it is consistent with it self ; and very probably , such as have taken the Covenant , think not that Oath consistent with the Protestant Religion , in so far as it binds us not to take up Arms , if the Protestant Religion be in danger : and the Antitesters Papers , Printed by Mr. Mist , tell us plainly , that it is not consistent with it self , in so far as we swear to own the Successor , though differing in Religion from us . And yet we swear to the preservation of the Laws , of which the Coronation Oath is one . But whatever might have been said in defense of such Limitations , before we saw what dreadful effects they had produced , both in the last age , and this . And that Parliaments had so severely condemned them as Treason . It is the duty of Judges to be severe to such as use them , and they have only themselves to blame , who split on a Rock , when they see a Beacon set up to them . And it is much safer for the Common-wealth , that such Papers be punished , then that it should be in danger by such Reservations , as leave every man Judge how far he is oblieged to Obey . And as there is great danger to the State on the one hand , if it passe unpunished . So there is none on the other , seing men may be secure in abstaining from such Expressions , and Papers . And there was never any so unnecessary as this was . And might not Strangers , and our own Posterity , think all the miseries that should fall on us by Rebellions , and Civil Wars , very just punishments of our senselesse Security , if after we had not only seen , but felt the mischief of such Glosses . We stood still unconcernedly , as men seing their own House set on fire , by the same hands which had help't to burn it formerly . If any by Ignorance , or Error , stumble into a Legal ; tho undesign'd Crime . The Law allows not Judges , by an insolent pity to justifie the Guilt , but suffers the King by a Judicious Clemency , to mitigat , or remit the Punishment . In which the Subjects under Monarchy , are much happier than these of a Common-wealth , where , in many cases the Law must be cruel , or Judges must be Arbitrary . This is that sure City of Refuge , into which , no man who flees , perisheth . And if the Earl of Argile , had come in Will during the Debate , as use is . I am sure he had been Securer there , than by his Defenses . But why should I admire , that this Author , and those of his Principles , do not see that this Paper is Treason . Since I dare say , they will not acknowledge that it is Treason to oppose the Succession , and to say that it can be altered by a Parliament : and yet our Parliament unanimously thought that to be Treason . And in the last age , they thought it not Treason , but duty to rise in Arms against the King , and to Call Parliaments without him . Though all the World abhorr'd us for it . So that the fault is not in our Parliaments , and Judges ; but in the depraved Sense , and debauched Intellectuals of such , as have ( by a long Custom of hating Authority ) bred in themselves also , a hatred of every Person , and thing that can maintain it . Since then GOD Almighty amongst the other Miracles which he has wrought for his Darling , as well as Representative CHARLES THE MERCIFUL , begins to open the Eyes of the Blind , and to make some who were Crooked Walk Straight : Let us who Serve this gracious Monarch , Reason whilst His Enemies Rail ; and be Just , whilst they are Extravagant : but withal , let us be asham'd , that they dare do more for Humour and Errors , than we for Duty and Law ; and we may expect amongst other Rewards , which the Rabble has not to bestow ; that we will get also that Applause which is alwise the Slave of Victory ; and which of late seem'd to Fan them so pleasantly , meerly because they were like to prevail . And for which , too many of late sacrific'd their Honour , and Loyalty . VVithout remembring that tho just Applause , is an Elogie VVritten by the Hand of Vertue , and a Monument Built of solid Merit . Yet that Applause which is unjust , is only a sweet Poyson , a plausible Cheat , and the Dream of one who is Drunk . FINIS . 


